Raising Global Families
抚养全球家庭

Raising Global Families
抚养全球家庭

Parenting, Immigration, and Class in Taiwan and the US Pei-Chia Lan
台湾和美国的亲子、移民和课堂 Pei-Chia Lan

Stanford University Press
斯坦福大学出版社

Stanford, California
加利福尼亚州斯坦福

Stanford University Press
斯坦福大学出版社

Stanford, California
加利福尼亚州斯坦福

© 2018 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University.
© 2018 年由利兰斯坦福初级大学董事会颁发。

All rights reserved.
保留所有权利。

The Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange has provided financial assistance for the publication of this book.
蒋经国国际学术交流基金会为本书的出版提供了财政资助。

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permission of Stanford University Press.
未经斯坦福大学出版社事先书面许可，不得以任何形式或任何方式（电子或机械）复制或传播本书的任何部分，包括影印和录制，或在任何信息存储或检索系统中复制或传播。

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Lan, Pei-Chia, 1970– author.
在美国印刷在无酸、档案质量的纸张上 美国国会图书馆出版物编目数据名称：Lan， Pei-Chia，1970 年 – 作者。

Title: Raising global families : parenting, immigration, and class in Taiwan and the US / Pei-Chia Lan.
标题：养育全球家庭：台湾和美国的育儿、移民和阶级 / Pei-Chia Lan。

Description: Stanford, California : Stanford University Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
描述：斯坦福，加利福尼亚州：斯坦福大学出版社，2018 年。|包括参考书目和索引。

Identifiers: LCCN 2017046837 | ISBN 9781503602076 (cloth : alk. paper) |
标识符：LCCN 2017046837 |ISBN 9781503602076 （布 ： alk. paper） |

ISBN 9781503605909 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781503605916 (epub)
ISBN 9781503605909 （pbk. ： alk. paper） |ISBN 9781503605916 （epub）

Subjects: LCSH: Child rearing—Taiwan. | Child rearing—United States. | Families—Taiwan. | Immigrant families—United States. | Taiwanese Americans—Family relationships. | Chinese Americans—Family relationships. | Social classes—Taiwan. | Social classes— United States. | Taiwan—Emigration and immigration—Social aspects. | United States— Emigration and immigration—Social aspects.
主题： LCSH：育儿—台湾。|儿童抚养 - 美国。|家庭 - 台湾。|移民家庭 - 美国。|台湾裔美国人 - 家庭关系。|华裔美国人 - 家庭关系。|社会阶层 — 台湾。|社会阶层 — 美国。|台湾 — 移民和移民 — 社会方面。|美国 — 移民和移民 — 社会方面。

Classification: LCC HQ792.C6 L36 2018 | DDC 306.850951249—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017046837
分类：LCC HQ792。C6 L36 2018 年 |DDC 306.850951249 — dc23 LC 记录可在 https://lccn.loc.gov/2017046837 获取

Typeset by Newgen in 10/14 Minion
由 Newgen 在 10/14 Minion 中排版

Contents
内容

Preface
前言

This book uses parenting as a lens to examine cultural transformation and per-sisting inequality in the contexts of globalization and immigration. It focuses on ethnic (Han) Chinese families in Taiwan and the United States with class-specific experiences of transnational and cultural mobility. These parents come from distinct class backgrounds and choose various ways to raise their chil-dren, but they share one thing in common—they all feel anxious and insecure about raising children in times of rapid change and uncertainty.
本书以育儿为镜头，研究了全球化和移民背景下的文化转型和持续存在的不平等。它关注台湾和美国的华人（汉族）家庭，这些家庭具有跨国和文化流动的阶级特定经历。这些父母来自不同的阶级背景，选择各种方式来抚养他们的孩子，但他们有一个共同点——在快速变化和不确定的时代，他们都对抚养孩子感到焦虑和不安全。

Most of the parents in this book grew up in the 1970s and 1980s, around the same time as I did. Their parental anxieties look even more pronounced in comparison to our upbringings in a poorer Taiwan. During China’s civil war, my father left his parents and boarded a ship to Taiwan; he later attended subsidized medical school and earned a modest salary as an army doctor. My mother grew up in a Taiwanese farming household and finished junior high school, already an achievement for women back then. She worked as an office clerk and later became a homemaker to raise the five of us. Although my fam-ily of origin could be broadly classified as the middle class, my parents deliv-ered little cultural and global exposure by today’s standards. My siblings and I often stayed home or played in the alley without adult supervision. We walked to school by ourselves, passing by bamboo forests and messy streets in not-yet-so-modern Taipei. Corporal punishment was common at both school and home. My mother threatened to “hang and beat” my naughty brother whenever I could not find him to get home for dinner.
这本书中的大多数父母都是在 1970 年代和 1980 年代长大的，与我差不多在同一时间。与我们在较贫穷的台湾长大相比，他们父母的焦虑显得更加明显。在中国内战期间，我父亲离开父母，登上了前往台湾的船;后来，他进入了有补贴的医学院，并作为一名军医获得了微薄的薪水。我妈妈在台湾的一个农民家庭长大，读完了初中，这在当时已经是女性的成就了。她当过办公室文员，后来成为了一名家庭主妇，养活我们五个人。虽然我的原生家庭可以大致归类为中产阶级，但以今天的标准来看，我的父母几乎没有文化和全球接触。我和我的兄弟姐妹经常呆在家里或在小巷里玩耍，没有大人的监督。我们自己走路去学校，经过竹林和凌乱的街道，在尚未那么现代的台北。体罚在学校和家里都很常见。我妈妈威胁说，每当我找不到他回家吃晚饭时，我就 “吊死并殴打” 我顽皮的弟弟。

However, when people in my generation become the new middle class and raise their own children, they shy away from the past and embrace new ideas
然而，当我们这一代人成为新的中产阶级并抚养自己的孩子时，他们会回避过去并接受新的想法

vii
七

viii  Preface
viii 前言

of childrearing and education. They have fewer—mostly one or two—children and yet richer resources, economic and cultural ones. At the age of twenty, I ap-plied for my passport for the first time in my life. Now, middle-class Taiwanese children make their debut overseas travel at the age of four or five, if not earlier. Given the increased parental attention and educational opportunities for chil-dren, I wonder, Why are today’s middle-class parents feeling even more anxious about their children’s future and constantly questioning whether they are mak-ing “right” choices for their children?
关于抚养孩子和教育。他们的孩子较少——大多数是一两个——但资源更丰富，包括经济和文化资源。20 岁时，我有生以来第一次申请了护照。现在，台湾中产阶级的孩子在 4 或 5 岁时首次出国旅行，如果不是更早的话。鉴于父母对儿童的关注和教育机会的增加，我想知道，为什么今天的中产阶级父母对孩子的未来感到更加焦虑，并不断质疑他们是否为孩子做出了“正确”的选择？

I attended public schools with pupils of mixed socioeconomic backgrounds. Many of my classmates’ parents were street vendors and small shop owners, and we caught tadpoles in a pond together after school. Nowadays, the class gaps of unequal childhoods have become so substantial that the media calls it “Two Worlds, One Taiwan.” The changing repertoire of childrearing also spreads pa-rental anxieties across the class divides. Working-class parents worry about the legal consequence of leaving children at home while struggling with long work hours and the shortage of childcare. And they feel frustrated with new school curriculum and the increasing pressure that requires parental participation at school.
我就读于公立学校，学生来自不同社会经济背景。我很多同学的父母都是街头小贩和小店老板，放学后我们一起在池塘里抓蝌蚪。如今，不平等童年的阶级差距已经变得如此之大，以至于媒体称之为“两个世界，一个台湾”。不断变化的育儿方式也使对租房的焦虑跨越了阶级鸿沟。工薪阶层的父母担心将孩子留在家里的法律后果，同时还要与长时间的工作和托儿服务的短缺作斗争。他们对新的学校课程和要求家长参与学校的压力越来越大感到沮丧。

People in Taiwan widely share an ideal image of (middle-class) American family characterized by permissive parenting and happy childhood. US immi-gration is seen as a pathway for those lucky ones who are able to escape rote learning and academic pressure in the local regime of education. I recalled en-vying some friends who moved to the US as a parachute child or along with their parents in the 1980s.
台湾人普遍持有理想的（中产阶级）美国家庭形象，其特点是宽容的养育方式和快乐的童年。美国移民被视为那些能够逃离当地教育制度中死记硬背和学术压力的幸运儿的途径。我记得在 1980 年代，我与一些作为降落伞孩子或随父母一起移居美国的朋友竞争。

My interviews with the current generation of immigrant parents, however, did not replicate such a rosy image. Professional immigrants worry about the so-called Asian quotas in college admission, and working-class immigrants feel frustrated to live up to the standard of the “model minority.” The decline of the American economy and the rise of Asia further shatter their faith in the American dream. Juxtaposing parental experiences in Taiwan to those of the US, this book situates the emotional landscape of social class in a transnational context, showing how childrearing produces a myriad of hopes, desires, fears, and anxieties for parents living in an interconnected world.
然而，我对当代移民父母的采访并没有复制如此美好的形象。职业移民担心所谓的大学录取亚裔配额，而工人阶级移民则对达到“模范少数族裔”的标准感到沮丧。美国经济的衰落和亚洲的崛起进一步粉碎了他们对美国梦的信念。本书将台湾父母的经历与美国的父母经历并置，将社会阶层的情感景观置于跨国背景下，展示了养育孩子如何为生活在相互关联的世界中的父母带来无数的希望、欲望、恐惧和焦虑。

I did not have the opportunity to become a mother. From time to time, I wonder what I have missed—an unknown adventure? The sweetest burden? I am grateful to have the chance to learn from my informants in Taiwan and
我没有机会成为一名母亲。我时不时地想，我错过了什么——一次未知的冒险？最甜蜜的负担？我很感激有机会向我在台湾的线人学习，并且

Preface  ix
前言 ix

the US, who generously shared with me their time and experiences. This book focuses on their parental insecurities and security strategies, but there are mo-ments of joy and happiness that this book cannot fully record. Parenting is such a complex journey and daunting task that I must humbly say that this book can reveal only some of the thin layers.
美国，他们慷慨地与我分享了他们的时间和经验。这本书侧重于他们父母的不安全感和安全策略，但有些快乐和幸福的时刻是本书无法完全记录的。育儿是一个如此复杂的旅程和艰巨的任务，我必须谦虚地说，这本书只能揭示一些薄薄的层次。

The research process was funded by several research grants from National Science Council (NSC99-2410-H002-170-MY3) and Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST104-2420-H002-045-MY3) in Taiwan. During 2011–2012, the fellowship at Radcliffe Institute and Yenching Institute at Harvard Univer-sity sponsored me to conduct data collection in Boston Area.
该研究过程由美国国家科学委员会 （NSC99-2410-H002-170-MY3） 和台湾科学技术部 （MOST104-2420-H002-045-MY3） 的多项研究资助。2011 年至 2012 年期间，哈佛大学拉德克利夫研究所和燕京学社的奖学金资助我在波士顿地区进行数据收集。

Although I am responsible for all faults in this book, the data collection and analysis involved an excellent team of research assistants. Juhan Chen, Hoch-ing Jiang, and Winnie Hui-Tse Chang conducted class observation at the four schools in Taiwan and transcribed my interviews with parents; they also shared with me keen observations and insights based on their own upbringings. Ken-Jen She and Catherine Yeh assisted with coding the interview data; their in-sights greatly enriched my interpretation. Yun-Ching Chuan, Fei-Chih Jiang, Henry Su, Fu-Rong Yeh, Chu-Chieh Ko, Yu-Hsuan Lin, Yu-Hsiu Hsieh, and Yu-Chien Lee helped with literature, references and archival analysis over the years.
虽然我对这本书中的所有错误负责，但数据收集和分析涉及一个优秀的研究助理团队。Juhan Chen、Hoch-ing 江 和 Winnie Hui-Tse Chang 在台湾的四所学校进行了课堂观察，并转录了我对家长的采访;他们还与我分享了基于自身成长经历的敏锐观察和见解。Ken-Jen She 和 Catherine Yeh 协助对访谈数据进行编码;他们的见解极大地丰富了我的解释。Yun-Ching Chuan， Fei-Chih 江， Henry Su， Fu-Rong Yeh， Chu-Chieh Ko， Yu-Hsuan Lin， Yu-Hsiu Hsieh 和 Yu-Chien Lee 多年来帮助进行文献、参考资料和档案分析。

I am grateful to many colleagues who offered valuable insights during the revision process. Carolyn Chen, Sara Friedman, Miliann Kang, Kristy Shih, Ken Chih-Yen Sun, and Ting-Hong Wong read the whole manuscript. Spe-cial thanks to Ken Sun for directing me to the concept of global security strat-egy. Many others commented on particular chapters: Hae Yeon Choo, Nicole Constable, Katy Lam, Ming-Cheng Lo, Rhacel Parreñas, Hsiu-Hua Shen, Leslie Wang, and Brenda Yeoh. I also appreciate the feedback from the audiences dur-ing my presentations at several conferences, workshops, and lectures delivered at Academia Sinica, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong University, Kyoto University, Melbourne University, National Taipei University, Toronto University, and Yonsei University. At Stanford University Press, Kate Wahl, Jenny Gavacs, Marcela Cristina Maxfield, and Olivia Bartz offered their guid-ance through the process. I also thank Jessica Cobb and Katherine Faydash for their super editing assistance.
我感谢许多同事，他们在修订过程中提供了宝贵的见解。Carolyn Chen、Sara Friedman、Miliann Kang、Kristy Shih、Ken Chih-Yen Sun 和 Ting-Hong Wong 阅读了整篇手稿。特别感谢 Ken Sun 向我介绍了全球安全战略的概念。许多其他人对特定章节发表了评论：Hae Yeon Choo、Nicole Constable、Katy Lam、Ming-Cheng Lo、Rhacel Parreñas、Hsiu-华 Shen、Leslie Wang 和 Brenda Yeoh。我也感谢听众在中央研究院、香港中文大学、香港大学、京都大学、墨尔本大学、国立台北大学、多伦多大学和延世大学举行的多个会议、研讨会和讲座中的反馈。在斯坦福大学出版社，Kate Wahl、Jenny Gavacs、Marcela Cristina Maxfield 和 Olivia Bartz 在整个过程中提供了他们的指导。我还要感谢 Jessica Cobb 和 Katherine Faydash 的超级编辑帮助。

The academic career is a lonely journey. I would not have survived with-out the friendship and support of my colleagues at Department of Sociology
学术生涯是一段孤独的旅程。如果没有社会学系同事的友谊和支持，我就不会活下来

x  Preface
x 前言

at National Taiwan University, especially Hwa-Jen Liu, Kuo-Hsien Su, Yen-Fen Tseng, and Chia-Ling Wu. Jerry Lin also helps me maintain sanity against work pressure, always reminding me to look at the beautiful moon and stars in the sky. Finally, thanks and love to my dog, Aga, who has taught me one or two things about parenting.
在国立台湾大学，尤其是 Hwa-Jen Liu、Kuo-Hsien Su、Yen-Fen Tseng 和 Chia-Ling Wu。Jerry Lin 还帮助我在工作压力下保持理智，总是提醒我要看天上美丽的月亮和星星。最后，感谢和爱我的狗 Aga，它教会了我一两件关于育儿的事情。

PCL

Taipei, Summer 2017
台北，2017 年夏季

Notes on Terminology and Naming
有关术语和命名的说明

In this book, I use the term ethnic Chinese to encompass people of Han Chinese cultural origin (huaren), whose nationality and ethnic identity vary. I use the term Taiwanese as a subcategory when describing parents in Taiwan (officially, the Republic of China). I use the term Chinese to describe immigrants in the United States who originate from both Mainland China (People’s Republic of China) and Taiwan. The majority of them are naturalized American citizens except for a small number of green-card holders. Note that immigrants from Taiwan may identify their ethnicity as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. For in-stance, in 2010, Taiwanese American launched a “Write in Taiwanese” cam-paign to assert self-identity.
在这本书中，我使用“华人”一词来涵盖具有汉族文化血统 （huaren） 的人，他们的国籍和种族身份各不相同。在 描述台湾（官方名称为中华民国）的父母时，我使用台湾人一词作为子类别。我用“中国人”一词来描述来自中国大陆（中华人民共和国）和台湾的美国移民。他们中的大多数是归化的美国公民，除了少数绿卡持有人。请注意，来自台湾的移民可能会将他们的种族认定为台湾人而不是中国人。对于 in-stance，2010 年，台裔美国人发起了“用台湾语写作”网站来维护自我认同。

I employ pseudonyms throughout the book to protect individual identities. I use English first names for some informants, mostly immigrants in the United States and middle-class Taiwanese. It is common for middle-class Taiwanese to use English names in industries related to international business, and those children who attended a bilingual kindergarten generally acquired English names. It is now customary that women in Taiwan and China do not change their surnames upon marriage. So I gave pseudonyms for their maiden names.
我在整本书中使用化名来保护个人身份。我对一些线人使用英文名字，主要是美国移民和台湾中产阶级。台湾中产阶级在与国际商务相关的行业中使用英文名字是很常见的，而那些上过双语幼儿园的孩子通常都会获得英文名字。现在，台湾和中国大陆的女性在结婚时不改姓是习俗。所以我为他们的娘家姓命名了假名。

I use the Pinyin system to romanize Mandarin Chinese words, expressions and names for those informants who originate from mainland China. I adopt Taiwanese romanization conventions for place names in Taiwan and personal names for Taiwanese citizens and immigrants. I adopt personal naming prac-tice in Taiwan that inserts a hyphen between the two characters of a first name. Therefore, I refer to a Taiwanese individual as Pei-chia Lan, but a mainland Chinese individual as Peichia Lan.
我使用拼音系统将来自中国大陆的线人的普通话单词、表达方式和名字罗马化。我对台湾的地名采用台湾罗马化惯例，对台湾公民和移民采用个人名字。我在台湾采用个人命名实践，在名字的两个字符之间插入连字符。因此，我将台湾人称为 Pei-chia Lan，但将中国大陆人称为 Peichia Lan。

xi
西

Raising Global Families
抚养全球家庭

Introduction
介绍

Anxious Parents in Global Times
环球时代焦虑的父母

In her controversial best seller Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother, Amy Chua, who was born and raised in the United States, used the label “Chinese mother” to describe her style of strict parenting in contrast to softer “Western” parenting.1 Published in early 2011, soon after the financial crisis hit the American econ-omy, Battle Hymn and the media sensation around it stirred both the Ameri-can middle class’s shattered sense of economic security and increasing anxiety about China’s rise to global superpower. For instance, the Wall Street Journal published an abbreviated account of Chua’s book with the title “Why Chinese Mothers Are Superior.” A 2011 Time article asked, “Chua has set a whole nation of parents to wondering: Are we the losers she’s talking about?”2 The book’s cover delivered an unmistakable reference to Chinese culture, with the title presented to resemble a red-inked woodblock stamp with the Chinese charac-ters for “tiger mom” at the center in a stylized archaic script.
在美国出生和长大的蔡美儿（Amy Chua）在她备受争议的畅销书《虎妈战歌》（Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother）中，用“中国妈妈”这个标签来形容她严厉的育儿方式，与较温和的“西方”育儿方式形成鲜明对比。 2011 年初，在金融危机袭击美国经济后不久，《战斗赞美诗》及其周围的媒体轰动激起了美国中产阶级破碎的经济安全感和对中国崛起为全球超级大国的日益焦虑。例如，《华尔街日报》发表了一篇关于蔡英文书的简短报道，标题为《为什么中国母亲更优越》。2011 年《时代》周刊的一篇文章问道，“蔡美儿让整个国家的父母都想知道：我们就是她所说的失败者吗？ 这本书的封面明确无误地引用了中国文化，书名类似于一枚红色墨水的木版画邮票，中心是“虎妈”的中文字符，采用程式化的古老字体。

Ironically, when marketing a translated version of the book in China, the publisher “Americanized” the title and cover.3 The Chinese title became The Ways I Mother in the US: Childrearing Advice from a Yale Law Professor, and the cover bore a picture of a smiling Chua standing before a US flag. Although Chua labeled herself a “Chinese mother,” she nevertheless became an “Ameri-can mother” once the book traveled to China. The book was promoted as a parenting guide from an expert whose credibility was based on her teaching position at an Ivy League university. It was only one among many translated childrearing guides from Western experts filling bookstores in China and Tai-wan, where anxious parents are hungry for the knowledge deemed essential for raising a modern child in a global world.
具有讽刺意味的是，当这本书的翻译版本在中国营销时，出版商将书名和封面“美国化”。 中文标题是 The Ways I Mother in the US： Childrearing Advice from a Yale Law Professor，封面上有一张面带微笑的蔡美儿站在美国国旗前的照片。尽管蔡美儿自称是“中国母亲”，但当这本书传到中国时，她还是成为了“美国母亲”。这本书被一位专家宣传为育儿指南，该专家的可信度基于她在常春藤盟校的教学职位。这只是中国和台湾书店摆满的众多西方专家翻译的育儿指南之一，那里焦虑的父母渴望获得被认为在全球化世界中抚养现代孩子所必需的知识。

1

2  Introduction
2 介绍

The figure of the “tiger mom” frequently appeared in my conversations with ethnic Chinese parents in Taiwan and the United States. Many recalled growing up with or having heard of a strict Chinese mother who placed high demands on her children. However, for many of them, “tiger mothering” was not a cul-tural heritage to embrace but an archaic tradition to discard. Take, for example, Janice Chan, a fortysomething Taiwanese mother living in Taipei who was a human resources manager and now is a dedicated full-time mother and an avid reader of parenting guides and magazines. With a passion for innovative ideas and educational tools, Janice is determined to jettison the traditions of rote learning and strict parenting. She considers Western education an ideal path-way for her children to attain holistic development and to secure a niche in the global creative economy.
“虎妈”的身影经常出现在我与台湾和美国的华裔父母的对话中。许多人回忆起与一位严格的中国母亲一起长大，或者听说过一位对孩子要求很高的中国母亲。然而，对他们中的许多人来说，“老虎妈妈”不是一种可以接受的文化遗产，而是一种可以丢弃的古老传统。以 Janice Chan 为例，她是一位居住在台北的 40 多岁的台湾母亲，她曾是一名人力资源经理，现在是一位敬业的全职母亲，并且热衷于阅读育儿指南和杂志。凭借对创新理念和教育工具的热情，Janice 决心抛弃死记硬背和严格育儿的传统。她认为西方教育是她的孩子实现全面发展并在全球创意经济中占有一席之地的理想途径。

Every other year, Janice provides her two sons with a slice of the Ameri-can middle-class childhood by enrolling them in summer camp in California. They stay in the spacious two-story house of her cousin who works in Silicon Valley as an engineer. On a recent trip, Janice was surprised when the cousin’s wife asked her to bring over Taiwanese textbooks on math and physics. Yet this request was not unusual among Taiwanese immigrant parents to the United States. Just as Janice took her children to the United States for enrichment, many immigrant parents send their teenaged children back to Taiwan during the summer to improve their SAT scores and Chinese language skills. Feeling concerned about the depth of knowledge in American public education, as well as the rising opportunities in the region of Greater China, they use these trips to expose their American children to the culture and learning styles of their homeland.
每隔一年，珍妮丝就会让她的两个儿子参加加利福尼亚的夏令营，让他们体验美国中产阶级的童年。他们住在她表弟的宽敞两层楼房子里，表弟在硅谷担任工程师。在最近的一次旅行中，珍妮丝对表姐的妻子让她带台湾的数学和物理教科书过来感到惊讶。然而，这种要求在移民到美国的台湾父母中并不罕见。正如 Janice 带孩子去美国打发充一样，许多移民父母在暑假将十几岁的孩子送回台湾，以提高他们的 SAT 成绩和中文技能。他们担心美国公共教育的知识深度以及大中华地区不断增长的机会，因此利用这些旅行让美国孩子了解他们祖国的文化和学习方式。

In fact, most immigrant parents I interviewed in the United States tried to dissociate themselves from the controlling style of Amy Chua, but they could also relate to Chua’s emotional struggle. They saw the tiger mom as an im-migrant’s tale—though Chua is US born—immigrant parents had little choice but to adopt a regimented parenting style in order to secure their children’s educational success in an environment of racial inequality. Nevertheless, they were keenly aware that Chua was no ordinary Chinese parent; her childrearing style was more indicative of class privilege than ethnic upbringing. Only a few immigrant Chinese families could afford the tutors, private lessons, and elite school that Chua’s daughters had access to.
事实上，我在美国采访的大多数移民父母都试图将自己与 Amy Chua 的控制风格划清界限，但他们也可能与 Chua 的情感斗争产生共鸣。他们把虎妈看作是移民的故事——尽管蔡美儿在美国出生——移民父母别无选择，只能采取严格的养育方式，以确保孩子在种族不平等的环境中取得教育成功。尽管如此，他们敏锐地意识到蔡不是普通的中国父母;她的育儿方式更能体现阶级特权，而不是种族教养。只有少数中国移民家庭能够负担得起蔡美儿的女儿们所能接触到的家教、私人课程和精英学校。

Working-class Chinese immigrants, in particular, struggle with a shortage of economic and cultural resources in the new country. Mei-li Lin is a single
尤其是工人阶级的中国移民，他们正在努力应对新国家经济和文化资源的短缺。Mei-li Lin 是单身人士

Introduction 
介绍 3

mother and childcare worker living in a subsidized apartment on the outskirts of Boston’s Chinatown. After winning the green-card lottery, she immigrated with her only daughter to the United States to seek a brighter future and a hap-pier childhood. Still, she is confused by the different cultural scripts of chil-drearing between Taiwan and the United States and frustrated by the reversal of the parent-child dynamics: “People here always ask kids how they feel. In Taiwan, you just tell your kids to listen to you. In the US, kids will correct your English and say, ‘Mom, you should listen to me!’”
住在波士顿唐人街郊区一间补贴公寓的母亲和托儿所工作人员。中绿卡抽签后，她带着唯一的女儿移民到美国，寻求更光明的未来和更快乐的童年。尽管如此，她还是对台湾和美国之间不同的儿童文化剧本感到困惑，并对亲子关系的逆转感到沮丧：“这里的人总是问孩子们他们的感受如何。在台湾，你只要告诉你的孩子听你就行。在美国，孩子们会纠正你的英语并说，'妈妈，你应该听我的话！

When Mei-li brought her daughter back to Taiwan for a visit, her sister, a high school graduate like Mei-li, criticized her lack of parental authority. The sister, like many working-class parents in Taiwan, was mostly concerned about the looming dangers associated with drugs, gangs, and other social toxins in today’s teenage world. She warned Mei-li that the American parenting style would have dire consequences: “If you were raising kids this way in Taiwan, they would have beat up their parents! They have no respect and no discipline.” Mei-li resorts to the American rhetoric of freedom and justifies her hands-off approach to childrearing as a form of cultural assimilation: “We cannot control children in the US, and perhaps they would become more independent. This is the American way, isn’t it?”
当美丽带女儿回台湾探亲时，她的姐姐，和美丽一样是高中毕业生，批评她缺乏父母的权威。和台湾的许多工人阶级父母一样，这位姐姐最关心的是当今青少年世界中与毒品、帮派和其他社会毒素相关的迫在眉睫的危险。她警告美莉，美国式的育儿方式会带来可怕的后果：“如果你在台湾这样养育孩子，他们肯定会打他们的父母！他们没有尊重，也没有纪律。美丽诉诸美国的自由修辞，并为她对育儿不干涉的方式辩护，称其为一种文化同化形式：“我们无法控制美国的孩子，也许他们会变得更加独立。这就是美国的方式，不是吗？

An increasing number of families around the globe are living their lives physically or virtually across national borders. I use the term global family to echo what Mike Douglass has called “global householding,” which describes a dynamic process of forming and sustaining the households as a unit of so-cial reproduction through global movements and transactions.4 Globalization provides these families with expanded childrearing resources and cultural ho-rizons, but it also brings new challenges and intensified anxieties. This book examines how these mothers and fathers navigate transnational mobility and negotiate cultural boundaries, through what I call global security strategies, to cope with uncertainties and insecurities in the changing society and globalized world.
全球越来越多的家庭正在跨越国界过着他们的身体或虚拟生活。我使用全球家庭一词来呼应迈克·道格拉斯 （Mike Douglass） 所说的“全球家庭化”，它描述了通过全球运动和交易形成和维持家庭作为社会再生产单位的动态过程。 全球化为这些家庭提供了更多的育儿资源和文化氛围，但也带来了新的挑战和加剧的焦虑。这本书研究了这些父母如何通过我所说的全球安全战略来驾驭跨国流动和协商文化界限，以应对不断变化的社会和全球化世界中的不确定性和不安全感。

Raising Global Families is the first book to compare parents of the same age cohort in the country of origin and in the adopted country, while also exam-ining class variations in their parenting practices. It includes four groups of ethnic Chinese parents in Taiwan and the United States: middle- and working-class Taiwanese, and middle- and working-class Chinese immigrants in the Boston area. This research design allows for interrogating the intersection of ethnic culture and social class. It illuminates that ethnic culture is neither static
Raising Global Families 是第一本比较原籍国和收养国同龄父母的书，同时还研究了他们养育实践中的阶级差异。它包括台湾和美国的四组华裔父母：中产阶级和工人阶级的台湾人，以及波士顿地区的中产阶级和工人阶级中国移民。这种研究设计允许询问种族文化和社会阶层的交叉点。它阐明了民族文化既不是一成不变的

4  Introduction
4 介绍

nor uniform, but rather is constantly shifting across borders. Each group faced context-specific predicaments and employed class-specific strategies of cultural negotiation. The cross-Pacific comparison also demonstrates how class-based parenthood configures differently across national contexts. Parents’ strategies of childrearing, which emerge from their class habitus and experience, take shape in reaction to public culture and local opportunity structure.
也不是统一的，而是不断地跨越国界。每个群体都面临着特定环境的困境，并采用了特定阶级的文化协商策略。跨太平洋的比较还表明，基于阶级的父母身份在不同国情中的配置如何不同。父母的育儿策略源于他们的阶级习惯和经验，是对公共文化和当地机会结构的反应而形成的。

I propose the approach of transnational relational analysis to examine how parents develop strategic actions and emotional experiences of childrearing in relation to other parents. Well-resourced parents, who are inclined to “upscale” their perception of globalized risk, mobilize transnational resources and mod-ify local norms to improve the security of their children. However, their global security strategies unwittingly magnify the insecurity of disadvantaged parents, who face increasing institutional pressure from the government and school to comply with the new cultural scripts of childrearing that privilege the middle-class nuclear family and Western-centric cultural capital.
我提出了跨国关系分析的方法，以研究父母如何与其他父母一起发展育儿的战略行动和情感体验。资源丰富的父母倾向于“放大”他们对全球化风险的认知，他们动员跨国资源并修改当地规范以改善孩子的安全。然而，他们的全球安全战略无意中放大了弱势父母的不安全感，他们面临着来自政府和学校的越来越大的制度压力，要求他们遵守新的育儿文化剧本，这些剧本赋予中产阶级核心家庭和以西方为中心的文化资本。

Cultural Negotiation and Global Forces
文化谈判和全球力量

The notion of tiger parenting, despite being overexaggerated in Chua’s book, is rooted in the empirical research of cross-cultural psychology. Scholars in this field have described a Chinese style of authoritarian parenting in which parents hold high expectations for their children’s achievement and use a harsh regi-men to propel them toward excellence. Unlike white, European American au-thoritarian parenting, which is associated with distance, rejection, and lack of support, Chinese authoritarian parenting is accompanied by high involvement and sacrifice. The Chinese concept of guan, which connotes both “controlling” and “caring,” encapsulates the Confucian emphasis on parental authority ac-companied by intensive intervention of children’s lives.
尽管在 Chua 的书中夸大了老虎育儿的概念，但它植根于跨文化心理学的实证研究。该领域的学者描述了一种中国式的专制育儿方式，在这种方式中，父母对孩子的成就抱有很高的期望，并使用严厉的训诫来推动他们走向卓越。与白人、欧洲裔美国人的 au-thoritarian 育儿方式不同，这种养育方式与距离、拒绝和缺乏支持有关，而中国的威权主义育儿方式伴随着高度的参与和牺牲。中国的“关”概念，既有“控制”的意思，也有“关心”的意思，概括了儒家对父母权威的强调，以及对儿童生活的密集干预。5

Emphasizing cross-cultural variations in childrearing, the earlier studies are nevertheless vulnerable to the flaw of reifying ethnic and cultural boundar-ies. They widely adopted a comparative design—for instance, between Chinese Americans and European Americans—to illustrate marked differences across cultural origins.6 Such binary comparison tends to present Chinese parenting values as being monolithic and static, leaving little room for “the more nuanced and contextualized portrait of Chinese mothers’ parenting dilemma.”
早期的研究强调育儿中的跨文化差异，但容易受到明确种族和文化界限的缺陷的影响。他们广泛采用一种比较设计——例如，华裔美国人和欧洲裔美国人之间——来说明不同文化起源的显著差异。这种二元的比较往往将中国的育儿价值观呈现为铁板一块和静态的，几乎没有为“中国母亲的育儿困境留下更微妙和情境化的描述”的空间。7

Recent research efforts have challenged the tiger-mom stereotype with a more complex and dynamic portrait of Asian or Asian American parenting.8 The practice of Chinese parenting not only varies within ethnic group and
最近的研究工作通过对亚裔或亚裔美国人育儿的更复杂和动态的描述来挑战虎妈的刻板印象。 中国的教养方式不仅因种族而异，而且

Introduction 
介绍 5

across social contexts but also transforms over time under the influence of local changes and global forces. It is more appropriate to describe the ethnic culture of childrearing as a multiplicity of cultural repertoires,9 which can be habitual and unconscious, as being internalized and naturalized as taken-for-granted traditions and norms; yet parents also engage in cultural negotiation by reorganizing and revising cultural frameworks to adapt to new circumstances, especially during rapid social transformation and cross-border mobility.
跨越社会背景，但也在当地变化和全球力量的影响下随着时间的推移而变化。将育儿的民族文化描述为多种文化曲目更为合适，这些文化曲目可以是习惯性的和无意识的，作为理所当然的传统和规范被内化和自然化;然而，父母也通过重组和修改文化框架来参与文化谈判，以适应新的环境，特别是在快速的社会转型和跨境流动期间。

East Asian countries stand as representative cases of “compressed moder-nity,” which, according to Kyung-Sup Chang, describes “a civilizational condi-tion in which economic, political, social and/or cultural changes occur in an extremely condensed manner in respect to both time and space.” As a result, diverse cultural components (including both colonial and postcolonial compo-nents) and multiple social temporalities (e.g., traditional, modern, and post-modern temporalities) coexist and interact.10 When raising children in such circumstances, parents feel augmented anxieties at the nexus of social change and global aspiration.
东亚国家是“压缩适度”的典型例子，根据 Kyung-Sup Chang 的说法，它描述了“一种文明状态，其中经济、政治、社会和/或文化变化在时间和空间方面以极其浓缩的方式发生”。因此，不同的文化成分（包括殖民和后殖民成分）和多种社会时间性（例如，传统、现代和后现代时间性）共存并相互作用。10 在这种环境下抚养孩子时，父母对社会变革和全球抱负的关系感到更加焦虑。

Taiwan is a strategic site for studying compressed modernity and global childrearing. Its “economic miracle” turned the impoverished island nation into a “tiger” of prosperity in less than half a century.11 Taiwan also underwent a peaceful political transition from an authoritarian military state to a robust young democracy with a vibrant civil society. The past few decades have wit-nessed a great transformation in fertility behavior and cultural repertoire of childrearing. Taiwan promoted an organized family-planning program in the 1960s to mitigate the problem of overpopulation, but the government now per-ceives the plummeting birth rate, one of the lowest in the world, as a “national security threat.”12 Most families have only one or two children, and voluntary childlessness among married couples is increasing. People are hesitant to have more children, especially considering the rising costs of childrearing; mean-while, shrinking family sizes have increased the resources available for each child and intensified parents’ economic and emotional investments in both sons and daughters.13
台湾是研究压缩现代性和全球育儿的战略地点。它的“经济奇迹”在不到半个世纪的时间里将这个贫穷的岛国变成了繁荣的“老虎”。11 台湾也经历了从专制军事国家到拥有充满活力的公民社会的强大年轻民主国家的和平政治过渡。在过去的几十年里，生育行为和育儿文化发生了巨大转变。台湾在 1960 年代推动了一项有组织的计划生育计划，以缓解人口过剩的问题，但政府现在将急剧下降的出生率视为“国家安全威胁”，这是世界上出生率最低的国家之一。12 大多数家庭只有一个或两个孩子，已婚夫妇自愿无子女的情况正在增加。人们不愿生更多的孩子，尤其是考虑到育儿成本的上升;与此同时，家庭规模的缩小增加了每个孩子的可用资源，并加强了父母对儿子和女儿的经济和情感投资。13

For Taiwanese living in a national territory of only fourteen thousand square miles, transnational connections and mobility are critical means to achieve economic success and cultural advancement. New technologies and cheap travel have facilitated the suppression of spatial and temporal distances— which David Harvey calls “time-space compression”14—and contribute to a global convergence of childhood. Joining middle-class parents around the
对于生活在只有 14000 平方英里的国家领土上的台湾人来说，跨国联系和流动性是实现经济成功和文化进步的关键手段。新技术和廉价旅行促进了对空间和时间距离的抑制——大卫·哈维称之为“时空压缩”14——并促进了童年的全球融合。加入中产阶级父母的行列

6  Introduction
6 介绍

globe, Taiwan’s­ newly rich parents seek inspiration and guidance from Western expert knowledge on scientific childrearing and child psychology.15 They em-brace the “sacralization of childhood” that Viviana Zelizer famously identified in the West, whereby children become “economically useless and emotionally priceless.”16 Moreover, commercial cultural products like McDonald’s, Disney, and Sesame Street, have won global popularity and homogenized how children play and desire across the world.17
全球，台湾新富父母从西方科学育儿和儿童心理学的专业知识中寻求灵感和指导。“15 他们支持薇薇安娜·泽利泽 （Viviana Zelizer） 在西方著名的”童年的神圣化“，即儿童变得”在经济上无用，在情感上无价”。16 此外，麦当劳、迪斯尼和芝麻街等商业文化产品赢得了全球的普及，并使世界各地儿童的游戏和欲望同质化。17

However, globalization is not a monolithic force that operates outside the fabric of culture; Carla Freeman urges researchers to examine the mutual con-stitution of culture and globalization: “What is ‘cultural’ about globalization and how does ‘the global’ work in and through the stickiness and particulari-ties of culture?”18 Raising Global Families takes a subject-oriented approach to investigate the dialectical entanglement between the global and the local, be-tween the modern and the traditional.19 By juxtaposing Taiwanese families to their immigrant counterparts in the United States, this book interrogates how parents reorganize and reshuffle ethnic culture in response to transnational flows of practices, knowledge, and people. Moreover, this book highlights that social class shapes parents’ uneven capacities to mobilize time-space compres-sion, digest global culture, and transform local traditions. Cultural negotiation and transnational mobility become critical forums for reproducing class in-equality in global times.
然而，全球化并不是一股在文化结构之外运作的铁板一块力量;卡拉·弗里曼（Carla Freeman）敦促研究人员研究文化和全球化的相互构成：“全球化的'文化'是什么，'全球'如何在文化的粘性和特殊性中并通过文化的粘性和特殊性发挥作用？18养育全球家庭 采用以主题为导向的方法来研究全球与地方、现代与传统之间的辩证纠葛。19 通过将台湾家庭与美国的移民家庭并列，本书探讨了父母如何重组和重新洗牌民族文化，以应对实践、知识和人员的跨国流动。此外，本书强调，社会阶层塑造了父母调动时空压缩、消化全球文化和改变当地传统的不平衡能力。文化谈判和跨国流动成为在全球时代复制阶级不平等的重要论坛。

Immigrant Parenting and Transnationalism
移民育儿与跨国主义

Immigrant parents raising children in the new country offer illustrative cases for cultural negotiation. In particular, the academic achievement of Asian Americans stirs debates about how cultural matters in the context of immigra-tion. American cultural pundits widely credit the “Confucian heritage cultures” that emphasize hard work, filial piety, and strong family ties.20 These popular stereotypes neglect historical and social variations, reducing ethnic culture to the product of bounded, timeless, and unchanging “traditions.”21 To shy away from cultural essentialism, recent scholars have examined how culture inter-acts with structure, including the contexts of immigrant incorporation and the racialized structures of opportunity, to affect parents’ concerns and strategies of childrearing.
在新国家抚养孩子的移民父母为文化协商提供了说明性案例。特别是，亚裔美国人的学术成就引发了关于文化在移民背景下如何重要的辩论。美国文化专家普遍认为“儒家传统文化”强调勤奋工作、孝道和牢固的家庭纽带。20 这些流行的刻板印象忽视了历史和社会的差异，将民族文化简化为有限、永恒和不变的“传统”的产物。21 为了回避文化本质主义，最近的学者研究了文化如何与结构相互作用，包括移民融入的背景和机会的种族化结构，以影响父母的担忧和育儿策略。

The very influential theory of segmented assimilation has demonstrated a trajectory of “selective acculturation” for immigrant youth, who can achieve social mobility and yet maintain strong ties with the immigrant community.22
非常有影响力的分段同化理论已经证明了移民青年的“选择性文化适应”轨迹，他们可以实现社会流动性，同时与移民社区保持牢固的联系。22

Introduction 
介绍 7

Min Zhou has used the term ethnic capital to refer to an interplay of finan-cial, human, and social capital in an identifiable ethnic community. The eth-nic economy, which reproduces Asian-style supplementary education, helps the second generation to cope with parental constraints and attain academic success.23 Ethnic institutions, such as Chinatown-based NGOs and Chinese-speaking Christian churches, not only deliver ethnic cultures and family val-ues across generations but also help immigrant parents and children to absorb new cultural resources that are useful for them to adapt to the larger American society.24
周敏使用“种族资本”一词来指代一个可识别的种族社区中金融资本、人力资本和社会资本的相互作用。复制亚洲式补充教育的民族经济帮助第二代应对父母的限制并取得学业成功。23 少数民族机构，如位于唐人街的非政府组织和讲华语的基督教会，不仅在几代人之间传递民族文化和家庭价值观，还帮助移民父母和孩子吸收新的文化资源，这对他们适应更大的美国社会很有用。24

Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou, in their recent book, invigorate the debate by identifying the class origin of the cultural framework that shapes Asian Ameri-can achievement. They argue that, because the post-1965 stream of Asian immigration is a highly selected group in terms of socioeconomic status, the emphasis on academic success is actually a class-based mind-set that these highly educated immigrants selectively imported from their home countries and re-created in the United States. Additionally, the narratives of the “model minority” reinforce public perceptions in educational terrains, creating a “ste-reotype promise” that facilitates the success of Asian American youth.25
詹妮弗·李（Jennifer Lee）和敏·李（Min 周）在他们最近的书中，通过确定塑造亚裔美国人成就的文化框架的阶级起源，激发了这场辩论。他们认为，由于 1965 年后的亚洲移民流在社会经济地位方面是一个经过高度选择的群体，因此对学业成功的强调实际上是一种基于阶级的心态，这些受过高等教育的移民有选择地从他们的本国输入并在美国重新创造。此外，“模范少数族裔”的叙事强化了公众对教育领域的认知，创造了一个促进亚裔美国青年成功的“ste-reotype 承诺”。25

This groundbreaking study has encountered some noteworthy criticisms. Some scholars question how generalizable these findings are beyond the Los Angeles area. Chinese immigrants in other locations, such as New York City, are less affluent and more disadvantaged. The causal effect of immigrant selec-tivity is dubious, considering that Asian immigrants are bimodal in terms of socioeconomic distribution.26 Lee and Zhou are also criticized for placing too much emphasis on social-psychological orientation.27 Instead, Van Tran calls for a more dynamic analysis about “how the cultural scripts among immigrant groups are being refreshed, expanded and diffused as they come into contact with the American mainstream.”28 To achieve this goal, we must shift the focus from the second generation to immigrant parents and investigate class hetero-geneity within an immigrant group.
这项开创性的研究遇到了一些值得注意的批评。一些学者质疑这些发现在洛杉矶地区以外的普遍性。其他地方的中国移民，如纽约市，则不那么富裕，而且处于更弱势的地位。考虑到亚洲移民在社会经济分配方面是双峰的，移民选择的因果效应是值得怀疑的。26 李和周也因过于强调社会心理取向而受到批评。“27 相反，Van Tran 呼吁对”移民群体中的文化剧本在与美国主流接触时如何被刷新、扩展和扩散“进行更动态的分析。28 为了实现这一目标，我们必须将重点从第二代转移到移民父母身上，并调查移民群体内的阶级异质性。

Raising Global Families adopts a cross-class, cross-national comparison to enter the debate about how culture transforms in the context of immigration. The cross-Pacific comparison allows us to better identify the nuanced differ-ences of cultural hybridization in both the home country and the receiving country. And the cross-class comparison demonstrates a complex picture in which immigrant parents harbor class-specific insecurities and develop context-sensitive strategies of cultural negotiation.
《养育全球家庭》采用跨阶级、跨国的比较方式，探讨了移民背景下文化如何转变的辩论。跨太平洋的比较使我们能够更好地识别母国和接收国文化杂交的细微差异。跨阶级的比较展示了一幅复杂的图景，其中移民父母怀有特定于阶级的不安全感，并制定了对环境敏感的文化协商策略。

8  Introduction
8 介绍

My analysis is built on the existing literature that has examined how parents navigate multiple cultural scripts to orient their actions of childrearing as they move across borders and encounter changing circumstances. Cati Coe, in her study of Ghanaian immigrants in the United States, describes immigration as “a liminal space of human experience” that generates a sense of uncertainty and ambiguity but also leads to partial recognition and creative adaptation.29 Immi-grant parents may selectively memorize and deliberately represent their “origi-nal” culture to cope with uncertainty and maintain a sense of dignity. Filipino immigrants, for example, elevate the patriarchal ideology of Filipina chastity to control the sexuality of their daughters and to assert the moral superiority of the Filipino community over white Americans.30 Immigrant parents may also remake ethnicity as an act of everyday resistance. For instance, Ghanaian and West Indian immigrants, who feel deprived of their authority to discipline their children in the United States, project a nostalgic imagination of their cultural past to justify the exercise of corporal punishment.31
我的分析建立在现有文献的基础上，这些文献研究了父母在跨越国界和遇到不断变化的环境时如何驾驭多种文化剧本来定位他们的育儿行为。Cati Coe 在她对在美国的加纳移民的研究中，将移民描述为“人类经验的阈限空间”，它会产生一种不确定性和模糊感，但也导致了部分认可和创造性适应。29 移民父母可能会选择性地记住并刻意代表他们的 “原始 ”文化，以应对不确定性并保持尊严感。例如，菲律宾移民提升菲律宾贞的父权意识形态，以控制女儿的性行为，并维护菲律宾社区对美国白人的道德优越性。30 移民父母也可能将种族重塑为一种日常抵抗行为。例如，加纳和西印度移民感到被剥夺了在美国管教孩子的权力，他们对自己的文化历史产生了怀旧的想象，以证明实施体罚是合理的。31

Social class has long been overlooked in many studies of Asian Ameri-cans, but a few scholars, including Vivian Louie, Jamie Lew, and Angie Chung, started to look into class divides among Asian American youth.32 Despite their primary focus on the second generation, these studies show marked differences in educational strategies and cross-generational relations between middle- and working-class immigrant families. Zhou’s concept of ethnic capital is criticized for carrying a risk to construct ethnic collectivities as homogenous and to over-look power relations within.33 A class-based analysis allows us to examine im-migrant parents’ uneven capacities for cultural negotiation and to identify the specific components of ethnic capital that they enact and have access to.
长期以来，在许多关于亚裔美国人的研究中，社会阶层一直被忽视，但包括 Vivian Louie、Jamie Lew 和 Angie Chung 在内的一些学者开始研究亚裔美国青年的阶级鸿沟。32 尽管他们主要关注第二代，但这些研究表明，中产阶级和工人阶级移民家庭之间的教育策略和跨代关系存在显著差异。周的民族资本概念被批评为存在将民族集体构建为同质化的风险，并忽视了内部的权力关系。33 基于阶级的分析使我们能够检查移民父母在文化谈判方面的不平衡能力，并确定他们制定和获得种族资本的具体组成部分。

Ethnic Chinese immigrants (born in Taiwan or China) constitute an ideal case for investigating class divides in immigrant parenting because the popula-tion is bifurcated by socioeconomic status and migration trajectory. Migrant members of the professional middle class first came to the United States for college or postgraduate degrees, whereas the less educated mainly immigrated via family reunification and they usually occupy lower-skilled jobs in the new country.
华裔移民（出生在台湾或中国大陆）是研究移民育儿中阶级鸿沟的理想案例，因为人口因社会经济地位和移民轨迹而分化。专业中产阶级的移民成员首先来到美国攻读大学或研究生学位，而受教育程度较低的人主要通过家庭团聚移民，他们通常在新国家从事低技能的工作。

Raising Global Families further situates the cultural negotiation of immi-grant parents in the context of transnationalism. Internet technology and cheap air travel assist bidirectional circuits of cultural and educational resources be-tween home and host countries. Both immigrants and their children draw on transnational connections and practices to situate their cultural identities and
《抚养全球家庭》进一步将移民父母的文化谈判置于跨国主义的背景下。互联网技术和廉价的航空旅行有助于本国和东道国之间文化和教育资源的双向循环。移民和他们的孩子都利用跨国联系和实践来定位他们的文化身份和

Introduction 
介绍 9

even to facilitate their adaptation in the new country.34 Meanwhile, transna-tionalism can also exacerbate emotional anxieties—a condition Diana Wolf calls “emotional transnationalism.”35 Immigrant mothers, in particular, struggle with feelings of ambivalence, confusion, and anxiety, because they straddle two cultural worlds in raising children and encounter multiple, sometimes conflict-ing, cultural repertoires of childrearing.36
甚至为了促进他们在新国家的适应。34 与此同时，跨性别主义也会加剧情感焦虑——戴安娜·沃尔夫（Diana Wolf）称之为“情感跨国主义”。35 移民母亲尤其在矛盾、困惑和焦虑的感觉中挣扎，因为她们在抚养孩子时跨越了两个文化世界，并遇到了多种文化，有时是相互冲突的育儿文化。36 元

Transnational contexts become more prominent in immigrants’ search for identity and security in the current global climate, a historical conjuncture char-acterized by the prospect of Western decline and Asian ascendency.37 The US re-cession after the 2008–2009 financial crisis rendered many professionals jobless and shattered a sense of economic security among middle-class immigrants. The rise of China also induced Chinese immigrants to maintain transnational ties with their home country and culture. Although affluent parents in Asia still see immi-gration to North America as a strategy for their children to become globally com-petitive, an emerging literature has exposed a recent trend of second-generation Asian Americans who pursue “return” migration to their ancestral homeland.38
在当前的全球气候中，跨国背景在移民寻求身份和安全感的过程中变得更加突出，这一历史交汇点以西方衰落和亚洲崛起的前景为特征。37 2008-2009 年金融危机后，美国经济再度衰退，导致许多专业人士失业，并破坏了中产阶级移民的经济安全感。中国的崛起也促使中国移民与他们的祖国和文化保持跨国联系。尽管亚洲富裕的父母仍然将移民到北美视为他们的孩子成为全球竞争力的一种策略，但一项新兴的文献揭示了最近第二代亚裔美国人寻求“返回”移民到他们祖先家乡的趋势。38 元

By analyzing immigrant families in parallel with their counterparts in the home country, this book examines how the new global economy inten-sifies feelings of ambivalence and insecurity among immigrant parents who use class peers back home as their transnational reference groups as they ar-range children’s education, care, and discipline. Focusing on class difference within an immigrant group, this book explores why professional immigrants, as compared to working-class immigrants, are more likely to use educational resources back home for their American children. Childrearing becomes an ev-eryday experience of emotional transnationalism for immigrant parents, who must navigate multiple cultural repertoires of education and childrearing in the homeland and the new country.
通过对移民家庭与本国的同龄人进行平行分析，本书研究了新的全球经济如何加剧移民父母的矛盾和不安全感，这些父母在安排孩子的教育、照顾和纪律时，将家乡的同龄人作为他们的跨国参考群体。这本书着眼于移民群体内的阶级差异，探讨了为什么与工人阶级移民相比，职业移民更有可能为他们的美国孩子使用家乡的教育资源。对于移民父母来说，抚养孩子成为一种情感跨国主义的日常体验，他们必须在祖国和新国家驾驭教育和育儿的多种文化曲目。

Parenting and Social Class
亲职与社会阶层

Following the seminal work of Pierre Bourdieu and Melvin Kohn, a large body of literature in sociology addresses the fact that parents’ family origins and oc-cupational cultures generate their preferences and priorities in the process of childrearing.39 One of the most influential studies is Unequal Childhoods, an ethnographic study of twelve white and African American families. Annette Lareau vividly demonstrates two class-specific childrearing styles: middle-class parents engage in the style of “concerted cultivation” and cultivate a sense of entitlement with children, whereas working-class and poor families raise their
继 Pierre Bourdieu 和 Melvin Kohn 的开创性工作之后，大量社会学文献探讨了这样一个事实，即父母的家庭出身和 oc-cupational 文化在抚养孩子的过程中产生了他们的偏好和优先事项。39 最有影响力的研究之一是不平等的童年，这是一项对 12 个白人和非裔美国家庭的民族志研究。安妮特·拉罗 （Annette Lareau） 生动地展示了两种特定阶级的育儿方式：中产阶级父母从事“协同培养”的风格，与孩子一起培养权利感，而工薪阶层和贫困家庭则抚养他们的

10  Introduction
10 介绍

children with the style of “the accomplishment of natural growth,” and their children develop a sense of constraint from such upbringing. The family life as such reproduces class privilege or disadvantage across generations, including parents’ and children’s capacity, or lack thereof, to negotiate with institutional authorities like teachers and coaches.40
具有“自然成长的成就”风格的孩子，他们的孩子从这样的教养中培养出一种约束感。家庭生活本身在几代人之间复制了阶级特权或劣势，包括父母和孩子与教师和教练等机构当局谈判的能力，或者缺乏能力。40

Anthropologist Adrie Kusserow attends to the intersection of national culture and social class and examines how social classes digest American in-dividualism in different ways. Upper-middle-class Americans embrace “soft in-dividualism”—they see the world as welcoming but competitive, and caregivers should protect the child’s psychologized self like a delicate flower. Working­-class Americans, in contrast, believe in “hard individualism”—they see the world as potentially dangerous and believe that caregivers should prioritize discipline and hard work to build the child’s resilient self like a fortress.41
人类学家 Adrie Kusserow 关注国家文化和社会阶层的交叉点，并研究社会阶层如何以不同的方式消化美国的个体化主义。美国中上层阶级信奉“软性个体主义”——他们认为世界是热情但竞争的，照顾者应该像娇嫩的花朵一样保护孩子的心理自我。相比之下，美国工人阶级相信“硬个人主义”——他们认为世界具有潜在的危险，并认为照顾者应该优先考虑纪律和努力工作，以建立孩子像堡垒一样坚韧的自我。41

Heavily influenced by Bourdieu’s theories, both Lareau and Kusserow see childrearing as a microcosm for the reproduction of parents’ class disposition and habitus, that is, their unconscious and embodied ways of thinking, feeling, and acting built through cumulative exposure to repetitive situations.42 Despite the insightful analyses, their focus on the middle class and the working class largely as two homogeneous groups overlooks variations in values and behav-iors among parents who are similarly socially situated.43 The middle class, in particular, is a notoriously fragmented class group.44 In addition, Bourdieu’s theory has been criticized for failing to explore how people may break from the passivity of habitus and change the status quo.45 The shortcoming is salient when applied to circumstances in which people confront “unfamiliar and prob-lematic situations” or “discontinuities in structure, culture and life experience.”46
深受布迪厄理论的影响，拉罗和库瑟罗都将育儿视为父母阶级倾向和习惯再生产的缩影，即他们通过累积暴露于重复情况而建立的无意识和具体化的思维、感受和行为方式。42 尽管有富有洞察力的分析，但他们在很大程度上将中产阶级和工人阶级视为两个同质的群体，而忽略了社会地位相似的父母之间的价值观和行为差异。43 尤其是中产阶级，是一个众所周知的分散的阶级群体。44 此外，布迪厄的理论因未能探索人们如何摆脱被动的习惯并改变现状而受到批评。45 当应用于人们面临“不熟悉和潜在的情况”或“结构、文化和生活经验的不连续性”时，这个缺点就很明显了。46

Raising Global Families advances theoretical discussion in this field in three major ways: First, parents in this book offer a critical case to explore how the transnational flows of culture and people destabilize the existing cultural order and social conditions, pressuring them to qualify or modify their ethnic and family habitus. The vocal and articulate middle class, especially, embodies the habits of self-refashioning and reflexive thinking in a time of late modernity.47 Yet, I found that less-educated parents, albeit in a less eloquent or linear fash-ion, also develop a narrative of temporal sequence between the reconstructed past (their own childhood), the perceived present (their class experience), and their children’s imagined future.48 The structure of class inequality, however, constrains their capacities to justify their childrearing preferences and to put their security strategies into effect.
《养育全球家庭》从三个主要方面推进了这一领域的理论讨论：首先，本书中的父母提供了一个关键案例，以探讨文化和人口的跨国流动如何破坏现有的文化秩序和社会状况，迫使他们限定或修改他们的种族和家庭习惯。尤其是直言不讳、口齿伶俐的中产阶级，体现了在晚期现代性时代自我重塑和反思思维的习惯。47 然而，我发现受教育程度较低的父母，尽管他们的口齿伶俐或线性程度较低，但他们也在重建的过去（他们自己的童年）、感知的现在（他们的阶级经历）和他们孩子想象的未来之间发展出一种时间序列的叙述。48 然而，阶级不平等的结构限制了他们证明其育儿偏好的合理性和实施其安全策略的能力。

Introduction  11
引言 11

Paying attention to the narratives of parenthood also allows us to exam-ine differences within a social class. Diane Reay and her colleagues look into a range of choices white middle-class parents in the United Kingdom made about their children’s school: some of the narratives indicated a tenacity of fam-ily habitus, but the others made counterintuitive choices to enroll their children in urban, socially diverse public schools. Their findings reveal the flexible, dy-namic dimension of class identity—people may reconstruct their family habi-tus by making a conscious reaction to the perceived limitation of their past.49 Along the same line, this book examines how the structural influence of social class is mediated through parents’ exercise of reflexive agency, including their various narratives and perceptions of what constitutes critical opportunities and potential risks in the globalized world.
关注为人父母的叙述也使我们能够审视社会阶层内部的差异。黛安·雷伊 （Diane Reay） 和她的同事研究了英国白人中产阶级父母对孩子学校所做的一系列选择：一些叙述表明了顽强的家庭习惯，但其他人则做出了违反直觉的选择，让他们的孩子进入城市。 社会多元化的公立学校。他们的研究结果揭示了阶级身份的灵活、动态维度——人们可能会通过对过去的感知局限性做出有意识的反应来重建他们的家庭 habi-tus。49 同样，本书研究了社会阶层的结构性影响如何通过父母的反身能动性行使来中介，包括他们对全球化世界中关键机会和潜在风险构成的各种叙述和看法。

Second, Raising Global Families situates parenting divides in a transnational geography of social inequality. Unequal Childhoods, along with many of the other studies on parenting and class reproduction, suffers from the pitfall of “methodological nationalism” by accepting the nation-state as a given unit of social analysis.50 As critics have pointed out, Bourdieu’s theory generally as-sumes that class distinction takes place in a relatively closed social system in which the pathways for status attainment are structurally stable.51
其次，《养育全球家庭》将育儿鸿沟置于社会不平等的跨国地理环境中。 《不平等的童年》以及许多其他关于养育子女和阶级再生产的研究，都因接受民族国家作为社会分析的给定单位而遭受了“方法论民族主义”的陷阱。50 正如批评家所指出的，布迪厄的理论通常假设阶级差异发生在一个相对封闭的社会体系中，在这个社会体系中，获得地位的途径在结构上是稳定的。51

By contrast, scholars of migration and transnationalism have demonstrated various ways in which wealthy parents in the global South use spatial mobility as an educational strategy to secure their children’s future. Aihwa Ong calls this “flexible capital accumulation”—resourceful parents convert financial assets into the next generation’s cultural capital through the cultivation of Western degrees, foreign-language skills, and familiarity with cosmopolitan lifestyles.52 Western education helps these children gain access to the global labor market or secure class privilege once they decide to return to Asia.53 These educational choices often involve family separation. For example, in the “geese families” from South Korea, mothers accompany children studying overseas while fa-thers stay behind to earn money and fly to visit the family seasonally.54
相比之下，研究移民和跨国主义的学者已经展示了南半球的富裕父母以各种方式将空间流动性作为一种教育策略来确保孩子的未来。Aihwa Ong 称之为“灵活的资本积累”——足智多谋的父母通过培养西方学位、外语技能和熟悉国际化生活方式，将金融资产转化为下一代的文化资本。52 西方教育帮助这些孩子进入全球劳动力市场，或在他们决定返回亚洲后获得阶级特权。53 这些教育选择通常涉及家庭分离。例如，在韩国的“鹅家”中，妈妈陪孩子出国留学，而 fa-thers 则留下来赚钱，并季节性地飞去探亲。54

Even for those parents who stay in their home countries, they imagine and aspire to a globalized future for their children. An increasing number of Asian families are choosing domestic private or charter schools with Western cur-ricula to escape the rigidness and competitiveness of local education in Asia. At the same time, alternative schools such as Waldorf and Montessori are on the rise in Asia,55 including in China, despite rigid state regulation of educa-tion at all levels.56 These parents mobilize educational choices and transform
即使对于那些留在本国的父母来说，他们也为他们的孩子设想并渴望一个全球化的未来。越来越多的亚洲家庭选择采用西式课程的国内私立或特许学校，以逃避亚洲当地教育的僵化和竞争。与此同时，尽管国家对各级教育有严格的规定，但华德福和蒙台梭利等替代学校在亚洲55 （包括中国）正在崛起。56 这些父母动员教育选择并转变

12  Introduction
12 介绍

childrearing­ styles hoping that their children can acquire “transnational cul-tural capital” and become cosmopolitan elites or global citizens.57
育儿方式希望他们的孩子能够获得“跨国文化资本”并成为世界精英或全球公民。57 元

Finally, this book explores the emotional politics of family life in a time of rapid change and uncertainty. Instead of viewing parents as interest maximiz-ers who pursue childrearing as a calculative action of class reproduction, an emerging literature has looked into parenting as coping strategies to deal with uncertainty and insecurity on many fronts, including enlarged economic risks offloaded by government and corporations and declining stability in the private spheres of intimacy and marriages.58 What I found most inspiring is Marianne Cooper’s concept of the security project, which describes the economic and emotional work done by a family to create, maintain, and further the family’s particular notion of security. Families across the class spectrum are unevenly exposed to a multitude of risk, and they cope with insecurity in distinct ways.59 While the poorer are “downscaling” risks in their lives and “holding on” as coping strategies, the richer are “upscaling” their anxieties about family finance and children’s future.
最后，这本书探讨了在快速变化和不确定性的时代，家庭生活的情感政治。一种新兴的文献没有将父母视为追求抚养孩子作为阶级再生产的计算行为的利益最大化者，而是将育儿视为应对许多方面的不确定性和不安全感的应对策略，包括政府和公司转移的扩大的经济风险以及亲密关系和婚姻等私人领域的稳定性下降。58 我发现最鼓舞人心的是玛丽安·库珀 （Marianne Cooper） 的安全项目概念，它描述了一个家庭为创造、维护和推进家庭特定的安全概念所做的经济和情感工作。不同阶层的家庭都不均衡地面临多种风险，他们以不同的方式应对不安全感。59 当较贫穷的人“降低”生活中的风险并“坚持”作为应对策略时，较富裕的人正在“放大”他们对家庭财务和孩子未来的焦虑。

Building on Cooper’s idea, I coin the concept of global security strategies to highlight the global contexts that situate both parents’ perception of risk and their strategies for mitigating insecurities. While Cooper’s analysis focuses on class inequality within a society, my concept describes a transnational ge-ography of social inequality, involving transnational mobility and cultural ne-gotiation as class-specific and location-sensitive strategies. I prefer “strategy” to “project” to emphasize that the strategic conducts of parenting involve not only thoughtful plans and purposive actions but also emotional struggles with conflicting responsibilities and defensive reactions to the structural constraints they encounter.60
在 Cooper 的想法的基础上，我创造了全球安全战略的概念，以强调父母对风险的感知和他们减轻不安全感的策略的全球背景。虽然库珀的分析侧重于社会内的阶级不平等，但我的概念描述了社会不平等的跨国地理学，涉及跨国流动和文化协商作为特定于阶级和位置敏感的策略。我更喜欢“策略”而不是“项目”，以强调育儿的战略行为不仅涉及深思熟虑的计划和有目的的行动，还涉及与相互冲突的责任的情感斗争和对他们遇到的结构性限制的防御性反应。60

In sum, Raising Global Families adopts a transnational framework to exam-ine not only between-class but also within-class differences in the emotional politics of childrearing. This book demonstrates that parents’ concrete class ex-periences, in relation to the contexts of globalization and immigration, shape their particular notions of (in)security and direct their goals and preferences in childrearing and education.
总而言之，《养育全球家庭》采用了一个跨国框架，不仅考察了阶级间的差异，也考察了育儿情感政治的阶级内部差异。这本书表明，父母在全球化和移民背景下的具体阶级经历塑造了他们特定的（不）安全观念，并指导他们在育儿和教育方面的目标和偏好。

Transnational Relational Analysis
跨国关系分析

Social classes are not separate categories but are constructed in relation to each other. Bourdieu suggests the approach of relational thinking to identify real, though not always visible, relationships in the structured social reality.61 He
社会阶层不是单独的类别，而是相互关联构建的。布迪厄提出了关系思维的方法，以识别结构化社会现实中真实的（尽管并不总是可见的）关系。61 他

Introduction  13
引言 13

uses the concept of social field, or social space of power relations, to illustrate how differently situated people bring in a variety of dispositions and capitals into a “game,” which, in this case, refers to struggle for legitimation for the goals and strategies of childrearing. Several scholars, including Beverley Skeggs, Val Gillies, and Diane Reay, have revealed the emotional politics in which people make sense of their class positions in relation to others. Working-class women, shadowed by the moral discourses of motherhood and sexuality, display feel-ings of frustration, helplessness, and even shame, as well as longing for recog-nition and respectability.62 Similarly, children from working-class families feel overlooked and disregarded at school, feeling like “an anonymous backdrop that middle-class children can shine against.”63
使用社会场或权力关系的社会空间的概念来说明不同处境的人们如何将各种性格和资本带入“游戏”，在这种情况下，这是指为育儿的目标和策略争取合法性的斗争。包括 Beverley Skeggs、Val Gillies 和 Diane Reay 在内的几位学者揭示了人们在与他人的关系中理解自己的阶级地位的情感政治。工人阶级女性在母性和性道德话语的阴影下，表现出沮丧、无助甚至羞耻的感觉，以及对认可和尊重的渴望。“62 同样，来自工薪阶层家庭的孩子在学校感到被忽视和忽视，感觉自己是”一个无名的背景，中产阶级孩子可以与之相抗衡”。63

Exploring the relational nature of social class on a transnational scale, Rais-ing Global Families takes the approach of what I call transnational relational analysis by situating the four groups of parents in a transnational geography of social inequality.64 Regardless of whether their members ever engage in per-sonal interaction, these groups of parents are structurally interconnected in a variety of ways.
在跨国尺度上探索社会阶层的关系本质，《培养全球家庭》采用了我所说的跨国关系分析的方法，将四组父母置于社会不平等的跨国地理中。64 无论他们的成员是否进行过个人互动，这些父母群体都以各种方式在结构上相互联系。

First of all, the various groups of parents are interconnected through their uneven links to the macroprocess of globalization. Geographer Doreen Massey has used the metaphor of power geometry to describe people’s “differentiated mobility” as a consequence of globalization:65
首先，不同的父母群体通过与全球化宏观过程的不平衡联系而相互联系。地理学家多琳·梅西 （Doreen Massey） 使用权力几何的比喻来描述全球化导致人们的“差异化流动性”：65

Different social groups and different individuals are placed in very distinct ways in relation to these flows and interconnections. This point concerns not merely the issue of mobility—some move and some don’t, it is also about control over this differentiated mobility. . . . Some people are more in charge of it than others; some initiate flows and movements, others don’t; some are more on the receiv-ing end of it than others; some are effectively imprisoned by it.
不同的社会群体和不同的个体在这些流动和相互联系中被置于非常不同的位置。这一点不仅涉及流动性问题——有些人移动，有些人不移动，它还涉及对这种差异化流动性的控制......有些人比其他人更负责它;有些启动流动和运动，有些则不启动;有些人比其他人更倾向于接收它;有些人实际上被它囚禁了。

Raising Global Families further demonstrates that intersecting social in-equalities, including class and gender, mediate the profound effects of global forces by enabling or constraining people’s access to rights, resources, and mo-bilities. Some forms of transnational mobility and connection generate cultural capital, whereas others are considered far less productive or legitimate by those who hold power and resources.
《养育全球家庭》进一步表明，交叉的社会不平等，包括阶级和性别，通过促进或限制人们获得权利、资源和行动来调解全球力量的深远影响。一些形式的跨国流动和联系会产生文化资本，而另一些形式的则被拥有权力和资源的人认为生产力或合法性要低得多。

The globalization of production and markets facilitates the hypermobility of professionals, such as engineers and financial workers, and creates a glob-ally oriented consumer lifestyle among the “transnational middle class” in the
生产和市场的全球化促进了工程师和金融工作者等专业人士的过度流动性，并在

14  Introduction
14 介绍

developing world.66 The gendered division of labor is salient in these global households: while the frequent flyers for business and work are mostly men, their wives take on most of the responsibility of raising children in line with the ideals of modern childhood and global education.
发展中国家。66 在这些全球家庭中，性别分工非常突出：虽然经常出差和工作的乘客大多是男性，但他们的妻子根据现代童年和全球教育的理想承担了抚养孩子的大部分责任。

Parents on the lower spectrum of social class are trapped in the local econ-omy, but they are not immune from the impact of global forces. Capital outflow and the inflow of migrant workers have deprived job security for the working class, especially males. Many of these men in Taiwan, Singapore, and South Korea now seek foreign brides from China and Southeast Asia, organizing a dif-ferent form of global family. However, as we will see in Chapter 3, the receiving societies usually do not recognize these immigrants’ transnational connections as valuable or “cosmopolitan” as Western cultural capital.
处于较低社会阶层的父母被困在当地的经济环境中，但他们也不能幸免于全球力量的影响。资本外流和移民工人的流入剥夺了工人阶级，尤其是男性的工作保障。这些男人中的许多人现在从中国和东南亚寻找外国新娘，组织了一个不同形式的全球家庭。然而，正如我们将在第 3 章中看到的那样，接收社会通常不承认这些移民的跨国联系与西方文化资本一样有价值或“世界性”。

Moreover, the transnational relational analysis interrogates the emotional experiences of global parenting in a relational manner, revealing visible and invisible links between those who move and those who stay behind. Recent scholarship on migration starts to investigate both mobility and immobility and to examine how different sorts of mobilities are interconnected across dif-ferent locales.67 In communities with high exposure to transnational migra-tion, such as the Chinese border city in Julie Chu’s study, those who are trapped and immobile actually best display the “longing and belonging” about “inhabit-ing the world in a particular cosmopolitan and future-oriented way.”68 In this book, I view the four groups of parents as parallel instances that illustrate how the global is imagined and lived differently across socioeconomic and regional variations.
此外，跨国关系分析以关系方式询问全球育儿的情感体验，揭示了搬家和留守之间有形和无形的联系。最近关于迁移的学术研究开始研究流动性和不流动性，并研究不同类型的流动性如何在不同的地区相互关联。67 在跨国移民暴露度高的社区，例如朱茱莉研究中的中国边境城市，那些被困和行动不便的人实际上最能表现出对“以特定的国际化和面向未来的方式居住在世界上”的“渴望和归属感”。68 在这本书中，我将四组父母视为平行的例子，它们说明了全球是如何在社会经济和地区差异中被想象和生活在不同的环境中的。

Middle-class identity, in particular, characterizes the relational nature of class relations. The middle class constantly fears “falling off the class ladder” be-cause their status is established on the basis of educational credentials, distinct from the hand-me-down wealth of the upper class and the shortage of cultural capital among the working class.69 The neoliberal global economy further pres-sures them to seek transnational references—class peers around the globe—to define the benchmark for security and to measure the aspirations for their chil-dren’s future. Both the Taiwanese middle class and the immigrant middle class in the United States compare, compete, and connect with one another, and they mobilize direct and indirect interactions across borders to exchange ideas and circulate resources in childrearing.
特别是中产阶级身份，是阶级关系关系性质的特征。中产阶级一直害怕“从阶级阶梯上掉下来”，因为他们的地位是建立在教育证书的基础上的，与上层阶级的传世财富和工人阶级文化资本的短缺不同。69 新自由主义的全球经济进一步迫使他们寻求跨国参考——全球的阶级同行——来定义安全基准并衡量对他们孩子未来的抱负。台湾中产阶级和美国的移民中产阶级相互比较、竞争和联系，他们动员直接和间接的跨国互动，在育儿方面交流思想和循环资源。

The hypermobility of the transnational middle class may inflict the injury of class on those families who cannot afford physical or cultural mobility. The
跨国中产阶级的过度流动性可能会给那些负担不起物质或文化流动性的家庭带来阶级的伤害。这

Introduction  15
引言 15

state and school function as critical nodes in the social field of power inequality, validating class-specific cultural scripts of childrearing and stigmatizing those who lack institutionally sanctioned cultural capital and transnational experi-ences. The newly rich Taiwanese seek membership in the global middle class by consuming childrearing and educational styles they perceive as fitting a West-ern ideal. Their advocacy for education and curriculum reform, however, leads to a decline of parental confidence among the working class and immigrant mothers. In the United States, middle-class immigrants zealously invest in chil-dren’s education to prepare them for competition in the United States and from the rising Asia. The stereotype of the model minority widely associated with Asian Americans can nevertheless pressure or even punish working-class im-migrants and their children who cannot afford similar cultivation or who do not meet a high bar of attainment.
国家和学校是权力不平等的社会领域的关键节点，验证了抚养孩子的特定阶级文化剧本，并污名化了那些缺乏制度认可的文化资本和跨国经验的人。新富裕的台湾人通过消费他们认为符合西方理想的育儿和教育方式来寻求加入全球中产阶级。然而，他们对教育和课程改革的倡导导致工人阶级和移民母亲对父母的信心下降。在美国，中产阶级移民热衷于投资儿童教育，为他们在美国和崛起的亚洲竞争做好准备。然而，与亚裔美国人广泛相关的模范少数族裔的刻板印象可能会给工人阶级移民及其子女带来压力甚至惩罚，他们负担不起类似的教育费用，或者没有达到很高的成就标准。

Global Security Strategies
全球安全策略

I use the concept of global security strategy to describe a multitude of class-specific and location-sensitive modes of childrearing in which parents navi-gate transnational mobility and negotiate cultural boundaries in response to particular insecurities they identify in local and transnational contexts. Given the scope of this multisited study, this book does not aim to provide a compre-hensive view of all practices utilized by all the four groups of parents. Instead, it uses the contrasts among and within these groups to illustrate the changing circumstances and practices of childrearing in the contexts of globalization and immigration. The chapters that follow address a set of core questions for each group of parents:
我使用全球安全战略的概念来描述多种特定于阶级和地点敏感的育儿模式，其中父母通过导航跨国流动并协商文化界限，以应对他们在当地和跨国环境中发现的特定不安全感。鉴于这项多地点研究的范围，本书并不旨在提供所有四组父母使用的所有做法的全面视图。相反，它利用这些群体之间和内部的对比来说明在全球化和移民背景下不断变化的育儿环境和做法。以下章节解决了每组家长的一组核心问题：

First, how do parents experience class mobility in relation to the macrocon-texts of globalization and immigration in different ways? What kinds of risks and insecurities do they perceive as salient in their children’s future and how do they thereby define their primary goals and responsibilities in raising children?
首先，父母如何以不同的方式体验与全球化和移民的宏观文本相关的阶级流动性？他们认为什么样的风险和不安全感对孩子的未来来说是突出的，他们如何定义自己抚养孩子的主要目标和责任？

Instead of reducing parents’ orientations to given traits of class habitus, this book examines how the concrete “class process”—the lived experience of class making that is simultaneously gendered and racialized70—shapes par-ents’ capacity, preference, and strategies in raising their children. For parents in shifting circumstances such as immigration and intergenerational mobility, a narrative understanding between the past, the present, and their children’s future helps them to cope with contextual discontinuity by giving life events a meaningful order. The narratives of parenting illustrate parents’ goals and
这本书没有将父母的取向简化为给定的阶级习惯特征，而是研究了具体的“阶级过程”——同时被性别化和种族化的阶级形成的生活经验70 ——如何塑造参与者抚养孩子的能力、偏好和策略。对于处于移民和代际流动等不断变化的环境中的父母来说，过去、现在和孩子未来之间的叙事理解通过赋予生活事件有意义的顺序来帮助他们应对上下文的不连续性。育儿的叙述说明了父母的目标和

16  Introduction
16 介绍

priorities in childrearing, their views of potential risks and opportunities for their children, and their perception of difficulties and challenges during inter-generational interactions.
育儿的优先次序，他们对子女潜在风险和机遇的看法，以及对代际互动中困难和挑战的看法。

Second, how do parents navigate spatial and cultural mobilities to arrange education, care, and discipline for their children? How do they negotiate ethnic culture and local institutions to maintain and achieve their particular version of security?
其次，父母如何驾驭空间和文化的流动性，为孩子安排教育、照顾和管教？他们如何协商民族文化和地方机构，以维护和实现他们特定的安全？

Parents of class privilege are more able to mobilize their global connections and resources to negotiate with the local regime of education. In addition to geographical mobility, I use the term cultural mobility to describe the prac-tice in which parents make use of time-space compression to consume cul-tural goods and services across ethnic cultural realms or spatial territories.71 Through either physical or virtual mobility, these parents are more capable to practice what Allison Pugh calls “pathway consumption” by purchasing social contexts—schools, camps, and extracurricular activities—to shape their chil-dren’s trajectories into the future.72
拥有阶级特权的父母更有能力动员他们的全球关系和资源，与当地的教育制度进行谈判。除了地理流动性之外，我还使用“文化流动性”一词来描述父母利用时空压缩来消费跨种族文化领域或空间领土的文化商品和服务的实践。71 通过物理或虚拟移动，这些父母更有能力通过购买社交环境（学校、营地和课外活动）来实践 Allison Pugh 所说的“路径消费”，以塑造他们的孩子未来的轨迹。72

Parents at the lower end of the class spectrum navigate transnational mo-bilities as survival and security strategies; they seek marriage partners, help with childcare, or even enforcement of child discipline through time-space ex-tension. Lacking globally recognized human capitals, lower-class immigrants often suffer from economic entrapment and downward mobility. Because their own pursuits of spatial and cultural mobility cannot easily convert into advan-tages for their children’s class mobility, these parents similarly invest a great deal in children’s education despite that their strategies of pathway consump-tion are worlds apart.
处于阶级光谱低端的父母将跨国运动作为生存和安全策略;他们寻找结婚对象，帮助照顾孩子，甚至通过时空前紧张来执行儿童管教。由于缺乏全球公认的人力资本，下层移民经常遭受经济困境和向动。由于他们自身对空间和文化流动的追求不能轻易转化为孩子阶级流动的优势，因此这些父母同样在孩子的教育上投入了大量资金，尽管他们的途径消费策略是天壤之别。

Finally, how does the rupture between cultural scripts and institutional structure, and the disjuncture between the global and local, create unintended consequences in family lives? Why are parents’ global security projects magni-fying insecurities among themselves and other groups of parents?
最后，文化剧本和制度结构之间的断裂，以及全球与地方之间的脱节，是如何在家庭生活中产生意想不到的后果的？为什么父母的全球安全项目会加剧他们自己和其他父母群体之间的不安全感？

When people and culture are in motion, frictions and disjuncture emerge between the global and local and between the cultural and the structural. Tai-wan’s new cultural scripts of childrearing, with marked influence from Western experts, are in conflict with school and workplace that still favor a collective culture. Parental education in the United States, which prioritizes a cultural model of therapeutic selfhood, alienates Chinese immigrants, especially those who struggle with economic stress. While parents encounter contradictions between their newly acquired cultural repertoires and the existing institutional
当人和文化运动时，全球与地方之间、文化与结构之间就会出现摩擦和脱节。台湾的新育儿文化剧本受到西方专家的显著影响，与仍然偏爱集体文化的学校和职场相冲突。美国的父母教育优先考虑治疗性自我的文化模式，这疏远了中国移民，尤其是那些与经济压力作斗争的人。当父母遇到他们新获得的文化曲目与现有机构之间的矛盾时

Introduction  17
引言 17

reality, their value commitments and childrearing behaviors often turn into “paradoxical pathways.”73 Their global securities strategies—based on trans-national and cultural mobilities—may lead to unintended consequences and magnify their parenting insecurities.
现实中，他们的价值承诺和育儿行为往往会变成“矛盾的途径”。73 他们的全球证券策略——基于跨国和文化流动性——可能会导致意想不到的后果，并放大他们养育子女的不安全感。

The Multisited Study
多地点研究

To study parenting divides that involve global processes and the increasing in-terconnectedness of people, I conducted a multisited ethnography, a method of data collection that brings the researcher to multiple field sites geographi-cally and socially.74 To capture class diversity and geographic particularities, I conducted in-depth interviews with ethnic Chinese parents across the socio-economic spectrum in Taiwan and in the Boston area. The majority of Taiwan-ese parents were recruited from four public elementary schools where their children attended the second grade. The immigrant parents, recruited through snowballing referrals, had at least one child who was attending elementary school at the time of the interview. All interviews were conducted in Manda-rin Chinese and translated into English when quoted. In addition, I conducted observations in some household activities, children’s school activities, and pa-rental workshops. For more details on the research methods and sample char-acteristics, see Appendixes A and B.
为了研究涉及全球过程和人们日益增长的内联网的育儿鸿沟，我进行了多地点民族志，这是一种数据收集方法，可将研究人员带到地理和社会上的多个田野地点。74 为了捕捉阶级多样性和地理特殊性，我对台湾和波士顿地区不同社会经济阶层的华裔父母进行了深入访谈。大多数台湾父母是从他们的孩子上二年级的四所公立小学招募的。通过滚雪球式推荐招募的移民父母在采访时至少有一个孩子正在上小学。所有采访均以 Manda-rin 中文进行，并在引用时翻译成英文。此外，我还对一些家庭活动、儿童学校活动和家长租赁研讨会进行了观察。有关研究方法和示例特征的更多详细信息，请参阅附录 A 和 B。

I divide the families into two broadly construed socioeconomic class cat-egories based on education and occupational status. In the “middle-class” or “professional middle-class” families, at least one parent had a four-year college or postgraduate degree and held a professional position or a job with some managerial authority in the workplace.75 In Taiwan, I conducted in-depth in-terviews with 80 parents from 57 households, including 51 mothers and 28 fathers. About two-thirds of my interviewees fell into the professional middle class, including 33 mothers and 19 fathers from 36 households.
我根据教育和职业地位将家庭分为两个广义的社会经济阶层猫自我。在“中产阶级”或“专业中产阶级”家庭中，至少有一位父母拥有四年制大学或研究生学位，并在工作场所担任专业职位或具有某种管理权威的工作。75 在台湾，我对来自 57 个家庭的 80 位家长进行了深入的实地考察，其中包括 51 位母亲和 28 位父亲。大约三分之二的受访者属于职业中产阶级，包括来自 36 个家庭的 33 位母亲和 19 位父亲。

About one-third of the Taiwanese households fell into the working-class category, including 18 mothers and 9 fathers from 21 households. None of the parents in this category had a college degree. Eight mothers were immigrants from Southeast Asia and Mainland China. Using the strategy of theoretical sampling, I deliberately included more cases of immigrant mothers to explore the effect of cross-border marriages.
大约三分之一的台湾家庭属于工人阶级，包括 21 个家庭的 18 位母亲和 9 位父亲。这一类别的父母都没有大学学位。8 名母亲是来自东南亚和中国大陆的移民。运用理论抽样的策略，我特意纳入了更多移民妈妈的案例，以探讨跨境婚姻的影响。

I purposively recruited Taiwanese parents with a multitude of educational choices. With the exception of 11 parents (from 9 households) who sent their children to private schools, the majority of Taiwanese parents sent their chil-
我有目的地招募了具有多种教育选择的台湾父母。除了 11 名家长（来自 9 个家庭）将孩子送到私立学校外，大多数台湾家长都送了他们的孩子。

18  Introduction
18 介绍

dren to public schools. I recruited parents through four public schools with dis-tinct parents’ socioeconomic profiles (see Appendix A for details), including an alternative school in the countryside that has attracted a wave of middle-class parents who emigrated from the city to escape mainstream education. When I recruited middle-class parents through schools or personal references, most of them responded positively, indicating their willingness to participate in inter-views or household observations. Many assumed that they had been invited to join the study because of their success as parents. Some were eager to share their enthusiasm for innovative methods of childrearing and alternative education.
dren 到公立学校。我通过四所家长的社会经济背景不同的公立学校招募了家长（详见附录 A），其中包括一所位于农村的替代学校，这所学校吸引了一波从城市移民到主流教育的中产阶级家长。当我通过学校或个人推荐人招募中产阶级家长时，他们中的大多数人都做出了积极的回应，表示他们愿意参与意见或家庭观察。许多人认为他们被邀请参加这项研究是因为他们作为父母的成功。有些人渴望分享他们对创新育儿和替代教育方法的热情。

My experience with working-class parents was strikingly different. Many refused to be interviewed. A typical initial response to our request was “Did my child do something wrong at school?” This indicated a prevalent anxiety among working-class families about being labeled as misbehaving students or unsuitable parents. All the participants received my business card and a letter that explained the purpose of the research, but some working-class parents did not seem to fully understand what “professor” and “research” entailed. For ex-ample, one mother who worked with her husband at construction sites mistook me for a graduate student. Even after we had met a few times, she still asked whether I had finished my thesis for graduation.
我与工薪阶层父母的经历截然不同。许多人拒绝接受采访。对我们请求的典型初始回应是“我的孩子在学校做错了什么吗？这表明工薪阶层家庭普遍担心被贴上行为不端的学生或不合适的父母的标签。所有参与者都收到了我的名片和一封解释研究目的的信，但一些工薪阶层的父母似乎并不完全理解“教授”和“研究”的含义。例如，一位与丈夫在建筑工地工作的母亲误以为我是一名研究生。即使我们见过几次面，她仍然问我是否完成了毕业论文。

For the immigrant samples, I categorize their social class on the basis of their education and occupation in the United States. It is important to remember that immigrants and nonmigrants in the homeland do not constitute “comparable” cases in a strict sense.76 Immigrants are usually a selective sample because mi-gration requires a sufficient amount of economic capital, human capital, and personal determination. Professional immigrants are generally more elite and privileged than their counterparts in the homeland.77 Many working-class im-migrants enjoyed a middle-class status back home and experienced downward mobility in the United States; they are thus equipped with more material and symbolic resources than the working class in their home countries. In addition, children’s education is a major reason immigrants decided to emigrate or stay in the United States; this explains why Chinese immigrants across the class spectrum place premium emphasis on the next generation’s academic perfor-mance, as previous studies have unfolded.78
对于移民样本，我根据他们在美国的教育和职业对他们的社会阶层进行分类。重要的是要记住，祖国的移民和非移民并不构成严格意义上的“可比”情况。76 移民通常是一个选择性样本，因为移民需要足够的经济资本、人力资本和个人决心。职业移民通常比他们在祖国的同行更精英、更享有特权。77 许多工人阶级移民在家乡享有中产阶级地位，并在美国经历了向动;因此，他们比本国的工人阶级拥有更多的物质和象征性资源。此外，子女教育是移民决定移民或留在美国的主要原因;这就解释了为什么不同阶层的中国移民都非常重视下一代的学术表现，正如以前的研究所展开的那样。78

I chose Boston as the site of research for two primary reasons. First, the area has accommodated a bifurcated population of Chinese immigrants because of the chain migration of family reunification and growing local employment in the sectors of science and technology. Second, the case of Boston allows us to
我选择波士顿作为研究地点有两个主要原因。首先，由于家庭团聚的连锁迁移和当地科技部门就业的增长，该地区容纳了分叉的中国移民人口。其次，波士顿的案例允许我们

Introduction  19
引言 19

examine how immigrant families are compelled to integrate into mainstream America. Most existing studies of Chinese immigrants were conducted in im-migrant gateway metropolises such as California and New York, where the schools contain a substantial Asian population. In the Boston area, the children of middle-class Chinese immigrants attend schools in majority-white suburbs. Without living in proximity to a sizable ethnic community, these families find the strategy of segmented assimilation less plausible and the attainment of both ethnic pride and class mobility more challenging.
研究移民家庭如何被迫融入美国主流社会。大多数现有的中国移民研究都是在移民门户大都市进行的，例如加利福尼亚和纽约，那里的学校包含大量亚裔人口。在波士顿地区，中产阶级中国移民的子女在白人占多数的郊区上学。由于没有生活在相当大的种族社区附近，这些家庭发现分段同化的策略不太合理，实现种族自豪感和阶级流动性更具挑战性。

In Boston Areas, I conducted in-depth interviews with 56 ethnic Chinese immigrant parents (40 mothers and 16 fathers) of primary-school-aged chil-dren from 48 households. To have sufficient social class variation, the US sam-ple included immigrants from both Taiwan and China (Taiwanese immigrants are largely concentrated in professional sectors). Compared to the sample in Taiwan, the sample of immigrant parents was much more polarized in terms of socioeconomic status, and residential segregation along class lines is more salient in the United States.
在波士顿地区，我对来自 48 个家庭的 56 名小学适龄儿童的华裔移民父母（40 名母亲和 16 名父亲）进行了深入访谈。为了获得足够的社会阶层差异，美国样本包括来自台湾和中国大陆的移民（台湾移民主要集中在专业领域）。与台湾的样本相比，移民父母的样本在社会经济地位方面更加两极分化，而美国的阶级隔离更为突出。

The professional immigrants I interviewed came from thirty-one house-holds (twenty from Taiwan and eleven from China). All of these families had at least one parent who had acquired a postgraduate degree, and their occupa-tions concentrate on the fields of science, technology, and management. Most of them own single-family homes in northern suburbs in the Boston area, known for high-quality public schools.
我采访的专业移民来自 31 个家庭（20 个来自台湾，11 个来自中国）。所有这些家庭都至少有一位父母获得了研究生学位，他们的工作集中在科学、技术和管理领域。他们中的大多数人在波士顿地区北部郊区拥有单户住宅，以高质量的公立学校而闻名。

I also interviewed working-class immigrants from seventeen families (4 from Taiwan and 13 from China); they worked in Boston mostly as restaurant workers, caretakers, and other service workers. The majority were high school graduates, except for a few who had college degrees back home. Some lived in state-subsidized rental apartments in the city, while those who were financially better off purchased more affordable housing in southern suburbs.
我还采访了来自 17 个家庭的工人阶级移民（4 个来自台湾，13 个来自中国）;他们在波士顿主要担任餐馆工作人员、看护和其他服务人员。大多数人是高中毕业生，除了少数在家乡拥有大学学位的人。一些人住在该市由国家补贴的出租公寓中，而那些经济状况较好的人则在南部郊区购买了更多负担得起的住房。

All the Taiwanese and Chinese immigrant parents across the class spectrum sent their children to public schools, a pattern that has been identified by previ-ous researchers.79 I recruited middle-class immigrants through the references of Chinese-language schools, informal social networks, and advertisements posted in online immigrant forums. As in Taiwan, middle-class parents in the Boston area were happy to participate in the research. Most people kindly of-fered their help to me as a co-ethnic migrant. Some parents also saw me as a source of information about American universities since I was affiliated with an Ivy League institution.
所有不同阶层的台湾和中国移民父母都把他们的孩子送到了公立学校，这种模式已经被以前的研究人员发现。79 我通过中文学校、非正式社交网络和在线移民论坛上发布的广告来招募中产阶级移民。与台湾一样，波士顿地区的中产阶级父母也乐于参与这项研究。大多数人都善意地向我这个同族裔移民提供帮助。一些家长还将我视为有关美国大学的信息来源，因为我隶属于常春藤盟校。

20  Introduction
20 介绍

I made contacts with working-class immigrants by attending community-based programs and activities held by a nongovernmental organization in Chinatown. I also made requests for interviews when I used services in ethnic business. It was harder to study working-class immigrants because they tended to work long hours and were unfamiliar with the research. Yet I also repre-sented a possible source of access to social capital from the co-ethnic middle class. Thus, one working-class father addressed me respectfully as Professor Lan and used the interview as a precious opportunity to receive expert opinions on childrearing in the United States. He asked me for a reading list and even re-quested a copy of my interview questions. “So I can check if there is something that I’ve failed to do,” he said earnestly.
我通过参加唐人街非政府组织举办的社区项目和活动，与工人阶级移民取得了联系。当我使用 Ethnic Business 中的服务时，我也提出了采访请求。研究工人阶级移民更难，因为他们往往工作时间长，而且不熟悉研究。然而，我也指责了从同种族的中产阶级那里获得社会资本的可能来源。因此，一位工薪阶层的父亲以兰教授的身份尊敬地称呼我，并利用这次采访作为宝贵的机会，听取了关于美国育儿的专家意见。他要了一份阅读清单，甚至重新索要了一份我的面试问题。“所以我可以检查一下是否有我没有做的地方，”他认真地说。

Mapping the Book
绘制书籍地图

The book is composed of five chapters. Following this introduction, Chapter 1 overviews the transpacific movement of ideas and resources that facilitated the spatial and cultural mobilities of Taiwanese and immigrant parents across his-torical periods. Transnationalism from both above and below alters the family lives of those who move overseas and of those who stay in the country of origin. The changes in the repertoires of childrearing, however, reach parents unevenly across the class spectrum.
这本书由五章组成。在介绍之后，第 1 章概述了思想和资源的跨太平洋流动，这些流动促进了台湾人和移民父母在其统治时期的空间和文化流动性。自上而下的跨国主义改变了移居海外的人和留在原籍国的人的家庭生活。然而，育儿技能的变化对各个阶级的父母的影响并不均衡。

Chapters 2 and 3 describe the growing divergence in parenting styles be-tween middle-class and working-class parents in Taiwan. Taiwan’s participation in globalized production has offered the professional middle class a ticket to intergenerational mobility in their lifetimes and opportunities to transnational mobility and career. By contrast, the working class, especially men, encounter stagnant mobility in the globalized economy; many seek foreign wives to es-cape their disadvantaged status in the local marriage market.
第 2 章和第 3 章描述了台湾中产阶级和工薪阶层父母之间日益增长的育儿方式差异。台湾参与全球化生产，为专业中产阶级提供了有生之年代际流动的门票，以及跨国流动和职业的机会。相比之下，工人阶级，尤其是男性，在全球化经济中遇到了流动性停滞不前的情况;许多人寻找外国妻子，以摆脱她们在当地婚姻市场上的弱势地位。

Chapter 2 describes the global security strategies of middle-class parents. To safeguard their children’s happiness and creativeness, these privileged par-ents mobilize their economic and cultural capital to exit the local education system or to advocate for reform. Some seek transnational mobility to help their children to get ahead in the arms race of global education. Others turn to alternative and home education under Western influence to orchestrate their children’s “natural growth.”
第 2 章描述了中产阶级父母的全球安全策略。为了保护孩子的幸福和创造力，这些特权参与者动员他们的经济和文化资本退出当地的教育系统或倡导改革。一些国家寻求跨国流动，以帮助他们的孩子在全球教育的军备竞赛中取得成功。其他人在西方影响下转向另类教育和家庭教育，以协调孩子的“自然成长”。

Chapter 3 turns to the security strategies of working-class parents, who em-phasize discipline and hard work to avoid the risks of children’s going stray or stagnant mobility. With the new middle-class ideals of parental competency
第 3 章转向了工薪阶层父母的安全策略，他们强调纪律和努力工作，以避免孩子误入歧途或停滞不前的风险。随着父母能力的新中产阶级理想

Introduction  21
引言 21

promoted by Taiwan’s government and school, working-class parents, includ-ing immigrant mothers, suffer from a decline in parental legitimacy. Some par-ents reinforce harsh discipline to claim legitimacy while the others outsource education to improve their children’s opportunities for class mobility.
在台湾政府和学校的推动下，工人阶级父母，包括移民母亲，父母的合法性下降。一些学生加强严厉的纪律以声称合法性，而另一些学生则外包教育以改善孩子在课堂上流动的机会。

Chapters 4 and 5 explore how immigrant parents across the class spectrum negotiate cultural differences and manage insecurities in the new country. People in Taiwan and China generally view US immigration as a pathway to social mobility, but many immigrants experience otherwise once they cross the borders. Those who lack English skills, local ties, and US-recognized degrees usually suffer from some degree of downward mobility. Even well-educated professionals may encounter racial discrimination and blocked mobility at American workplaces.
第 4 章和第 5 章探讨了不同阶层的移民父母如何在新国家协商文化差异和管理不安全感。台湾和中国大陆的人们通常将美国移民视为实现社会流动的途径，但许多移民在越过边境后却有不同的经历。那些缺乏英语技能、当地联系和美国认可学位的人通常会遭受一定程度的向动。即使是受过良好教育的专业人士，在美国的工作场所也可能会遇到种族歧视和行动不便。

Chapter 4 describes the parenting styles of highly educated immigrants who widely experience a decline of cultural confidence. Their security strategies cen-ter on how to protect or achieve a sense of confidence among second-­generation youth in a context of racial inequality. Some parents arrange “Americanized” extracurricular activities to orchestrate children’s competitive assimilation, while others mobilize their homeland culture and transnational educational re-sources to cultivate ethnic cultural capital for the second generation.
第 4 章描述了受过高等教育的移民的养育方式，他们普遍经历了文化自信的下降。他们的安全策略集中在如何在种族不平等的背景下保护第二代青年或实现他们的自信感。一些家长安排“美国化”的课外活动来协调孩子的竞争同化，而另一些家长则动员他们的祖国文化和跨国教育资源，为第二代培养民族文化资本。

Chapter 5 turns to working-class Chinese immigrants, whose narratives of parenting insecurity center on a decline in their parental authority, especially because corporal punishment is not recognized as a legitimate tool of child discipline in many parts of the United States. Some try to project an “Ameri-can” outlook on their family lives by either interpreting the reversed dynamics of parent-child relations as an indicator of cultural assimilation or attending parenting seminars to learn about American knowledge and techniques of childrearing. The others seek resources from immigrant communities or trans-national kin networks to sustain the ethnic practices of education, care, and discipline.
第 5 章转向工人阶级的中国移民，他们关于养育子女的不安全感的叙述集中在他们父母权威的下降上，特别是因为在美国许多地方，体罚不被认为是管教儿童的合法工具。有些人试图通过解释亲子关系的反向动态作为文化同化的指标，或者参加育儿研讨会来了解美国的育儿知识和技巧，从而对他们的家庭生活产生一种“美国式的”观点。其他人则从移民社区或跨国亲属网络中寻求资源，以维持种族的教育、照顾和纪律实践。

The conclusion compares the global security strategies among Taiwanese and immigrant parents across the class spectrum and identifies visible and in-visible social connections between these four groups of parents. I end by dis-cussing the theoretical and practical lessons we can learn from this research: why and how the global security strategies of childrearing unwittingly magnify parental insecurities and class injustice.
该结论比较了不同阶层的台湾人和移民父母的全球安全策略，并确定了这四组父母之间可见和不可见的社会联系。最后，我讨论了我们可以从这项研究中学到的理论和实践经验教训：为什么以及如何在不知不觉中放大了父母的不安全感和阶级不公正。

1 Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People
1 思想和人员的跨太平洋流动

The Pacific Ocean has long been a vital conduit for flows of ideas, goods, and people. Waves of Chinese laborers began arriving in the United States during the 1840s gold rush, and the immigration reforms of 1965 expanded the popu-lation of Asian Americans. Taiwanese and Chinese migrant paths have never been limited to a single direction; instead, they involve reciprocal processes and circular movements across the Pacific, which not only bring renewed resources to boost industrialization in their countries of origin but also alter social struc-ture and cultural practices back home, including the transformation of parent-ing repertoires.
长期以来，太平洋一直是思想、货物和人员流动的重要渠道。在 1840 年代的淘金热期间，一波又一波的中国劳工开始抵达美国，1965 年的移民改革扩大了亚裔美国人的人口。台湾和中国的移民路径从来不局限于单一方向;相反，它们涉及太平洋两岸的互惠过程和循环运动，这不仅带来了新的资源来促进其原籍国的工业化，而且还改变了国内的社会结构和文化习俗，包括育儿曲目的转变。

The concept of transnationalism encompasses a variety of global forces, including international connections from above, such as foreign aid and in-vestment, and transnational links from below, through travel, migration, cul-tural exchanges, and kinship networks.1 This chapter lays out historical and geographical contexts for the later chapters by looking into transpacific flows of ideas and people in the following four sections: the geopolitical and immigra-tion links between Taiwan and the US after World War II, Taiwan’s changing scripts of parenting and transnational cultural circuits since the 1990s, im-migration from postreform China to Taiwan and the US, and finally the cur-rent global economy and the increase of “return” migration among the second generation.
跨国主义的概念包含各种全球力量，包括来自上层的国际联系，如外国援助和投资，以及来自下层的跨国联系，通过旅行、移民、文化交流和亲属网络。本章通过以下四个部分研究跨太平洋思想和人员的流动，为后面的章节铺陈了历史和地理背景：二战后台湾和美国之间的地缘政治和移民联系，台湾自 1990 年代以来不断变化的育儿剧本和跨国文化回路，从改革后的中国移民到台湾和美国， 最后是当前的全球经济和第二代“回归”移民的增加。

US-Taiwan Links: Geopolitics and Immigration
美台联系：地缘政治和移民

A vast majority of Taiwanese are the descendants of migrants from South China over the past four hundred years. Taiwan was a Japanese colony for
绝大多数台湾人是过去四百年来来自华南地区的移民的后代。台湾是日本的殖民地，因为

22

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  23
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 23

half a century (1895–1945) and came under the rule of the Republic of China (ROC) after World War II. In 1949, the Chinese nationalist party Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taiwan after losing the civil war to the Communist Party of China. Chiang Kai-Shek brought in more than a million exiles from Mainland China with initial hopes of returning to the homeland soon. Taiwan’s strategic location—less than one hundred miles east of China’s southern coast—made it indispensable to American interest during the Cold War. The US wished to ensure Taiwan’s social stability and economic prosperity and recognized the ROC as the only “free China” until 1979, when the US established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
半个世纪（1895-1945 年），二战后由中华民国 （ROC） 统治。1949 年，中国国民党 （国民党） 在内战输给中国共产党后撤退到台湾。蒋介石从中国大陆带来了 100 多万流亡者，他们最初希望能很快返回祖国。台湾的战略位置——位于中国南部海岸以东不到 100 英里——使其成为冷战期间美国利益不可或缺的一部分。美国希望确保台湾的社会稳定和经济繁荣，并承认中华民国是唯一的“自由中国”，直到 1979 年美国与中华人民共和国 （PRC） 建立外交关系。

Between 1951 and 1964, the US government offered Taiwan economic as-sistance totaling 1.5 billion USD. The aid covered a wide range of instruments and policies under the command of the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR). Although US aid to Taiwan officially ended in 1965, various forms of financial assistance from US state agencies and private foundations, including an organized campaign of family planning, continued to have a powerful impact on the nation’s development and modernization. These transnational activities and connections “from above” paved the way for Tai-wanese immigrants in the later decades to pursue opportunities for economic advancement, political security, and children’s education in the United States.
1951 年至 1964 年间，美国政府向台湾提供了总计 15 亿美元的经济援助。在中美农村重建联合委员会 （JCRR） 的指挥下，援助涵盖了广泛的工具和政策。尽管美国对台湾的援助已于 1965 年正式结束，但美国国家机构和私人基金会的各种形式的财政援助，包括有组织的计划生育运动，继续对国家的发展和现代化产生巨大影响。这些“来自上层”的跨国活动和联系为后来几十年的泰湾移民在美国寻求经济发展、政治安全和儿童教育的机会铺平了道路。

Transnationalism from Above: US Aid and Family Planning
自上而下的跨国主义：美国援助与计划生育

Taiwan of the 1950s was shadowed by nationalist sentiment and propaganda. Children were viewed as productive laborers for their families and future war-riors for the nation. For example, a 1952 Taiwanese magazine article celebrating Children’s Day described the meaning of the holiday as “cultivating young citi-zens with a sound mind and body to build a prosperous nation.”2 The magazine published pictures of child laborers shining shoes and pulling a rickshaw as role models, because children had to be “directed toward serious, disciplinary real life” and “trained for obedience and proper life habits.”
1950 年代的台湾被民族主义情绪和宣传所笼罩。儿童被视为家庭的生产性劳动者，也是国家未来的战争者。例如，1952 年台湾杂志一篇庆祝儿童节的文章将节日的含义描述为“培养身心健全的年轻公民，建设一个繁荣的国家”。该杂志刊登了童工擦鞋和拉人力车的照片，因为孩子们必须“走向严肃、有纪律的现实生活”，并“接受服从和正确生活习惯的训练”。3

Taiwan’s then-high fertility rate indicated a rich source of human power for KMT troops. However, US policymakers and demographers were concerned about the geopolitical impact of overpopulation in Asia, which threatened to breed communism through stagnant development.4 In 1954, the US pres-sured Taiwan to become a “demographic laboratory” through the implementa-tion of family planning programs.5 Yet the campaign of birth control initially stirred local controversy and political resistance—if the KMT approved the
台湾当时的高生育率表明国民党军队拥有丰富的人力来源。然而，美国政策制定者和人口学家担心亚洲人口过剩的地缘政治影响，这有可能通过停滞发展滋生共产主义。 1954 年，美国通过实施计划生育计划，将台湾定为“人口实验室”。 然而，节育运动最初激起了当地的争议和政治抵抗——如果国民党批准

24  Chapter 1
24 第一章

US’s Malthusian­ diagnosis of overpopulation, the implication would be that the KMT rule was valid only within the territory of Taiwan and that the political claim to retake Mainland China was futile. Therefore, JCRR tactfully masked the promotion of birth control methods as part of “housewife sanitary educa-tion” and “pre-pregnancy health programs.”
美国对人口过剩的马尔萨斯诊断，意味着国民党的统治只在台湾境内有效，而夺回中国大陆的政治主张是徒劳的。因此，JCRR 巧妙地掩盖了将节育方法的推广作为“家庭主妇卫生教育”和“孕前健康计划”的一部分。6

Taking an incremental approach, JCRR established the legitimacy of fam-ily planning policy by producing large-scale fertility studies and disseminat-ing scientific knowledge connected with the “soft power” of US experts and institutions.7 The campaign reached success within a short period. Women’s national fertility rate dropped from 5.6 in 1960 to 4 in 1970 and 2.5 in 1980.8 The rapid change of fertility behavior in Taiwan was not simply a natural result of industrialization or an endogenous process of social change; rather, it was the consequence of geopolitical and cultural interventions.
JCRR 采用渐进的方法，通过进行大规模的生育研究和传播与美国专家和机构的“软实力”相关的科学知识，确立了家庭规划政策的合法性。 该活动在短时间内取得了成功。妇女的全国生育率从 1960 年的 5.6 下降到 1970 年的 4 和 1980 年的 2.5。 台湾生育行为的快速变化不仅仅是工业化的自然结果或社会变革的内生过程;而是地缘政治和文化干预的结果。

The birth-control program was accompanied by a family education cam-paign that defined the “modern family” as having fewer children and ample parental love. Starting since 1951, the US Information Service (USIS) in Taiwan published the magazine Harvest to circulate news and knowledge among the rural populace. Because many Taiwanese farmers were more literate in Japa-nese than in Chinese, the USIS insisted on publishing Harvest as a bilingual magazine despite the KMT’s rule that no books or newspapers could be pub-lished in Japanese after 1946 as a measure of decolonization.9 Harvest produced a flood of articles about the shortcomings of big families with titles like “A Big Family Is Not a Good Fortune” and “Too Many Children, Too Much Pain.” Parents were urged to offer their children quality care and advanced education, and they were advised that these investments were affordable only to families with two or three children.
节育计划伴随着家庭教育 cam-paign，将“现代家庭”定义为孩子少和父母爱多。从 1951 年开始，美国驻台湾新闻处 （USIS） 出版了《丰收》杂志，在农村民众中传播新闻和知识。由于许多台湾农民的日语识字率高于中文，因此美国科学局坚持将《丰收》作为双语杂志出版，尽管国民党规定 1946 年后不得以日语出版书籍或报纸，作为非殖民化的措施。Harvest 出版了大量关于大家庭缺点的文章，标题为“大家庭不是一种好运”和“太多的孩子，太多的痛苦”。他们敦促父母为他们的孩子提供优质的照顾和先进的教育，他们被告知这些投资只有有两三个孩子的家庭才能负担得起。

In the 1950s, among a thousand newborns in Taiwan, about forty babies would die before reaching one year of age.10 International public health ex-perts attributed the high infant mortality to not only poor sanitation and widespread contagious diseases but also oversized families and outdated chil-drearing styles. Harvest provided medical information about children’s health, such as the necessity of vaccinations, and advocated against folk treatments and superstition (e.g., that children with measles can neither eat noodles nor have haircuts). Several articles introduced ideas about modern methods of childcare regarding household sanitation, children’s sleeping habits, and home security; tips were offered for the purchase of children’s toys, books, shoes, clothes, and food.
在 1950 年代，在台湾的 1000 名新生儿中，大约有 40 名婴儿会在一岁之前死亡。10 国际公共卫生专家将婴儿死亡率高的原因不仅归因于恶劣的卫生条件和广泛的传染病，还归因于超大家庭和过时的婴儿饲养方式。 Harvest 提供有关儿童健康的医学信息，例如接种疫苗的必要性，并倡导反对民间治疗和迷信（例如，患有麻疹的儿童既不能吃面条，也不能理发）。几篇文章介绍了有关家庭卫生、儿童睡眠习惯和家庭安全方面的现代育儿方法的想法;为购买儿童玩具、书籍、鞋子、衣服和食物提供了小费。

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  25
跨太平洋思想和人员的流动 25

With the implementation of birth control and family education, the KMT political elites collaborated with US officials to practice their own political agenda and cultural mission. The KMT regime relied on the US aid to estab-lish ruling legitimacy vis-à-vis Communist China through economic and so-cial stability as well as moral and cultural hegemony in all areas, including the private sphere of family life. In 1953, under the advisement of US experts, the National Normal University established Taiwan’s first department of home eco-nomics to promote the scientific management of domesticity. In 1959, Taiwan’s provincial government started the annual tradition of electing and celebrating a “model happy family.” This politically loaded celebration of family value took place just as the Chinese Communist Party was experimenting with the Cul-tural Revolution.11
随着节育和家庭教育的实施，国民党政治精英与美国官员合作，实践自己的政治议程和文化使命。国民党政权依靠美国的援助，通过经济和社会稳定以及所有领域的道德和文化霸权，包括家庭生活的私人领域，建立对共产主义中国的统治合法性。1953 年，在美国专家的建议下，国立师范大学成立了台湾第一个家政经济学系，以促进家庭生活的科学管理。1959 年，台湾省政府开始了一年一度的选举和庆祝“模范幸福家庭”的传统。这场充满政治色彩的家庭价值庆祝活动发生在中国共产党进行文化革命的试验之际。11

Moreover, the KMT technocrats involved in JCRR and family planning were familiar with American culture and Western ideology through their personal connections. For example, Chiang Monlin, JCRR’s director from 1948 to 1964, had received a PhD in education from Columbia University in 1917 under the advisement of John Dewey. Chiang described the duty of JCRR as “applying Western democratic thoughts to China.”12 Job interviews for JCRR officers were conducted in English and most of the recruits had graduate degrees from US universities.13 The US aid also provided fellowships for higher education in the US to reproduce an increasing number of US-trained Taiwanese elites.14 These political elites served as “agents of modernity” by appropriating and domesti-cating American cultural repertoire in Taiwan.15
此外，参与 JCRR 和计划生育的国民党技术官僚通过他们的个人关系熟悉美国文化和西方意识形态。例如，1948 年至 1964 年担任 JCRR 主任的蒋蒙林 （Chiang Monlin） 于 1917 年在约翰·杜威 （John Dewey） 的建议下获得哥伦比亚大学教育学博士学位。蒋将 JCRR 的职责描述为“将西方民主思想应用于中国”。12 名 JCRR 官员的求职面试以英语进行，大多数新员工拥有美国大学的研究生学位。13 美国的援助还为美国的高等教育提供奖学金，以培养越来越多在美国接受培训的台湾精英。14 这些政治精英通过在台湾挪用和本土化美国文化曲目，充当“现代性的代理人”。15

While the few local elites enjoyed the privileged access to overseas studies and served as the agents of US aid, those at the bottom of the Taiwanese society became targeted groups for the inculcation of modern lifestyle. For example, the birth-control campaign specifically targeted rural women and the less edu-cated.16 The president of National Taiwan University Hospital commented on this matter: “People with lower education, mostly trapped in poverty, see repro-duction as something natural and give birth to a dozen without thinking, and they also suffer from poor sanitary conditions and want to have more children as insurance.”17
虽然少数当地精英享有出国留学的特权，并充当美国援助的代理人，但台湾社会底层的人却成为灌输现代生活方式的目标群体。例如，节育运动专门针对农村妇女和受教育程度较低的人。16 台大医院院长对此事评论道：“受教育程度较低的人，大多陷入贫困，视生育为自然之事，不假思索地生下十几个，他们也受害于卫生条件差，希望多生孩子作为保险。17

The Bureau of Health specified in its work plan that at least half of home visits by public health workers and nurses must take place in remote areas.18 They organized small-group meetings in rural communities to teach personal hygiene and household sanitation and to advocate birth control and good par-enting.19 In sum, the US aid programs, which coincided with the KMT regime’s
卫生局在其工作计划中明确指出，公共卫生工作者和护士至少一半的家访必须在偏远地区进行。18 他们在农村社区组织小组会议，教授个人卫生和家庭卫生，并倡导节育和良好的参与。19 总而言之，美国的援助计划与国民党政权的

26  Chapter 1
26 第一章

interest in sustaining its ruling legitimacy, gradually established the norm of an ideal family featured by low fertility and modern parenting. This early phase of global parenting already indicated the power geometry of globalization, where the modernity project of birth control, as a measure of transnationalism from above, aimed at the lower strata of Taiwanese society.
对维持其统治合法性的兴趣，逐渐确立了以低生育率和现代养育为特征的理想家庭的规范。全球育儿的早期阶段已经表明了全球化的权力几何，其中节育的现代性项目，作为自上而下的跨国主义措施，针对台湾社会的下层。

Exodus of Taiwanese Immigration to the US
台湾移民美国

Migration paths across the Pacific were blocked for more than half a century after the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. American attitudes and immigration policies toward the Chinese began to soften after World War II, when the ROC (Taiwan) became an ally of the US. The Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in 1943, but Chinese immigration remained limited under a quota system. The Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965 opened a wider gate to Asian immi-gration to the US, giving preference to immigrants with scientific and technical skills in order to compete with the Soviets during the Cold War. The law also al-lowed naturalized citizens and permanent residents to sponsor extended family members for immigration.
在 1882 年《排华法案》颁布后，横跨太平洋的移民路径被封锁了半个多世纪。美国对华人的态度和移民政策在二战后开始软化，当时中华民国（台湾）成为美国的盟友。《排华法案》于 1943 年被废除，但华人移民在配额制度下仍然受到限制。1965 年的《移民和国籍法》为亚洲移民美国打开了一扇更宽的大门，优先考虑具有科学和技术技能的移民，以便在冷战期间与苏联竞争。该法律还允许归化公民和永久居民赞助大家庭成员移民。

The post-1965 immigrants included a “hyperselective” group with much higher educational attainment than the average nonimmigrant American as well as the average citizen of their countries of origin.20 Before the normaliza-tion of China-US relations in 1979, immigrants from Taiwan fulfilled most of the immigration quotas for China. Taiwan’s political, economic, and cultural dependence on the US after World War II—including US aid, the influx of US investment in Taiwan’s export-oriented economy, and the infusion of Taiwanese education systems with “the US modes of thoughts and patterns of actions”— predisposed the growing Taiwanese middle class to emigrate to the US.21
1965 年后的移民包括一个“高度选择性”的群体，他们的教育程度比普通非移民美国人以及他们原籍国的普通公民高得多。20 在 1979 年中美关系正常化之前，来自台湾的移民完成了中国的大部分移民配额。二战后台湾对美国的政治、经济和文化依赖——包括美国的援助、美国对台湾出口导向型经济的投资涌入以及台湾教育体系的注入“美国的思维模式和行动模式”——使不断壮大的台湾中产阶级倾向于移民美国。21

Taiwan’s martial law lasted from 1949 to 1987, and travel outside the coun-try was under state restriction until 1979. Yet throughout this period, an in-creasing number of students received scholarships from either the Taiwanese government or American universities to pursue graduate education in the US. A popular 1970s slogan, “Come, come, come to NTU, go, go, go to USA,” de-scribed a common pathway for elite students who attended National Taiwan University (NTU), the highest-ranked university in the country, and later im-migrated to the US. Over the period 1971–1985, a total of 62,430 Taiwanese students went to the US for graduate education; only 18 percent of these stu-dents returned to Taiwan.22 In contrast to limited professional jobs in Taiwan’s
台湾的戒严令从 1949 年持续到 1987 年，直到 1979 年，出国旅行都受到国家限制。然而，在此期间，越来越多的学生获得了台湾政府或美国大学的奖学金，在美国攻读研究生。1970 年代流行的口号“来，来，来 NTU，去，去，去美国”描述了就读于美国排名最高的国立台湾大学 （NTU） 的精英学生的常见途径，后来移民到美国。在 1971 年至 1985 年期间，共有 62,430 名台湾学生前往美国接受研究生教育;这些学生中只有 18% 返回台湾。22 与台湾有限的专业工作相比

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  27
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 27

still developing economy, the US attracted them with more economic opportu-nities and a better quality of life.23
仍在发展中的经济，美国以更多的经济机会和更好的生活质量吸引了他们。23

Taiwan’s uncertain sovereign status was another push factor for emigration. When Taiwan (ROC) lost its seat at the United Nations in 1971, many citizens waited in line overnight outside the American Institute in Taiwan to obtain a visa application.24 The same phenomenon occurred again in 1979 after the normalization of US-China relations. In 1982, the US passed the Taiwan Rela-tions Act, which established an immigration quota of about twenty thousand per year for Taiwan, separate from China.25 Taiwanese immigration to the US reached its peak between 1977 and 1990, with an average over ten thousand im-migrants per year.26 The fear of political instability increased emigration from Taiwan again in the late 1990s, when China threatened to attack Taiwan’s de-mocracy and silence the advocates for independence.
台湾不确定的主权地位是推动移民的另一个因素。当台湾 （ROC） 于 1971 年失去联合国席位时，许多公民在美国在台协会外通宵排队等候获得签证申请。24 同样的现象在 1979 年美中关系正常化后再次发生。1982 年，美国通过了《台湾关系法》，为台湾建立了每年约 2 万名的移民配额，独立于中国。25 台湾移民到美国在 1977 年至 1990 年间达到顶峰，平均每年超过 1 万名移民。26 对政治不稳定的恐惧在 1990 年代后期再次增加了台湾的移民，当时中国威胁要攻击台湾的去民主主义并压制独立的倡导者。

Highly skilled Taiwanese immigrants to the US concentrated in the fields of science and technology. From 1985 to 2000, 18,508 people from Taiwan re-ceived a doctorate in the US; more than 80 percent of these PhDs were in sci-ence and engineering.27 Between 1988 and 1990, Taiwan produced more math and computer scientists than any other Asian country and was second in the number of immigrant engineers and natural scientists to the US.28 The number of Taiwanese overseas students in the US hit a record high in the early 1990s.29 Between 1990 and 2000, approximately 121,504 Taiwanese immigrants were admitted to the US; more than 60 percent of them worked in managerial and professional occupations.30
移民美国的高技能台湾人集中在科学和技术领域。从 1985 年到 2000 年，有 18,508 名台湾人在美国重新获得博士学位;这些博士中有 80% 以上是科学和工程领域的。27 1988 年至 1990 年间，台湾培养的数学和计算机科学家比其他任何亚洲国家都多，在美国移民工程师和自然科学家的数量中排名第二。28 在美国的台湾海外学生人数在 1990 年代初创下历史新高。29 1990 年至 2000 年期间，大约有 121,504 名台湾移民被接纳到美国;其中超过 60% 的人从事管理和专业职业。30

Taiwan’s economic growth slowed down the outflows of economic mi-grants, but many continued to go abroad to find better educational opportuni-ties for their children. Most of the Chinese “parachute kids” in the US during the 1980s and 1990s came from Taiwan; they migrated alone to attend elemen-tary, middle, or high schools while residing with extended relatives or in rented homestay.31 In other transnational families, the mother and children migrated while the “astronaut father” would fly back and forth to work or to manage a business in Taiwan.
台湾的经济增长减缓了经济移民补助金的流出，但许多人继续出国为他们的孩子寻找更好的教育机会。1980 年代和 1990 年代在美国的大多数中国“降落伞孩子”来自台湾;他们独自移民到高中、初中或高中上学，同时与大亲戚住在一起或租来寄宿家庭。31 在其他跨国家庭中，母亲和孩子移民，而“宇航员父亲”则往返飞行到台湾工作或管理企业。

Education in Taiwan was rigid and competitive, with national examinations at both the high school and the college level. By contrast, the US offered an abundance of colleges and widened opportunities for children who might not be eligible for a strong university education in Taiwan. Wealthy Taiwanese par-ents also seek educational migration for their children to realize the American
台湾的教育僵化且竞争激烈，高中和大学都有国家考试。相比之下，美国提供了大量的大学，并为可能没有资格在台湾接受良好大学教育的孩子提供了更多的机会。富有的台湾父母也为他们的孩子寻求教育移民，以实现美国

28  Chapter 1
28 第一章

dream. Maria Chee nicely summarized myriad motives in her study of Taiwan-ese transnational mothers in California:32
梦。Maria Chee 在她对加州台湾跨国母亲的研究中很好地总结了无数动机：32

Parents migrated to prepare a child for higher occupation and status than was possible in Taiwan given the child’s scholastic aptitude and inclination, to free a child from rigid education, to give a foundering child a second chance, to broaden their worldview for a global era, or so they claimed. All of these goals shared one feature, one hope: that their children may move up or at least repro-duce their parents’ social economic positions in society.
考虑到孩子的学术能力和倾向，父母移民是为了让孩子获得比台湾更高的职业和地位，让孩子摆脱僵化的教育，给一个蹒跚的孩子第二次机会，拓宽他们的世界观以适应全球时代，或者他们是这么声称的。所有这些目标都有一个共同的特点，一个希望：他们的孩子可以上升或至少复制他们父母在社会中的社会经济地位。

Global Childrearing in Taiwan
台湾的全球育儿

Taiwan’s high-tech industry boom of the 1990s halted the “brain drain” of pro-fessional emigration and induced a pattern of return migration. These return migrants established transnational social networks and cultural circuits that contributed to the globalized discourses of childrearing in Taiwan. After the termination of martial law in 1987, nongovernmental organizations mush-roomed with the newly granted freedom of assembly and association. Social elites and highly educated parents introduced novel ideas about childrearing and advocated for education reform. While state-sponsored institutions gradu-ally adopted and expanded parenting education, socioeconomically disadvan-taged parents have been exposed to increasing state monitoring.
1990 年代台湾的高科技工业繁荣阻止了专业移民的“人才流失”，并引发了回流移民的模式。这些返回的移民建立了跨国的社交网络和文化回路，为台湾的全球化育儿话语做出了贡献。1987 年戒严令结束后，非政府组织与新授予的集会和结社自由相得益彰。社会精英和受过高等教育的父母引入了关于育儿的新理念，并倡导教育改革。虽然国家资助的机构逐渐采用并扩大了育儿教育，但在社会经济上处于劣势地位的父母却受到了越来越多的国家监督。

Transnationalism from Below: “Bigration”
自下而上的跨国主义：“Bigration”

To facilitate Taiwan’s industrial upgrading in the 1990s, the government actively encouraged immigrants and overseas graduates to return by providing them with travel subsidies, job placements, and business investment assistance.33 Some highly skilled immigrants decided to return home after having reached a glass ceiling for promotion or entrepreneurship in the US.34 An increasing number of overseas Taiwanese students also returned upon graduation to capitalize on Taiwan’s economic growth. The downturn in the US information technology industry in the early 2000s caused job losses among Taiwanese pro-fessional migrants. Even “millionaire migrants” who entered via investor visas were inclined to return because of a lack of business opportunities and social networks in North America.35
为了促进台湾在 1990 年代的工业升级，政府积极鼓励移民和海外毕业生回国，为他们提供旅行补贴、就业安置和商业投资援助。33 一些高技能移民在美国达到晋升或创业的玻璃天花板后决定回国。34 越来越多的海外台湾学生在毕业后也返回台湾，以利用台湾的经济增长。2000 年代初美国信息技术行业的低迷导致台湾专业移民失业。即使是通过投资者签证入境的“百万富翁移民”也倾向于返回，因为北美缺乏商业机会和社交网络。35

The new pattern of “brain circulation” was facilitated by the transnational social networks of high-tech elites. The Hsinchu Science-Based Industrial Park, which was established in 1980 and modeled after Silicon Valley, provided sub-
“人才循环”的新模式是由高科技精英的跨国社交网络推动的。新竹科学工业园成立于 1980 年，以硅谷为蓝本，提供

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  29
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 29

sidized single-family housing and bilingual schools to help returned families transplant their American lifestyle to Taiwan. The community of US-trained Taiwanese professionals promoted reciprocal industrial upgrading in both Hsinchu and Silicon Valley through transnational flows of capital, skills, and knowledge.36
提供单户住宅和双语学校，帮助归国家庭将他们的美国生活方式移植到台湾。在美国接受培训的台湾专业人士社区通过资本、技能和知识的跨国流动，促进了新竹和硅谷的互惠工业升级。36 元

Shenglin Chang describes the transnational lives of these returned migrants as “two-way bigration.”37 They keep strong social ties across the Pacific thanks to reduced transportation costs and advanced communicative technology. Some Taiwanese engineers fly back and forth to sustain joint venture partner-ships in both Taiwan and Silicon Valley. Some wives and children continue to live in the US while maintaining another home in Taiwan. These families live a “go-between” lifestyle, where wives mix and match cultural elements and mate-rial items from the two homelands.
张胜林将这些归国移民的跨国生活描述为“双向变大”。37 由于运输成本降低和先进的通信技术，他们在太平洋彼岸保持着牢固的社会联系。一些台湾工程师来回飞行，以维持在台湾和硅谷的合资伙伴关系。一些妻子和孩子继续住在美国，同时在台湾维持着另一个家。这些家庭过着“中间”的生活方式，妻子们将来自两个家乡的文化元素和材料混合搭配。

The return of highly skilled immigrants and students to Taiwan established cross-border cultural and social networks. These social elites became “agents of modernity” in a wave of transnationalism from below. Unlike the earlier mo-dernity project that was carried out by political elites in a top-down manner, this round of transnational project toward global childrearing was bottom-up in nature and mediated by civil society elites.
高技能移民和学生返回台湾建立了跨境文化和社交网络。这些社会精英成为自下而上的跨国主义浪潮中的“现代性代理人”。与早期由政治精英自上而下的方式实施的 mo-dernity 项目不同，这一轮面向全球育儿的跨国项目本质上是自下而上的，由公民社会精英进行调解。

Modern Parenting and Education Reform
现代育儿与教育改革

The Human Education Foundation (HEF), established in 1989, was the lead-ing organization of education reform in Taiwan. HEF advocates, mostly col-lege professors and intellectuals with substantial overseas experience, criticized rote learning and authoritarian school culture as outdated practices in line with “feudal” Chinese traditions. Instead, they promoted “humanist education” against the use of corporal punishment in classroom. They also worked closely with parents’ associations, mostly in urban areas, to advocate for parents’ rights to participate in school.
华人教育基金会 （HEF） 成立于 1989 年，是台湾教育改革的领先组织。HEF 倡导者，大多是大学生教授和具有丰富海外经验的知识分子，他们批评死记硬背的学习和威权主义的学校文化是符合“封建”中国传统的过时做法。相反，他们提倡“人文主义教育”，反对在课堂上使用体罚。他们还与主要在城市地区的家长协会密切合作，倡导家长上学的权利。

Corporal punishment from teachers and parents used to be a legitimate means of child discipline in Taiwan. A Chinese idiom similar to “spare the rod and spoil the child” describes physical discipline as an essential way to form children’s moral character. In the post–martial law era, public discourses started to focus on children’s rights under the protection of national laws and interna-tional treaties. Children were increasingly viewed as “subjects” or autonomous individuals instead of “objects” or productive laborers for their families and the nation.38 The Western paradigm of developmental psychology, with growing
在台湾，老师和家长的体罚曾经是管教儿童的合法手段。一个类似于“饶杖宠孩子”的中国成语将体罚描述为塑造孩子道德品质的重要方式。在后戒严时代，公共话语开始关注国家法律和国际条约保护下的儿童权利。儿童越来越被视为“主体”或自主个体，而不是“客体”或家庭和国家的生产劳动者。38 西方发展心理学范式，随着

30  Chapter 1
30 第一章

popularity in Taiwan, cautioned parents about permanent damage that harsh discipline could impose on children. One HEF poster advertised the slogan “Give up your stick and use your brain” next to an image of a crying child. Physical punishment was no longer associated with “strict parents” but with “lazy parents” unwilling to learn new methods of childrearing.
在台湾的受欢迎程度，警告父母严厉的管教可能会对孩子造成永久性伤害。一张 HEF 海报在一张哭泣的孩子图片旁边宣传了“放弃你的棍子，用你的大脑”的口号。体罚不再与“严厉的父母”联系在一起，而是与不愿学习新的育儿方法的“懒惰的父母”联系在一起。

HEF reformers criticized parents at polar ends of the class spectrum as ei-ther irresponsible or incapable. They blamed elite parents for pressuring their children to treat education as a competition. Working-class parents with lim-ited time at home were criticized for their failure to acquire new parenting skills. To address these problems, HEF offered parenting education, including evening courses in the city and workshops in less urban areas, to instruct par-ents on how to become “modern parents” who attend to their children’s needs and express love.39
HEF 改革者批评处于阶级光谱两端的父母是不负责任或无能的。他们指责精英父母向他们的孩子施压，让他们把教育当作一种竞争。在家时间有限的工薪阶层父母因未能获得新的育儿技能而受到批评。为了解决这些问题，HEF 提供了育儿教育，包括在城市开设夜校和在城市较少地区举办研讨会，以指导参与者如何成为关注孩子需求并表达爱的“现代父母”。39 元

The HEP reformers turned to the child-centered paradigm of permis-sive, liberal parenting, which has dominated American childrearing since the 1930s,40 as an alternative cultural model. It views parents’ physical company and emotional attendance to child’s needs and desires as a critical means to the child’s cognitive and emotional development. The ideals of the parent-child re-lationship are marked by the rhetoric of cooperation, equality, and trust instead of authority, obedience, and discipline.
HEP 改革者转向以儿童为中心的永久、自由育儿模式，自 1930 年代以来，该模式一直主导着美国的育儿方式，40 作为一种替代文化模式。它将父母的身体陪伴和情感对孩子的需求和愿望的关注视为孩子认知和情感发展的重要手段。亲子关系的理想以合作、平等和信任的修辞为标志，而不是权威、服从和纪律。

The broader political and social contexts partly explained why education reformers in Taiwan were inclined toward a more permissive style of childrear-ing. Joining the vibrant civic advocacy to expand democracy in Taiwan, the reformers promoted students’ rights and freedoms in school. They advocated progressive education as a form of political resistance against KMT political censorship and ideological control. This backdrop also channeled their prefer-ence for deregulation and free-market principles as a means to achieve a hu-manistic education.41
更广泛的政治和社会背景在一定程度上解释了为什么台湾的教育改革者倾向于更宽容的育儿方式。改革者加入了充满活力的公民倡导活动，以扩大台湾的民主，促进学生在学校的权利和自由。他们主张进步教育，作为对国民党政治审查和意识形态控制的一种政治抵抗形式。这种背景也引导了他们倾向于放松管制和自由市场原则，以此作为实现胡主义教育的手段。41

A critical event on April 10, 1994 demonstrated the strength of civil activ-ism and pushed the state to enact an official campaign of education reform. In alliance with 219 social organizations, HEF led a crowd of more than thirty thousand Taiwanese marching on the streets of Taipei and angrily shouting slogans like “We want happy childhood!” Shortly afterward, the government held a National Educational Congress meeting in June and appointed the Edu-cational Reform Deliberation Committee in September. The committee was chaired by the Nobel laureate (in chemistry) Yuan-Tseh Lee, who had returned to Taiwan after working in US academia for thirty years.
1994 年 4 月 10 日的一次重要事件展示了公民行动主义的力量，并推动该州颁布了一场正式的教育改革运动。HEF 与 219 个社会组织结盟，带领三万多名台湾人走上台北街头，愤怒地高喊“我们想要快乐的童年”等口号。不久之后，政府于 6 月召开了全国教育代表大会，并于 9 月任命了教育改革审议委员会。该委员会由诺贝尔化学奖得主 Yuan-Tseh Lee 担任主席，他在美国学术界工作了 30 年后返回台湾。

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  31
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 31

Absorbing many reformist ideas, the government made tremendous changes in the educational system over the years, including the deregulation of textbooks, the prohibition of corporal punishment at schools, and, most im-portant, the expansion of higher education to alleviate academic pressure. Par-ents won the legal entitlement to participate in school committees. They also gained some autonomy over school choice or the choice to educate children at home, as the parliament gradually lifted legal barriers to experimental educa-tion and homeschooling.42
多年来，政府吸收了许多改革主义思想，对教育系统进行了巨大的改革，包括放松对教科书的管制，禁止在学校进行体罚，以及最重要的，扩大高等教育以减轻学术压力。Par-ents 赢得了参加学校委员会的合法权利。随着议会逐渐取消实验性教育和在家教育的法律障碍，他们还在择校或选择在家教育方面获得了一些自主权。42

Meanwhile, an increasing volume of parenting guides and magazines in-troduces innovative and mostly imported ideas about childrearing.43 From the sales records of Taiwan’s largest online bookstore, Book Your Life, I compiled the best-selling books on parenting during the five-year period of 2006–2011. Among the ninety-two best sellers, only sixteen books focus on more tradi-tional ways of Asian parenting, such as how-to guides on cultivating children’s learning ability or academic performance; some are parents’ testimonies to their children’s success from authors like Bill Gates’s father, a Korean mother whose son became a global elite, and a Taiwanese mother who helped her daughter gain admission to Ivy League universities.
与此同时，越来越多的育儿指南和杂志提出了关于育儿的创新理念，而且大部分是进口的。43 根据台湾最大的在线书店 Book Your Life 的销售记录，我整理了 2006 年至 2011 年五年期间最畅销的育儿书籍。在 92 本畅销书中，只有 16 本书侧重于更传统的亚洲育儿方式，例如培养孩子学习能力或学习成绩的作指南;有些是父母对比尔·盖茨（Bill Gates）的父亲、儿子成为全球精英的韩国母亲，以及帮助女儿进入常春藤盟校的台湾母亲等作家对孩子成功的见证。

The other best sellers demonstrate the new cultural trends under the influ-ence of global experts. Twenty-five books focus on the parent-child relationship, emphasizing parents’ communication skills—how to encourage, compliment, and reason with children—and cross-generational bonds through activities like story reading and cooking together. Another twenty books explore the topic of character building, highlighting children’s autonomy, independence, and non-academic exploration.
其他畅销书展示了在全球专家影响下的新文化趋势。25 本书侧重于亲子关系，强调父母的沟通技巧——如何鼓励、赞美和与孩子讲道理——以及通过读故事和一起做饭等活动建立跨代纽带。另外 20 本书探讨了品格塑造的主题，突出了儿童的自主性、独立性和非学术探索。

This book list displays high aspiration for scientific parenting and cosmo-politanism. Over a quarter of the best sellers are authored by experts like doc-tors, teachers, scientists, and professors. One-third of the books were translated from English or Japanese, and eleven books were written by Taiwanese authors who either lived abroad or introduced overseas childrearing ideas and edu-cational systems to Taiwan. A book series on global childrearing won market success in 2012, with titles like German Mothers Teach Discipline, American Mothers Teach Confidence, Japanese Mothers Teach Responsibility, and Jewish Mothers Teach Thinking
这份书单显示了对科学育儿和世界主义的崇高抱负。超过四分之一的畅销书是由医生、教师、科学家和教授等专家撰写的。其中 1/3 的书籍是从英文或日文翻译而来的，11 本书是由居住在国外或将海外育儿理念和教育制度引入台湾的台湾作家撰写的。2012 年，一本关于全球育儿的系列丛书赢得了市场成功，其中包括《德国母亲教纪律》、《美国母亲教自信》、《日本母亲教责任》和《犹太母亲教思考》.

The new cultural scripts of childrearing, marked with the influence of Western child psychology, advise parents to perform an increasing amount of emotional work.44 Emotional intimacy expressed through verbal and physical
受西方儿童心理学影响的育儿新文化剧本建议父母进行越来越多的情感工作。44 通过语言和身体表达的情感亲密

32  Chapter 1
32 第一章

communication is not stressed in traditional Chinese parent-child relation-ships. However, many of the younger generation of Taiwanese mothers purpo-sively use words and actions (e.g., hugging and kissing) to express affection for their children.45 These types of oral expression and body language are not habits inherited from the previous generation but rather are newly acquired skills of “modern” parenting. Some parents tell their children “I love you” in Chinese, but even more say the phrase in English because it sounds more “natural,” re-vealing how this kind of intimate interaction is not inherent in local culture but rather more closely associated with Western culture and practice.
在中国传统的亲子关系中，不强调沟通。然而，许多年轻一代的台湾母亲故意使用言语和行动（例如，拥抱和亲吻）来表达对孩子的爱意。45 这些类型的口头表达和肢体语言不是从上一代人那里继承下来的习惯，而是新获得的“现代”育儿技能。一些父母用中文告诉孩子“我爱你”，但更多的人用英语说这句话，因为它听起来更“自然”，这再次表明这种亲密互动并非当地文化所固有，而是与西方文化和习俗更紧密地联系在一起。

In sum, the new repertoire of childrearing defines parental competency as involving emotional sensitivity, expressive communication, educational in-volvement, and international exposure. Yet the new script of global childrearing and the expansion of parents’ rights to choose children’s schools have empow-ered only select groups of parents. As we will see in Chapter 2, the families who benefit most from the deregulation of education are those who can afford to send their children to private or alternative schools in Taiwan, followed by universities overseas. While school curricula and national policies increasingly treat intensive parenting and child-centered family life as the norm, working-class parents with limited exposure to global culture or new pedagogies face intensified institutional pressure.
总之，新的育儿技巧将父母的能力定义为涉及情感敏感性、表达性沟通、教育参与和国际视野。然而，全球育儿的新剧本和父母选择孩子学校的权利的扩大，只使选定的父母群体受益。正如我们将在第 2 章中看到的那样，从放松教育管制中受益最大的家庭是那些有能力将孩子送到台湾的私立或其他学校，其次是海外大学的家庭。虽然学校课程和国家政策越来越多地将密集的育儿和以儿童为中心的家庭生活视为常态，但接触全球文化或新教学法有限的工薪阶层父母面临着越来越大的制度压力。

State Monitoring of “High-Risk Families”
国家对“高危家庭”的监测

Parenting education began in grassroots campaigns by civil organizations but was gradually adopted by state-sponsored institutions. In 2003, Taiwan pro-mulgated the Family Education Act with the aim of “promoting family values, increasing knowledge and skills of family life, improving mental and physical health, building happy families, and creating a peaceful society.”46 The law estab-lished family education centers in over twenty cities and counties throughout Taiwan. Today, soon-to-be-married couples are encouraged to participate vol-untarily in at least four hours of family education from their local government.
育儿教育始于民间组织的草根运动，但逐渐被国家资助的机构采用。2003 年，台湾颁布了《家庭教育法》，旨在“弘扬家庭价值观，增加家庭生活知识和技能，改善身心健康，建立幸福家庭，创造和平社会”。46 该法在台湾全国 20 多个市县设立了家庭教育中心。今天，鼓励即将结婚的夫妇自愿参加当地政府提供的至少四个小时的家庭教育。

The Family Education Act was originally enacted to stabilize marital rela-tions and lower the divorce rate,47 but implementation gradually shifted focus to cross-generational relations. Section 102 of the Protection of Children and Youth Welfare and Rights Act mandates that parents or guardians who abuse or neglect children must receive between four and fifty hours of parental educa-tion.48 In 2008, Legislator Chou Sho-shun proposed an amendment to the Fam-ily Education Act that would make parental education mandatory for parents
《家庭教育法》最初是为了稳定婚姻关系和降低离婚率而制定的，47 但实施后逐渐将重点转移到跨代关系上。《保护儿童和青少年福利和权利法》第 102 条规定，虐待或忽视儿童的父母或监护人必须接受 4 到 50 小时的父母教育。48 2008 年，立法委员周绍顺提议修订《家庭教育法》，将父母的父母教育作为强制性规定

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  33
跨太平洋思想和人员的流动 33

whose children seriously misbehave at school.49 The proposed monetary pen-alty won support from the teachers’ association but received severe criticism from parents’ groups.50 Instead of imposing a fine, in 2011 the Taiwanese legis-lature gave family education centers the power to make home visits if parents receive three notices of absence from mandatory parental education.
他们的孩子在学校行为严重不端。49 拟议的金钱笔赢得了教师协会的支持，但受到了家长团体的严厉批评。50 2011 年，台湾立法机构没有处以罚款，而是赋予家庭教育中心在父母收到 3 份父母义务教育缺席通知时进行家访的权力。

The Ministry of Education proudly presented the Family Education Act as an ideal mix of the global and the local. It was allegedly based on extensive research into related policies and laws in “Germany, the UK, the US, Japan, Hong Kong, China and other foreign countries” in combination with “our tra-ditional culture and family values.”51 Notably, the state project of parental edu-cation does not endorse the paradigm of permissive, liberal parenting that has dominated the transnational-middle-class-infused HEF discourse. Instead, the state project privileges a “warm and authoritative” model, which emphasizes responsiveness and a clear boundary between parents and children.52 The pro-grams also include filial education, designed to strengthen children’s respect for parents and grandparents.
教育部自豪地将《家庭教育法》作为全球和地方的理想结合。据称，它是基于对“德国、英国、美国、日本、香港、中国和其他外国”相关政策和法律的广泛研究，并结合“我们的传统文化和家庭价值观”。51 值得注意的是，国家父母教育项目并不认可在跨国中产阶级注入的 HEF 话语中占据主导地位的宽容、自由的育儿范式。相反，该州项目偏爱“温暖而权威”的模式，该模式强调响应能力以及父母和孩子之间的明确界限。52 该计划还包括孝道教育，旨在加强儿童对父母和祖父母的尊重。

Meanwhile, the instability and dysfunction of family life are exposed to greater regulation by public authorities. The phenomenon of “latchkey chil-dren” was fairly common until Taiwan’s government outlawed the practice in 1993.53 Leaving children alone at home, especially those younger than six, is now seen as an act of neglect. Although corporal punishment is still lawful in the home,54 punitive acts inflicting physical injury on children would be con-sidered by the authority as maltreatment or child abuse. The reported cases for suspected incidences of child abuse increased three times from 2006 to 2016, although many cases turned out to be unfounded.55
与此同时，家庭生活的不稳定和功能失调受到公共当局的更严格监管。“latchkey chil-dren”现象相当普遍，直到台湾政府于 1993 年宣布这种做法为非法。53 将儿童独自留在家里，尤其是 6 岁以下的儿童，现在被视为一种忽视行为。虽然体罚在家中仍然是合法的，但54 对儿童造成身体伤害的惩罚性行为会被当局视为虐待或虐待儿童。从 2006 年到 2016 年，疑似虐待儿童案件的报告案件增加了三倍，尽管许多案件被证明是没有根据的。55 元

In the early 2000s, a few high-profile cases of child abuse attracted wide-spread media attention. The nation was also shocked by incidences of entire families tragically lost to murder-suicide committed by impoverished parents. The Ministry of the Interior responded by expanding “preventive” care for vul-nerable children and families, instituting the Special Care and Counseling for High-Risk Families program in 2005. A wide range of agents, including social workers, schoolteachers, daycare staff, police, medical personnel, immigration officers, borough chiefs, and even community security guards are mandated to report to the local government if they observe children in possible high-risk environments.
在 2000 年代初期，几起备受瞩目的虐待儿童案件引起了媒体的广泛关注。全国还对整个家庭因贫困父母犯下的谋杀自杀而悲惨丧生的事件感到震惊。作为回应，内政部扩大了对弱势儿童和家庭的“预防性”护理，并于 2005 年设立了高危家庭特殊护理和咨询计划。包括社会工作者、学校教师、日托工作人员、警察、医务人员、移民官员、自治市镇长甚至社区保安在内的各种代理人，如果观察到儿童处于可能的高风险环境中，他们都必须向当地政府报告。

The so-called high-risk families exposed to this mandated reporting are defined as “those families who encounter economic, parenting, marital, and
暴露于此强制报告的所谓高风险家庭被定义为“那些遇到经济、育儿、婚姻和

34  Chapter 1
34 第一章

medical problems and thus fail to offer adequate care for children and adoles-cence.”56 The working guidelines offer a list of risk indicators that fall into three categories: First, unstable or atypical family relations, including single-parent households and grandparent-headed families; second, families that lack ad-equate or functional caretakers, such as families where the parents suffer from addiction or other psychiatric illnesses; third, families impoverished by par-ents’ unemployment, illness, incarceration, or other causes. Social workers and NGOs find that these indicators are vaguely defined and difficult to identify, leading to misreporting and misapplication in practice.57 As Chapter 3 shows, parents of lower socioeconomic status and of immigrant backgrounds are ex-posed to increased monitoring by the state.
医疗问题，因此未能为儿童和青少年提供足够的照顾。56 工作指南提供了一份风险指标清单，分为三类：第一，不稳定或非典型的家庭关系，包括单亲家庭和祖父母当家的家庭;第二类，缺乏同等或功能性照顾者的家庭，例如父母患有成瘾或其他精神疾病的家庭;第三，因伴侣失业、疾病、监禁或其他原因而贫困的家庭。社工和非政府组织发现，这些指标定义模糊，难以识别，导致实践中出现误报和误用。57 正如第 3 章所示，社会经济地位较低和具有移民背景的父母可能会受到国家加强的监督。

The PRC Connections to Taiwan and the US
PRC 与台湾和美国的联系

Emigration from Communist China was strictly prohibited until the economic opening in 1979. The exodus of Chinese immigrants took off to multiple desti-nations, including a bifurcated stream to the US. The newly rich Chinese pur-sue transnational mobility for their families and especially a global education for their children. Even the less privileged are equipped with increased assets to partake a journey of immigration even if without legal documents.
在 1979 年经济开放之前，严格禁止从共产主义中国移民。中国移民的外流前往多个目的地国家，包括分叉流向美国。新富裕的中国人追求家庭的跨国流动，尤其是他们的孩子接受全球教育。即使是弱势群体也拥有更多的资产，即使没有合法文件也可以参与移民之旅。

Meanwhile, after decades of separation during the Cold War, Taiwan (ROC) and China (PRC) resumed exchanges in the 1980s, leading to class-specific and gendered streams of migration across the Taiwan Strait. A tidal wave of capital-linked migration consists of small business owners and professionals, mostly men, working for Taiwanese firms with operation in China.58 Cross-border marriages composed of Chinese women and Taiwanese men, mostly the work-ing class, have also grown rapidly in Taiwan during the past two decades. Both types of global households create conundrums for marriage and childrearing.
与此同时，在冷战期间分离数十年后，台湾 （ROC） 和中国 （PRC） 在 1980 年代恢复了交流，导致台湾海峡出现特定阶级和性别化的移民潮。一波与资本挂钩的移民浪潮由小企业主和专业人士组成，其中大多数是为在中国大陆开展业务的台湾公司工作的男性。58 在过去二十年里，由中国女性和台湾男性组成的跨境婚姻（主要是工人阶级）在台湾也迅速增长。这两种类型的全球家庭都给婚姻和育儿带来了难题。

Capital-Linked and Marital Migration Across the Taiwan Strait
台湾海峡两岸的资本关联和婚姻迁移

It is estimated that about 1.5 million Taiwanese citizens frequently travel across the Taiwan Strait and maintain simultaneous connections in both societies.59 The number is significant for a country with a population of 23.5 million. Ac-cording to the 2010 Taiwan Social Change Survey conducted on a random household sample, about 7 percent of the respondents had spouses, parents, children, or siblings currently working in China.60 Taiwanese investors use their linguistic and cultural ties to play a mediate role in the global production chains connecting Western buyers and cheap labor in China. Taiwanese pro-
据估计，约有 150 万台湾公民经常穿越台湾海峡，并在两个社会同时保持连接。59 对于一个拥有 2350 万人口的国家来说，这个数字意义重大。根据 2010 年对随机家庭样本进行的台湾社会变革调查，大约 7% 的受访者的配偶、父母、子女或兄弟姐妹目前在中国工作。60 名台湾投资者利用他们的语言和文化纽带，在全球生产链中发挥中介作用，将西方买家和中国的廉价劳动力联系起来。台湾亲

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  35
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 35

fessionals also capitalize on their “exceptional membership” to pursue flexible mobility in China,61 where Taiwanese enjoy some entitlements that ordinary foreigners are not eligible for, especially rights of residency and employment.62 The majority of Taiwanese entrepreneurs and professionals working in China are married men; most of their families reside in Taiwan for reasons such as children’s education, spouse’s jobs, lifestyle preferences, or the need to care for aging parents.63 The popular magazine CommonWealth estimates that the current number of such split or “left-behind families” could be as high as 1 million.64 According to the research of Hsiu-Hua Shen, these couples’ extended time apart reinforces the conventional gendered roles—while Taiwanese hus-bands who relocated to China are better able to fulfill the male role of financial supporters, Taiwanese wives who stay behind take responsibility for the daily
专业人士还利用他们的“特殊会员资格”在中国寻求灵活的流动性，61 台湾人享有一些普通外国人没有资格享有的权利，尤其是居留权和就业权。62 在中国大陆工作的台湾企业家和专业人士大多是已婚男性;他们的大多数家人出于子女教育、配偶工作、生活方式偏好或需要照顾年迈父母等原因居住在台湾。63 据《联邦》杂志估计，目前这种分裂或“留守家庭”的数量可能高达 100 万。64 根据沈秀华的研究，这些夫妇长时间的分离强化了传统的性别角色——虽然搬到中国的台湾 hus 乐队能够更好地履行经济支持者的男性角色，但留下来的台湾妻子承担起日常责任

care of children and family elders.65
照顾孩子和家庭长辈。65

Meanwhile, Taiwan has become a receiving country for labor and mar-riage migration from Southeast Asia since the early 1990s. Immigration from Mainland China, including workers and students, is nevertheless subject to tight control and exceptional regulation.66 Despite their linguistic and cultural affinity with Taiwanese, Mainland Chinese are stigmatized by their association with poverty or backwardness and distrusted because of political tension across the Taiwan Strait. Shu-mei Shih calls this paradox “the threat of similarity”: Taiwan’s migration regime excludes Chinese because Mainland Chinese lack “the difference necessary to maintain and police the boundaries of national identity.”67
与此同时，自 1990 年代初以来，台湾已成为东南亚劳工和婚姻移民的接收国。然而，来自中国大陆的移民，包括工人和学生，仍受到严格控制和特殊监管。66 尽管中国大陆人在语言和文化上与台湾人有亲和力，但他们因与贫困或落后联系在一起而受到耻辱，并因台湾海峡两岸的政治紧张局势而不被信任。Shu-mei Shih 将这个悖论称为“相似性的威胁”：台湾的移民制度将中国人排除在外，因为中国大陆人缺乏“ 维护和监管国家身份界限所必需的差异”。67

Marriage migration is the only path for Chinese nationals to gain perma-nent residency and citizenship in Taiwan. Over the past two decades, about half a million of immigrant women entered Taiwan through marriage, includ-ing more than three hundred thousand from Mainland China.68 Compared to declining marriage rates among Taiwanese citizens, cross-border marriages in-creased over the 1990s and peaked in the early 2000s. The number of “Chinese brides” outnumbered their Southeast Asian counterparts after the discrimi-natory regulation against Chinese spouses was lifted in 2008. Each year some twelve thousand to fourteen thousand cross-Strait couples register their mar-riages in Taiwan, constituting on average 9 percent of all marriages.69 Many of these Taiwanese husbands are undesirable partners in the local marriage mar-ket—elderly veterans, divorcees, the disabled or working-class men, but there are also middle-class men who met their Chinese wives through trade or tour-ism in China and work or study in a third country.
婚姻移民是中国公民在台湾获得永久居留权和公民身份的唯一途径。在过去的二十年里，大约有五十万移民女性通过婚姻进入台湾，其中包括来自中国大陆的三十多万。68 与台湾公民结婚率下降相比，跨境婚姻在 1990 年代有所增加，并在 2000 年代初达到顶峰。在 2008 年取消对中国配偶的歧视性规定后，“中国新娘”的数量超过了东南亚新娘的数量。每年约有 12000 至 14000 对两岸夫妇在台湾登记结婚，平均占所有婚姻的 9%。69 这些台湾丈夫中有许多是当地婚姻市场上不受欢迎的伴侣——年老的退伍军人、离婚者、残疾人或工人阶级的男性，但也有一些中产阶级男性通过在中国的贸易或旅游认识了他们的中国妻子，并在第三国工作或学习。

36  Chapter 1
36 第一章

Chinese spouses are subject to more stringent regulation compared to mar-riage migrants from elsewhere. Taiwan’s Immigration Law stipulates that for-eign spouses receive residency upon the first arrival and become eligible for naturalization after four years of residency in Taiwan. Chinese spouses, in con-trast, obtained residency after two years of marriage and waited twice as long for citizenship. The policy reform in 2008 lifted the quota control and short-ened the residency required for naturalization to six years for Chinese spouses. Prior to this change, a Chinese wife could expedite the process only by becom-ing pregnant and skipping the two-year probation. Childbirth enabled Chinese spouses to assert marital authenticity in the eyes of the state and thus to gain preferential treatments that helped them to acquire residency or citizenship sooner. In other words, migrant women are perceived as worthy citizens and loyal members only after they become mothers of Taiwanese nationals.70
与来自其他地方的已婚移民相比，中国配偶受到更严格的监管。台湾移民法规定，配偶在首次抵达时获得居留权，并在台湾居住四年后有资格入籍。相反，中国配偶在结婚两年后获得了居留权，并等待了两倍的时间才能获得公民身份。2008 年的政策改革取消了配额控制，并将中国配偶入籍所需的居留期限缩短至 6 年。在此变化之前，中国妻子只能通过怀孕并跳过两年的试用期来加快这一过程。生育使中国配偶能够在国家眼中维护婚姻的真实性，从而获得优惠待遇，帮助他们更快地获得居留权或公民身份。换句话说，移民女性只有在成为台湾公民的母亲后，才会被视为有价值的公民和忠诚的成员。70

The growth of cross-border marriages stirs social anxieties in a time of low fertility and intensive parenting. Taiwan’s media coined the term “New Tai-wanese children” to describe these mixed children of cross-border marriages. In 2003, the birth rate for children of immigrant mothers reached its peak of thirteen for every hundred newborn Taiwanese babies.71 In the 2013–2014 aca-demic year, nearly 10 percent (or about 210,000) of all students enrolled in primary and secondary school were born to an immigrant mother (40 percent of these had mothers from Vietnam, 37 percent from China, and 12 percent from Indonesia). This proportion is significant partly because the number of children born to a Taiwanese mothers continues to decline.72 Chapter 3 exam-ines how immigrant mothers from China struggle to be good parents when economic, social, and cultural marginalization truncates their capacity to raise children in Taiwan.
跨境婚姻的增长在低生育率和密集育儿的时代激起了社会焦虑。台湾媒体创造了“新泰湾孩子”一词，来形容这些跨境婚姻的混血儿。2003 年，移民母亲的出生率达到了每 100 名新生台湾婴儿 13 个的峰值。71 在 2013-2014 年 aca-demic 年，近 10%（或约 210,000 名）的中小学入学学生是移民母亲所生（其中 40% 的母亲来自越南，37% 来自中国，12% 来自印度尼西亚）。这个比例很大，部分原因是台湾母亲所生的孩子数量持续下降。72 第 3 章探讨了当经济、社会和文化边缘化削弱了她们在台湾抚养孩子的能力时，来自中国的移民母亲如何努力成为好父母。

Bifurcated Chinese Immigration to the US
分叉的中国移民到美国

The inflows of Taiwanese and Chinese immigration to the US have diverged in recent years: Taiwanese immigration has slowed down since the 1990s while immigration from China is on the rise. The demographic profiles of these two immigrant groups are also different. According to the 2010 US Census, docu-mented immigrants from both Taiwan and China had higher household in-comes and educational attainment than the US national population. Taiwanese immigrants mostly belonged to the professional middle class with a median household income close to 80,000 USD and over 70 percent were homeowners. Almost 70 percent of Taiwanese immigrants held a bachelor’s degree or above,
近年来，台湾人和中国移民到美国的流入出现了分歧：自 1990 年代以来，台湾移民放缓，而来自中国的移民却在增加。这两个移民群体的人口概况也不同。根据 2010 年美国人口普查，来自台湾和中国大陆的合法移民的家庭收入和教育程度都高于美国全国人口。台湾移民大多属于职业中产阶级，家庭收入中位数接近 80,000 美元，其中超过 70% 是房主。近 70% 的台湾移民拥有学士学位或以上，

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  37
跨太平洋思想和人员流动 37

and nearly 40 percent had a graduate or professional degree. Over 85 percent of the population worked as professionals or office employees; the poverty rate was slightly above 7 percent.
近 40% 的人拥有研究生或专业学位。超过 85% 的人口是专业人士或办公室雇员;贫困率略高于 7%。

Immigrants born in China were more heterogeneous with respect to edu-cational attainment and socioeconomic status. Although over 40 percent re-ceived graduate or postgraduate education, a quarter did not finish high school. Nearly half of Chinese immigrants were employed in professional occupations, but a quarter were service workers. Their median household income was close to 52,000 USD and more than half were homeowners; still, a sizable propor-tion of Chinese immigrants lived in poverty (12.2 percent) (see Appendix C for details).
在中国出生的移民在教育程度和社会经济地位方面更加异质。尽管超过 40% 的人重新接受了研究生或研究生教育，但四分之一的人没有完成高中学业。近一半的中国移民从事专业职业，但四分之一是服务业工作者。他们的家庭收入中位数接近 52,000 美元，其中一半以上是房主;尽管如此，仍有相当一部分中国移民生活在贫困中（12.2%）（详见附录 C）。

After China and the US resumed normal relations in 1979, Chinese students began traveling to the US to study. The number has continued to rise since the 1990s. During the 2014–2015 academic year alone, more than 304,000 Chinese international students attended American universities.73 Even the volume of Chinese teenagers studying in the US has risen dramatically.74 The most com-mon channel for Chinese students to adjust their immigration status is the H-1B visa program created by the 1990 Immigration Act. In the decade that followed, the US economy recovered from a recession and entered a period of prosperity. The fast-growing IT industry, in particular, welcomed foreigners to meet its need for highly skilled professionals.75
1979 年中美恢复正常关系后，中国学生开始前往美国学习。自 1990 年代以来，这个数字一直在上升。仅在 2014-2015 学年，就有超过 304,000 名中国国际学生就读于美国大学。73 甚至在美国学习的中国青少年的数量也急剧增加。74 中国学生最常调整移民身份的渠道是 1990 年移民法创建的 H-1B 签证计划。在随后的十年里，美国经济从衰退中恢复过来，进入了繁荣时期。尤其是快速增长的 IT 行业，欢迎外国人来满足其对高技能专业人员的需求。75

Investment immigration from China to North America also rapidly ex-panded during this period. To stimulate the local economy with an infusion of foreign capital, the US government introduced investor immigration in the Immigration Act of 1990.76 The EB-5 investor visa program is particularly at-tractive to people from newly industrialized Asian countries such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea, and recently, China. Newly rich Chinese pursue im-migration for multiple reasons: to protect their assets, to improve life quality, and to seek a better future for their children.
在此期间，从中国到北美的投资移民也迅速激增。为了通过外国资本的注入来刺激当地经济，美国政府在 1990 年的《移民法》中引入了投资移民。76 EB-5 投资者签证计划对来自亚洲新兴工业化国家（如台湾、香港、韩国和最近的中国）的人特别有吸引力。新富裕的中国人追求移民有多种原因：保护他们的资产，提高生活质量，以及为他们的孩子寻求更好的未来。

In addition to the wealthy and highly educated, a substantial population of working-class Chinese emigrated to the US through family reunification and asylum seeking. As of 2014, over half of Chinese immigrants who obtained permanent residency in the US were sponsored by family members or immedi-ate relatives, and 16 percent were refugees or asylees; by contrast, 30 percent of permanent residents achieved their status as employment-sponsored immi-grants.77 A significant proportion of working-class Chinese immigrants have no legal status in the US; the number was estimated to be at least 325,000 in
除了富人和受过高等教育的人外，还有大量中国工人阶级通过家庭团聚和寻求庇护移民到美国。截至 2014 年，在美国获得永久居留权的中国移民中，超过一半是由家庭成员或直系亲属担保的，16% 是难民或庇护者;相比之下，30% 的永久居民获得了就业担保移民补助金的身份。77 很大一部分工人阶级的中国移民在美国没有合法身份;据估计，这个数字至少有 325,000 人

38  Chapter 1
38 第一章

2014.78 Some eventually gain legal status by seeking asylum, with the one-child policy and Falun Gong membership as the two most popular claims.79 This book focuses on documented immigrants only.
2014.78 有些人最终通过寻求庇护获得了合法身份，独生子女政策和法轮功会员资格是最受欢迎的两种诉求。79 本书只关注有证件的移民。

Less-educated Chinese immigrants are often employed in ethnic enclave economy, doing manual labor like construction, domestic work, and restaurant staff. It is estimated that a quarter of the Chinese population in the US works in the fifty thousand Chinese restaurants throughout the country80. Many Chinese immigrants struggle to enter the mainstream job market because of language barriers and a refusal to recognize their degrees or qualifications from China. Many rely on personal networks or coethnic agencies that advertise exclusively in Chinese and require minimum training or English proficiency.81 These em-ployers depend on the “Chinese work ethic” to support their businesses be-cause immigrant workers are willing to endure long hours with poor pay, little protection, and substandard conditions.82
受教育程度较低的中国移民通常受雇于少数民族飞地经济，从事建筑、家政和餐馆工作人员等体力劳动。据估计，美国华人人口的四分之一在全国 50,000 家中餐馆工作80.由于语言障碍和拒绝承认他们在中国的学位或资格，许多中国移民难以进入主流就业市场。许多机构依靠个人网络或同族机构，这些机构只用中文做广告，并且需要最低限度的培训或英语水平。81 这些雇主依靠“中国职业道德”来支持他们的企业，因为移民工人愿意忍受长时间的低薪、很少的保护和不合标准的条件。82

The class bifurcation of Chinese immigration leads to the divergence of intergenerational relations. In her study conducted in New York City in the late 1990s, Vivian Louie divided her respondents into “uptown Chinese Ameri-cans” growing up in suburban America and “downtown Chinese Americans” from urban ethnic enclaves. The middle-class youth were expected by their im-migrant parents to assimilate into the (white) mainstream even at the cost of diluting ethnicity and losing Chinese literacy. Working-class children, in con-trast, often had to work in ethnic family business but felt a profound sense of disconnection from their parents’ world.83 Chapters 4 and 5 in this book extend the discussion and examine the class-specific practices of immigrant parenting facing new challenges in the current global economy.
中国移民的阶级分化导致了代际关系的分化。在 1990 年代后期在纽约市进行的研究中，Vivian Louie 将她的受访者分为在美国郊区长大的“上城华裔美国人”和来自城市少数民族飞地的“市中心华裔美国人”。他们的移民父母希望中产阶级青年能够融入（白人）主流，即使以稀释种族和失去中国识字率为代价。相反，工薪阶层的孩子经常不得不在少数民族的家族企业中工作，但与父母的世界有着深深的脱节感。83 本书的第 4 章和第 5 章扩展了讨论，并研究了在当前全球经济中面临新挑战的移民育儿的特定阶级实践。

New Challenges, New Directions
新挑战，新方向

The twenty-first-century global economy carves new directions for transpacific flows of people and ideas. A growing number of second-generation Chinese Americans are moving to the booming Asian markets, especially the economic superpower of China, while the American economy has suffered from stagnant growth and depressing employment after the financial crisis of 2008. Western educators and parents also started to look into potential merits of Asian edu-cation. The new landscape of global power shifts stirs anxiety among Chinese immigrant parents in the US, especially those who live in predominantly white neighborhoods like in the case of Boston.
21 世纪的全球经济为跨太平洋人员和思想的流动开辟了新的方向。越来越多的第二代华裔美国人正在移居蓬勃发展的亚洲市场，尤其是中国这个经济大国，而美国经济在 2008 年金融危机后一直遭受增长停滞和就业低迷的困扰。西方教育工作者和家长也开始研究亚洲教育的潜在优点。全球权力转移的新格局激起了在美国的华人移民父母的焦虑，尤其是那些生活在波士顿等以白人为主的社区的父母。

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  39
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 39

What If “White Is Just Alright”?
如果 “White is Just Alright” 呢？

For many among the older generations of ethnic Chinese immigrants to the US, the assimilation of the second generation meant emulation of white middle-class America in terms of language, manner, and lifestyle. In the 1980s, many Taiwanese immigrants living in white suburbs deliberately discouraged their children from speaking Chinese to avoid an accent in English. In a newslet-ter published by the Lexington Chinese-language school, an immigrant father recalled that an older-generation Taiwanese immigrant once instructed him: “Learning Chinese is not that important. The next generation has to become Americans after all.”
对于许多老一辈移民到美国的华裔来说，第二代的同化意味着在语言、举止和生活方式方面效仿美国白人中产阶级。在 1980 年代，许多居住在白人郊区的台湾移民故意劝阻他们的孩子说中文，以避免英语口音。在列克星敦中文学校出版的一篇新闻报道中，一位移民父亲回忆说，一位老一辈的台湾移民曾经告诉他：“学中文没那么重要。毕竟，下一代必须成为美国人。

Yet the experiences of non-European immigrant families prove that Ameri-canization is neither a linear nor a racially blind process. Asian Americans con-front an assumption of “forever foreignness,” where they are seen as somehow more Asian than American.84 Their ethnic identity is not a voluntary option as it is for white ethnics,85 but it is imposed by virtue of their physical appearance through a structural process of racialization. “Selective acculturation” offers a segmented path of assimilation for immigrant youths, who can achieve both social mobility and cultural preservation by making close ties with the immi-grant community.86
然而，非欧洲移民家庭的经历证明，美国公民化既不是一个线性的过程，也不是一个种族盲目的过程。亚裔美国人面临着“永远的外国人”的假设，在这种假设中，他们被视为在某种程度上更像亚洲人而不是美国人。84 他们的种族身份不像白人那样是一个自愿的选择，85 而是通过种族化的结构性过程，根据他们的外表强加的。“选择性文化适应”为移民青年提供了一条分段的同化路径，他们可以通过与移民社区建立密切联系来实现社会流动和文化保护。86

Chinese immigrant communities nowadays take shape in new locations. Traditional Chinatowns no longer serve as primary centers of settlement, and more than half of all Chinese Americans live in suburbs.87 Suburban communi-ties with reputable schools, like Los Angeles’s San Gabriel Valley and Cupertino in San Jose, received an influx of professional immigrants from Asia, leading to a new, distinct phenomenon of “ethnoburbs.”88 After-school programs and educational consultants of Asian styles have mushroomed in these ethnoburbs; even white families are moving out to escape the intense academic pressure (the so-called new white flight)89
如今，中国移民社区在新的地方形成。传统的唐人街不再是主要的定居中心，超过一半的华裔美国人居住在郊区。87 郊区与著名学校的社区，如洛杉矶的圣盖博谷和圣何塞的库比蒂诺，接收了来自亚洲的专业移民的涌入，导致了一种新的、独特的“民族住宅”现象。88 亚洲风格的课后项目和教育顾问在这些民族城市如雨后春笋般涌现;甚至白人家庭也搬出去逃避巨大的学术压力（所谓的新白人逃亡）89.

In their recent article entitled “When White Is Just Alright,” Tomás Jimé-nez and Adam Horowitz argue that at schools with a dominant Asian popula-tion, teachers often associate Asianness with academic success and hard work while linking whiteness with academic mediocrity and laziness, leading to a new “ethnoracial encoding of academic achievement.”90 Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou’s study in Los Angeles similarly found that Asian students are likely to experience a “stereotype promise” that boosts their academic performance as a self-fulfilling prophecy.91
在他们最近题为“当白人只是好的时候”的文章中，托马斯·吉梅内斯（Tomás Jimé-nez）和亚当·霍洛维茨（Adam Horowitz）认为，在亚裔占主导地位的学校里，教师经常将亚裔与学业成功和努力工作联系起来，而将白人与学术平庸和懒惰联系起来，导致了一种新的“学术成就的种族编码”。90 詹妮弗·李（Jennifer Lee）和敏·李（Min 周）在洛杉矶的研究同样发现，亚裔学生可能会经历一个“刻板印象的承诺”，这种承诺可以提高他们的学习成绩，这是一个自我实现的预言。91

40  Chapter 1
40 第一章

However, few areas of the US resemble Silicon Valley and Los Angeles; many Asian Americans live in places with a smaller Asian population or a dif-ferent ethnoracial composition. As of 2010, California (37 percent) and New York (17 percent) accommodated more than half of Chinese Americans, but significant growth of the population has also occurred in Texas, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Illinois, and other states.92 In these areas, the Chinese immi-grant population is numerically significant but geographically dispersed.
然而，美国很少有地区与硅谷和洛杉矶相似;许多亚裔美国人生活在亚裔人口较少或种族构成不同的地方。截至 2010 年，加利福尼亚州 （37%） 和纽约州 （17%） 容纳了一半以上的华裔美国人，但德克萨斯州、新泽西州、马萨诸塞州、伊利诺伊州和其他州的人口也出现了显着增长。92 在这些地区，中国移民人口在数量上很重要，但在地理上分散。

Boston has a long history of Chinese immigration dating back to as early as 1870. Chinese immigration stopped with the Exclusion Act but resumed after World War II, and most immigrants found jobs in Chinatown’s growing restau-rant and garment industries. The community further expanded with the arrival of immigrants who reunited with their families on the basis of the 1965 law.93 Meanwhile, Boston has attracted an influx of professional immigrants working in the sectors of science and technology. It was the fourth most popular place of intended residency among Asian natural scientists in the late 1990s.94
波士顿的华人移民历史悠久，最早可以追溯到 1870 年。中国移民在《排华法案》后停止，但在二战后恢复，大多数移民在唐人街日益增长的餐馆和服装业找到了工作。随着根据 1965 年法律与家人团聚的移民的到来，社区进一步扩大。93 与此同时，波士顿吸引了大量在科学和技术领域工作的专业移民。它是 1990 年代后期亚洲自然科学家第四大最受欢迎的预期居住地。94

The Boston area, including the city’s adjacent suburbs, has grown popular among wealthy Chinese and Taiwanese immigrants in recent decades. They prefer Boston for the city’s reputation for academic excellence, given the pres-ence of Harvard, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and other universi-ties. The state of Massachusetts is also praised for having an excellent system of public elementary and high school. Boston is considered the seventh most attractive city for Chinese real estate investors; wealthy Chinese look for hous-ing near good schools, sometimes buying a home even before getting married or having children. The local media has described this phenomenon using the phrase “Boston: China’s Town.”95
近几十年来，波士顿地区，包括该市邻近的郊区，在富有的中国和台湾移民中越来越受欢迎。他们更喜欢波士顿，因为这座城市的学术卓越声誉，因为哈佛大学、麻省理工学院和其他大学都享有盛誉。马萨诸塞州也因拥有出色的公立小学和高中系统而受到称赞。波士顿被认为是中国房地产投资者最具吸引力的第七大城市;富有的中国人在好学校附近寻找住房，有时甚至在结婚或生孩子之前就买了房子。当地媒体用“波士顿：中国城”来描述这一现象。95 元

Class divides, rather than national divides, shape the settlement patterns of Chinese and Taiwanese immigrants in the Boston area. Although Boston’s Chinatown continues to provide markets, educational services, and social af-filiations, especially for working-class newcomers, immigrants across the class spectrum are moving to the suburbs because of the lack of adequate housing in and around Chinatown.96 Professionals and entrepreneurs often choose to reside in the best school districts, such as the northern suburbs of Brookline, Lexington, and Newton. Working-class immigrants settle in less expensive suburbs, such as Quincy and Malden with a substantial population of racial minorities.97
阶级鸿沟，而不是民族鸿沟，塑造了波士顿地区华人和台湾移民的定居模式。尽管波士顿的唐人街继续提供市场、教育服务和社会支持，尤其是为工薪阶层新移民提供服务，但由于唐人街及其周边地区缺乏足够的住房，各个阶层的移民都搬到了郊区。96 专业人士和企业家通常选择居住在最好的学区，例如布鲁克林、列克星敦和牛顿的北部郊区。工人阶级移民定居在成本较低的郊区，例如昆西和莫尔登，那里有大量的少数族裔人口。97

Unlike their counterparts in Los Angeles and New York, Chinese and Tai-wanese immigrants in Boston are compelled to integrate into mainstream
与洛杉矶和纽约的移民不同，波士顿的华人和泰瓦裔移民被迫融入主流

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  41
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 41

America. Attending schools in majority-white suburbs, the children of pro-fessional immigrants are more likely to encounter racial ridicule, which can harm self-esteem or produce identity crises.98 These parents are also concerned about a hidden racial bias in college admissions and the dubious existence of “Asian quotas.” In other words, Asian stereotypes are not always a promise; they can also function as a threat to these children of immigrants. As we will see in Chapter 4, professional immigrant parents living in white-majority neighbor-hoods face a dilemma in childrearing: can they instill an ethnic cultural identity in their children while also fostering class mobility? They are also concerned whether raising their children like white Americans will result in mediocre aca-demic performance and weakened capacity to compete globally.
美洲。在白人占多数的郊区上学，支持职业移民的孩子更有可能遇到种族嘲笑，这可能会损害自尊或产生身份危机。98 这些家长还担心大学录取中隐藏的种族偏见和“亚裔配额”的可疑存在。换句话说，亚裔的刻板印象并不总是一个承诺;他们也可能 对这些移民的子女构成威胁。正如我们将在第 4 章中看到的那样，生活在白人占多数的邻里关系中的职业移民父母在育儿方面面临两难境地：他们能否在促进阶级流动的同时向孩子灌输种族文化认同？他们还担心，像美国白人一样抚养孩子是否会导致 aca-demic 表现平庸，并削弱全球竞争能力。

The “Return” Migration of the Second Generation
第二代的“回归”迁移

The earlier literature often associates return migration or transnationalism with the first generation, but the “new second generation” that came of age in mul-ticultural societies also engage in transnational practices.99 Younger cohorts of Asian Americans are strongly affiliated with Asian popular cultures, such as music and television drama. Mandopop, Mandarin-language pop music pro-duced largely in Taiwan, has a large fandom among young Chinese Americans; in fact, many singers are second-generation returnees who established their popularity based on the hybrid of “diasporic closeness” and American cool.100 Both the Chinese and Taiwanese governments sponsor activities like summer camps for overseas youth to connect with their ancestral homelands for lan-guage education or cultural exchanges.101 Children in higher-socioeconomic-status immigrant families are especially likely to maintain frequent visits to their countries of origin.102
早期的文献经常将回归移民或跨国主义与第一代联系起来，但在多元文化社会中成长起来的“新的第二代”也参与跨国实践。99 年轻的亚裔美国人群体与亚洲流行文化密切相关，例如音乐和电视剧。Mandopop 是主要在台湾制作的普通话流行音乐，在年轻的华裔美国人中拥有大量粉丝;事实上，许多歌手是第二代海归，他们基于 “侨民亲密 ”和 American cool 的混合建立了他们的知名度。100 中国和台湾政府都赞助了海外青年夏令营等活动，让他们与祖籍国建立联系，进行语言教育或文化交流。101 社会经济地位较高的移民家庭中的儿童特别有可能保持对原籍国的频繁访问。102 元

There is an emerging trend of “roots migration” or “ancestral homeland migration” among 1.5 or second-generation Chinese Americans and Canadi-ans who are moving to China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan to pursue jobs and careers.103 Similar inflows of second-generation youth who “return” to their parents’ homeland also are happening in India, Japan, Vietnam, and South Korea.104 They attempt to grab opportunities in the booming Asian economies while escaping the depressed labor markets in the West. Some are also pres-sured to leave by institutional racism in North America, where they person-ally encounter racial discrimination or anticipate barriers to promotion based on their Asian identity.105 Although their primary motivations for migration tend to be economic, other factors also influence their migration decisions,
在 1.5 代或第二代华裔美国人和加拿大人中，正在移居中国大陆、香港和台湾寻求工作和职业，这是一种新兴的“根源迁移”或“祖先家园迁移”趋势。103 印度、日本、越南和韩国也出现了类似的第二代青年“返回”父母的祖国。104 他们试图在蓬勃发展的亚洲经济体中抓住机会，同时逃离西方萧条的劳动力市场。有些人还因北美的制度性种族主义而被迫离开，在那里他们个人会遇到种族歧视或基于其亚裔身份的预期晋升障碍。105 尽管他们移民的主要动机往往是经济上的，但其他因素也会影响他们的移民决定。

42  Chapter 1
42 第一章

including­ reunion with family, taking over the family business, looking for a spouse, and seeking cultural roots in the ancestral homeland.106 The children of transnational families are even more likely to return because they usually have family members in Asia and maintain strong language ties and personal networks with their countries of birth.107
包括与家人团聚、接管家族企业、寻找配偶以及在祖先的故乡寻找文化根源。106 跨国家庭的孩子更有可能返回，因为他们的家庭成员通常在亚洲，并与出生国保持着牢固的语言联系和个人网络。107 元

Many of the second-generation returnees are postgraduate degree hold-ers with a sufficient stock of cultural and social capital108. They engage in what David Ley and Audrey Kobayashi call “strategic switching” between countries to complete the migration cycle of flexible capital accumulation.109 While many of their parents brought economic capital earned in East Asia to North America to cultivate cultural capital in the next generation, the youth now return to East Asia and convert their ethnic heritage and cultural advantage into market gains. Their English proficiency and Western education are increasingly valued in Asian workplaces.110 Meanwhile, their ethnic heritage serves as a form of social capital, which helps them make business liaisons more quickly than nonethnic foreigners. Leslie Wang coins the term strategic in-betweenness to describe how Chinese Americans consciously maneuver the “socially ambiguous space be-tween cultures” to their own benefit. Notably, many of the ­second-generation youth do not position themselves as return migrants; they still prefer a North American lifestyle and maintain a strong American or Canadian identity.111 They tend to see their sojourn in China or Taiwan as a temporary career stage or part of an ongoing process of circular migration.112
许多第二代海归是拥有研究生学位的人，拥有足够的文化和社会资本108。他们参与了 David Ley 和 Audrey Kobayashi 所说的国家之间的“战略转换”，以完成灵活资本积累的迁移周期。109 虽然他们的许多父母将在东亚赚取的经济资本带到北美，以培养下一代的文化资本，但现在年轻人返回东亚，将他们的种族传统和文化优势转化为市场收益。他们的英语水平和西方教育在亚洲的工作场所越来越受到重视。110 与此同时，他们的种族传统是一种社会资本，这有助于他们比非种族外国人更快地建立商业联络。Leslie Wang 创造了“战略中间性”一词来描述华裔美国人如何有意识地纵“社会模糊的文化空间”以谋取自己的利益。值得注意的是，许多第二代青年并没有将自己定位为回国移民;他们仍然喜欢北美的生活方式，并保持强烈的美国或加拿大身份。111 他们倾向于将在中国或台湾的逗留视为一个临时的职业阶段或正在进行的循环迁移过程的一部分。112 元

The reverse flows across the Pacific involve not only people’s migration to the East but also the movement of Chinese or Asian ideas about education to the West. In 2012, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA, a study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development that compares the math, reading, and science skills of secondary school students around the world), Shanghai students scored at the top of the global class in all three subjects. Other Asian countries, including Singapore, Hong Kong, Tai-wan, South Korea, and Vietnam, were also highly ranked, leaving the US and the United Kingdom far behind.113
太平洋对岸的逆流不仅涉及人们向东方的迁移，还涉及中国或亚洲的教育理念向西方的迁移。2012 年，国际学生评估计划（PISA，经济合作与发展组织的一项研究，比较了世界各地中学生的数学、阅读和科学技能），上海学生在所有三门科目中的得分均在全球班级中名列前茅。其他亚洲国家，包括新加坡、香港、台湾、韩国和越南，也排名靠前，将美国和英国远远落后。113 元

The PISA test results raised concerns among American and British educa-tors and stirred debates about the value of Chinese or Asian styles of education. In 2013, the British education minister proposed extending teaching hours and cutting the length of school holidays to improve students’ performance.114 In August 2015, the BBC broadcast a controversial documentary series titled Are Our Kids Tough Enough? Chinese School. The program centered on an ex-
PISA 测试结果引起了美国和英国教育工作者的担忧，并引发了关于中国或亚洲教育风格价值的辩论。2013 年，英国教育大臣提议延长教学时间并缩短学校假期的长度，以提高学生的表现。114 2015 年 8 月，BBC 播出了一部有争议的纪录片系列，题为《我们的孩子够坚强吗？中文学校.该计划以前

Transpacific Flows of Ideas and People  43
思想和人员的跨太平洋流动 43

periment in which five teachers from China were invited to teach a class of British high school students in the “Chinese style” for a month. At the end of the month, the students showed higher test scores than another group who received a standard British education. In 2016, the government provided £41 million of funding to help eight thousand primary schools in England to adopt an Asian mastery approach to math teaching.115 While some commentators criticize Asian’s high-performing system for neglecting critical thinking and holistic development, others emphasize that Asian schools excel because they continually work to reform their long-standing traditions by combining “East-ern academic rigor” with modern pedagogy.116
其中，五名来自中国的教师被邀请以“中国式”教授一班英国高中生，为期一个月。到月底，这些学生的考试成绩高于接受标准英国教育的另一组学生。2016 年，政府提供了 4100 万英镑的资金，帮助英格兰的 8000 所小学采用亚洲精通数学的方法进行数学教学。115 虽然一些评论员批评亚洲的高绩效体系忽视了批判性思维和整体发展，但其他人则强调亚洲学校之所以出色，是因为它们不断努力通过将“东方学术严谨性”与现代教学法相结合来改革其悠久的传统。116 元

Meanwhile, after-school programs with foreign origins, such as the Japa-nese learning center Kumon, the Russian School of Mathematics, and the Indian programs of online math education are becoming widely popular in suburban America. The import of Asian-style education reflects a deep anxiety among Western upper-middle-class parents about the globalized competition their children will face in the future. Immigrant Chinese parents in the US feel even more unease with the limitation of American education; some turn to their culture of origin as a source of ethnic cultural capital.
与此同时，源自外国的课后项目，如日本学习中心公文式、俄罗斯数学学院和印度的在线数学教育项目，在美国郊区越来越受欢迎。亚洲式教育的引入反映了西方中上层阶级父母对他们的孩子未来将面临的全球化竞争的深深焦虑。在美国的移民华人父母对美国教育的限制感到更加不安;有些人将他们的起源文化作为民族文化资本的来源。

Conclusion
结论

The movements of people and ideas across the Pacific demonstrate varie-gated forms of global-local entanglement. The US, as a geopolitical super-power with cultural hegemony, has greatly influenced the transformation of parenting discourses in postwar Taiwan through both transnationalism from above (through US aid and family planning) and transnationalism from below (through cultural transmission and education reform). Affluent parents in Tai-wan and China use immigration as a strategy for their children to become glob-ally competitive or to escape academic pressure. Yet the stagnant economy in North America, compared to the booming Asian markets, stirs anxiety among immigrant parents and induces a recent trend of second-generation ancestral homeland migration.
太平洋上的人和思想的流动展示了全球-地方纠葛的不同门控形式。美国作为一个拥有文化霸权的地缘政治超级大国，通过自上而下的跨国主义（通过美国的援助和计划生育）和自下而上的跨国主义（通过文化传播和教育改革），极大地影响了战后台湾育儿话语的转变。台湾和中国的富裕父母将移民作为他们孩子成为全球竞争力或逃避学业压力的策略。然而，与蓬勃发展的亚洲市场相比，北美经济停滞不前，这激起了移民父母的焦虑，并引发了最近第二代祖先祖国移民的趋势。

Transnationalism from above and below transforms the family lives of mi-grants and of those who stay behind. Families across the social class spectrum, however, have uneven access to the effects of time-space compression. Both during the US aid period or in recent decades, state controls on fertility and childrearing in Taiwan suspected lower-educated parents of lacking modern knowledge and parental competence. By contrast, middle-class parents in both
自上而下的跨国主义改变了移民和留守人员的家庭生活。然而，不同社会阶层的家庭对时空压缩的影响并不均衡。无论是在美国援助时期还是近几十年来，台湾国家对生育和育儿的控制都怀疑受教育程度较低的父母缺乏现代知识和父母能力。相比之下，中产阶级父母在两者中

44  Chapter 1
44 第一章

Taiwan and China can appropriate transnational connections and global re-sources to reform or escape local systems of education. Class inequality shapes not only people’s uneven ability to achieve the American dream of immigration but also how they imagine, aspire, and practice “the global” in the everyday practice of childrearing.
台湾和中国大陆可以利用跨国联系和全球资源来改革或摆脱当地的教育体系。阶级不平等不仅影响了人们实现美国移民梦的能力参差不齐，还影响了他们在日常育儿实践中如何想象、渴望和实践“全球”。

A handsome young man wheels his suitcase into the airport Arrivals lounge. His parents, gray haired and elegantly dressed, greet him with passionate hugs. They step into a chauffeur-driven limousine. In Mandarin Chinese sprinkled with English words in a crisp American accent, the son talks excitedly about his experience studying overseas. As the car passes a private school, memories of his upbringing flash by, including his college years in Taiwan’s most distinguished university and a special father-and-son holiday spent hiking together. The father’s voice, solid and warm, cuts in: “I’ve simply expected you to get the grades in college; exploring your interests is more important. You’ve graduated from Harvard now. You don’t need to make a lot of money, but you need to have a dream.” The slogan appears: “Every father’s dream is to give his child a bigger world.”
一个英俊的年轻人推着他的行李箱进入机场到达休息室。他的父母满头白发，衣着优雅，热情地拥抱着他。他们踏上了一辆由司机驾驶的豪华轿车。儿子用普通话和清脆的美国口音的英语单词，兴奋地谈论着他在海外学习的经历。当汽车经过一所私立学校时，他的成长回忆一闪而过，包括他在台湾最著名大学的大学时光，以及一起远足的特殊父子假期。父亲的声音坚实而温暖，打断道：“我只是希望你能在大学取得好成绩;探索你的兴趣更重要。你现在已经从哈佛毕业了。你不需要赚很多钱，但你需要有一个梦想。标语出现：“每个父亲的梦想都是给他的孩子一个更大的世界。

This video narrative advertises expensive condominium homes in a development near an elite private school in Taipei. Selling at around 1.5 million USD for a three-bedroom unit, the condominiums are marketed to appeal to “mod-ern” parents who aspire to a global future for their children. The commercial captures the ideal parent-child relationship in such families, which involves affective displays and emotional bonding with not only the mother but also the father; all these elements were alien to the Taiwan of yesterday. As familial dynamics have shifted, so have parents’ expectations of their children. Success is no longer measured solely by good grades and a high income: children are encouraged to explore their interests and unknown possibilities. However, an Ivy League education and fluency in English are still considered to provide a smooth route to a life of happiness and fulfillment.
该视频叙述宣传了台北一所精英私立学校附近开发项目中的昂贵公寓住宅。这些公寓的三居室单元售价约为 150 万美元，其营销目的是吸引那些渴望为孩子带来全球未来的 “现代 ”父母。该广告捕捉了此类家庭中理想的亲子关系，其中不仅涉及情感展示和与母亲的情感联系，还涉及与父亲的情感联系;所有这些元素与昨天的台湾都格格不入。随着家庭动态的变化，父母对孩子的期望也发生了变化。成功不再仅仅用好成绩和高收入来衡量：鼓励孩子们探索他们的兴趣和未知的可能性。然而，常春藤盟校的教育和流利的英语仍然被认为是通往幸福和充实生活的顺畅途径。

This chapter examines how middle-class Taiwanese parents raise “global children” and, on the other side of the same coin, how they aspire to become “global parents.” My analysis situates their childrearing strategies in the emo-tional politics of social class and expands Pierre Bourdieu’s thesis of cultural
本章研究了台湾中产阶级父母如何抚养“全球孩子”，以及在同一枚硬币的另一面，他们如何渴望成为“全球父母”。我的分析将他们的育儿策略置于社会阶层的情感政治中，并扩展了皮埃尔·布迪厄 （Pierre Bourdieu） 的文化论点

45

46  Chapter 2
46 第 2 章

capital accumulation to a global scale (see the introduction). These upwardly mobile parents aspire to be liberal, open-minded parents by exposing them-selves to the cultural scripts of Western childrearing. They encourage their children to explore the world and discover unknown possibilities, and yet they feel responsible for managing the uncertainties that loom large in the global economy and local environments.
全球规模的资本积累（见引言）。这些向上流动的父母渴望成为自由、思想开放的父母，让他们自己接触到西方育儿的文化剧本。他们鼓励孩子探索世界并发现未知的可能性，但他们觉得有责任管理全球经济和当地环境中迫在眉睫的不确定性。

The Taiwanese middle class is not a monolithic category; their class experi-ences involve a variety of career tracks and different relations with globaliza-tion. Despite sharing a similar cosmopolitan aspiration, they make a range of educational choices and display a spectrum of childrearing styles to negotiate with the local regime and to secure their children’s global future. Parents on one side of the spectrum strive to cultivate their children’s capacity for global competitiveness and mobility, while those leaning toward the other end or-chestrate an environment where they achieve their children’s “natural growth” as a desired way of life. These parents draw on their class-based resources to fa-cilitate the different strategies of cultural negotiation, but their endeavors often magnify anxiety and insecurity among parents themselves.
台湾中产阶级不是一个铁板一块的类别;他们的课堂体验涉及各种职业轨迹和与全球化的不同关系。尽管有着相似的世界主义抱负，但他们做出了一系列的教育选择，并展示了一系列的育儿方式，以便与当地政权进行谈判，并确保他们孩子的全球未来。一方面，父母努力培养孩子的全球竞争力和流动性，而那些倾向于另一端或胸腔化的环境，让他们实现孩子的“自然成长”作为理想的生活方式。这些父母利用他们基于阶级的资源来促进文化协商的不同策略，但他们的努力往往会放大父母自己的焦虑和不安全感。

Intergenerational Mobility and Lost Childhood
代际流动性和失去的童年

Middle-class parents in this book, most of whom came of age in the 1980s and 1990s, have achieved intergenerational mobility during Taiwan’s compressed development. Thanks to industrial upgrading and educational expansion, peo-ple in these cohorts generally attained higher education and earning than their parents.1 They are usually the first generation of their family to attain higher education or even study abroad. Few of their parents ever received a tertiary education; many worked as farmers, factory laborers, and small shop owners. The better-off ones ran small businesses and accumulated wealth during the economic takeoff, allowing the next generation to seek cultural capital and even transnational mobility.
本书中的中产阶级父母大多在 1980 年代和 1990 年代长大，在台湾压缩发展期间实现了代际流动性。由于工业升级和教育扩张，这些群体中的人们普遍比他们的父母获得了更高的教育和收入。 他们通常是家庭中第一代接受高等教育甚至出国留学的人。他们的父母中很少有人接受过高等教育;许多人是农民、工厂工人和小商店老板。富裕的人经营小生意，在经济腾飞期间积累了财富，使下一代能够寻求文化资本甚至跨国流动。

However, many of these upwardly mobile parents lament their “lost child-hoods,” lacking in joy or opportunity. Growing up, many suffered under a heavy burden of schoolwork and parental pressure to achieve academic success. A childhood deprived of leisure time and extracurricular activities turned them into adults who lack hobbies and who don’t know what they might really enjoy. Those who grew up in financial difficulty were envious of better-off classmates who had access to learning resources that nurtured their talents.
然而，这些向上流动的父母中的许多人哀叹他们“失去的童年”，缺乏快乐或机会。在成长过程中，许多人承受着沉重的学业负担和父母为取得学业成功而承受的压力。童年被剥夺了闲暇时间和课外活动，使他们成为缺乏爱好、不知道自己真正喜欢什么的成年人。那些在经济困难中长大的人羡慕那些能够获得培养他们才能的学习资源的富裕同学。

Taiwanese Middle Class  47
台湾中产阶级 47

Many also attributed the deprivation of a happy childhood to their upbring-ing under strict parenting. When I asked the interviewees if their childrearing styles are influenced by their parents, many answered with a firm “not at all!” fol-lowed by explanations like “My parents’ influence on me is that I don’t want to be-come like them” or “My wife and I have only one thought on this: Don’t continue in the way the previous generation did.” Several interviewees lament their distant relationships with their parents, who were either occupied by work or culturally constrained with regard to emotional communication and affective displays.
许多人还将快乐童年的剥夺归因于他们在严格的养育下长大。当我问受访者他们的育儿方式是否受到父母的影响时，许多人坚定地回答“一点也不”，然后解释说“我父母对我的影响是我不想成为像他们一样的人”或“我和我的妻子对此只有一个想法：不要继续上一代人的方式”。几位受访者感叹他们与父母的疏远关系，他们要么忙于工作，要么在情感交流和情感展示方面受到文化限制。

Male informants, in particular, recall a childhood in the shadow of harsh discipline and swear not to become an authority figure or an emotionally dis-tant father to their own children. Fong Wang, an engineer father in his late forties, moved his family to Yilan in pursuit of an alternative style of education and family life. He described his childhood relationship with his late father, who served in the army:
尤其是男性线人，他们回忆起在严厉管教阴影下的童年，发誓不会成为权威人物或对自己孩子情绪疏远的父亲。四十多岁的工程师父亲 Fong Wang 举家搬到宜兰，以寻求另类的教育和家庭生活方式。他描述了他与已故父亲的童年关系，父亲在军队服役：2

My father was very strict. He treated his children like a military officer would [laughs]. . . . Whenever I did something wrong, it was just spanking, spank-ing, and more spanking. . . . By the time I reached adulthood, there was a lot of misunderstanding, a lot of resentment. I hated my father because he had no sympathy and didn’t reason with us. . . . I’ve gone through a lot of therapy ses-sions and I can finally let it go.
我父亲非常严格。他像对待军官一样对待自己的孩子[笑]。每当我做错事时，就是打屁股、打屁股、更多的打屁股......当我成年时，有很多误解，很多怨恨。我恨我父亲，因为他没有同情心，也不和我们讲道理。我经历了很多次治疗，我终于可以放手了。

The past, as reconstructed in a narrative of lost childhood, channels middle-class parents toward a particular version of the ideal present: they want their children to enjoy the childhood they never had, and they feel protective of it. They embrace the ideal of “joyful childhood”; that is, children should be happy and carefree before they enter the pressure-ridden teenage years and the harsh realities of adult life.
过去，正如在对失去童年的叙述中重建的那样，将中产阶级父母引向理想现在的特定版本：他们希望自己的孩子享受他们从未拥有过的童年，并且他们感到受到保护。他们拥抱“快乐的童年”的理想;也就是说，孩子们在进入充满压力的青少年时期和成年生活的严酷现实之前，应该快乐无忧无虑。

Middle-class Taiwanese parents also use a narrative of “generational rup-ture” to describe their agency in initiating changes that remodel the local tradi-tions of childrearing. Many emphasize the limited value of suggestions made by their own parents, who grew up in a poorer Taiwan and attained limited education. Instead, the opinions of parenting experts, and even children, have become the primary sources of guidance. A mother of two and full-time home-maker said: “I don’t ask my parents [about childrearing]. I’m inclined to judge by myself, to read books. . . . The older generation’s ways aren’t suitable nowa-days. . . . Actually, I ask my children for the most part.” This echoes Sharon
台湾中产阶级父母也使用“代际断裂”的叙述来描述他们在发起变革、重塑当地育儿传统方面的能动性。许多人强调他们自己的父母所提出的建议价值有限，因为他们的父母在较贫穷的台湾长大，受教育程度有限。相反，育儿专家甚至儿童的意见已成为指导的主要来源。一位有两个孩子的母亲和全职家庭主妇说：“我不会问我的父母 [关于育儿的事]。我倾向于自己判断，读书......老一辈人的方式现在不合适......事实上，我大部分时间都要求我的孩子们。这与 Sharon 的说法相呼应

48  Chapter 2
48 第 2 章

Hays’s observation in the US that parenthood, and motherhood in particular, has become labor intensive, emotionally absorbing, and child centered in the sense that “the child (whose needs are interpreted by experts) is now to train the parents.”
海斯在美国的观察表明，为人父母，尤其是母职，已经成为劳动密集型的、情感上的吸收和以孩子为中心的，从某种意义上说，“孩子（其需求由专家解释）现在是要训练父母的。3

Global consumer culture offers a bridge for these adults to intimately par-ticipate in kids’ world. Some parents use cartoon characters or mythical crea-tures, mostly imported from Japan and the US, to construct a fantasy world that upholds the image of an innocent childhood. Halloween celebration has become a regular ritual in many kindergartens, especially in those offering bilingual curriculums; parents purchase cheap costumes made in China and dress their children as Princess Elsa from Disney’s Frozen or Batman. In several non-Christian families, the parents try to create childhood memories full of festive cheer by leaving presents under a Christmas tree with tags signed by Santa Claus; some even fake footprints around the tree to nurture their chil-dren’s belief that Santa visited the subtropical island.
全球消费文化为这些成年人提供了一座桥梁，让他们可以亲密地参与儿童的世界。一些父母使用卡通人物或神话人物，大多是从日本和美国进口的，来构建一个维护天真童年形象的幻想世界。万圣节庆祝活动已成为许多幼儿园的常规仪式，尤其是在提供双语课程的幼儿园中;父母购买中国制造的廉价服装，并将他们的孩子打扮成迪士尼《冰雪奇缘》或《蝙蝠侠》中的艾尔莎公主。在一些非基督教家庭中，父母试图通过在圣诞树下留下带有圣诞老人签名标签的礼物来创造充满节日欢乐的童年回忆;有些人甚至在树周围假装脚印，以培养他们的孩子相信圣诞老人访问了这个亚热带岛屿。

Despite their concerted effort to break from the earlier generation, many parents also admit that, to some extent and on an unconscious level, their own ways of raising children are still influenced by their upbringing. Half-jokingly, some informants said, “I’ve been possessed by my parents without realizing!” or “I’m just like my mother’s mirror image!” This is what Bourdieu calls “habitus”: individual values, lifestyles, and dispositions that are acquired through repeti-tive experience and cumulative exposure, such as in one’s childhood. Habitus is mostly embodied and unconscious, seemingly constituting one’s “nature.”4 The individual can “denaturalize” the habitus accumulated from her family of origin through later experience and reflexive intervention,5 but this requires a concerted effort at self-monitoring and emotional work.
尽管他们齐心协力地与上一代人决裂，但许多父母也承认，在某种程度上，在潜意识层面上，他们自己的养育方式仍然受到他们成长的影响。一些线人半开玩笑地说，“我被我父母附身了，却没有意识到！”或者“我就像我妈妈的镜像一样！这就是布迪厄所说的“习惯”：通过重复的经验和累积的接触（例如在童年时期）获得的个人价值观、生活方式和性格。习性大多是具身的和无意识的，似乎构成了一个人的“本性”。 个人可以通过后来的经验和反射性干预，使她原生家庭积累的习惯“去自然化”，但这需要齐心协力进行自我监控和情绪工作。

Julie Huang, a mother of two at Garden School, has a college degree and works in the insurance industry. Her own parents achieved only a primary edu-cation and struggled to raise five children by running a small diner. Julie was committed to offering her sons a different childhood from her own, but her instincts and actions do not always follow her beliefs:
Julie Huang 是 Garden School 的两个孩子的母亲，拥有大学学位，在保险行业工作。她自己的父母只完成了小学教育，通过经营一家小餐馆努力抚养五个孩子。朱莉致力于为她的儿子们提供一个与她自己的童年不同的童年，但她的直觉和行动并不总是遵循她的信念：

julie: One day, I was saying something to my sons, and all of a sudden I realized that, damn, I was doing exactly what my mother had done. I was shocked and I thought, no, I don’t want to become a strict mother like her. . . . I’m actually a mother who quite likes to reflect. I do a lot of think-ing about how I can do better next time and how I can avoid the things my mother did to me.
julie：有一天，我对儿子们说了些什么，突然间我意识到，该死的，我正在做我妈妈做过的事情。我很震惊，我想，不，我不想成为像她一样严格的母亲......我其实是一个很喜欢反思的妈妈。我做了很多思考，下次如何做得更好，以及如何避免我母亲对我所做的事。

Taiwanese Middle Class  49
台湾中产阶级 49

lan: Do you mean that you would consciously avoid repeating your mother’s ways of behavior?
蓝：你的意思是你会有意识地避免重复妈的行为方式吗？

julie: All the time . . . [pause] but you only become aware of it after you’ve already done it [embarrassed smile]. I can only keep reminding myself: “Oh, don’t do that again.”
julie：一直......[停顿] 但你只有在做完之后才会意识到它 [尴尬的微笑]。我只能不断提醒自己：“哦，不要再这样了。

“Reflexive monitoring” is a salient feature of middle-class parenthood in a time of late modernity.6 Parents are exposed to the expanding intervention of expert knowledge and scientific discourses, which, in the word of a mother I interviewed, may “wake up” parents and turn their “unconscious influences” into an object of reflection. To avoid repeating the mistakes of past generations and to live up to the new cultural norms, parents feel impelled to constantly monitor their own behavior in everyday parent-child interactions. The rapidly changing environments, including the local education regime and global econ-omy, stir even more uncertainty and anxiety among these parents.
“反射性监控”是现代晚期中产阶级父母的一个突出特征。父母接触到专业知识和科学话语的不断扩大的干预，用我采访的一位母亲的话来说，这可能会“唤醒”父母，并将他们的“无意识影响”变成反思的对象。为了避免重蹈前世代的覆辙，并遵守新的文化规范，父母们不得不在日常的亲子互动中不断监控自己的行为。快速变化的环境，包括当地的教育制度和全球经济，在这些家长中激起了更多的不确定性和焦虑。

Education Reform and Schooling Choices
教育改革和学校教育选择

As Chapter 1 showed, Taiwan’s education reform in the late 1990s dramati-cally altered the opportunity structure faced by the younger generation. Before the reforms, higher education in Taiwan followed an elitist model; the national entrance exam was so competitive that people referred to entry to universities as a “narrow gate.” With the official plan of expansion, the number of four-year universities and colleges rapidly increased from 28 in 1986 to 127 in 2000.7 Col-lege admissions no longer center on standardized entrance exams, and multiple tracks of admission are open, including applications based on individual merit. With fewer pupils as a result of declining fertility, the gate to tertiary education opened wide. In 1985, the gross enrollment rate (GER) for Taiwanese youth aged eighteen to twenty-one was only 20 percent, but the rate increased to 56 percent in 2000 and 83 percent in 2010.
正如第 1 章所示，台湾在 1990 年代后期的教育改革极大地改变了年轻一代面临的机会结构。改革之前，台湾的高等教育遵循精英主义模式;全国入学考试竞争如此激烈，以至于人们将进入大学称为“窄门”。随着官方的扩建计划，四年制大学和学院的数量从 1986 年的 28 所迅速增加到 2000 年的 127 所。大学录取不再以标准化入学考试为中心，并且开放多个录取途径，包括基于个人成绩的申请。由于生育率下降，学生人数减少，高等教育的大门敞开着。1985 年，18 至 21 岁台湾青年的毛入学率 （GER） 仅为 20%，但该比率在 2000 年和 2010 年分别增加到 56% 和 83%。8

Middle-class parents perceive and respond to the consequence of education reform in different ways. On the one hand, many become concerned about the depreciation of higher education or local diplomas. The unemployment rate among college graduates has risen continuously since 2000.9 Job insecurity is on the rise as a result of the recent global financial crisis and Taiwan’s stagnant domestic economy. To secure their children’s futures, resourceful parents relo-cate the front of competition to the admission to elite universities, or they send their children to study abroad as early as college or even high school.10
中产阶级父母以不同的方式看待和应对教育改革的后果。一方面，许多人开始担心高等教育或地方文凭的贬值。自 2000 年以来，大学毕业生的失业率持续上升。 由于最近的全球金融危机和台湾国内经济停滞不前，就业不安全感正在上升。为了确保孩子的未来，足智多谋的父母将竞争的前沿转移到精英大学的录取上，或者他们早在大学甚至高中就送孩子出国留学。10

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On the one hand, with the relief of educational pressure, some parents be-lieve that an alternative environment of holistic education will provide their children with an advantage in the track of individual applications. The number of alternative schools, which adopt a nontraditional pedagogy and design their curriculums without following the national guideline, grew from one in 1992 to over a hundred in 2018. Steiner (Waldorf) schools are by far the most popular in Taiwan; the first Steiner elementary school was founded in 2002, and almost twenty similar schools were established by 2018.11 Half of them are private in-stitutions that charge students high tuition, while the other half includes pub-lic and charter schools that provide low-cost enrollment through government funding. Despite that the total number of pupils receiving alternative education is still limited,12 some of the charter schools have become so popular that the intended parents need to relocate to the school district years before their child reaches school age.
一方面，随着教育压力的缓解，一些家长相信全人教育的替代环境将为他们的孩子在个人申请的轨道上提供优势。采用非传统教学法并在不遵循国家指导方针的情况下设计课程的替代学校的数量从 1992 年的 1 所增加到 2018 年的 100 多所。Steiner （Waldorf） 学校是迄今为止台湾最受欢迎的学校;第一所 Steiner 小学成立于 2002 年，到 2018 年建立了近 20 所类似的学校。11 其中一半是向学生收取高额学费的私立机构，而另一半包括通过政府资助提供低成本入学的公立和特许学校。尽管接受替代教育的学生总数仍然有限，12 但一些特许学校已经变得如此受欢迎，以至于有意的父母需要在孩子达到学龄前几年搬到学区。

Middle-class parents make a range of educational choices to enrich their children’s futures at the conjuncture of global aspirations and local institutions. Some parents choose international education and private schools so that their children can exit the local education system and pursue a pathway to global mobility. Some send their children to alternative curriculums (like “Garden School,” described in this chapter13) as a strategy of cultural mobility to escape the tradition of rote learning and to connect with the global community of hu-manist education. The majority enroll their children in regular public schools (like “Central School” described in this chapter) and struggle to achieve a bal-ance in a tug-of-war between a happy childhood and global competitiveness.
中产阶级父母在全球抱负和当地机构的结合下做出一系列教育选择，以丰富孩子的未来。一些家长选择国际教育和私立学校，这样他们的孩子就可以退出当地的教育系统，寻求全球流动的途径。有些人将他们的孩子送到替代课程（如本章 13 中描述的“花园学校”），作为一种文化流动策略，以摆脱死记硬背的传统并与全球 胡-曼主义教育社区建立联系。大多数人让他们的孩子进入普通公立学校（如本章中描述的“中央学校”），并努力在快乐的童年和全球竞争力之间的拉锯战中取得平衡。

Cultivating Global Competitiveness
培养全球竞争力

In 2007, Taiwan’s Business Weekly magazine ran a cover story titled “The Global Education Arms Race” that investigated how parents plan their “edu-cational investments” in the face of increased global competition. Writing for its financially minded readers, the magazine employed the language of invest-ment, benefit, and reward to analogize the timing, purpose, and effectiveness of education, claiming that “investing in children’s education is like investing in funds: the earlier the better.”14
2007 年，台湾的《商业周刊》杂志刊登了一篇题为“全球教育军备竞赛”的封面故事，调查了面对日益激烈的全球竞争，家长如何规划他们的“教育投资”。该杂志为有财经头脑的读者写作，采用投资、利益和奖励的语言来类比教育的时间、目的和效果，声称“投资于儿童教育就像投资基金：越早越好”。14

The target readers of Business Weekly are Taiwanese professionals, manag-ers and financial workers, who have established careers and wealth in Taiwan’s global economy participation. Capital outflows to China and Southeast Asian since the 1990s further increased their cross-border mobility, whether they
《商业周刊》的目标受众 是台湾的专业人士、管理人员和金融工作者，他们在台湾的全球经济参与中建立了事业和财富。自 1990 年代以来，资本流向中国和东南亚进一步增加了他们的跨境流动性，无论他们

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take an overseas post or fly back and forth frequently. Scholars have called them “the transnational middle class,” who embraces cosmopolitan consumption and global education to identify with the Western middle classes. Members of this class are mostly private-sector professionals who play a key role in global-ized production and the neoliberal transformation of developing economies.15 Their career paths and consumer lifestyles set them apart from members of the locally oriented middle class, such as public servants and schoolteachers, whose employment and consumption are more limited to the local market.16
在海外邮递或经常来回飞行。学者们称他们为“跨国中产阶级”，他们拥抱世界性消费和全球教育，以认同西方中产阶级。这个阶层的成员大多是私营部门的专业人士，他们在全球化生产和发展中经济体的新自由主义转型中发挥着关键作用。15 他们的职业道路和消费生活方式使他们有别于以当地为导向的中产阶级成员，例如公务员和学校教师，后者的就业和消费更多地局限于当地市场。16

The rhetoric of global education arms race sounds more urgent than ever, partly because of the new rules of the educational game, including differenti-ated tracks for applying to universities. Business Weekly reminds parents that they need not only economic resources to fight the “financial battle” of educa-tional investment but also cultural resources to comprehend college admission applications as an “informational minefield.”17 Parents need to cultivate in chil-dren “visible abilities” such as English proficiency, a second foreign language, and professional skills as well as the “invisible abilities” of global competencies such as self-confidence, communication skills, flexible thinking, and cross-­ cultural sensitivity.18
全球教育军备竞赛的言论听起来比以往任何时候都更加紧迫，部分原因是教育游戏的新规则，包括申请大学的差异化轨道。 《商业周刊》提醒家长，他们不仅需要经济资源来打教育投资的“财务战”，还需要文化资源来理解大学入学申请是一个“信息雷区”。17 父母需要培养儿童的“看得见的能力”，如英语熟练度、第二外语和专业技能，以及全球能力的“看得见的能力”，如自信、沟通技巧、灵活思维和跨文化敏感性。18

In addition, many parents, especially fathers whose employment or busi-ness is tied to the global production chain, feel disheartened by the global talent competition their children will face in the future. In particular, mainland Chi-nese youth, who grow up in a high-pressure education system, are perceived as formidable competitors. These parents believe that their children’s prospects of success are largely determined by their exposure to Western education and their capacity for transnational mobility. To quote Business Weekly: “In this day and age, one must be able to move horizontally in order to move vertically.”19
此外，许多父母，尤其是那些工作或业务与全球生产链相关的父亲，对他们的孩子未来将面临的全球人才竞争感到沮丧。特别是，在高压教育体系中成长的大陆中国青年被视为强大的竞争对手。这些父母认为，他们孩子的成功前景在很大程度上取决于他们接受西方教育的机会和他们的跨国流动能力。引用《商业周刊》的话：“在这个时代，一个人必须能够水平移动才能垂直移动。19

Building on Allison Pugh’s term pathway consumption,20 I suggest that pro-fessional middle-class parents, especially in the Global South, engage in “global pathway consumption” to purchase contexts for their children to gain the ex-periences, opportunities, and skills necessary for their future pursuit of global mobility. When growing up, most of the parents did not enjoy similar access to these contexts, such as international school, overseas camps, and enrichment programs; therefore, they rely on market agents to attain these pathways. This section examines how their strategies for global pathway consumption vary de-pending on their access to economic, cultural, and social capital.
以 Allison Pugh 的术语 pathway consumption20 为基础，我建议专业的中产阶级父母，尤其是在全球南方，参与“全球途径消费”，为他们的孩子购买环境，以获得他们未来追求全球流动性所需的经验、机会和技能。在成长过程中，大多数父母没有享受到类似的环境，例如国际学校、海外营地和充实计划;因此，他们依靠市场代理来实现这些途径。本节研究了他们的全球途径消费策略如何根据他们获得经济、文化和社会资本的机会而变化。

Recent literature has shown that affluent parents in North America and Eu-rope also attempt to equip their children with multicultural capital—to become
最近的文献表明，北美和 Eu-rope 的富裕父母也试图让他们的孩子拥有多元文化资本——成为

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“culturally omnivorous and globally knowledgeable”21—so they can join the ranks of new global elites who “feel at ease” with both non-Western and non-elite cultures.22 Children are encouraged to attend bilingual education or spend a gap year abroad to cultivate “cosmopolitan” or “transnational cultural” capi-tal.23 Wealthy parents in the Global South share a similar strategy of cultural mobility, but the “ease” they seek to cultivate is largely directed toward comfort with Western elite culture and lifestyles. By contrast, even though Southeast Asians constitute a sizable minority through marriage and labor migration to Taiwan, parents rarely recognize these transnational connections as valuable multicultural liaisons. The seemingly neutral rhetoric of cosmopolitan parent-ing glosses over power hierarchies in the global village and reinforces a sense of Western superiority.
“文化杂食，全球知识渊博”21——这样他们就可以加入新的全球精英行列，对非西方和非精英文化都“感到自在”。22 鼓励儿童参加双语教育或在国外度过间隔年，以培养“世界性”或“跨国文化”资本。23 南半球的富裕父母有着类似的文化流动策略，但他们寻求培养的“轻松”主要是为了适应西方精英文化和生活方式。相比之下，尽管东南亚人通过结婚和劳工移民到台湾而构成了相当大的少数群体，但父母很少将这些跨国联系视为有价值的多元文化联络人。世界主义育儿的看似中立的修辞掩盖了地球村的权力等级制度，并强化了西方的优越感。

Flexible Citizenship and Western Cultural Capital
灵活的公民身份和西方文化资本

Jessica Chang is a thirty-nine-year-old full-time homemaker with a US master’s degree in accounting. Her husband, Vincent Huang, works as a sales manager in an IT company and spends on average two weeks per month away for busi-ness travel. Witnessing the rapid economic growth and intensive talent compe-tition in China, Vincent believes that Taiwanese children can develop an edge over youngsters from China only by developing their individuality and creativ-ity. Jessica reiterated her husband’s point of view:
Jessica Chang 是一位 39 岁的全职家庭主妇，拥有美国会计硕士学位。她的丈夫 Vincent Huang 在一家 IT 公司担任销售经理，平均每个月花两周时间出差。目睹了中国经济的快速增长和密集的人才竞争，Vincent 认为，只有发展他们的个性和创造力，台湾孩子才能比中国年轻人更具优势。Jessica 重申了她丈夫的观点：

My husband talks about this with me all the time. He feels that this generation of Taiwanese isn’t as competitive and aggressive as the Chinese. But he also says that he doesn’t approve of Chinese education, which pushes children to study narrow subjects. He says, “Could you have imagined something like Google or Facebook before?” He tells me just to let the kids explore and find their own passions.
我丈夫一直在和我谈论这件事。他觉得这一代台湾人不像中国人那样好胜和好斗。但他也表示，他不赞成中国教育，因为中国教育迫使孩子们学习狭窄的学科。他说，“你以前能想象过像 Google 或 Facebook 这样的东西吗？他告诉我，让孩子们去探索，找到他们自己的激情。

The couple considers exposure to Western education and culture a necessity for cultivating these desired qualities in their children. They began taking steps for their children to acquire “flexible citizenship” as soon as they learned about the pregnancy.24 Jessica traveled to Los Angeles to give birth to her two chil-dren so they could acquire US passports and gain an “extra advantage” in the future. She also arranged a variety of nonorthodox learning activities during their preschool years, including a “brain development” class at the age of three and a board-game class at the age of four. The children, now seven and eleven, attend a private elementary school. A British tutor visits them at home twice a week for English conversation and uses Lego bricks to instruct them in physics,
这对夫妇认为接触西方教育和文化是培养孩子这些理想品质的必要条件。他们在得知怀孕后立即开始采取措施让孩子获得“弹性公民身份”。24 杰西卡前往洛杉矶生下她的两个孩子，这样他们就可以获得美国护照，并在将来获得“额外优势”。她还在他们的学龄前阶段安排了各种非正统的学习活动，包括三岁的“大脑开发”课程和四岁的棋盘游戏课程。这两个孩子现在分别是 7 岁和 11 岁，在一所私立小学上学。一位英国导师每周两次到他们家进行英语对话，并使用乐高积木指导他们物理。

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math, engineering, and other scientific principles. The children have golf and table-tennis lessons on the weekend.25 Every summer, Jessica takes the children to attend summer camps in California.
数学、工程和其他科学原理。孩子们在周末参加高尔夫和乒乓球课程。25 每年夏天，杰西卡都会带孩子们去加利福尼亚参加夏令营。

Through careful consideration and planning, what Lareau calls “concerted cultivation,” Jessica foresees a globalized future for her children:
通过仔细考虑和规划，即 Lareau 所说的“协同培养”，Jessica 预见了她孩子们的全球化未来：

jessica: I want both of our children to go abroad for college. I don’t really care where exactly. My husband says that Japan’s pretty good, and so is Singapore.
jessica：我希望我们两个孩子都能出国上大学。我真的不在乎具体在哪里。我丈夫说日本很好，新加坡也很好。

lan: So anywhere abroad is good?
lan：那么在国外的任何地方都是好的？

jessica: We want them to have an international perspective because when you look for a job in the future, you won’t just look within Taiwan. We want them to have an international career so their lives will be different.
Jessica：我们希望他们具有国际视野，因为当你将来找工作时，你不会只关注台湾内部。我们希望他们拥有一份国际事业，这样他们的生活就会有所不同。

Parents who have studied in the West claim that those experiences opened their eyes and shaped their eventual practices as parents. Andrew Tseng, a fifty-two-year-old architect with a master’s degree from the US, sends his two daugh-ters to a bilingual private school. Andrew explains his educational preference:
在西方学习过的父母声称，这些经历打开了他们的眼界，并塑造了他们作为父母的最终做法。Andrew Tseng 是一位 52 岁的建筑师，拥有美国硕士学位，他将他的两个孩子送到了一所双语私立学校。Andrew 解释了他的教育偏好：

You know, US schools don’t give students textbooks. They only give you a read-ing list, and you do group discussions and presentations. In Taiwan, for the most part, we just read and study. To put it bluntly, we were just a bunch of parrots, right? You believe and follow what the textbook tells you, so it’s like memorizing the answers. Going to school in the US, we felt like their method is better. Why wait until they go to university or grad school to learn this? Isn’t it better for them to start young?
你知道，美国学校不给学生教科书。他们只给你一个阅读清单，你进行小组讨论和演示。在台湾，我们大部分时间只是阅读和学习。坦率地说，我们只是一群鹦鹉，对吧？你相信并遵循教科书告诉你的，所以这就像记住答案一样。在美国上学时，我们觉得他们的方法更好。为什么要等到他们上大学或研究生院才学习这个呢？他们从小开始不是更好吗？

Andrew’s priorities for his children’s development include independent thinking and presentation skills, and he codes these qualities as the outcomes of Western education. The acquisition of “Western cultural capital” not only refers to institutionalized forms of cultural capital, like Western degrees and credentials; it also involves embodied cultural capital, such as familiarity with upper-middle-class Western ways of thinking and living and the acquisition of long-lasting dispositions in the mind and body.26
Andrew 对孩子发展的首要任务包括独立思考和演讲技巧，他将这些品质编码为西方教育的结果。“西方文化资本”的获得不仅指文化资本的制度化形式，如西方学位和证书;它还涉及具身文化资本，如熟悉西方中上层阶级的思维和生活方式，以及获得身心的长期倾向。26

To avoid the sacrifice of family separation in the arrangement of “parachute kids,” the current generation of elite parents prefer the strategy of “studying abroad at home” by acquiring foreign passports so their children can attend international schools in Taiwan. David Guo and his wife are both corporate lawyers in their forties with US law degrees. Like many professionals in Taiwan,
为了避免在安排“降落伞孩子”时牺牲家庭分离，当代精英父母更喜欢“在家留学”的策略，通过获得外国护照，这样他们的孩子就可以在台湾的国际学校上学。David Guo 和他的妻子都是 40 多岁的公司律师，拥有美国法律学位。和台湾的许多专业人士一样，

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especially those in multinational companies or the high-tech industry, David and his wife need to communicate with foreign partners or clients in English. These work experiences make them appreciate the value of English-language skills, and they do not want their children to repeat any shortcomings they have had. Sitting in his office overlooking Taipei 101, then the third-tallest sky-scraper in the world, David explained why he chose an international school for their only daughter, Monica:
尤其是那些在跨国公司或高科技行业的人，David 和他的妻子需要用英语与外国合作伙伴或客户交流。这些工作经验使他们欣赏英语技能的价值，他们不希望自己的孩子重复他们曾经的任何缺点。David 坐在办公室里，俯瞰着当时世界第三高的摩天大楼台北 101 大厦，他解释了他为他们唯一的女儿 Monica 选择国际学校的原因：

When you do this line of work [international business], your English becomes an instant problem. It was a very painful experience. When I first started at a foreign company, it was like I was on another planet. I couldn’t understand a thing. . . . If you wait until you’re older [to learn English], the accent will never go away. I talk to foreigners at work but they’ll always know I’m not native. I sent her there [an all-English school] for the accent.
当你从事这一行 [国际业务] 时，你的英语会立即成为一个问题。这是一次非常痛苦的经历。当我刚开始在一家外国公司工作时，我就像在另一个星球上一样。我什么都听不懂......如果你等到你长大了 [才学习英语]，口音永远不会消失。我在工作中与外国人交谈，但他们总是知道我不是本地人。我把她送到那里 [一所全英语学校] 来学习口音。

Living in a pricy neighborhood with a sizable population of Western ex-patriates, David and his wife sent Monica to an all-English kindergarten run by the former teachers of Taipei American school. Later they decided to “buy” a foreign passport before Monica reached school age. They invested roughly 40,000 USD in a shopping mall in Burkina Faso in exchange for three passports for the entire family. When I asked David if he had ever been there, he shrugged and smiled: “[The immigration agency] just showed us a picture of this mall being built. They stopped contacting us after that. Even if they did, I suspect it burned down last month or something.” With a foreign passport, Monica is able to enroll in an international school with an annual tuition of 15,000 USD. Half of her classmates are Taiwan-born “fake foreigners.” David joked: “I’m pretty sure Burkina Faso is where most of these families come from.”
大卫和他的妻子住在一个昂贵的社区，那里有大量的西方侨民，大卫和他的妻子把莫妮卡送到了一所由台北美国学校的前教师经营的全英式幼儿园。后来，他们决定在莫妮卡上学年龄之前“购买”一本外国护照。他们在布基纳法索的一家购物中心投资了大约 40,000 美元，以换取全家人的三本护照。当我问大卫他是否去过那里时，他耸耸肩笑道：“[移民局]刚刚给我们看了一张这个购物中心正在建设的照片。在那之后，他们就不再联系我们了。即使他们这样做了，我怀疑它在上个月被烧毁了。凭借外国护照，莫妮卡可以进入国际学校，每年的学费为 15,000 美元。她的同学有一半是台湾出生的“假外国人”。大卫开玩笑说：“我很确定布基纳法索是这些家庭中的大多数来自的地方。

David is proud of Monica for her crispy English accent and knowledge of European culture and history—when the family traveled in Europe last sum-mer, Monica served as their knowledgeable guide. In optimism, David projects a bright future marked with cultural flexibility and brain circulation:
David 为 Monica 爽利的英国口音和对欧洲文化和历史的了解感到自豪——当一家人上次在欧洲旅行时，Monica 是他们知识渊博的导游。David 乐观地预测了一个以文化灵活性和人才循环为标志的光明未来：

Many people talk about brain drain. I don’t object to that. . . . You let her explore the outside world for ten or twenty years; she will eventually come back. So we think it’s important that she identifies with the homeland but, with the language skills, she can go wherever she wants. I think the future world will be like that.
许多人都在谈论人才流失。我不反对这一点......你让她探索外面的世界十年或二十年;她最终会回来的。所以我们认为她认同祖国很重要，但凭借语言技能，她可以去任何她想去的地方。我认为未来的世界会是这样的。

Like many highly educated and mobile parents, David considers flexibility the road to opportunities at work and in private life in a time of insecurity.27
像许多受过高等教育且行动不便的父母一样，David 认为灵活性是在不安全时期获得工作和私人生活机会的道路。27

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台湾中产阶级 55

However, he also feels ambivalent about what Monica may have missed out, such as Chinese-language skills, local social networks, and ethnic cultural iden-tity by attending an international school. He can only hope that family ties can help to maintain her cultural identity and keep return migration as an ultimate option.
然而，他也对莫妮卡可能错过的东西感到矛盾，例如中文技能、当地社交网络以及就读国际学校的种族文化认同。他只能希望家庭纽带能够帮助她保持文化认同，并将回国移民作为最终选择。

Private School and Subtle Symbolic Struggle
私立学校和微妙的象征性斗争

In addition to international schools, private bilingual schools with the goal of US college entrance began to pop up in Taiwan during the last decade. These schools advertise English-language immersion or an Americanized teaching style, and their tuition fees are about twice those of standard private schools.28 Some work in partnership with foreign high schools or apply for international school certification so pupils can gain a transnational diploma as extra lever-age toward overseas college applications.29 The growth of private education is especially salient in metropolitan areas.30 Private schools also help parents to arrange extracurricular activities, such as Western sports activities like horse riding and rowing, and overseas homestay programs with an aim to equip their children with cosmopolitan tastes and dispositions.
除了国际学校，在过去十年中，以美国大学入学为目标的私立双语学校也开始在台湾出现。这些学校宣传英语浸入式或美式教学方式，其学费大约是标准私立学校的两倍。28 有些学校与外国高中合作或申请国际学校认证，以便学生获得跨国文凭，作为申请海外大学的额外杠杆。29 私立教育的增长在大都市地区尤为突出。30 所私立学校还帮助家长安排课外活动，例如骑马和划船等西式体育活动，以及海外寄宿家庭计划，旨在让他们的孩子具备国际化的品味和性格。

Cheng-yi Li and his wife, Yen-fen, are both in their late forties and send their two daughters to an elite private school in Taipei. Cheng-yi received his medical degree in Taiwan and completed a PhD in Germany; Yen-fen is a full-time homemaker with a master’s degree in music. The Li daughters, both talented musicians and straight-A students, easily cope with the pace of elite education, but they find it emotionally stressful to be surrounded by pupils from very wealthy families. Even at a young age, classmates made fun of the Li girls for not knowing brand names in English. Cheng-yi, who works at a public hospital, joked painfully: “Medical doctors are at the bottom of the heap when it comes to the parents [at the school].” He and Yen-fen are thankful that both of their girls were born in the summer so they can avoid hosting fancy birthday parties. Their daughter once attended a birthday party at a five-star hotel where the favor was a foreign-certified, handmade teddy bear.
Cheng-yi Li 和他的妻子 Yen-fen 都已经四十多岁了，他们把两个女儿送到台北的一所精英私立学校。Cheng-yi 在台湾获得医学学位，并在德国获得博士学位;Yen-fen 是一名全职家庭主妇，拥有音乐硕士学位。李氏女儿都是才华横溢的音乐家和成绩优异的学生，她们很容易适应精英教育的节奏，但她们发现被来自非常富裕家庭的学生包围在情感上会带来压力。即使在很小的时候，同学们也取笑李女孩不懂英文品牌名称。在公立医院工作的郑毅痛苦地开玩笑说：“当涉及到[学校的]家长时，医生处于最底层。他和 Yen-fen 很感激他们的两个女儿都是在夏天出生的，这样她们就可以避免举办华丽的生日派对。他们的女儿曾经在一家五星级酒店参加过生日派对，那里的礼物是一只外国认证的手工泰迪熊。

Professional middle-class parents who socialize with an affluent upper class highlight their stock of Western cultural capital to make up for their relatively modest economic capital. Cheng-yi describes the several years he spent study-ing in Europe as an eye-opening experience. Although they lack the funds to travel frequently, he and his wife try hard to inject European cultural elements into their family life. Yen-fen believes that European culture cultivates a taste
与富裕的上层阶级交往的专业中产阶级父母突出了他们的西方文化资本存量，以弥补他们相对适度的经济资本。Cheng-yi 将他在欧洲学习的几年描述为一次大开眼界的经历。虽然他们没有资金经常出差，但他和他的妻子努力将欧洲文化元素注入他们的家庭生活。Yen-fen 认为欧洲文化培养品味

56  Chapter 2
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more refined than that of America, which helps their daughters stand out among their classmates:
比美国更精致，这有助于他们的女儿在同学中脱颖而出：

We try to expose them to a lot of European cultures. . . . We talk to them about it, let them read books. . . . They grew up listening to European songs, songs in German, French, and Italian. . . . For me, I think European culture is where the advantage is, so we don’t really follow American values or lifestyle, because Eu-rope is more cultured. A lot of the parents at the school have experience of the US, but they don’t have any experience of Europe. They can speak English very fluently, but they don’t know any other language. So we make ourselves distinct through Europe, and this is how I build confidence in my children.
我们试图让他们接触很多欧洲文化......我们和他们谈谈，让他们读书......他们听着欧洲歌曲长大，包括德语、法语和意大利语的歌曲。对我来说，我认为欧洲文化是优势所在，所以我们并不真正遵循美国的价值观或生活方式，因为 Eu-rope 更有文化。学校的很多家长都有美国的经验，但他们没有任何欧洲的经验。他们可以说非常流利的英语，但他们不懂任何其他语言。因此，我们通过欧洲使自己与众不同，这就是我为孩子们建立信心的方式。

Professional middle-class parents like the Li family strategize to mark so-cial distinctions based on subtle shades of cultural difference. For example, the summer homework required by the Li children’s private school asks each stu-dent to make a poster about their holiday travels. To distinguish themselves among classmates with the funds to fly to New York, Paris, and other destina-tions around the world, the Lis’ poster claims that they travel independently, “never with tour groups.” Cheng-yi and Yen-fen teach their daughters to re-search their travel plans on the internet so to cultivate “the fun in discovery.” At their destinations, they encourage their daughters to “experience the local lifestyle, shop at local markets, and interact with local people.” They hope to foster an embodied mode of multicultural capital, as opposed to a financial confidence, which they believe will secure their children’s place in the global middle class.
像李家这样的专业中产阶级父母会制定策略，根据文化差异的细微差别来标记社会差异。例如，李氏儿童私塾的暑期作业要求每个学生制作一张关于他们假期旅行的海报。为了在有资金飞往纽约、巴黎和世界各地其他目的地的同学中脱颖而出，Lis 的海报声称他们是独立旅行的，“从不跟团一起旅行”。Cheng-yi 和 Yen-fen 教他们的女儿在网上重新搜索她们的旅行计划，以培养“发现的乐趣”。在目的地，他们鼓励女儿“体验当地的生活方式，在当地市场购物，并与当地人互动”。他们希望培养一种多元文化资本的具体模式，而不是财务自信，他们相信这将确保他们的孩子在全球中产阶级中的地位。

The Li daughters have a busy life attending to both heavy school homework and exposure to European culture. Yen-fen described herself a Type A per-sonality, joking that she was one of the school’s most infamous “tiger moms.” She set high standards for her daughters’ academic performance and paid par-ticular attention to their piano practice. Yen-fen saw time control and progress monitoring as a mandatory in a contemporary Taiwanese lifestyle:
李氏女儿的生活很忙，既要完成繁重的学校作业，又要接触欧洲文化。Yen-fen 将自己描述为 A 型学生，开玩笑说她是学校最臭名昭著的“虎妈”之一。她为女儿们的学习成绩设定了高标准，并特别关注她们的钢琴练习。Yen-fen 将时间控制和进度监控视为当代台湾生活方式的强制性要求：

I feel like this is the only way when you live in Taiwan. If we were in the US, we could take our time and slow [piano practice] down, because there’d be little schoolwork and I wouldn’t have to worry about this or that. Taiwanese children have so much homework, and time’s of the essence. They get off school at four and it takes another forty-minute car ride to get home. Once they get home, they rest for a bit, but there’s homework waiting. I’ve got to supervise them this way because they only have one hour for piano practice. . . . They’ve got to make
我觉得这是你住在台湾时唯一的出路。如果我们在美国，我们可以慢慢来，放慢 [钢琴练习] 的速度，因为功课很少，我不必担心这个或那个。台湾孩子有很多家庭作业，时间至关重要。他们四点放学，又要坐 40 分钟的车才能回家。他们回到家后，会休息一会儿，但还有家庭作业在等着他们。我必须以这种方式监督他们，因为他们只有一个小时的钢琴练习时间......他们必须做出

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台湾中产阶级 57

so much progress in that one hour. American children get off school much ear-lier and their weekends are really weekends. They have the luxury of time and can take time to enjoy life, and the parents and teachers use negotiation and communication to teach [music] more often. But in Taiwan, teachers don’t have the time to talk to you, parents don’t have the time to talk to you.
在那一小时内取得了如此大的进步。美国孩子放学的时间要早得多，他们的周末真的就是周末。他们有奢侈的时间，可以花时间享受生活，而父母和老师更经常使用谈判和沟通来教授 [音乐]。但在台湾，老师没有时间跟你说话，家长也没有时间跟你说话。

Taiwan’s public narratives widely portray the US as a “paradise for children.” Drawing on these narratives, Yen-fen viewed learning at children’s own pace as a privilege of middle-class American families. Even that, as we will see in Chap-ter 4, Chinese American middle-class family life is not as relaxing or stress-free as Yen-fen assumed. The imagined American styles of happy childhood and permissive parenting become an unrealistic ideal for middle-class Tai-wanese parents to emulate and distinguish at the same time. Notably, Yen-fen portrayed herself as an unwilling tiger mom not to reproduce ethnic cultural heritage but to adapt to the new cultural script of holistic education that still includes intense academic pressure. Most middle-class parents I interviewed in Taiwan projected a self-image as “liberal” and “democratic” parents and dis-sociated themselves from tiger moms who are obsessed with children’s success. Still, they felt they had no choice but to prepare their children for globalized competition, resulting in a whirring family rhythm and a sense of perpetual time crunch.
台湾的公共叙事广泛地将美国描绘成“儿童天堂”。借鉴这些叙述，Yen-fen 将按照孩子的节奏学习视为美国中产阶级家庭的特权。即便如此，正如我们将在第 4 章中看到的那样，华裔美国中产阶级家庭生活并不像 Yen-fen 假设的那样轻松或无压力。想象中的美国快乐童年和放任的育儿方式，成为中产阶级泰华人父母同时要效仿和区分的不切实际的理想。值得注意的是，燕芬将自己描绘成一个不愿意复制民族文化遗产的虎妈，而是适应全人教育的新文化剧本，其中仍然包含着巨大的学术压力。我在台湾采访的大多数中产阶级父母都把自己塑造成“自由派”和“民主派”的父母，与那些痴迷于孩子成功的虎妈们划清界限。尽管如此，他们觉得自己别无选择，只能让孩子为全球化的竞争做好准备，这导致了家庭节奏的嗡嗡作响和永恒的时间紧迫感。

Micromanagement of Holistic Development
整体发展的微观管理

On parents’ evening at Central School, a public elementary school located in a well-off neighborhood of Taipei City, a dozen commercial reps stood out-side the campus gate, bowing, smiling, and handing out flyers to parents rush-ing to attend after work. Some also gave away educational toys. They came from the nearby cram schools and educational centers that offer a wide range of supplementary education and extracurricular classes, including math, sci-ence, English, music, art, sports, and writing composition. The names of these schools often mimic the names of famous Western cities or educational institu-tions, such as Juilliard Art School, Boston English, Little Harvard, and Oxford Math. They promise to train the next generation of elites: one school offers “premedical” biology classes for fifth and six graders. Another center provides “international math tests” as early as kindergarten. Many flyers quote the fa-mous Chinese slogan “Don’t let your children start behind the others,” and one adds the promise “We will help your children lead ahead all the way.” To ap-peal to parents torn between the pursuit of global competitiveness and a happy
在位于台北市一个富裕社区的公立小学中央学校的家长之夜，十几位商业代表站在校园门外，鞠躬、微笑，并向下班后匆忙参加的家长分发传单。有些人还赠送了益智玩具。他们来自附近的补习班和教育中心，这些学校提供广泛的补充教育和课外课程，包括数学、科学、英语、音乐、艺术、体育和写作作文。这些学校的名称通常模仿西方著名城市或教育机构的名称，例如茱莉亚艺术学院、波士顿英语、小哈佛和牛津数学。他们承诺培养下一代精英：一所学校为五年级和六年级学生提供“医学预科”生物学课程。另一个中心早在幼儿园就提供“国际数学测试”。许多传单引用了著名的中国口号“不要让您的孩子落后于其他人”，其中一张还添加了“我们将帮助您的孩子一路领先”的承诺。致在追求全球竞争力和幸福之间左右为难的父母

58  Chapter 2
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childhood,­ these advertisements are sprinkled with words like fun, play, inspi-ration, and creativity
童年时，这些广告上散布着乐趣、游戏灵感和创造力等词.

For parents who send their children to regular public schools, extracurricu-lar activities are a critical place to micromanage children’s holistic development. Social surveys in Taiwan show that children’s participation in after-school ac-tivities are highly associated with parents’ social class, especially the father’s occupation and the mother’s education.31 Middle-class parents feel responsible for identifying their children’s strengths and engineering the development of their talents. The reform of college admissions to include individual applica-tions produced the unintended consequence of transforming the learning process into the accumulation of recognizable credentials. The commercial sec-tor exacerbates the institutionalization and commoditization of “competitive childhoods.”32 Children are encouraged to participate in various competitive activities and to keep a record of their learning progress that may become a useful part of the child’s future portfolio. Even learning to ride a bicycle is trans-formed into a documentable achievement at training camps where children can earn a certificate upon graduation.
对于将孩子送到普通公立学校的父母来说，课外活动是微观管理孩子全面发展的关键场所。台湾的社会调查显示，孩子参加课后活动与父母的社会阶层高度相关，尤其是父亲的职业和母亲的教育。31 中产阶级的父母觉得有责任发掘儿女的长处，并培养他们的才能。大学招生改革包括个人申请，产生了意想不到的后果，即将学习过程转变为可识别证书的积累。商业安全加剧了“竞争性童年”的制度化和商品化。32 鼓励儿童参加各种竞争活动，并记录他们的学习进度，这可能会成为儿童未来档案中有用的部分。甚至在训练营中，学习骑自行车也被转化为可记录的成就，孩子们可以在毕业时获得证书。

English is widely considered by parents to be the most important of extracur-ricular activities. Wealthy parents have sufficient funds to send children to study abroad or to international schools in Taiwan to learn English. Not-so-well-off parents seek less costly ways to broaden their children’s familiarity with English, such as enrolling in all-English kindergartens, going abroad for camps during summer vacation, or staying with relatives abroad for a short period. If parents cannot afford expensive trips to North America, Australia, or the United King-dom, they send their children to Singapore or the Philippines at half the cost.
英语被家长广泛认为是最重要的课外活动。有钱的父母有足够的资金送孩子出国留学或到台湾的国际学校学习英语。不太富裕的父母会寻求成本较低的方法来扩大孩子对英语的熟悉程度，例如进入全英文幼儿园、暑假出国参加夏令营或与国外的亲戚短期住在一起。如果父母负担不起去北美、澳大利亚或联合王国的昂贵旅行，他们会以一半的费用将孩子送到新加坡或菲律宾。

All-English summer camps in Taiwan provide an even more economical way for children to have a virtual experience of transnational mobility. Yet par-ents who have limited experience abroad and weak English skills struggle to evaluate which camps are authentic or effective. Some mothers nervously asked me: “Should I send my child to study in the Philippines? His English is terrible. Will it work?” or “Do we really need to start fostering an international perspec-tive at a young age? Is it too late if we start in elementary school?” Other parents were disappointed to learn that their children frequently speak Chinese at one of the English camps. One perplexed mother said: “I don’t think they learned anything there. Do American children simply play like that?”
台湾的全英文夏令营为孩子们提供了一种更经济的方式，让他们可以虚拟地体验跨国流动。然而，国外经验有限且英语技能较弱的学员很难评估哪些营地是真实的或有效的。有的妈妈紧张地问我：“我应该送孩子去菲律宾读书吗？他的英语很糟糕。它会奏效吗？“或”我们真的需要在年轻时就开始培养国际视野吗？如果我们从小学开始，是不是太晚了？其他家长得知他们的孩子在其中一个英语营地经常说中文时感到失望。一位困惑的母亲说：“我认为他们在那里没有学到任何东西。美国孩子就这样玩吗？

Compared to wealthy parents who can afford international education for their children as early as primary education or at least from college, parents
与早在小学或至少从大学开始就能为孩子提供国际教育的富裕父母相比，父母

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台湾中产阶级 59

who send children to public schools experience even more friction between cultural scripts and family life. Many of them belong to the locally oriented middle class—unlike the transnational middle class, their employment and lifestyle are more oriented to the local economy. Although they want to offer their children something distinct from their own childhoods, facing continued competition for admission to leading universities in Taiwan, these parents still fall back to traditional educational methods such as disciplined learning and repetitive training.
将孩子送到公立学校的人在文化剧本和家庭生活之间经历了更多的摩擦。他们中的许多人属于以本地为导向的中产阶级——与跨国中产阶级不同，他们的就业和生活方式更以当地经济为导向。虽然他们想给孩子一些不同于自己童年的东西，面对台湾顶尖大学的入学竞争，这些父母仍然倒退到传统的教育方法，如有纪律的学习和重复的训练。

Time management is a clear feature of life routines in many of these middle-class homes. Children are subject to a busy schedule that coordinates their mul-tiple organized activities. Some mothers set up a timetable for evenings spent at home, including Pei-ing Lai, who quit her job as a sales manager after giving birth to Yun, now a second grader at Central School. Yun’s father, Wu-han Yao, works as a real estate manager. The couple decided not to have more children so they could concentrate the resources on their only daughter.
时间管理是许多这些中产阶级家庭日常生活的一个明显特征。孩子们的日程安排很忙，要协调他们多次组织的活动。一些母亲为在家度过的夜晚设定了时间表，包括黎佩英（Pei-ing Lai），她在生下现在是中央学校二年级学生的云后辞去了销售经理的工作。Yun 的父亲 Wu-han Yao 是一名房地产经理。这对夫妇决定不多生孩子，这样他们就可以把资源集中在他们唯一的女儿身上。

Wu-han was occupied by work and usually returned home around nine or ten in the evening. Even on the weekends, he attended training seminars or business-related social events, or went on long bike rides by himself to relieve the pressure from work. Often as the sole parent at home, Pei-ing arranged Yun’s daily activities in minute detail. After dinner, Yun did homework for at least thirty minutes, followed by violin practice for twenty minutes. Then she was allowed to use the computer for fifty minutes (or thirty-five minutes when her grades drop). Pei-ing skillfully relied on machines for time management: the computer was set to automatically shut down after the designated time. While playing on the computer, Yun had to wear a helmetlike machine with special glasses to protect her sight. Pei-ing also used the timer on her cell phone to remind Yun to take a shower at 9:45 p.m., and she used different alarm tones for the father’s and daughter’s wake-up times.
武汉忙于工作，通常在晚上九点或十点左右回家。即使在周末，他也会参加培训研讨会或与商业相关的社交活动，或者独自骑自行车长途骑行以缓解工作压力。作为家里唯一的父母，Pei-ing 经常详细地安排 Yun 的日常活动。晚饭后，Yun 做了至少 30 分钟的家庭作业，然后是 20 分钟的小提琴练习。然后她被允许使用电脑 50 分钟（当她的成绩下降时，她可以使用 35 分钟）。贝聿英巧妙地依靠机器进行时间管理：电脑被设定为在指定时间后自动关机。在电脑上玩游戏时，Yun 不得不戴上类似头盔的机器，并戴上特殊的眼镜来保护她的视力。佩英还用手机上的计时器提醒云在晚上 9 点 45 分洗澡，她用不同的闹钟铃声来表示父女俩的起床时间。

Habituated to a full calendar arranged by adults, Yun expected her mother to answer readily, “What should I do next?” whenever there was a break be-tween the designated activities. Middle-class children like Yun, who are fre-quently turned into objects of adult micromanagement, grow up to internalize a sense of time constraint. A frown on their young faces, the children at Cen-tral School often said to each other, “I’m really busy” or “I’m running out of time,” sounding like their time-crunched parents. Ironically, they also said, “I’m bored” or “This is boring”—feeling impatient with the shortage of stimulation or entertainment—more often than children we observed at other schools.
Yun 习惯了大人安排的满满的日历，她希望她的母亲在指定活动之间有休息时，会爽快地回答：“我下一步该做什么？像 Yun 这样的中产阶级孩子，经常成为成人微观管理的对象，他们长大后会内化一种时间限制感。Cen-tral School 的孩子们皱着眉头，经常互相说，“我真的很忙”或“我时间不多了”，听起来像是他们时间紧迫的父母。具有讽刺意味的是，他们还说，“我很无聊”或“这很无聊”——对缺乏刺激或娱乐感到不耐烦——比我们在其他学校观察到的孩子更频繁。

60  Chapter 2
60 第 2 章

Similar to what Lareau observed among American middle-class families, children’s weakened capacity for self-direction and self-entertainment is an un-intended consequence of concerted cultivation in Taiwan. However, the micro-management of holistic development often turns into a “regimented growth” that prevents Taiwanese children from developing what Lareau calls “a sense of entitlement.” Instead, it fosters a sense of obedience and respect toward their parents.33 When facing a time deficit, the decisions regarding the priorities of extracurricular activities are usually up to parents rather than children. Chil-dren are often forced to drop activities that are “simply fun” and keep those parents consider more intellectually inspiring, such as Chinese checkers and abacus. Parental authority becomes even more salient as children enter middle school and academic pressure increases. The emotional ties between parents and children, which are validated in the new cultural repertoire, may ironically become a means for parents to reinforce “soft authority” that eclipses children’s autonomy.
与拉罗在美国中产阶级家庭中观察到的情况类似，儿童的自我指导和自我娱乐能力减弱是台湾协同培养的意外结果。然而，对全面发展的微观管理往往会变成一种“有序的增长”，阻止台湾儿童培养 Lareau 所说的“权利感”。相反，它培养了对父母的服从和尊重感。33 当时间不足时，关于课外活动的优先次序通常由父母而不是孩子决定。孩子们经常被迫放弃那些 “单纯的乐趣 ”的活动，而保留那些父母认为更能激发智力的活动，如中国跳棋和算盘。随着孩子进入中学和学业压力的增加，父母的权威变得更加突出。父母和孩子之间的情感纽带在新文化剧目中得到了验证，具有讽刺意味的是，它可能成为父母加强“软权威”的一种手段，使孩子的自主性黯然失色。

Educational Mothers and Astronaut Fathers
受教育的母亲和宇航员父亲

The mother remains the children’s primary caregiver in most middle-class Tai-wanese families. She collects up-to-date information on new methods of chil-drearing and education, absorbing this material before providing a summary to her husband before bed at night. The Japanese use the term kyōiku mama— “education mother”—to describe the many middle-class women who quit their jobs to focus on raising their children. This phenomenon is not unusual in Taiwan, where some women see this sacrifice of career as necessary because, as one Taiwanese mother and full-time homemaker who also has a master’s degree put it: “What costs the most in children’s education is not money, it’s the mother’s time.”34
在大多数中产阶级泰湾人家庭中，母亲仍然是孩子的主要照顾者。她收集有关育儿和教育新方法的最新信息，在晚上睡前向丈夫提供总结之前吸收这些材料。日本人用 kyōiku mama（“教育妈妈”）这个词来形容许多辞去工作，专注于抚养孩子的中产阶级女性。这种现象在台湾并不罕见，一些女性认为这种牺牲事业是必要的，因为正如一位同样拥有硕士学位的台湾母亲和全职家庭主妇所说：“在孩子的教育中，花费最大的不是钱，而是妈妈的时间。34

Still, only a third of Taiwanese middle-class households have one parent who is a full-time homemaker.35 It is difficult for single-salaried families to af-ford to live in Taipei, a city with stagnant wages and rising housing costs. In-stead of staying home, mothers tend to choose jobs with stable or flexible work hours, so they can attend to children’s education and provide a bulk of emo-tional work involving almost all areas of the children’s lives.36
尽管如此，只有三分之一的台湾中产阶级家庭的父母是全职家庭主妇。35 单身工薪家庭很难在台北生活，这个城市工资停滞不前，住房成本不断上涨。母亲们不待在家里，而是倾向于选择工作时间稳定或灵活的工作，这样她们就可以照顾孩子的教育，并提供大量的情感工作，几乎涉及孩子生活的所有领域。36 元

Taiwan’s government, school, and community have encouraged fathers to get involved in their children’s growth and education.37 Middle-class fathers, in particular, are more likely than working-class men to have jobs with some degree of time flexibility and become emotionally invested in today’s family life.
台湾的政府、学校和社区都鼓励父亲参与孩子的成长和教育。37 尤其是中产阶级的父亲，比工薪阶层的男性更有可能从事具有一定时间灵活性的工作，并对今天的家庭生活投入情感。

Taiwanese Middle Class  61
台湾中产阶级 61

Several of the middle-class fathers in this study assign themselves the duty of cultivating children’s cognitive and linguistic skills through conversation and games. For instance, when an engineer father learned that his seven-year-old daughter did not like to drink water at school, he solved the problem as if it were an engineering project. Together with the daughter, he designed experi-ments to formulate a standard operating procedure (SOP) for her water con-sumption. Together, they concluded that she must drink thirteen drops during each class break. These fathers view interaction with children as an extension of their professional training or occupational culture, and they expect to foster an embodied habitus that may improve their children’s future opportunities in the professional labor market.38
这项研究中的几位中产阶级父亲将自己的职责分配给自己，即通过对话和游戏来培养孩子的认知和语言技能。例如，当一位工程师父亲得知他 7 岁的女儿在学校不喜欢喝水时，他就把问题当作一个工程项目来解决。他与女儿一起设计了实验，为她的用水制定了标准作程序 （SOP）。他们一起得出结论，她必须在每个课间休息期间喝 13 滴。这些父亲将与孩子的互动视为他们专业培训或职业文化的延伸，他们希望培养一种具体习惯，这可能会改善孩子未来在专业劳动力市场的机会。38 元

However, most parents face a workplace culture that is not family-friendly, as Taiwan ranks among the countries with the longest working day.39 Even young children have a clear sense of the time crunch faced by their overworked parents. In December 2010, a teacher at Central School asked a class of second graders to write down their Christmas wishes. In addition to the predictable ones (“I wish to grow taller,” “I wish to have better grades,” and so on), several children wrote: “I wish my parents didn’t have to work so late,” “I wish my dad could come home for dinner,” and “I wish my dad could come back to Taiwan [from working in the PRC] more often.”
然而，大多数父母都面临着对家庭不友好的职场文化，因为台湾是工作时间最长的国家之一。39 即使是年幼的孩子也清楚地知道他们过度劳累的父母所面临的时间紧迫。2010 年 12 月，中央学校的一位老师让一个班级的二年级学生写下他们的圣诞愿望。除了可以预见的那些（“我希望长高”、“我希望成绩更好”等）之外，还有几个孩子写道：“我希望我爸爸不用工作这么晚”、“我希望我爸爸能回家吃晚饭”和“我希望我爸爸能更频繁地[从中国工作]回到台湾。

Work and family are most difficult to balance when the father’s firm ex-pands its operations across international borders. Time-space compression technologies such as the internet and cellphones also increase their work hours. Emails and conference calls during off-work hours are common. One father even keeps his cellphone next to him when he showers, afraid that he will miss an important call from clients in different time zones. Some fathers are stationed overseas, mostly in China or Southeast Asia, and return home on every one or two months. In one Central School classroom, four out of twenty students had a father working in Mainland China. Another father was laid off from a managerial position when he refused a transfer to a factory in the PRC, and at nearly fifty years of age, he wound up driving a taxi. Many fathers chose to relocate in China to enhance the economic welfare of the family, because expatriate packages allowed them to receive between one and a half and two times their previous salary in Taiwan.40
当父亲的公司将其业务跨国界时，工作和家庭是最难平衡的。互联网和手机等时空压缩技术也增加了他们的工作时间。下班时间的电子邮件和电话会议很常见。一位父亲甚至在洗澡时把手机放在身边，生怕错过不同时区客户的重要电话。有些爸爸驻扎在海外，大多在中国或东南亚，每隔一两个月回国一次。在中心学校的一个教室里，20名学生中有4名的父亲在中国大陆工作。另一位父亲因拒绝调到中国的一家工厂而被解雇，在将近 50 岁时，他最终开了一辆出租车。许多父亲选择搬迁到中国以提高家庭的经济福利，因为外籍人士的待遇使他们能够获得以前在台湾工资的一倍半到两倍。40

Eric Cheng is a well-built forty-one-year-old man who works as a manager in the PRC and returns to his family in Taiwan once a month. He feels torn between fulfilling the responsibility of breadwinning and sustaining emotional
Eric Cheng 是一位身材健壮的 41 岁男子，在中国担任经理，每月返回台湾家人一次。他在履行养家糊口的责任和维持情感之间感到左右为难

62  Chapter 2
62 第 2 章

ties with his two sons. In a soft voice, he sadly admits: “I know little about what goes on in my children’s lives. I can only imagine from what the kids tell me.” He brings up what one son once said to him when still in kindergarten, “Daddy, why do you have to do this job? Can’t we just sell red bean soup [a traditional dessert]?” He sighs and says: “It hurts, you know. Children are simple. They just want you to be there and spend more time with them. But I can’t even do that.”
与他的两个儿子有联系。他用轻柔的声音悲伤地承认：“我对孩子们的生活知之甚少。我只能从孩子们告诉我的事情中想象出来。他提到了一个儿子在上幼儿园时曾经对他说过的话，“爸爸，你为什么非要做这份工作？我们不能只卖红豆汤 [一种传统的甜点] 吗？他叹了口气说：“好痛，你知道的。孩子很简单。他们只是希望你在那里，花更多的时间陪伴他们。但我什至不能那样做。

Middle-class fathers in contemporary Taiwan feel a tension between two conflicting constructs of “hegemonic masculinity”:41 in the public sphere, they are rewarded for being frequent flyers who navigate the global business world and proudly represent “transnational business masculinity.”42 Yet in the private sphere, they are expected to conform to a new, gender-sensitive masculinity by sharing the housework and childrearing.
当代台湾的中产阶级父亲感受到了两种相互冲突的“霸权男子气概”结构之间的紧张关系：41 在公共领域，他们因成为驾驭全球商业世界的常客而获得奖励，并自豪地代表“跨国商业男子气概”。42 然而，在私人领域，他们被期望通过分担家务和抚养孩子来符合一种新的、对性别敏感的男子气概。

Professional fathers use different approaches to resolve conflicts of mascu-linity in the situation of transnational breadwinning. Some highlight their fi-nancial contribution and divide parenting labor along traditional gender lines. Unlike mothers who leave their families for work, such as migrant domestic workers, face the social stigma of “abandoning” their children,43 transnational fatherhood does not seem to present the same threat to the family routine. One mother described her engineer husband’s work in the PRC by saying: “His liv-ing in China doesn’t really affect the children. Even if he weren’t in China, I’d take care of 95 percent of the kids’ stuff anyway.”
职业父亲在跨国养家糊口的情况下使用不同的方法来解决男性与男性的冲突。一些人强调她们的财政贡献，并按照传统的性别界限分工育儿。与离开家庭去工作的母亲（如移徙家政工人）面临“抛弃”孩子的社会耻辱不同，43跨国父亲身份似乎并没有对家庭常规构成同样的威胁。一位母亲描述她的工程师丈夫在中国的工作时说：“他在中国的生活并没有真正影响到孩子们。即使他不在中国，我也会照顾 95% 的孩子们的东西。

Some other transnational fathers try hard to provide paternal companion-ship with the assistance of technology. For example, Eric frequently uses Skype, phone calls, and text messaging to maintain his virtual presence in the family life. When his sons were small, he would pretend over the phone that he was their favorite Japanese cartoon character Ultraman to “create some space of imagination for the kids.” Now, every morning when Eric gets up and before he goes to bed every night, he uses text messaging to see how his two boys are doing: “Go to bed early and have a good night! Keep up the good work every-one, Dad has to work now.” “Good morning kids, time to go to school now!” “Don’t sleep in tomorrow. When you get up, remember to text dad to say good morning so I know you’re up.”
其他一些跨国父亲努力在技术的帮助下提供父系陪伴。例如，Eric 经常使用 Skype、电话和短信来维持他在家庭生活中的虚拟存在。当他的儿子们还小的时候，他会在电话里假装自己是他们最喜欢的日本卡通人物奥特曼，以“为孩子们创造一些想象空间”。现在，每天早上起床时，每天晚上睡觉前，他都会用短信来了解他的两个儿子过得怎么样：“早点睡觉，祝你晚安！每个人都要努力，爸爸现在必须工作。“早上好，孩子们，现在该去上学了！”“明天别睡。当你起床时，记得给爸爸发短信说早上好，这样我知道你起床了。

The pedagogical, labor-intensive, high-cost project of global parenting has the unintended consequence of magnifying the gendered division of labor in childrearing. While the mother’s main duty is to convert her cultural capital to enrich the child’s holistic development, the father is mainly responsible for maximizing household income to meet the rising cost of childrearing. Feeling
全球育儿的教学法、劳动密集型、高成本项目产生了意想不到的后果，即放大了育儿中的性别分工。虽然母亲的主要职责是转化她的文化资本来丰富孩子的全面发展，但父亲主要负责最大限度地提高家庭收入，以满足不断上升的育儿成本。感觉

Taiwanese Middle Class  63
台湾中产阶级 63

pressured to invest more time and energy in breadwinning, some middle-class fathers take the overseas high-salaried jobs but suffer from the emotional cost of physical separation.
一些中产父亲被迫投入更多时间和精力养家糊口，他们选择海外的高薪工作，但要承受身体分离带来的情感成本。

The “Transitional”: Engineering a Happy Childhood
“过渡”：打造快乐童年

Watching his two daughters playing in a camping tent set up in their fashion-ably decorated living room, Jason Liu calmly said, “I don’t want them to become too successful.” Jason is a forty-two-year-old computer engineer who achieved financial success during the spike in Taiwan’s high-tech industry. He earns an annual salary close to 100,000 USD, plus generous stock options. Yet he feels that his career is too stressful, and he laments his own childhood as “lost” to intensive academic pressure. Feeling confident about the family wealth he has accumulated, he prefers for his daughters to “enjoy life.” He hopes that as adults, they will find “easy jobs” such as work in public service.44 He even has started to research about capacity training related to the civil service exams.
看着两个女儿在装饰时尚的客厅里搭的露营帐篷里玩耍，Jason Liu 平静地说：“我不希望她们变得太成功。Jason 是一位 42 岁的计算机工程师，他在台湾高科技产业的高峰期取得了财务上的成功。他的年薪接近 100,000 美元，外加慷慨的股票期权。然而，他觉得自己的职业生涯压力太大，他感叹自己的童年“迷失”在强烈的学术压力下。他对自己积累的家族财富充满信心，更愿意让女儿们“享受生活”。他希望成年后，他们能找到“轻松的工作”，例如公共服务工作。44 他甚至开始研究与公务员考试相关的能力培训。

Unlike their class peers who embrace global pathway consumption, parents like Jason Liu steer their children away from bilingual kindergartens and overly competitive schools. I call this group of parents the “transitionals” because they are still indecisive and struggling in the middle range of the spectrum.45 They aspire to build a pressure-free childhood for their children, yet they still micro-manage their children’s lives to avoid the risk of sliding down the class ladder.
与接受全球途径消费的同龄人不同，像 Jason Liu 这样的父母引导他们的孩子远离双语幼儿园和竞争激烈的学校。我称这群父母为“过渡者”，因为他们仍然优柔寡断，在中间范围中挣扎。45 他们渴望为孩子建立一个没有压力的童年，但他们仍然对孩子的生活进行微观管理，以避免从阶级阶梯上滑落的风险。

Jason actively “engineers” a happy childhood for his two daughters, five and eight years old. He finds watching television and playing computer games dis-tasteful. Instead, he carefully plans to fill the weekend with activities that “nur-ture children’s bodies and minds.” The family often goes hiking so the children can escape the busy city and breathe in the fresh air. Yet Jason later confessed to me that he dislikes outdoor activities: “Before having children, we [he and his wife] spent the weekends in department stores and air-conditioned rooms. Getting in touch with nature, this is all for the kids.” He also feels ambivalent about the effects this concerted planning has on his two daughters: “I’m not so sure if this is good or bad. For instance, they don’t know how to play by them-selves. They open their eyes and ask: ‘Dad, where are we going today? Take us out to play!’ They make me feel that I need to make more plans [pause]. This seems, um, a bit odd. We’re often trapped in a dilemma.”
Jason 积极为他的两个女儿 5 岁和 8 岁 “设计” 了一个快乐的童年。他觉得看电视和玩电脑游戏很恶心。相反，他精心计划用 “滋养儿童的身心 ”的活动来填满周末。一家人经常去远足，这样孩子们就可以逃离繁忙的城市，呼吸新鲜空气。然而，Jason 后来向我承认，他不喜欢户外活动：“在生孩子之前，我们 [他和他的妻子] 周末都在百货公司和空调房里度过。与大自然接触，这一切都是为了孩子们。“他还对这种协调一致的计划对他的两个女儿的影响感到矛盾：”我不太确定这是好是坏。例如，他们不知道如何用自己来玩。他们睁开眼睛问道：'爸爸，我们今天要去哪里？带我们出去玩吧！他们让我觉得我需要制定更多的计划 [停顿]。这似乎，嗯，有点奇怪。我们经常陷入两难境地。

Jason and his wife, Catherine Wang, were college sweethearts at the school of engineering. After their younger daughter was born, Catherine quit her en-gineering job and started working as a university administrator. The change
Jason 和他的妻子 Catherine Wang 是工程学院的大学恋人。他们的小女儿出生后，凯瑟琳辞去了她的工程工作，开始担任大学行政人员。变化

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greatly reduced her salary, but she is glad to get off work on time. Catherine is a music lover who learned piano during her childhood. She wanted her eldest daughter, Penny, to follow in her footsteps, but she carefully avoided forcing her to learn:
大大减少了她的工资，但她很高兴能按时下班。凯瑟琳 （Catherine） 是一位音乐爱好者，她从小就学习了钢琴。她希望大女儿 Penny 追随她的脚步，但她小心翼翼地避免强迫她学习：

I want to give her a gift. It’s not for me. It’s for her. I want her to have a hobby she really likes. But I won’t force her to learn piano. I was waiting for her to open her mouth and say “I want to learn.” How did I do it? Since she was little, every month I collected information about all the concerts in Taipei. I arranged, like an investment for her, whatever performance—as long as children were al-lowed, we went to it. I thought gradually she would [pauses] . . . I was waiting for her to say it. Finally, we went to a concert by Lang Lang. She turned around and told me: “Mommy, I want to learn piano.”
我想送她一份礼物。这不适合我。这是为了她。我希望她有一个她真正喜欢的爱好。但我不会强迫她学钢琴。我一直在等她开口说“我想学习”。我是怎么做到的？从她小时候起，我每个月都会收集台北所有演唱会的信息。我像为她投资一样，安排了任何表演——只要孩子们还在，我们就去看。我渐渐地觉得她会[停顿]......我一直在等她说。最后，我们去看了郎朗的音乐会。她转过身来对我说：“妈妈，我想学钢琴。

During our interview, Catherine repeatedly used the analogy of a gift to describe her motherly contributions to her children, including both her affec-tive care and the arrangement of enrichment programs. The gift analogy, which prioritizes the needs of the recipient (the children), helps Catherine dissociate herself from the traditional role of Chinese parent as an authority figure who dictates children’s lives. Catherine firmly believes that parents should give their children choices instead of orders, even as they work hard in the background to channel the formation of these “choices.”
在我们的采访中，凯瑟琳反复使用礼物的类比来描述她对孩子的母性贡献，包括她的深情照顾和丰富计划的安排。这个礼物的类比优先考虑了接受者（孩子）的需求，帮助凯瑟琳摆脱了中国父母作为决定孩子生活的权威人物的传统角色。凯瑟琳坚信，父母应该给孩子选择而不是命令，即使他们在幕后努力工作以引导这些“选择”的形成。

Instead of directives and punishment, Catherine follows expert advice that parents should reason with their children and encourage them to negotiate with the rules. However, Catherine told me in a worried tone: “You see, Penny is a child with strong opinions. We give her a lot of space to make decisions on her own. But when she grows up, she’s going to find out that lots of things aren’t up to her, and she might turn around to us and ask how come she can’t decide on this and that.” Parents like Catherine are concerned about whether their outspoken and opinionated children will adjust well as an adult to institutions that still emphasize loyalty, hard work, and respect for authority.
凯瑟琳没有指令和惩罚，而是遵循专家的建议，即父母应该与孩子讲道理，并鼓励他们与规则进行谈判。然而，凯瑟琳用担忧的语气告诉我：“你看，佩妮是个有强烈主见的孩子。我们给她很大的空间来自己做决定。但当她长大后，她会发现很多事情都不由她决定，她可能会转过身来问我们，为什么她不能决定这个和那个。像凯瑟琳这样的父母担心他们直言不讳和固执己见的孩子成年后是否能很好地适应仍然强调忠诚、努力工作和尊重权威的机构。

Janice Chan is another devoted mother at Central School. Her husband, Eric Cheng, whom we met earlier, flies back and forth to China, so she quit her job at an insurance company to become a full-time homemaker raising their two sons. In their spacious apartment piled with books on parenting and edu-cation, Janice talked at length about her belief in the model of developmentally adaptive education as opposed to the traditional Chinese method of pushing children to learn early. She sent her two boys to a public kindergarten that of-
Janice Chan 是 Central School 的另一位敬业的母亲。我们之前认识的她的丈夫 Eric Cheng 往返于中国，因此她辞去了一家保险公司的工作，成为一名全职家庭主妇，抚养两个儿子。在他们宽敞的公寓里，堆满了关于育儿和教育的书籍，Janice 详细地谈到了她对发展适应性教育模式的信念，而不是中国传统的推动孩子尽早学习的方法。她把她的两个儿子送到了一所公立幼儿园，那所幼儿园——

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fered only play-based learning, with no academic teaching. However, when her younger son seemed to lag behind the other elementary students, Janice started to question this decision:
只提供基于游戏的学习，没有学术教学。然而，当她的小儿子似乎落后于其他小学生时，珍妮丝开始质疑这个决定：

He was just playing all the time and learned nothing [at the kindergarten]. I believe that you shouldn’t push children to learn before they reach the right age for learning. . . . But now he learns really slowly. Sometimes I wonder, perhaps this is my fault? Did I make him lag behind like this? I’ve been worried [about] whether we should send him to an after-school program now.
他只是一直在玩，[在幼儿园]什么也没学到。我相信你不应该强迫孩子在达到合适的学习年龄之前就学习。但现在他学得真的很慢。有时我在想，也许这是我的错？我让他像这样落后了吗？我一直在担心我们现在是否应该送他参加课后活动。

Worried about her son’s school performance, Janice searched for alterna-tive educational venues. She and her husband also considered the possibility of immigrating to the US, although they were not sure if they could manage it financially. They were also attracted to alternative education and had even visited Garden School a couple of times. Yet they were hesitant to move to that end of the parenting spectrum out of fear that their children would not be able to integrate into a mainstream high school.
由于担心儿子的学校表现，珍妮丝寻找替代教育场所。她和她的丈夫也考虑过移民到美国的可能性，尽管他们不确定自己是否能在经济上管理它。他们也被替代教育所吸引，甚至参观过花园学校几次。然而，由于担心自己的孩子无法融入主流高中，他们不愿转向育儿范围的那一端。

These transitional parents experience a tug-of-war between the polarized goals of childrearing. Despite their earnest pursuit of happiness and autonomy for their children, they still worry about whether their children can survive the cruel reality and secure material comfort in the future. Many of the transitional parents are likely to move toward the right end of the spectrum, when chil-dren reach teenage years and face more intense competition at high school. An increasing number of middle-class parents, albeit still a minority, are moving toward the other end of the spectrum and practicing a security strategy I call orchestrating natural growth.
这些过渡期父母在两极分化的育儿目标之间经历了一场拉锯战。尽管他们真诚地追求孩子的幸福和自主权，但他们仍然担心自己的孩子能否在残酷的现实中生存下来，并在将来获得物质上的舒适。当孩子进入青少年时期并在高中面临更激烈的竞争时，许多过渡期父母可能会走向光谱的正确端。越来越多的中产阶级父母，尽管仍然是少数，正在走向光谱的另一端，并实行一种我称之为“协调自然增长”的安全策略。

Orchestrating Natural Growth
协调自然生长

The loaded term natural growth repeatedly appeared in my interviews with par-ents who are leaning toward a more permissive way of childrearing. The notion is vaguely defined against three interventions parents deemed “unnatural” and harmful: First, children should enjoy free time for playing and pressuring them to learn is destructive to their development. Second, parents should avoid too much “hands-on” guidance so children can develop independence and auton-omy. Finally, the family should live an organic life, in connection with nature, to protect children’s purity and health from commercialism and chemical toxins.
在我对倾向于更宽松的育儿方式的参与者的采访中，“自然成长”这个词反复出现。这个概念与父母认为“不自然”和有害的三种干预措施进行了模糊的定义：首先，孩子们应该享受空闲时间玩耍，强迫他们学习对他们的发展具有破坏性。其次，父母应该避免过多的 “动手 ”指导，这样孩子才能发展独立性和自主性。最后，家庭应该过一种有机的生活，与大自然相联系，以保护儿童的纯洁和健康免受商业主义和化学毒素的侵害。

This middle-class version of a “free-range childhood,” which I call orches-trating natural growth, bears a superficial resemblance to the childrearing
这种中产阶级版本的“自由放养的童年”，我称之为兰花式的自然成长，与育儿有表面上的相似之处

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approach of working-class American parents that Lareau calls “the accomplish-ment of natural growth.” These American working-class children are granted an autonomous world apart from adults in which they are free to try out new experiences and create their own entertainment, because parents are occupied by work and the family has insufficient resources. In contrast, middle-class Taiwanese parents who orchestrate their children’s natural growth engage in concerted efforts and invisible work in the background. While consciously re-fraining from much intervention in children’s free play, they thoughtfully de-sign their home space and carefully remove commercial toys so to encourage children to pursue more “naturally oriented” or “developmentally appropriate” activities. This section shows that their strategy of natural parenting relies heav-ily on middle-class financial capital and Western cultural capital.
拉罗称之为“自然成长的成就”的美国工人阶级父母的方法。这些美国工人阶级的孩子被赋予了一个独立于成年人的自主世界，他们可以自由尝试新的体验并创造自己的娱乐，因为父母忙于工作，家庭资源不足。相比之下，精心策划孩子自然成长的台湾中产阶级父母则在幕后进行协调一致的努力和无形的工作。虽然他们有意识地避免过多干预儿童的自由游戏，但会深思熟虑地取消他们的家庭空间，并小心地移除商业玩具，以鼓励孩子追求更多“以自然为导向”或“适合发展”的活动。本节表明，他们的自然养育策略严重依赖中产阶级金融资本和西方文化资本。

This style of childrearing is best exemplified by those who choose alternative schools for their children. These parents prioritize the pursuit of what Andrew Sayer calls “internal goods,” such as a happy childhood and natural development, and consider “external goods” like gaining credentials as secondary.46 Garden School in Yilan follows a humanistic approach to learning based on the Aus-trian educational philosophy of Rudolf Steiner, the founder of anthroposophy. Garden School jettisons textbooks, examinations, and other formal assessment methods. The staff members there enjoy a high degree of autonomy to design their curricula, incorporating instruction in arts, crafts, music, dance, cooking, farming, and nature-oriented activities. The educational goal is to accomplish children’s natural and holistic development. Parents are advised to curtail their urge to “teach” children and to wait until the children grow ready to learn.
这种育儿方式最好地体现在那些为孩子选择替代学校的人身上。这些父母优先考虑追求安德鲁·塞耶 （Andrew Sayer） 所说的“内在利益”，例如快乐的童年和自然发展，并将获得证书等“外在利益”视为次要因素。宜兰 46 花园学校遵循基于人智学创始人 Rudolf Steiner 的澳大利亚教育理念的人本主义学习方法。Garden School 抛弃了教科书、考试和其他正式的评估方法。那里的工作人员享有高度的自主权来设计他们的课程，包括艺术、手工艺、音乐、舞蹈、烹饪、农业和以自然为导向的活动。教育目标是实现儿童的自然和全面发展。建议家长减少他们“教”孩子的冲动，等到孩子准备好学习。

Early Garden School parents included many lifestyle migrants who moved to the countryside to engage in organic farming, a trend related to the grow-ing environmental movement in Taiwan. With increased media exposure and a growing student population, Garden School now attracts a more heteroge-neous group of parents. Drawing on a narrative understanding between the past (their childhoods), the present (their work experience), and their hopes for the children’s future, these parents choose alternative education to avoid the risks they perceive as salient in children’s lives and recalibrate the priority goals of childrearing.
早期花园学校的父母包括许多生活方式移民，他们搬到农村从事有机农业，这一趋势与台湾日益增长的环保运动有关。随着媒体曝光率的增加和学生人数的增加，Garden School 现在吸引了更多异质化的家长群体。利用过去（他们的童年）、现在（他们的工作经验）和他们对孩子未来的希望之间的叙事理解，这些父母选择了替代教育，以避免他们认为在孩子生活中突出的风险，并重新调整育儿的优先目标。

Narratives of Alternative Pathway
替代途径的叙述

The majority of Garden School parents are former urbanites who emigrated to Yilan for the purpose of children’s education. Attending school in the 1980s,
花园学校的大多数家长都是前城市居民，他们为了孩子的教育而移民到宜兰。1980 年代上学，

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when grades rather than personal interest were treated as primary concerns, many of these parents recall emotional trauma from conflicts with authoritar-ian teachers or unhealthy competition with peers. They are thus determined to protect their children from these harms by seeking an educational environment that privileges individuality and well-roundedness.
当成绩而不是个人兴趣被视为首要考虑因素时，这些父母中的许多人回忆起与权威教师的冲突或与同龄人的不健康竞争造成的情感创伤。因此，他们决心通过寻求一个重视个性和全面发展的教育环境来保护他们的孩子免受这些伤害。

Tim Huang, a thirty-seven-year-old civil engineer who wears heavy glasses and has a quiet demeanor, described his learning experience: “I just went with the flow. I did whatever people asked me to do. I didn’t know what I wanted, what I liked.” His wife, Julie Chen, a college graduate of a similar age and now a full-time homemaker, was selected for a special “chorus class” at an elite high school in Taipei. She recalled this environment as suffocating for her self-esteem:
37 岁的土木工程师蒂姆·黄 （Tim Huang） 戴着厚重的眼镜，举止文静，他描述了自己的学习经历：“我只是随波逐流。人们让我做什么，我就做什么。我不知道我想要什么，我喜欢什么。他的妻子 Julie Chen 是大学毕业生，年龄相仿，现在是一名全职家庭主妇，她被选中参加台北一所名牌高中的特殊“合唱班”。她回忆起这种环境让她的自尊心窒息：

Only people with good grades could get into the chorus class. But we were sing-ing not for fun, only for competition. If you didn’t sing well, the teacher just told you to shut up—you were to move your lips but make no sound. My classmates weren’t playing during the breaks; they were competing for grades. The teacher didn’t care about you; they only cared about your grades. All of the nonaca-demic subjects—art, sports, cooking—turned into math and English.
只有成绩好的人才能进入合唱班。但我们唱歌不是为了好玩，只是为了竞争。如果你唱得不好，老师就叫你闭嘴——你要动动嘴唇，但不能发声。我的同学们在休息时间没有玩耍;他们在争夺成绩。老师不关心你;他们只关心你的成绩。所有 nonaca-demic 科目——艺术、体育、烹饪——都变成了数学和英语。

Some parents originally intended to cultivate global competitiveness but came to realize that some of their children’s personality traits—such as being hyperactive, talking out of turn, and lacking focus—made it difficult for them to adjust to a mainstream education. Meg Kao and her husband, Wen Lin, fall into this group. They are both in their forties and have master’s degrees from the US. When Meg was six months pregnant with her son Tom, she quit her accounting job and went to Los Angeles to give birth so that Tom could benefit from “flexible citizenship.” They initially enrolled Tom in a bilingual kindergarten and elite private school in Taipei, but their plan to raise a global elite child fell apart when Tom was diagnosed with attention-deficit disorder. Meg searched for up-to-date information and resources, reading every book she could find about raising children with ADD, attending dozens of parenting and educational psychology lectures, and looking for online parental support groups. All these efforts “opened her eyes” to alternative options, and she “did a complete one-eighty” with her educational preference.
一些父母最初打算培养全球竞争力，但后来意识到他们孩子的一些性格特征——例如多动、说话不合时宜和注意力不集中——使他们难以适应主流教育。梅格·高和她的丈夫温·林（Wen Lin）就属于这一类。他们都四十多岁，拥有美国的硕士学位。当梅格怀上儿子汤姆六个月时，她辞去了会计工作，去洛杉矶生孩子，这样汤姆就可以享受“灵活的公民身份”。他们最初让汤姆在台北的一所双语幼儿园和精英私立学校就读，但当汤姆被诊断出患有注意力缺陷障碍时，他们培养全球精英孩子的计划失败了。Meg 搜索了最新的信息和资源，阅读了她能找到的关于抚养患有 ADD 的孩子的每一本书，参加了数十场育儿和教育心理学讲座，并寻找在线家长支持小组。所有这些努力都“打开了她的眼界”，看到了其他选择，她对自己的教育偏好“做了一个完整的八十分”。

The family moved to Yilan for Garden School. They purchased a house with a yard and carefully decorated the interior based on the Steiner school style— painting the walls and dying the curtains in warm pastel colors, using natural
全家搬到宜兰就读花园学校。他们买了一栋带院子的房子，并根据斯坦纳学校的风格精心装饰了内部——使用自然的色彩，用温暖柔和的色彩粉刷墙壁和染窗帘

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wood furniture, and setting up a hammock in the playroom. Although Wen has to commute three hours to work in another city, he fully supports the deci-sion to move. He is thankful that Tom’s condition helped him “see through” the individualist façade of meritocracy and appreciate the structural bias inherent in mainstream education:
木制家具，并在游戏室设置吊床。虽然 温 必须通勤三个小时才能到另一个城市上班，但他完全支持搬迁的决定。他很感激汤姆的病情帮助他“看穿”了精英政治的个人主义外表，并欣赏主流教育中固有的结构性偏见：

After we had found out that our child couldn’t fit into the system, we started to realize that we were actually lucky because we’d got good grades back then. Those naughty classmates of ours who got bad grades, we thought it was their fault, but it was actually the education system, which isn’t suitable for every child. . . . We were winners in the system; many others became losers, and their difficulties we simply ignored and overlooked.
在我们发现我们的孩子无法适应这个系统后，我们开始意识到我们实际上是幸运的，因为我们当时的成绩很好。我们那些调皮的同学成绩不好，我们以为是他们的错，其实是教育制度，并不适合每个孩子。。。我们是系统中的赢家;许多其他人成为失败者，他们的困难我们只是忽视和忽视了。

Some parents draw on their work experiences to question whether educa-tional achievement is worth sacrificing happiness. Jia-ming Lin is a forty-year-old father and a graduate of a middle-ranked college in Taipei. After toiling for a few years in the city, he decided to return to Yilan to live with his parents and work in the family’s lumber business. His wife, Shu-fen, graduated from the same college and now also helps out in the factory. Both of them had to retake the college entrance exam given their average grades. Becoming parents, they no longer believe that academic performance has a direct correlation with actual ability. Sitting in the yard of their house with the four stray dogs they adopted running around, Shu-fen said:
一些父母利用他们的工作经验来质疑 教育成就是否值得牺牲幸福。林佳明是一位四十岁的父亲，毕业于台北的一所中等排名的大学。在城里辛苦劳碌了几年后，他决定回到宜兰与父母同住，并在家族的木材生意中工作。他的妻子淑芬毕业于同一所大学，现在也在工厂帮忙。鉴于他们的平均成绩，他们俩都不得不重新参加大学入学考试。成为父母后，他们不再相信学习成绩与实际能力有直接关系。淑芬坐在他们家的院子里，带着他们收养的四只流浪狗跑来跑去，淑芬说：

We suffered a lot to make it into a mediocre college. So what? Now, I don’t think degrees are the be all and end all. . . . We only expect him to learn basic language and math skills. These should be enough for one to survive in the world. This would be good enough for us. It would be great if he could master a skill. If that’s not working, at least we have the family business; he can work here.
我们吃了很多苦，才把它变成一所平庸的大学。那又怎样？现在，我不认为学位是全部和最终目的......我们只期望他学习基本的语言和数学技能。这些应该足以让一个人在这个世界上生存。这对我们来说已经足够好了。如果他能掌握一项技能就太好了。如果这不起作用，至少我们有家族企业;他可以在这里工作。

A significant number of Garden School parents, especially those who are originally from Yilan, operate family businesses such as restaurants and shops. They do not prioritize a college education for their children as much as their own parents did. Instead, they emphasize the cultivation of social skills and personality traits over degrees and certificates. Having a family business places them in a secure class position such that they can feel more relaxed about the uncertain outcome of alternative education.
相当多的花园学校家长，尤其是那些来自宜兰的家长，经营着餐馆和商店等家族企业。他们不像自己的父母那样优先考虑孩子的大学教育。相反，他们强调社交技能和个性特征的培养，而不是学位和证书。拥有家族企业使他们处于安全的阶级地位，这样他们就可以对替代教育的不确定结果感到更加放松。

Finally, some parents, especially those working in technology and the cre-ative industries, expect alternative education to provide the upbringing they
最后，一些父母，尤其是那些在技术和创意行业工作的父母，希望替代教育能够为他们提供成长

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were unable to acquire when they grew up. By escaping the rigid structure of mainstream education, these parents hope to cultivate alternatives to competi-tiveness—such as creativity, autonomy, artistic expression, and social compe-tence—that can help their children to thrive in an unknown future marked by innovation.
长大后无法获得。通过摆脱主流教育的僵化结构，这些父母希望培养竞争性的替代方案——例如创造力、自主性、艺术表达和社会竞争力——可以帮助他们的孩子在以创新为标志的未知未来中茁壮成长。

Cultural Mobility: Reconstructing the Global and Local
文化流动性：重构全球和本地

Parents who choose alternative education encounter criticism from middle-class urbanites who cultivate global competitiveness. In the absence of stan-dardized tests and textbooks, alternative methods are suspected of being “too easy” and “only about having fun.” The skeptics question whether these chil-dren can survive in the “real world” and gain admission to decent universities. Locals in Yilan are also skeptical of Garden School. Many are puzzled as to why so many urbanites favor a school that, in their eyes, embraces an “outdated” style of education. Instead, most local parents enroll their children in more “competitive” schools in the city. Also, Garden School children are easily la-beled as “problem children” who are “too wild,” “difficult to control,” and “have no respect for rules.” This section shows how Garden School parents justify their educational choice by reconstituting the meanings of the global and the local and defining their pursuit of alternative pathway as a practice of cultural mobility and global parenting.
选择替代教育的父母会遇到培养全球竞争力的中产阶级城市居民的批评。在没有标准化的测试和教科书的情况下，替代方法被怀疑“太简单”和“只是为了玩得开心”。怀疑论者质疑这些孩子能否在“现实世界”中生存并进入体面的大学。宜兰当地人也对花园学校持怀疑态度。许多人感到困惑，为什么这么多城市人喜欢一所在他们眼中采用“过时”教育方式的学校。相反，大多数当地家长将他们的孩子送入该市更具“竞争力”的学校。此外，花园学校的孩子很容易被指责为“问题儿童”，他们“太狂野”、“难以控制”和“不尊重规则”。本节展示了花园学校的家长如何通过重构全球和本地的含义，并将他们对替代途径的追求定义为文化流动和全球育儿的实践来证明他们的教育选择是合理的。

Leah Tao and Ming-chih Chang both struggled academically and only made it to technical college in Taiwan, but they became successful sales managers and worked in Shanghai for several years. Although their oldest daughter, Katie, attended one of the most expensive, prestigious international kindergartens in Shanghai, the parents were uncomfortable with the school’s political education. When Leah was pregnant with their second child, she stumbled upon an article about Garden School in a Taiwanese magazine. She excitedly told Ming-chih, “Oh, if our children could go to a school like this, it would be wonderful!”
Leah Tao 和 Ming-chih Chang 都在学业上苦苦挣扎，只考上了台湾的技术学院，但他们成为了成功的销售经理，并在上海工作了几年。尽管他们的大女儿凯蒂（Katie）就读于上海最昂贵、最负盛名的国际幼儿园之一，但父母对学校的政治教育感到不舒服。当 Leah 怀上他们的第二个孩子时，她偶然在一家台湾杂志上发现了一篇关于花园学校的文章。她兴奋地告诉明智：“哦，如果我们的孩子能上这样的学校，那就太好了！

After some research and deliberation, Leah decided to quit her job in Shang-hai and move to Yilan with the children. Her Taiwanese friends in the PRC voiced serious concerns about the decision: “Everyone’s trying to go abroad, why would you take your kids to the middle of nowhere?” Leah responded to similar objections with confidence: “A lot of people worry for us, but we don’t worry. I believe children will grow on their own, and what matters most is that the education makes them happy.” Ming-chih, however, retains an orienta-tion toward future competition, hoping that alternative education will help his
经过一番研究和考虑，Leah 决定辞去在上海的工作，带着孩子们搬到宜兰。她在中国的台湾朋友对这一决定表示严重担忧：“大家都想出国，你为什么要带孩子去偏僻的地方呢？利亚自信地回应了类似的反对意见：“很多人为我们担心，但我们并不担心。我相信孩子们会自己成长，最重要的是教育让他们快乐。然而，Ming-chih 对未来的竞争保持着方向，希望替代教育能帮助他

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children­ “think outside the box” and cultivate an innovative mind to adapt to the flexible global economy.
孩子们 “跳出框框思考”，培养创新思维，以适应灵活的全球经济。

Leah described her friends’ views: “They say that only two types of people send their children to Garden School—those who are highly educated and super rich and can send their children abroad and those who are idiots.” In other words, peers who object to alternative education do so for two distinct reasons related to children’s globalized future. Some opponents view alternative education as a backward step, going against the trend of global pathway con-sumption. Conversely, others believe that alternative education is suitable only for wealthy families who can afford higher education abroad.
利亚描述她朋友的看法：“他们说只有两种人把他们的孩子送到花园学校——那些受过高等教育、超级富有、可以把孩子送到国外的人，以及那些白痴。换句话说，反对替代教育的同龄人这样做有两个与儿童全球化未来相关的明显原因。一些反对者认为替代教育是一种倒退，与全球途径消费的趋势背道而驰。相反，其他人认为替代教育只适合有能力负担国外高等教育的富裕家庭。

In spite of criticism from others, parents like Leah turn to Garden School that provides an abundance of cultural resources to bolster parental confidence. Many mothers sign up for the two-year teacher-training course not with the goal of becoming teachers, but simply to better understand Rudolf Steiner’s educational philosophy. Unlike other alternative schools, Garden School em-phasizes a Western-based curriculum that helps parents feel confident in the school’s educational legitimacy. Many parents express sentiments similar to these: “Garden School uses a philosophy and a curriculum that’s well thought out and proven, not something they just invented.” And, “The founding father is a famous professor, and there’s an organization in Switzerland that provides resources to schools all over the world.”
尽管受到他人的批评，像 Leah 这样的家长还是转向了花园学校，该学校提供了丰富的文化资源来增强家长的信心。许多母亲报名参加为期两年的教师培训课程，目的不是为了成为教师，而只是为了更好地理解鲁道夫·施泰纳的教育理念。与其他替代学校不同，Garden School 强调基于西方的课程，帮助家长对学校的教育合法性充满信心。许多家长表达了与此类似的观点：“花园学校采用的理念和课程是经过深思熟虑和验证的，而不是他们刚刚发明的。“而且，”创始人是一位著名的教授，瑞士有一个组织为世界各地的学校提供资源。

Garden School parents view their choice of an alternative pathway as a practice of cultural mobility. Although no transnational mobility is involved in their pursuit of global parenting, they rely on Garden School to access and con-sume cultural goods and services across spatial terrains. Globalization creates a global “imagined community” of humanistic education for like-minded par-ents to identify with across borders. From time to time, Garden School receive overseas visitors who are educators utilizing the same pedagogical approach; the school also organizes tours for students, teachers, and parents to visit simi-lar schools in other countries and attend training sessions in Switzerland.
Garden School 的家长将他们选择的替代途径视为一种文化流动的实践。尽管在追求全球育儿的过程中不涉及跨国流动，但他们依靠 Garden School 来获取和消费跨空间地形的文化产品和服务。全球化创造了一个全球性的人文主义教育“想象社区”，供志同道合的人跨越国界进行认同。Garden School 不时接待采用相同教学方法的教育工作者的海外访客;学校还为学生、教师和家长组织参观其他国家的类似学校并参加瑞士的培训课程。

The global curriculum of Garden School also helps parents to see their rural hometown and the older generation’s lifestyle in a new light. While urban par-ents at Garden School move to the countryside in search of pastoral bliss, those who grew up in a rural area see their move to Yilan as a journey of “returning to their roots.”
Garden School 的全球课程还帮助家长以新的眼光看待他们的农村家乡和老一辈的生活方式。当花园学校的城市学生搬到乡村寻找田园的幸福时，那些在农村长大的人将他们搬到宜兰视为“回归本源”的旅程。

Ying-jer Wang, a forty-two-year-old father and a high school administra-tor, shares a nostalgic hope that a lifestyle of voluntary simplicity will preserve
42 岁的父亲和高中行政人员 Ying-jer Wang 分享了一个怀旧的希望，即自愿简单的生活方式能够保持下去

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children’s innocence and happiness. He and his wife, also a teacher, decided to move back to his hometown of Yilan for his two children to attend Garden School. Ying-jer described his academically focused childhood with a sense of anguish: “When I was a child, my parents did everything for me so I could focus on my study. Now I feel angry sometimes. They know so many things about farming, but I know nothing. They didn’t allow me to do anything.” After surviving educational competition and hectic urban life, Ying-jer now aspires to tranquility in the countryside.
孩子们的纯真和快乐。他和他的妻子也是一名教师，决定搬回家乡宜兰，让他的两个孩子去花园学校上学。Ying-jer 以一种痛苦的方式描述他专注于学业的童年：“当我还是个孩子的时候，我的父母为我做了一切，让我可以专注于学习。现在我有时会感到愤怒。他们对农业了解很多，但我一无所知。他们不允许我做任何事情。在经历了教育竞赛和繁忙的城市生活后，英哲现在渴望在乡村过上宁静的生活。

However, Ying-jer’s father, a longtime farmer in Yilan, opposed his deci-sion: “Why are you sending the children to a school where they learn how to climb trees and play with crafts, not reading and writing?” Ying-jer’s parents, like many in their generation, viewed educational achievement and social mo-bility (both occupational and rural to urban) as the primary goals of childrear-ing. They still do not consider a farmer’s skills and knowledge as cultural capital worthy of passing on to the next generation. Nevertheless, Garden School has sufficient symbolic capital associated with the glamour of global education to redeem the values of farming, carpentry, and even tree climbing by incorporat-ing them as parts of the official curriculum. Even though limited transnational mobility is involved, Garden School parents engage in cultural mobility in a local, even rural, context, a process that globalizes the local and modernizes the traditional.
然而，英哲的父亲，在宜兰长期务农，却反对他的决定：“你为什么把孩子送到一所学校，让他们学爬树玩手工艺，而不是读书和写字？英哲的父母和他们这一代的许多人一样，将教育成就和社会流动性（包括职业和农村到城市）视为抚养孩子的主要目标。他们仍然不认为农民的技能和知识是值得传给下一代的文化资本。尽管如此，花园学校拥有足够的与全球教育魅力相关的象征性资本，可以通过将它们作为官方课程的一部分来赎回农业、木工甚至爬树的价值。尽管涉及有限的跨国流动性，但 Garden School 的家长在当地甚至农村的背景下参与文化流动，这是一个使当地全球化和传统现代化的过程。

“Natural Mother” and “Weekend Dad”
“亲生妈妈”和“周末爸爸”

Many parents tell me: “Children can adjust to Garden School very easily. It’s us parents who had a difficult time making such a big change!” Among families who relocated for Garden School, most fathers still work or operate businesses in the city, and they join their family only on the weekends. These mothers jok-ingly call themselves “pseudo–single parents.” The split household also places a burden on the family finances, because most mothers gave up their careers to become full-time homemakers. Although everyday expenses in the country are lower than living the city, the family’s spending increases because of the cost of commuting and maintaining two homes.
许多家长告诉我：“孩子们很容易适应花园学校。是我们父母很难做出如此大的改变！在搬迁到花园学校的家庭中，大多数父亲仍然在城市工作或经营企业，他们只在周末与家人团聚。这些母亲开玩笑地称自己为 “伪单亲父母”。分裂的家庭也给家庭财务带来了负担，因为大多数母亲都放弃了自己的事业，成为全职的家庭主妇。尽管该国的日常开支低于住在城市，但由于通勤和维持两套房子的成本，家庭的支出会增加。

Mothering duties become even more intense when these families pursue a Garden School–approved organic lifestyle that discourages the use of commer-cial products. Scholars have argued that the ideologies of the “organic child” and “natural mothering” have reinforced a neoliberal notion of motherhood that holds women individually responsible for protecting their children’s health
当这些家庭追求花园学校认可的有机生活方式时，母亲的责任变得更加强烈，不鼓励使用商业产品。学者们认为，“有机孩子”和“自然母亲”的意识形态强化了新自由主义的母性观念，即女性个人有责任保护孩子的健康

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and purity through vigilance over food consumption and vaccine refusal.47 Similarly, the discourse of children’s “natural growth” has become so dominant at Garden School that mothers are pressured to engage in the practice of “natu-ral mothering” and to build an organic home for their children.
以及通过对食物消费和拒绝疫苗保持警惕来提高纯度。47 同样，儿童“自然成长”的话语在花园学校变得如此主导，以至于母亲们被迫参与“自然的母亲”实践，并为她们的孩子建立一个有机的家。

Garden School serves organic, vegetarian lunches and advises families to cook at home with fresh produce and organic ingredients. In addition, the school requests that parents prepare materials for the children’s craft activities at school, which include weaving yarn dolls, hand-dyeing classroom curtains, sewing indoor shoes, and knitting bags to hold school supplies. Not surpris-ingly, most of these duties fall on the shoulders of mothers. My informants respond to these expectations with both positive and negative emotions. Some mothers, especially the few who are gainfully employed, perceive these requests as a time-consuming burden that challenges their maternal competence. One mother describes the challenges of hand-sewing slippers in her first school as-signment: “We spent the whole three days. Oh my God, that was terrifying for me! I haven’t done anything like that since high school. And nowhere could you buy such shoes! Nowhere indeed!”
Garden School 供应有机素食午餐，并建议家庭在家使用新鲜农产品和有机食材烹饪。此外，学校要求家长为孩子们在学校的手工活动准备材料，包括编织纱线娃娃、手染教室窗帘、缝制室内鞋子和装学习用品的编织袋。毫不奇怪，这些职责大多落在了母亲的肩上。我的线人以积极和消极的情绪来回应这些期望。一些母亲，尤其是少数有报酬工作的母亲，认为这些要求是一种耗时的负担，挑战了她们的母亲能力。一位母亲在她的第一份学校签约中描述了手工缝制拖鞋的挑战：“我们花了整整三天时间。哦，天哪，这对我来说太可怕了！自高中以来，我就没有做过这样的事情。而且你在哪里都买不到这样的鞋子！真的没有！

However, the majority of my informants, mostly full-time homemakers, perceive their participation in these activities as a confirmation of their moth-erly devotion. One mother proudly showed me her cooking calendar, which documented the contents of three family meals, as proof that she had carefully managed the nutrition and diversity of her children’s food intake. Another at-tended a Garden School workshop for two years and regularly volunteers at the school. When I asked about her family separation (her husband works in Taipei), she answered: “I don’t mind it. Probably because after moving here I had more to do, like getting to learn more about the philosophy of Dr. Rudolf Steiner.” Pausing for a few seconds, she added: “I need to get involved in things, so it makes sense that I don’t work.” Although being a full-time homemaker implies a social status with financial comfort, in Taiwan, it is also viewed as a waste of human capital for highly educated women. These mothers try to elevate the mundane routines of housewifery to the level of “scientific mother-hood” marked by substantial contribution to the family’s welfare.48
然而，我的大多数线人，主要是全职家庭主妇，认为他们参与这些活动是对他们飞蛾般奉献的证实。一位母亲自豪地向我展示她的烹饪日历，其中记录了三顿家庭餐的内容，证明她仔细管理了孩子们食物摄入的营养和多样性。另一位在花园学校的讲习班工作了两年，并定期在学校做志愿者。当我问起她的家庭分离（她的丈夫在台北工作）时，她回答说：“我不介意。可能是因为搬到这里后，我有更多的事情要做，比如更多地了解 Rudolf Steiner 博士的哲学。停顿了几秒钟，她补充道：“我需要参与一些事情，所以我不工作是有道理的。虽然全职家庭主妇意味着经济舒适的社会地位，但在台湾，这也被视为对受过高等教育的女性人力资本的浪费。这些母亲试图将家庭主妇的平凡日常提升到“科学母亲”的水平，其标志是对家庭福利的重大贡献。48

The remaking of family life has also led to some unintended consequences for spousal relationships, including reinforcing a gendered division of labor and disparate parenting styles between mother and father. Annie Liao and her husband Gary Wu have organized one such split family. Gary lives in Taipei during the week, and his work requires frequent travel to mainland China. The
家庭生活的重塑也给配偶关系带来了一些意想不到的后果，包括加强了性别分工和父母之间不同的养育方式。Annie Liao 和她的丈夫 Gary Wu 组织了一个这样一个分裂的家庭。Gary 工作日住在台北，他的工作需要经常出差到中国大陆。这

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family’s home in Yilan completely abides by the Garden School’s motto. There is no television in the living room, only a set of handmade wooden play furni-ture; the mother also purged all the plastic and metal toys from their old home in Taipei. In the foyer stands the “seasonal table” recommended by Garden School, decorated with seasonal items such as acorns, rocks, and other natural objects as well as wool dolls handmade by the mother.
宜兰的家完全遵守花园学校的座右铭。客厅里没有电视，只有一套手工制作的木制游戏家具;这位母亲还清除了他们在台北老家的所有塑料和金属玩具。门厅里矗立着花园学校推荐的“季节性桌子”，上面装饰着橡子、岩石和其他自然物品等季节性物品，以及母亲手工制作的羊毛娃娃。

During my visit to their townhouse in Yilan, my cellphone rang. After I had finished my call, Annie’s daughter came to me with a mischievous smile and asked, “What games do you have on your cellphone?” Remembering the school’s policy restricting children’s exposure to electronic devices, I felt in-credibly awkward, and her knowledge of cellphone games surprised me. Annie complained that Gary was becoming a corrupting force: “It’s all his fault. Every time he comes back from Taipei, he lets them play with his cellphone and iPad, and it’s all against our house rules. . . . The teachers keep telling me, you have to tell your husband to give your children affection, not these grown-up games.” Gary, sitting next to us, innocently voiced his disagreement: “Is it really that big a deal? I just want to show them the apps I downloaded. It’s just a bit of fun, even educational. When I’ve got nothing to do in Taipei I browse the Internet and find things like this.”
在我拜访他们在宜兰的联排别墅时，我的手机响了。我打完电话后，Annie 的女儿调皮地笑着走过来问我：“你的手机上有什么游戏？想起学校限制孩子接触电子设备的政策，我感到难以置信的尴尬，她对手机游戏的了解让我感到惊讶。安妮抱怨加里正在成为一股腐败的力量：“这都是他的错。每次他从台北回来，他都会让他们玩他的手机和 iPad，这完全违反了我们的家规。。。。老师们一直告诉我，你得告诉你的丈夫给你的孩子爱，而不是这些大人的游戏。坐在我们旁边的 Gary 天真地表达了他的不同意：“这真的有什么大不了的吗？我只想向他们展示我下载的应用程序。这只是一点乐趣，甚至是教育性的。当我在台北无事可做时，我会上网浏览并找到类似的东西。

“Weekend dads” attempt to build intimate ties with their children using familiar tools and technologies or they try to compensate for their absence by indulging their children with the consumer goods they have easy access to in the city. Yet these commercial objects are exactly what Garden School prohibits. Leah’s husband, Ming-chih, remains in Shanghai for work and visits the fam-ily every two months. Before every return trip, Ming-chih arms himself with plenty of gifts for the children—Disney dolls, Hello Kitty backpacks, a toy knife for his son, and so on. He uses material consumption to express fatherly love and perform long-distance fatherhood. When Leah voiced her disapproval, Ming-chih interjected to defend himself: “Then what am I earning money in China for?! I mean, the whole point is to make money and spend it on them. . . .
“周末爸爸”试图使用熟悉的工具和技术与孩子建立亲密关系，或者他们试图通过让孩子沉迷于他们在城市中容易获得的消费品来弥补他们的缺席。然而，这些商业物品正是 Garden School 所禁止的。Leah 的丈夫 Ming-chih 留在上海工作，每两个月探望一次这家人。每次回程前，Ming-chih 都会为孩子们准备大量礼物，包括迪士尼玩偶、Hello Kitty 背包、送给儿子的玩具刀等等。他用物质消费来表达父爱，进行异地恋爱。当利亚表示不满时，明智插嘴为自己辩护：“那我在中国赚钱干什么？！我的意思是，关键是赚钱并花在他们身上......

I miss them and I just think about what they need. When I’ve got nothing to do on weekends I just go to the department store and buy things for them.”
我想念他们，我只想着他们需要什么。当我周末无事可做时，我就去百货公司为他们买东西。

Isolated from the physical presence of their husbands, Garden School mothers gain a sense of belonging and community support by connecting with like-minded mothers. Annie Liao describes the isolation of her former time spent as a full-time mother in the city: “I felt very lonely in Taipei. I had no community, no support. I was shut in at home taking care of the children. I was
Garden School 的母亲们与丈夫的身体隔离开来，通过与志同道合的母亲建立联系，获得了归属感和社区支持。Annie Liao 描述了她以前在这座城市担任全职母亲的孤立时光：“我在台北感到非常孤独。我没有社区，没有支持。我被关在家里照顾孩子。我曾经是

74  Chapter 2
74 第 2 章

very emotional all the time.” Garden School mothers, with their shared ideas and lifestyles, are able to build extensive social networks to exchange informa-tion, organize group activities, and collectively purchase nonmainstream com-modities. Such social capital helps them accumulate the cultural and material resources to practice childrearing styles that are distinct from their upbringing, reinforcing their commitment to alternative pedagogy against the suspicions and disapproval of others.
一直都非常情绪化。花园学校的母亲们，凭借共同的想法和生活方式，能够建立广泛的社交网络来交流信息、组织团体活动，并共同购买非主流商品。这种社会资本帮助他们积累文化和物质资源，以实践与他们的成长方式不同的育儿方式，加强他们对替代教育法的承诺，以对抗他人的怀疑和不赞成。

The Unnaturalness of Orchestrated Natural Growth
精心策划的自然生长的不自然性

The pursuit of an alternative pathway creates uncertainty regarding children’s educational outcomes. Thus, Garden School parents carefully scrutinize their children, as well as older students at the same school, for signs of positive changes that confirm the value of alternative education. At the end of each school year, Garden School puts on a play in English and a student showcase performed by its middle school students. Many parents encouraged me to at-tend: “The students are really amazing and they look so confident. It really isn’t like anything you see at regular schools.” “Have you seen the final showcase? Every time I see it, I feel good about my decision.”
寻求替代途径会给儿童的教育结果带来不确定性。因此，花园学校的家长会仔细检查他们的孩子以及同一所学校的高年级学生，寻找证实替代教育价值的积极变化迹象。在每个学年结束时，Garden School 都会上演英语戏剧和由中学生表演的学生表演。许多家长鼓励我去看：“学生们真的很棒，他们看起来非常自信。它真的不像你在普通学校看到的任何东西。“你看过最后的展示吗？每次我看到它，我都对自己的决定感觉很好。

Feeling insecure about their children’s futures, Garden School parents feel pressured to constantly and reflexively monitor their childrearing practice. Some parents, especially mothers, apologetically told me, “Our family isn’t very Garden School.” They question themselves whether they have made the neces-sary transformations to their family life, and they worry that their failure to do so may incur negative and irreversible consequences for their children. In some cases, their micromanagement of family life unintentionally leads to a fixation on the notion of natural growth.
由于对孩子的未来感到不安全，花园学校的父母感到有压力，需要不断地条件反射地监督他们的育儿实践。一些家长，尤其是妈妈，抱歉地告诉我，“我们家不是很花园学校。他们质疑自己是否对家庭生活进行了必要的改变，他们担心如果不这样做，可能会给孩子带来负面和不可逆转的后果。在某些情况下，他们对家庭生活的微观管理无意中导致了对自然成长概念的执着。

Steiner education identifies child development by stages and prescribes “de-velopmentally appropriate” learning models. For elementary school pupils, ex-tracurricular classes are not recommended; these children should simply enjoy free play after school. To achieve the “natural rhythm” the school prescribes, some parents as wholehearted followers even make their children “unlearn” things or discourage them from learning certain skills. For example, some chil-dren attended bilingual kindergartens prior to Garden School, and their par-ents deliberately let their English skills get rusty. One second grader was very interested in learning piano, but his mother discouraged him because she had heard that, according to the Steiner theory, playing the piano at that age im-peded children’s growth. In other words, the very idea of orchestrating natural
施泰纳教育按阶段确定儿童发展，并规定了“发展适当”的学习模式。对于小学生，不建议参加课外课程;这些孩子放学后应该简单地享受自由游戏。为了达到学校规定的“自然节奏”，一些全心全意的追随者父母甚至让他们的孩子“忘掉”东西或阻止他们学习某些技能。例如，一些孩子在花园学校之前就读于双语幼儿园，他们的学生故意让他们的英语技能生疏。一个二年级学生对学习钢琴非常感兴趣，但他的母亲劝阻他，因为她听说，根据斯坦纳理论，在那个年龄弹钢琴会促进孩子的成长。换句话说，编排自然

Taiwanese Middle Class  75
台湾中产阶级 75

growth is an oxymoron—instead of unfolding naturally, children’s “growth” is carefully planned; the natural growth orchestrated as such is rather unnatural.
成长是一个矛盾的说法——孩子们的“成长”不是自然展开的，而是经过精心规划的;这样精心策划的自然生长是相当不自然的。

Garden School advises parents to create a natural environment and to lead an organic lifestyle. Household items, especially children’s clothes and toys, should preferably be made of natural materials like cotton and wood. Plastic toys, commercial games, and televisions should be removed from the home. Some parents, suspicious of childhood vaccines and Western medicine, prefer herbal treatments, homeopathy, or Chinese medicine. Garden School parents carefully build a haven, but they cannot fully insulate their children from the broader environment in which aggressive corporate advertising stimulates children’s consumerist desires. Garden School pupils are exposed to commer-cial culture when interacting with fathers, grandparents, and other relatives, although they are keenly aware that they must present themselves “correctly” at school. We observed that some boys secretly exchange game cards in the school bathroom. Likewise, a second-grade girl who loves her T-shirt of Princess Elsa from Frozen, a gift from her auntie, astutely told me: “Garden teachers don’t like this! We can’t wear things like this to school.”
Garden School 建议家长创造一个自然的环境，过一种有机的生活方式。家居用品，尤其是童装和玩具，最好由棉和木等天然材料制成。塑料玩具、商业游戏和电视应从家中移走。一些父母对儿童疫苗和西医持怀疑态度，更喜欢草药治疗、顺势疗法或中医。花园学校的父母小心翼翼地建造了一个避风港，但他们无法将他们的孩子与激进的企业广告刺激儿童消费主义欲望的更广阔的环境完全隔离开来。花园学校的学生在与父亲、祖父母和其他亲戚互动时会接触到商业文化，尽管他们敏锐地意识到自己必须在学校“正确”地展示自己。我们观察到一些男孩在学校浴室里偷偷交换游戏卡。同样，一个二年级的女孩喜欢她阿姨送给她的《冰雪奇缘》中的艾尔莎公主 T 恤，她敏锐地告诉我：“园艺老师不喜欢这个！我们不能穿这样的东西去上学。

The orchestration of natural growth produces another paradox: children’s independence and autonomy, which these parents desire as the outcome of their childrearing, are still largely dependent on parents’ class privilege. Parents with greater economic capital can afford to send their children to study over-seas if they fail to gain admission to local universities, or they can secure their employment at a family business as a backup plan. Parents with greater cultural capital tend to provide supplemental education to bolster their children’s aca-demic abilities. They seek lenient, flexible private tutors or small-group English classes that do not jeopardize their pursuit of a “happy childhood.”
自然成长的编排产生了另一个悖论：孩子的独立和自主性，这些父母希望作为他们养育孩子的结果，但仍然在很大程度上取决于父母的阶级特权。如果孩子未能被当地大学录取，拥有更多经济资本的父母可以负担得起送孩子去海外学习，或者他们可以在家族企业中找到工作作为备用计划。拥有更多文化资本的父母倾向于提供补充教育以增强孩子的 aca-demic 能力。他们寻求宽容、灵活的私人教师或小组英语课程，这些课程不会损害他们对“快乐童年”的追求。

A teacher at Garden School describes these families: “Strangely, some chil-dren come to our school to play, and go home to study.” For example, Maggie Wei, who works as a college lecturer, chose Garden School to avoid the nega-tive elements of mainstream schooling, such as constant testing and excessively stern teachers. Yet she still has reservations about the effectiveness of alterna-tive education. When she noticed that her children were making spelling er-rors, she started to make them practice at home. She told me, self-assuredly: “It’s okay. If the school doesn’t teach it, we can do it at home. Whatever they don’t do, we can do ourselves.”
花园学校的一位老师描述这些家庭：“奇怪的是，一些孩子来我们学校玩，然后回家学习。例如，担任大学讲师的 Maggie Wei 选择花园学校是为了避免主流学校教育的消极元素，例如不断的考试和过于严厉的教师。然而，她仍然对交替教育的有效性持保留态度。当她注意到她的孩子们在做拼写 er-ror 时，她开始让他们在家里练习。她自信地告诉我：“没关系。如果学校不教，我们可以在家里教。无论他们不做什么，我们都可以自己做。

Garden School parents swear to safeguard a happy childhood and re-spect the natural rhythm of children’s growth, but their pursuit of alternative
花园学校的家长发誓要守护快乐的童年，重新审视孩子成长的自然节奏，却是他们追求的另类

76  Chapter 2
76 第 2 章

education­ and cultural mobility leads to uncertain outcomes in local institu-tional contexts. It is at this intersection of determination and perplexity that the paradox takes place. These parents, mothers in particular, feel driven to micromanage their family lives and even fixate on the notion of natural growth. They aspire to raise confident, autonomous children, but their orchestration may controvert their purpose.
教育和文化流动导致地方机构环境中的结果不确定。正是在这个决定与困惑的交汇处，悖论发生了。这些父母，尤其是母亲，觉得自己被驱使着对自己的家庭生活进行微观管理，甚至执着于自然成长的概念。他们渴望培养自信、自主的孩子，但他们的编排可能会与他们的目标产生争议。

Conclusion
结论

Globalization brings in a mixture of hope and fear for middle-class Taiwanese parents. They are optimistic about their children’s expanded access to transna-tional and cultural mobility, but they feel insecure in this dynamic, intercon-nected, and unpredictable world. This chapter uses two Weberian ideal types to characterize the opposite ends of the spectrum that describes middle-class edu-cational choices and security strategies. In reality, many parents are still strug-gling and indecisive, falling somewhere among “the transitionals” who perform a delicate balancing act between preparing children for global competition and protecting childhood as a time of natural development.
全球化给台湾中产阶级父母带来了希望和恐惧。他们对孩子扩大获得跨国和文化流动性的机会持乐观态度，但在这个充满活力、相互联系和不可预测的世界中，他们感到不安全。本章使用两种韦伯理想类型来描述描述中产阶级教育选择和安全策略的光谱的两端。实际上，许多父母仍然犹豫不决，属于“过渡者”，他们在让孩子为全球竞争做好准备和保护童年作为自然发展时期之间做出微妙的平衡。

Parents at one end of the spectrum prioritize cultivating their children’s capacity for competition and mobility in global arenas. They view their own childhood having been deprived of material resources and opportunities for transnational or cultural mobility. Their career paths are embedded in global capitalism and dependent on their educational credentials, rendering them sensitive to the value of Western cultural capital. Their intricate knowledge of globalization produces an “upscaling of insecurity” about their children’s fu-ture,49 which they predict will be marked by increasing competition and height-ened uncertainty in the global labor market. Their strategies of global pathway consumption rely heavily on their financial capital and the cultural capital that favors Western language and social skills.
处于光谱一端的父母优先考虑培养孩子在全球舞台上的竞争和行动能力。他们认为自己的童年被剥夺了物质资源和跨国或文化流动的机会。他们的职业道路植根于全球资本主义，并依赖于他们的教育背景，这使得他们对西方文化资本的价值很敏感。他们对全球化的复杂了解导致了对孩子未来的“不安全感的放大”，49 他们预测全球劳动力市场的竞争将加剧和不确定性加剧。他们的全球途径消费策略在很大程度上依赖于他们的金融资本和有利于西方语言和社交技能的文化资本。

Parents at the other end of the spectrum take great pains to guard their children’s “natural growth” from academic pressures and other social toxins. They describe their own childhood as clouded by academic pressure and edu-cational trauma that led to a lack of interests or hobbies in adulthood. Many choose alternative education considering their own work experiences marked by a disjuncture between credentials and careers. They pursue cultural mobility by subscribing to the Western paradigm of alternative education so their chil-dren can enjoy widening access to future possibilities. Globalization helps these
处于光谱另一端的父母煞费苦心地保护孩子的“自然成长”免受学业压力和其他社会毒素的影响。他们描述自己的童年被学业压力和教育创伤所笼罩，导致成年后缺乏兴趣或爱好。许多人选择替代教育是考虑到他们自己的工作经验，其特点是证书和职业之间的脱节。他们通过接受西方替代教育的范式来追求文化流动性，这样他们的孩子就可以享受到更多未来可能性的机会。全球化有助于这些

Taiwanese Middle Class  77
台湾中产阶级 77

Taiwanese parents connect with the global community of humanistic education to establish symbolic legitimacy for their choice of an alternative pathway.
台湾家长与全球人文教育社区建立联系，为他们选择的替代途径建立象征性的合法性。

Middle-class Taiwanese parents across the spectrum seek transnational ref-erences—class peers around the globe—to define the benchmark for security and to imagine their children’s future. Although institutional changes have al-lowed flexibility in schooling choices, parents who embrace global childrear-ing or alternative education encounter frictions between cultural scripts and institutional reality. Despite the celebration of children’s independence and autonomy in the globalized discourses of parenting, Taiwan’s institutional envi-ronments, including mainstream schools and workplace, are still dominated by a culture of collectivism and Confucianism, which rewards obedience, senior-ity, and hierarchy.
各行各业的台湾中产阶级父母都在寻求跨国参考——全球各地的同龄人——来定义安全基准并想象他们孩子的未来。尽管制度变化降低了学校选择的灵活性，但接受全球育儿或替代教育的父母会遇到文化剧本和制度现实之间的摩擦。尽管在全球化的育儿话语中庆祝儿童的独立和自主性，但台湾的制度环境，包括主流学校和工作场所，仍然被集体主义和儒家文化所主导，这种文化奖励服从、资历和等级制度。

In tension with the local institutional contexts, these global security strat-egies result in unintended consequences in the family routines, parent-child dynamics, and gender division of parenting labor. While middle-class parents lament their lost childhood and authoritarian upbringing, many unwittingly repeat what their parents did—controlling their children through microman-aging the environment and depriving of opportunities for children to explore and fail. Despite embracing the idea of happy childhood, they arrange educa-tion in ways that ultimately and continuously serve to generate a promising adulthood with instrumental goals.
在与当地制度环境的紧张关系中，这些全球安全战略在家庭常规、亲子动态和育儿劳动的性别分工中导致了意想不到的后果。当中产阶级父母哀叹他们失去的童年和专制的成长经历时，许多人在不知不觉中重复了他们父母所做的事情——通过微观人为环境老龄化来控制他们的孩子，剥夺了孩子探索和失败的机会。尽管他们接受快乐童年的想法，但他们以最终和持续的方式安排教育，以产生一个有前途的成年，并有工具性的目标。

My husband and I run a food stall at the night market so we’re both very busy. A couple of days ago, my son misbehaved so I hit him and he got a bruise. The day-care teacher found out and called the police without telling us. I promised her that we would never hit the kid again, . . . but the next morning, the police knocked at our door. And then the day after social services called and wanted to talk to us. I was so confused and started to panic. . . . I’m very scared that they’re just going to come at any moment and take my kid away with no warning. Who can help us? What do we do? Whom can we talk to? Can the city councilor or some reporters help us? I feel very scared.
我和我丈夫在夜市经营一个小吃摊，所以我们都很忙。几天前，我儿子行为不端，所以我打了他，他身上有瘀伤。托儿所老师发现了，没有告诉我们就报了警。我向她保证，我们再也不会打那个孩子了，......但第二天早上，警察敲了我们的门。然后第二天，社会服务部门打电话来想和我们谈谈。我感到非常困惑，开始恐慌。。。我非常害怕他们随时都会来，毫无征兆地把我的孩子带走。谁能帮助我们？我们该怎么办？我们可以与谁交谈？市议员或一些记者可以帮我们吗？我感到非常害怕。

An anxious mother posted this plea for help in an online forum at around mid-night.1 She had just finished a long working day; her hair and clothes were probably stained with grease. She rushed to seek advice from strangers, but the online community was far from sympathetic. Commenters accused her of “poor emotional management” and “lacking knowledge of childrearing.” Some posters even questioned whether she was fit to parent: “Your food vendor busi-ness is a terrible place to have kids around. . . . Do they even get enough sleep?” “I get that you need to make money, but you can’t save time by hitting and yell-ing at your kids.” “You don’t know how to educate your children. Why do you even bother having kids? What can you offer them anyway?”
午夜时分，一位焦虑的母亲在一个在线论坛上发布了这个求助。她刚刚结束了漫长的一天工作;她的头发和衣服可能沾满了油脂。她急于向陌生人寻求建议，但在线社区远非同情。评论者指责她“情绪管理不善”和“缺乏育儿知识”。一些发帖人甚至质疑她是否适合为人父母：“你们的食品摊贩忙碌是一个让孩子在身边的糟糕地方......他们甚至睡得够用吗？“我知道你需要赚钱，但你不能通过打孩子和大喊大叫来节省时间。”“你不知道如何教育你的孩子。你为什么还要费心生孩子？你还能给他们什么呢？

Instead of receiving help and advice, this desperate mother was targeted by online bullying. She added a second post to defend herself as a capable parent: “Running your own small business is a hardship that most people do not un-derstand. . . . The minute I get free time, I give my children a shower, and they are in bed by 9 p.m. They always get a full night’s sleep.” Although she occasion-ally used spanking to discipline her children, she swore that this punishment was very different from abuse: “I would never injure my children. When they misbehave and I have to hit them, I’m heartbroken and crying too.” Likely with
这位绝望的母亲没有得到帮助和建议，反而成为网络欺凌的目标。她添加了第二篇帖子来为自己辩护，称自己是一名有能力的父母：“经营自己的小企业是一项大多数人都不会忽视的困难......一有空闲时间，我就给我的孩子们洗澡，他们在晚上 9 点之前就上床睡觉了。他们总是能睡一整晚。虽然她偶尔会用打屁股来管教她的孩子，但她发誓这种惩罚与虐待截然不同：“我永远不会伤害我的孩子。当他们行为不端，我不得不打他们时，我也很伤心，也哭了。可能与

78

Taiwanese Working Class  79
台湾工人阶级 79

shaking hands and tears in her eyes, she begged for sympathy from the other posters to the online forum: “Please . . . You can have your opinions. But don’t make me sound like a criminal.”
她握手打磨着眼泪，恳求其他发帖者对在线论坛的同情：“请......你可以有你的看法。但不要让我听起来像个罪犯。

This chapter examines the childrearing practice of working-class Taiwan-ese as their security strategies to cope with increasing economic insecurity and cultural uncertainty. Taiwan’s outflow of capital and inflow of labor in recent decades created employment insecurity for many working-class men. Many of them feel pressured to go to Mainland China and Southeast Asia to find wives and organize a new form of global household. Meanwhile the social campaigns of schooling reform and parental education are promoting a new repertoire of childrearing that is middle-class-centric and developed under a substantial Western influence. Conventional practices such as corporal punishment and the accomplishment of natural growth are labeled as problematic conduct in-dicative of parents’ shortcomings in knowledge and skills.
本章研究了台湾工人阶级的育儿做法，作为他们应对日益增长的经济不安全和文化不确定性的安全策略。近几十年来，台湾的资本外流和劳动力流入给许多工人阶级男性造成了就业不安全。他们中的许多人感到压力，要去中国大陆和东南亚寻找妻子并组织一种新的全球家庭形式。与此同时，学校教育改革和父母教育的社会运动正在推动一种新的育儿方式，这种方式以中产阶级为中心，并在西方的重大影响下发展起来。体罚和实现自然成长等传统做法被贴上有问题的行为标签，表明父母在知识和技能方面的缺陷。

The working-class parents I interviewed in Taiwan develop a variety of se-curity strategies to cope with a decline in parental legitimacy. Some reinforce the tradition of harsh discipline as an act of responsible parenting or a way to compensate the father’s emasculated manhood. Some parents, especially immigrant mothers, seek pathways across class divides, including relocating to better school districts and building wider social connections, to improve their children’s opportunities for class mobility. Southeast Asian immigrants’ cultural heritages and transnational connections were seen as a burden that impeded the assimilation of mixed children but the recent state policy to invest southbound turned them into a valuable ethnic capital.
我在台湾采访的工人阶级父母制定了各种安全策略来应对父母合法性的下降。一些人强化了严厉管教的传统，将其作为负责任的养育行为或补偿父亲被阉割的男子气概的一种方式。一些家长，尤其是移民母亲，寻求跨越阶级鸿沟的途径，包括搬迁到更好的学区和建立更广泛的社会联系，以改善孩子在班级流动的机会。东南亚移民的文化遗产和跨国联系被视为阻碍混血儿同化的负担，但最近国家投资南下的政策使他们成为宝贵的民族资本。

Stagnant Mobility and Cross-Border Marriage
流动性停滞不前和跨境婚姻

When Taiwan’s economy took off in the 1970s and 1980s, the prevalence of small and medium-sized businesses offered plenty of opportunities for the working class to pursue entrepreneurship. After the economic structuring of the 1990s, Taiwan was no longer the “boss island.”2 Capital concentrated in the hands of the few and most small entrepreneurs were unable to remain competi-tive. Today, over half of Taiwanese business ventures end in failure.
当台湾经济在 1970 年代和 1980 年代起飞时，中小企业的盛行为工人阶级提供了大量追求创业的机会。在 1990 年代的经济结构之后，台湾不再是“老板岛”。资本集中在少数人和大多数小企业家手中，无法保持竞争力。今天，超过一半的台湾企业以失败告终。3

Many of the working-class fathers in this study once had dreams of mi-croentrepreneurship as a pathway to class mobility. They borrowed money to try their hand in establishing businesses in Taiwan, China, or Southeast Asia, but their dreams clashed in the end. The more fortunate ones were able to sell family land to pay off their debts, but most found themselves in deep financial
这项研究中的许多工人阶级父亲曾经梦想着将 mi-croentrepreneurship 作为实现阶级流动的途径。他们借钱尝试在台湾、中国或东南亚开展业务，但他们的梦想最终发生了冲突。更幸运的人能够出售家庭土地来偿还债务，但大多数人发现自己陷入了困境

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trouble. These families appeared economically stable, but it was only after get-ting to know these families that I learned about their struggles with debt. Many depended on credit cards to make ends meet and to avoid the humiliation of asking for loans from friends and family members.
麻烦。这些家庭的经济状况似乎很稳定，但只有在了解这些家庭之后，我才了解到他们与债务作斗争的情况。许多人依靠信用卡维持生计，避免向朋友和家人索取贷款的耻辱。

The working class faces not only stagnant social mobility but also increased vulnerability and precariousness in the globalized economy. The outflow of Taiwanese capital to China and Southeast Asia broadened opportunities for professionals to pursue transnational mobility, but for working-class people, it produced only job loss and competition with migrant workers from Southeast Asia. Contract labor visas were introduced in the early 1990s to mitigate the capital outflow and have since continued to grow in the manufacturing and caregiving sectors. The current population of foreign workers is over 650,000, or more than 5.5 percent of Taiwan’s working population.
工人阶级不仅面临着停滞不前的社会流动性，而且在全球化经济中也面临着日益增加的脆弱性和不稳定性。台湾资本流向中国大陆和东南亚为专业人士寻求跨国流动提供了更多机会，但对于工薪阶层来说，这只导致了失业和与东南亚移民工人的竞争。合同工签证于 1990 年代初推出，旨在缓解资本外流，此后在制造业和护理行业持续增长。目前的外国工人人数超过 650,000 人，占台湾劳动人口的 5.5% 以上。4

Taiwan’s unemployment rose substantially at the beginning of the current century, reaching its peak after the 2008 financial crisis. In general, Taiwanese men suffer more job insecurity than women.5 The unemployment rate is high-est for younger cohorts of men across all educational levels because many are temporarily jobless as they search for better positions or prepare for examina-tions. The rate drops significantly for college-educated men above thirty years old, but for those with less education, unemployment remains high even as they increase in age.6 Thus, middle-aged men with lower levels of education appear most susceptible to involuntary unemployment. In addition, employment ben-efits and job security are deteriorating. Blue-collar and low-end service work-ers are increasingly subject to short-term contracts, temporary jobs, part-time work, and other forms of contingent work.
台湾的失业率在本世纪初大幅上升，在 2008 年金融危机后达到顶峰。一般来说，台湾男性比女性更容易遭受工作不安全感。 所有教育水平的年轻男性群体的失业率都是最高的，因为许多人在寻找更好的工作或准备考试时暂时失业。30 岁以上受过大学教育的男性的失业率显着下降，但对于那些受教育程度较低的男性，即使年龄的增长，失业率仍然很高。 因此，受教育程度较低的中年男性似乎最容易受到非自愿失业的影响。此外，就业效益和就业保障正在恶化。蓝领和低端服务工人越来越多地受到短期合同、临时工作、兼职工作和其他形式的临时工作的影响。

In addition to their labor market disadvantages, working-class Taiwanese men are also viewed as undesirable husbands in the local marriage market. Because of this, many farmers, fishermen, and factory workers look for spouses in Southeast Asia and China.7 Cross-border marriages help working-class Tai-wanese men meet their traditional obligation to reproduce the patrilineal fam-ily. Immigrant wives also provide unpaid labor to family farms or as caretakers for their husband’s aging parents.
除了劳动力市场的劣势外，台湾工人阶级男性在当地婚姻市场上也被视为不受欢迎的丈夫。正因为如此，许多农民、渔民和工厂工人在东南亚和中国寻找配偶。跨境婚姻帮助工人阶级的泰瓦男性履行他们传统的义务，即繁衍父系家庭。移民妻子还为家庭农场提供无偿劳动力，或照顾丈夫年迈的父母。8

Men who experienced prior marital disruption also tend to engage in cross-border marriages. Taiwan’s divorce rate has risen rapidly since the late 1990s. During this period, the educational gradient in marital dissolution reversed from positive to negative. That is, prior to the 1990s, college-educated men and women were most likely to divorce, but today men with a high school diploma or less are most likely to divorce.
之前经历过婚姻破裂的男性也倾向于进行跨境婚姻。自 1990 年代后期以来，台湾的离婚率迅速上升。在此期间，婚姻解体的教育梯度从积极反转为消极。也就是说，在 1990 年代之前，受过大学教育的男性和女性最有可能离婚，但今天拥有高中文凭或以下文凭的男性最有可能离婚。9

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Cross-border marriage is a union of “spatial hypergamy,”10 in which the groom’s nationality turns into an elevated rank to compensate for his socio-economic status, rurality, disability, or other social disadvantage. The encoun-ter with foreign women who are seemingly trapped in the third-world poverty temporarily boosts the masculine ego of Taiwanese bachelors. A semiemployed father married to a Vietnamese woman twenty-five years younger smilingly describes the moment when the commercial broker brought him to Vietnam to interview dozens of women in a hotel room: “I felt like an imperial emperor selecting his empress!” However, many immigrant wives found out about their husbands’ meager income only after they moved to Taiwan; because of the age or employability of their husbands, some immigrants reluctantly become the primary breadwinners. As we will see later, the transgression of national bor-ders and gender roles stirs marital stress and childrearing difficulties in these families.
跨境婚姻是“空间超婚”10 的结合，其中新郎的国籍转变为更高的等级，以补偿他的社会经济地位、农村、残疾或其他社会劣势。与看似被困在第三世界贫困中的外国女往，暂时提升了台湾单身汉的阳刚自尊心。一位娶了一位年轻 25 岁的越南女性的半职业父亲微笑着描述了商业经纪人带他到越南在酒店房间里采访数十名女性的那一刻：“我感觉就像一个皇帝选择他的皇后！然而，许多移民妻子是在搬到台湾后才发现丈夫的收入微薄;由于丈夫的年龄或就业能力，一些移民不情愿地成为主要的养家糊口者。正如我们稍后将看到的，国家 bor-der 和性别角色的僭越激起了这些家庭的婚姻压力和育儿困难。

State Monitor and Lost Legitimacy
国家监督和失去合法性

Chapter 1 showed that the increased exposure to global culture has trans-formed the dominant repertoire of childrearing in Taiwan. Parental compe-tency is now defined and measured in terms of emotional sensitivity, expressive communication, and educational involvement. Family education, which covers marital and parental issues for adults, has become state-sponsored institutions. For those parents who fail to supply their children with financial comfort and cultural inspiration, the media and institutional authorities frequently remind them of their deficiencies.
第 1 章表明，对全球文化的接触增加已经改变了台湾育儿的主导曲目。父母的竞争力现在是根据情绪敏感性、表达性沟通和教育参与来定义和衡量的。涵盖成年人婚姻和父母问题的家庭教育已成为国家资助的机构。对于那些未能为孩子提供经济舒适和文化启发的父母，媒体和机构当局经常提醒他们自己的不足。

Children’s development has also come under the scrutiny of public health and medical experts. In the 1990s, Taiwan’s government introduced an “early intervention” program and began using the category “developmentally de-layed” to identify young children who need additional health and education services. Nearly every child under the age of six is incorporated into a net-work of assessment involving kindergarten and nursery school teachers, pe-diatricians and nurses, social workers, and parents.11 Starting since 2005, the preventive program for “high-risk families” involves a wide range of agents, including the police and borough chiefs, as institutional gatekeepers with a mandatory responsibility to report on observing children in possible high-risk environments.
儿童的发展也受到公共卫生和医学专家的审查。在 1990 年代，台湾政府推出了一项“早期干预”计划，并开始使用“发育不良”类别来识别需要额外健康和教育服务的幼儿。几乎每个 6 岁以下的儿童都被纳入一个评估网络，包括幼儿园和托儿所教师、体育助产士和护士、社会工作者和家长。11 自 2005 年以来，针对“高危家庭”的预防计划涉及广泛的代理人，包括警察和区长，作为机构看门人，他们有义务报告在可能的高风险环境中观察儿童的情况。

Families that deviate from monoethnic, dual-parent, middle-class nor-malcy are vulnerable to the label of troubled home. For instance, many medical staff members attribute children’s stunted growth to family conditions such as
偏离单一种族、双亲、中产阶级的恶意家庭很容易被贴上麻烦家庭的标签。例如，许多医护人员将儿童发育迟缓归因于家庭状况，例如

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­parents’ low socioeconomic status and cross-border marriages.12 State bureau-crats have considered making parenting education a prerequisite to means-tested welfare benefits. The head of the Division of Welfare, Chang Siu-yuan, recently suggested that such a requirement was necessary to prevent child abuse. She said: “Statistical evidence shows that low-income families are more likely to have cases of child abuse. In order to receive welfare benefits such as low-income housing, parents should be asked to attend parenting classes.”13 Al-though such a provision has not been passed, low-income families are generally perceived as a potentially risky environment for children.
父母的社会经济地位低下和跨境婚姻。12 个州的官员们曾考虑将育儿教育作为接受经济状况调查的福利的先决条件。福利处处长张兆元最近表示，为了防止虐待儿童，这样的要求是必要的。她说：“统计证据表明，低收入家庭更有可能发生虐待儿童的案件。为了获得低收入住房等福利，应该要求父母参加育儿课程。13 尽管这样的规定尚未通过，但低收入家庭通常被视为对儿童有潜在风险的环境。

Schools have placed increasing pressure on parents and produced a disci-plinary effect upon family life. Schoolteachers expect parents to attend students’ activities and field trips and to help children with homework. The learning sheets children take home carry hidden assumptions about the normative ideas of family life and parental competency. In addition, schools also function as a site of family education. Primary and secondary schools are required to offer at least four hours of family education each year. Parents are encouraged to attend lectures by invited experts prior to parent-teacher meetings. Though well-intended, these forms of state paternalism can lead to social labeling and exclusion for the disadvantaged families.
学校给家长带来了越来越大的压力，并对家庭生活产生了独立的影响。学校教师希望家长参加学生的活动和实地考察，并帮助孩子完成家庭作业。孩子们带回家的学习表上隐藏着关于家庭生活和父母能力的规范观念的假设。此外，学校还充当家庭教育的场所。中小学每年必须提供至少 4 小时的家庭教育。我们鼓励家长在家长会之前参加受邀专家的讲座。尽管出发点是好的，但这些形式的国家家长式作风可能会导致社会标签和对弱势家庭的排斥。

Immigrant mothers, for their shortage of local language skills and cultural knowledge, are similarly targeted as a group of parents who are in serious need of parenting knowledge and skills. Starting in 2005, local governments began collaborating with nongovernmental and community organizations to offer parenting seminars and households visits to instruct immigrant moth-ers about scientific and hygienic childrearing practices. The Ministry of the Interior prints and gives out free copies of “Guidance for Children’s Growth” and “Handbook for Parenting Education” in Indonesian, Vietnamese, Thai, and English. Special funds are allocated to the family education of immigrant par-ents held at children’s schools.14
由于缺乏当地语言技能和文化知识，移民母亲同样成为一群急需育儿知识和技能的父母。从 2005 年开始，地方政府开始与非政府组织和社区组织合作，举办育儿研讨会和家庭访问，以指导移民飞蛾了解科学和卫生的育儿实践。内政部印制并免费分发印度尼西亚语、越南语、泰语和英语的《儿童成长指南》和《育儿教育手册》。特别资金分配给在儿童学校举行的移民学生的家庭教育。14

Recent policy has nevertheless changed the social perception of immigrant mothers’ cultural differences. With the inauguration of independence-leaning President Ing-wen Tsai in 2016, the New Southbound Policy became an agenda of priority. With rising concerns about Taiwan’s overdependence on China’s economy, the government is encouraging business to “go south” by invest-ing in Southeast Asia to diversify political and economic risk. The Ministry of Education has earmarked 1 billion TWD (33.2 million USD) for the New Southbound Talent Development Program to facilitate the two-way flows of transnational cultural exchange. Southeast Asian languages will receive further
尽管如此，最近的政策改变了社会对移民母亲文化差异的看法。随着倾向于独立的总统蔡英文于 2016 年就职，温新南向政策成为优先议程。随着人们对台湾过度依赖中国经济的担忧日益加剧，政府正在鼓励企业通过在东南亚投资来分散政治和经济风险，从而“南下”。教育部已为“南向新人才发展计划”拨款 10 亿新台币（3320 万美元），以促进跨国文化交流的双向流动。东南亚语言将进一步接收

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institutional recognition after they are included as parts of the “mother-tongue” language curriculum in all elementary schools from the academic year of 2018. The New Southbound Policy targets children of Southeast Asian immigrants as the beneficiaries, but as we will see later, the new policy also brings them with a mixed blessing.
从 2018 学年起，它们被纳入所有小学的“母语”语言课程后，获得机构认可。新南向政策以东南亚移民的子女为受益人，但正如我们稍后将看到的那样，新政策也给他们带来了喜忧参半。

Problematization of Natural Growth
自然生长问题化

Many Taiwanese working-class parents raise children in a manner similar to what Lareau calls the “accomplishment of natural growth.”15 Parents keep chil-dren safe, enforce discipline when necessary, and allow them to grow. Their efforts are directed toward the care and nurturing of children rather than edu-cating or inspiring them. These parents pay attention to grades, but they do not demand high performance. Children are expected to finish basic education, but a college education is viewed as an option dependent on children’s “born with” capacity. Parents will support a child to pursue higher education if he or she shows academic ability.
许多台湾工人阶级父母以类似于拉罗所说的“自然成长的成就”的方式抚养孩子。15 父母要保护孩子的安全，必要时要执行纪律，让孩子成长。他们的努力是针对儿童的照顾和培养，而不是教育或激励他们。这些父母注重成绩，但他们不要求高绩效。儿童被期望完成基础教育，但大学教育被视为一种取决于儿童“天生”能力的选择。如果孩子表现出学术能力，父母会支持他或她接受高等教育。

Although the style of hands-off parenting is partly attributed to their limited time and resources, my research also shows that working-class parents simi-larly undergo reflexive assessment on their past to anticipate their children’s future. Despite not being as articulate as the middle class in narrating their ideas of childrearing, they reflect upon their own childhoods and their regrets as adults to identify the risks they perceive as salient in children’s lives and thus define their parental responsibility. Considering their negative experience in education and social mobility attempts, many try to protect their children from early exposure to academic and other pressure in adulthood.
虽然不干涉的育儿方式部分归因于他们有限的时间和资源，但我的研究还表明，工薪阶层的父母同样会对他们的过去进行反思性评估，以预测孩子的未来。尽管在讲述他们的育儿理念时不如中产阶级清晰，但他们反思自己的童年和成年后的遗憾，以确定他们认为在儿童生活中突出的风险，从而确定他们的父母责任。考虑到他们在教育和社会流动尝试方面的负面经历，许多人试图保护他们的孩子在成年后免受早期学业和其他压力的影响。

This section situates the emotional experiences of working-class parents in the broader contexts of cultural transformation and institutional changes. The middle-class campaigns to “modernize” education and childrearing, including advocating curriculum reform and parents’ participation in school activities, unwittingly exacerbate the decline of parental legitimacy among the work-ing class. The latter’s encounters with medical and school authorities inflict the injury of social class filled with feelings of frustration, helplessness, and self-doubt.
本节将工人阶级父母的情感经历置于文化转型和制度变革的更广泛背景下。中产阶级为实现教育和育儿“现代化”而开展的运动，包括倡导课程改革和家长参与学校活动，无意中加剧了工作阶层中父母合法性的下降。后者与医疗和学校当局的接触造成了社会阶层的伤害，其中充满了沮丧、无助和自我怀疑的感觉。

“My Mom Is a Better Parent Than We Are”
“我妈妈是一个比我们更好的父母”

The Ho family lives in an old apartment at the outskirts of Taipei, which they were lucky to inherit from the father’s family. The forty-year-old father, Gu-ming, drives a taxi and earns an annual income about 20,000 USD. His wife,
Ho 一家住在台北郊区的一间旧公寓里，他们很幸运地从父亲家继承了这套公寓。40 岁的父亲 Gu-ming 开出租车，年收入约为 20,000 美元。他的妻子

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Bi-fen, five years younger, used to work at an electronics factory but opted to stay at home after having three children. Both of them grew up in poor farm-ing households and started work right after vocational high school. Raised by a strict father, Gu-ming felt like he “was not valued much at home.” Now he avoids spanking his children, and Bi-fen tries to satisfy her children’s material desires. The living room of their apartment is strewn with cheap toys from the night market, and a variety of snacks are piled on the dining table, within reach of the children.
比她小五岁的碧芬曾经在一家电子厂工作，但在生了三个孩子后选择留在家里。他们都在贫困的农民家庭长大，高中毕业后就开始工作。由严厉的父亲抚养长大，顾明觉得自己“在家里不太受重视”。现在他避免打孩子，碧芬试图满足她孩子的物质欲望。他们公寓的客厅里散落着从夜市买来的廉价玩具，餐桌上堆满了各种小吃，孩子们触手可及。

The Ho children come home directly after school, and they play with each other after they finish homework. Unlike many children in this study who rush their dinner before or after many extracurricular activities, the Ho fam-ily enjoys home-cooked dinner together every evening when the father takes a break from driving. Bi-fen disapproves of the long hours her neighbor’s only son spends at cram school: “Wouldn’t that make school boring? It must be very hard for the kids. All I want for them at this age is to have a painless childhood.”
Ho 家的孩子放学后直接回家，做完作业后会互相玩耍。与本研究中的许多孩子在许多课外活动之前或之后匆忙吃晚饭不同，Ho 家族每天晚上在父亲开车休息时一起享用家常晚餐。Bi-fen 不赞成她邻居的独生子在补习班度过很长时间：“那不会让学校很无聊吗？这对孩子们来说一定非常困难。我在这个年龄对他们所希望的就是有一个无痛的童年。

Like many working-class parents, she and Gu-ming experienced frustration at school and failed attempts at entrepreneurship. A few years ago, they tried to open a convenience store, but the business failed and they lost all their savings. Bi-fen comments on her expectations for the future of her children: “We only want them to grow up safe and healthy. Good conduct is more important.” Gu-ming shares a similar view and emphasizes that children, rather than parents, should take responsibility for their own learning:
像许多工薪阶层的父母一样，她和顾明在学校经历了挫折，创业尝试也失败了。几年前，他们试图开一家便利店，但生意失败了，他们失去了所有的积蓄。Bi-fen 谈到她对孩子们未来的期望：“我们只希望他们能平安健康地成长。良好的品行更重要。顾明也有类似的观点，她强调孩子应该对自己的学习负责，而不是父母：

I told the children, “Learning is your own business, not mine. I won’t force you.” . . . I just don’t want to pressure kids to do what they don’t want to do. Of course, I want them to have a good future. But I think for the most part it’s still up to them. We try our best to bring them up. What they can handle is really up to them.
我告诉孩子们，“学习是你们自己的事，不是我的事。我不会强迫你。我只是不想强迫孩子们做他们不想做的事情。当然，我希望他们有一个美好的未来。但我认为，在很大程度上，这仍然取决于他们。我们尽最大努力培养他们。他们能处理什么真的取决于他们自己。

Less-educated parents also find it increasingly difficult to help with chil-dren’s homework, especially with the recent reform of the national curriculum. For example, the new mathematics curriculum is influenced by “constructivist mathematics,” a paradigm that emphasizes theoretical reasoning and concep-tual knowledge instead of structured drills and repetitive practice. This abstract type of knowledge is more familiar to college-educated parents; it is challeng-ing for shop owners and workers, despite their practical skills in arithmetic. Gu-ming is frustrated with the new curriculum and worries about confusing his children if he gets involved in teaching them: “I have no idea how to teach
受教育程度较低的父母也发现越来越难以帮助 chil-dren 完成家庭作业，尤其是在最近国家课程改革的情况下。例如，新的数学课程受到“建构主义数学”的影响，这是一种强调理论推理和概念知识的范式，而不是结构化的练习和重复的练习。这种抽象类型的知识对于受过大学教育的父母来说更熟悉;这对店主和工人来说是一个挑战，尽管他们在算术方面有实际的技能。顾明对新课程感到沮丧，担心如果他参与教孩子会让他们感到困惑：“我不知道怎么教

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台湾工人阶级 85

the math they’re learning now! It’s too complicated. It was much easier before. I don’t understand why they made it so hard now. This way, we don’t know how to teach our children.”
他们现在正在学习的数学！这太复杂了。以前要容易得多。我不明白为什么他们现在这么难。这样，我们就不知道如何教我们的孩子。

When I asked Bi-fen how her upbringing influenced her childrearing, she looked down and said in frustration: “I think my mom was a better parent than we are. At least they knew how to discipline children, how to control their material desires.” When Bi-fen picks her children up from school, she often gives in to their pleas to buy potato chips, chocolate bars, and sugary sodas at convenience stores on the way home. Her lack of confidence in her parenting is particularly salient in the matter of children’s education. Bi-fen frequently compares herself to peers on this matter, asking me questions like “What are the other parents doing? Do they all send children to cram school?” And “My neighbors asked me why our kids are not learning English . . . Do you think if it’s too late to learn English at the fourth grade?”
当我问碧芬她的成长经历对她的育儿有什么影响时，她低头沮丧地说：“我觉得我妈妈是一个比我们更好的父母。至少他们知道如何管教孩子，如何控制他们的物质欲望。当碧芬接孩子们放学时，她经常屈服于他们的恳求，在回家的路上去便利店买薯片、巧克力棒和含糖苏打水。她对养育子女缺乏信心，在子女教育问题上尤为突出。Bi-fen 经常在这件事上将自己与同龄人进行比较，问我诸如“其他父母在做什么？他们都送孩子去补习班吗？“我的邻居问我为什么我们的孩子不学英语......你觉得四年级学英语会不会太晚了？

Bi-fen’s younger daughter Bei-bei is a second grader at Riverside School. At home, her behavior is largely typical for her age, but at school, she does not speak. When the teacher calls on her to answer questions, Bei-bei freezes. At recess, she stays quiet and keeps to herself. There are a few girls she communi-cates with nonverbally, and she occasionally whispers a few words. The teacher recommended that she should see a doctor who diagnosed Bei-bei with selec-tive mutism, a childhood anxiety disorder characterized by a child’s inability to speak and communicate effectively in particular social settings, such as school.
碧芬的小女儿贝贝（Bei-bei）是河滨学校（Riverside School）的二年级学生。在家里，她的行为在很大程度上是她这个年龄的典型行为，但在学校，她不说话。当老师叫她回答问题时，贝贝愣住了。课间休息时，她保持沉默，独来独往。她与几个女孩进行非语言交流，她偶尔会低声说几句话。老师建议她去看医生，医生诊断她北北患有选择性缄默症，这是一种儿童焦虑症，其特征是孩子无法在特定的社交场合（如学校）有效地说话和沟通。

The mother listened to the teacher’s advice and took Bei-bei to several ther-apy sessions subsidized by the government, but the free sessions ran out before Bei-bei was able to make substantial progress. Bei-bei no longer receives any treatment for her mutism and she continues not to speak at school. Neither of her parents worry about her condition, nor do they consider it a develop-mental disorder. Instead, they tell others that Bei-bei is introverted and has a quiet demeanor, saying, “This is just the way she behaves,” “She is just shy,” “She gets nervous easily,” and “She simply has an odd personality.” Bei-bei’s parents believe deeply in children’s “natural growth” and perceive medical intervention as unnecessary. Untroubled, Gu-ming comments: “I was like that when I was a child. She will grow out of it, eventually.”
这位母亲听从了老师的建议，带北北参加了几次由政府资助的 ther-apy 课程，但免费课程在北北能够取得实质性进展之前就用完了。Bei-bei 不再接受任何缄默症治疗，她继续在学校不说话。她的父母都不担心她的病情，也不认为这是一种发育性精神障碍。相反，他们告诉别人北北性格内向，举止安静，说：“她就是这么做”、“她只是害羞”、“她很容易紧张”和“她就是性格古怪”。Bei-bei 的父母深信孩子的“自然成长”，认为医疗干预是不必要的。顾明不由自主地说道：“我小时候就是这样。她最终会摆脱困境的。

Gu-ming and Bi-fen’s attitude toward Bei-bei’s mutism may strike many experts and middle-class parents as “lazy” or “irresponsible.” I, too, was con-cerned. I tried to broach the subject with caution to avoid making the parents feel criticized. Bi-fen shared that she was concerned when the free treatments
顾明和碧芬对北北缄默不语的态度可能会让许多专家和中产阶级家长觉得“懒惰”或“不负责任”。我也被说服了。我试图谨慎地提出这个话题，以免让父母感到受到批评。Bi-fen 分享说，她很担心免费治疗

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ended. She pulled a book about mutism off the shelf, which she bought after the first visit to the doctor who treated Bei-bei. With an embarrassed smile, she confessed: “I could barely finish a few pages. I guess I’m pretty lazy. It’s just been sitting there.” But Bi-fen is not a lazy parent. Rather, reading has never been a part of her daily routine, and the medical language of the book is particularly difficult to access. Bi-fen also feels alienated from health-care professionals. She describes their first visit at the hospital: “I didn’t even know what kind of doctor to see” and “I didn’t quite understand what the doctor said.”
结束。她从书架上拿出一本关于缄默症的书，这是她第一次去看治疗北北的医生后买的。她尴尬地笑了笑，坦白道：“我勉强读完了几页。我想我很懒。它就一直坐在那里。但碧芬并不是一个懒惰的父母。相反，阅读从来都不是她日常生活的一部分，这本书的医学语言特别难以获得。Bi-fen 还感到与医疗保健专业人员疏远。她描述了他们第一次去医院看病的情景：“我什至不知道该去看什么样的医生”，而且“我不太明白医生说了什么”。

Bi-fen also shows resistance to her daughter’s diagnosis because of the social stigma associated with psychiatry: “They make it sound like she’s crazy, like she has a big problem.” But ultimately, financial concerns were the primary factor influencing the Ho family’s turn toward the narrative of natural growth and the idea that Bei-bei would “grow out” of her mutism. Although Taiwan has univer-sal health care that covers many types of treatment, Bei-bei’s follow-up therapy sessions were not covered. Lacking financial resources for the expensive treat-ments, Bi-fen became convinced that the sessions were futile, saying, “I didn’t even think the treatments were working.”
碧芬还对女儿的诊断表现出抵制，因为与精神病学相关的社会耻辱感：“他们让它听起来像她疯了，好像她有个大问题。但归根结底，财务问题是影响何家转向自然成长叙事以及北北将“摆脱”缄默症的想法的主要因素。尽管台湾的 univer-sal 医疗保健涵盖多种类型的治疗，但 Bei-bei 的后续治疗课程并未涵盖在内。由于缺乏昂贵的治疗资金，碧芬确信这些治疗是徒劳的，她说：“我什至不认为治疗有效。

Two other working-class families in this study have children with symptoms of behavioral disorders—in their cases, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The mothers in these families similarly use a logic of natural growth to counter the teacher’s suggestion that the child should see a doctor to obtain a medical diagnosis. One mother flatly refused the suggestion, saying, “The teacher only told us to go to the doctor because she’s too lazy to discipline him.” The other mother said that the teacher was pathologizing her son to cover the teacher’s own deficits: “He just cannot sit still. It’s the teacher making excuses for not being able to control students.”
这项研究中的另外两个工薪阶层家庭的孩子患有行为障碍症状——在他们的情况下，注意力缺陷多动障碍 （ADHD）。这些家庭中的母亲同样使用自然成长的逻辑来反驳老师的建议，即孩子应该去看医生以获得医疗诊断。一位母亲断然拒绝这个建议，她说：“老师只是让我们去看医生，因为她懒得管教他。另一位母亲说，老师正在让她的儿子病态化，以掩盖老师自己的缺陷：“他就是坐不住。是老师为无法控制学生找借口。

To working-class parents, educating children is mainly the job of teach-ers, and discipline is a necessary part of school education. Even though cor-poral punishment is now forbidden in the classroom, many parents still offer teachers the privilege of hitting their children for misbehavior. Yet the labels of “ADHD” and “developmental disorder” turn children’s behavior problems into a psychological or medical abnormality and shift the burden of discipline onto the shoulders of parents.
对于工薪阶层的父母来说，教育孩子主要是教书人的工作，而纪律是学校教育的必要组成部分。尽管现在课堂上禁止了刑罚，但许多家长仍然允许老师因为孩子行为不端而打孩子。然而，“多动症”和“发育障碍”的标签将儿童的行为问题变成了心理或医学异常，并将管教的负担转移到了父母的肩上。

Some middle-class parents in this study also have children with ADHD symptoms or other learning disabilities. They keep close eyes on their children’s development; once with a susceptible problem, they have sufficient resources to see developmental specialists and hire private coaches. Some parents send
本研究中的一些中产阶级父母也有患有多动症症状或其他学习障碍的孩子。他们密切关注孩子的发展;一旦出现易感问题，他们就有足够的资源去看发展专家并聘请私人教练。一些家长发送

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台湾工人阶级 87

their children to alternative schools or get involved in parent-teacher associa-tion committees because they have the cultural confidence to question whether mainstream curricula and classrooms are set up to support their children. Like-wise, Val Gillies finds that middle-class British mothers with misbehaving chil-dren often invoke their children’s individuality to claim a special exception or entitlement, whereas working-class mothers have no such “legitimating power and resources” and tend to emphasize their children’s commonalities to the others.16
他们的孩子去替代学校或参与家长教师协会委员会，因为他们有文化自信质疑主流课程和课堂的设置是否是为了支持他们的孩子。同样，瓦尔·吉利斯 （Val Gillies） 发现，行为不端的英国中产阶级母亲经常援引孩子的个性来要求特殊的例外或权利，而工人阶级母亲则没有这种“合法化的权力和资源”，并且倾向于强调孩子的共同点。16

Working-class Taiwanese mothers face a double bind when seeking help from medical experts. On the one hand, they are subjected to the stereotype that they are incapable of providing adequate care to their children because of their lack of education. On the other hand, these mothers are rarely able to receive as much information or assistance as they need from professionals be-cause they are assumed to lack sufficient cultural ability or emotional capacity to navigate these complicated health problems.17 In the face of this conundrum, working-class mothers turn to the cultural logic of “accomplishment of natural growth” to legitimize their limited intervention and avoid being blamed as irre-sponsible or lazy parents. The narrative of natural growth bolsters their claims of commonality—their child should be treated as “normal” and not differenti-ated by their unique conditions.18
台湾工人阶级的母亲在寻求医学专家的帮助时面临着双重束缚。一方面，他们受到刻板印象的影响，即由于缺乏教育，他们无法为孩子提供足够的照顾。另一方面，这些母亲很少能够从专业人士那里获得所需的信息或帮助，因为她们被认为缺乏足够的文化能力或情感能力来应对这些复杂的健康问题。17 面对这个难题，工人阶级母亲求助于“完成自然成长”的文化逻辑，使她们的有限干预合法化，避免被指责为不负责任或懒惰的父母。自然成长的叙述支持了他们的共同点——他们的孩子应该被视为“正常”的，而不是因他们独特的条件而区别开来。18

“Who’s Going to Have Time to Help Me?”
“谁有时间帮我？”

Atai Chen is usually the last to leave the second-grade classroom at the end of the school day. Until his father or grandmother shows up, Atai’s round, bright eyes are anxiously fixed on the window. Wednesday is the father Wu-long Chen’s turn to pick him up. When arriving in his gray, stained work clothes, Wu-long always quietly waits by the door. He rarely comes inside to speak to the teacher, and he avoids making eye contact with other parents.19
Atai Chen 通常是放学后最后一个离开二年级教室的。在他的父亲或祖母出现之前，阿泰圆圆的、明亮的眼睛焦急地盯着窗户。星期三轮到爸爸陈武龙来接他。当武隆穿着灰色、沾满污渍的工作服到达时，他总是静静地在门口等待。他很少进来与老师交谈，也避免与其他家长进行眼神交流。19

Wu-long was twenty-seven years old when he met Nam at the factory where they both worked. Nam was a contract worker from Thailand. They quickly fell in love and married, and Nam gave birth to a beautiful son. The family of three lived with Wu-long’s mother and brother in a run-down three-bedroom apart-ment. But when Atai was in kindergarten, Wu-long had an affair. Nam angrily left with Atai.
武龙在他们俩工作的工厂遇到南时，他 27 岁。Nam 是一名来自泰国的合同工。他们很快坠入爱河并结婚，Nam 生下了一个漂亮的儿子。一家三口与武龙的母亲和哥哥住在一个破旧的三居室公寓里。但是在阿泰上幼儿园的时候，武龙发生了外遇。Nam 生气地和 Atai 一起离开了。

Grandma Chen, who is not yet sixty years old but looks much older, grew up poor and completed only elementary school. After her husband died twenty years ago, she brought up her two sons by working construction and factory
陈奶奶还不到六十岁，但看起来老了很多，她从小就很穷，只读完了小学。20 年前丈夫去世后，她通过从事建筑和工厂工作抚养两个儿子

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jobs. But as she got older, finding a job grew more difficult. She had been un-employed for quite some time before her current job of dishwasher in a restau-rant. While Atai was away, Grandma Chen spent her afternoon breaks visiting each day-care center near Nam’s factory until she found her grandson. After the divorce, Wu-long gained sole custody and raise Atai together with Grandma. Nam continues to work in Taiwan. She calls Atai nearly every day and visits him on her days off.
工作。但随着年龄的增长，找工作变得越来越困难。在她现在的餐馆做洗碗工之前，她已经失业了很长一段时间。阿泰不在的时候，陈奶奶利用午休时间去了南家工厂附近的每个托儿所，直到找到她的孙子。离婚后，武龙获得了唯一的监护权，并与奶奶一起抚养阿泰。Nam 继续在台湾工作。她几乎每天都给 Atai 打电话，并在休息日去看望他。

Wu-long and Grandma Chen both work long hours. They try to coordinate their schedules so that one of them can take Atai to and from school. At 7:00 a.m. each day, Wu-long takes Atai to school on his motorcycle before hurrying off to work at a lumberyard almost an hour away. He starts work at 8:00 a.m. and usually returns home around 10:00 p.m. He frequently works overtime on weekends to meet the rushed deadlines of international clients. Most days, Grandma Chen picks up Atai from school. She works six days a week and uses her two-hour afternoon break to run household errands and pick up Atai from schools before returning to the restaurant. But on Wednesdays, school ends around noon while Grandma Chen is still at work. Wu-long must commute all the way from the factory to pick up Atai. Occasionally, a great-uncle living nearby takes Atai out for dinner, but on most days, he waits for his grand-mother to get home from work with leftovers or takeout food.
Wu-long 和 Grandma Chen 都工作时间很长。他们试图协调自己的日程安排，以便其中一人可以带 Atai 上下学。每天早上 7：00，Wu-long 骑着摩托车送 Atai 去学校，然后匆匆忙忙地去近一个小时路程外的伐木场工作。他早上 8：00 开始工作，通常在晚上 10：00 左右回家。他经常在周末加班，以满足国际客户匆忙的截止日期。大多数时候，陈奶奶会接阿泰放学。她每周工作六天，利用下午的两个小时休息时间办家务，从学校接 Atai，然后返回餐厅。但周三，学校在中午左右放学，而陈奶奶还在上班。武龙必须从工厂一路通勤才能接阿泰。偶尔，住在附近的叔叔会带 Atai 出去吃晚饭，但在大多数日子里，他会等着祖母带着剩菜或外卖下班回家。

Atai frequently stays home alone after school. His grandmother reminds him not to go outside or answer the door to strangers. The legal regulation against “latchkey children” overlooks the challenges faced by single parents and parents with long or odd work hours, a condition prevalent in the service sec-tor.20 To avoid violating the regulation, Atai’s family might have sent him to after-school care, but Wu-long does not want his son to go through the same ordeal as he did. His teenage years were mostly spent in cram school—after-school programs that prepare students for drilling and exams—even though he was not able to go on to postsecondary education.
Atai 经常放学后独自呆在家里。他的祖母提醒他不要出门或给陌生人开门。针对“锁匙儿童”的法律规定忽视了单亲父母和工作时间长或奇怪的父母所面临的挑战，这是服务部门普遍存在的情况。20 为了避免违反规定，阿泰的家人可能已经把他送到课后托管了，但武龙不希望他的儿子经历和他一样的磨难。他的青少年时期大部分时间都在补习班度过——课后课程，为学生准备训练和考试——尽管他无法继续接受高等教育。

When the global economy crashed in 2008, both Wu-long and Grandma Chen were forced to take three months of “unpaid holidays.” When Grandma Chen eventually returned to work, all the employees at the restaurant had their pay reduced by 10 percent. The family has trouble making ends meet with their meager income.21 To alleviate the stress of a mortgage and other bills, Grandma Chen applied for a credit card to help them get by whenever there is a shortfall. Together, Grandma Chen and Wu-long have accumulated 400,000 TWD (13,000 USD) in credit-card debt. In addition to her financial burdens,
2008 年全球经济崩溃时，吴龙和陈奶奶都被迫休三个月的“无薪假期”。当陈奶奶最终重返工作岗位时，餐厅的所有员工的工资都减少了 10%。这个家庭靠微薄的收入难以维持生计。21 为了减轻抵押贷款和其他账单的压力，陈奶奶申请了一张信用卡，以便在出现短缺时帮助他们度过难关。陈奶奶和武龙总共积累了 400,000 新台币（13,000 美元）的信用卡债务。除了她的经济负担外，

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Grandma Chen shoulders most of the care duties for Atai. Disheartened, she told me: “I take care of everything at home. This family depends on me for ev-erything. There’s no way I can change that.”
陈奶奶承担了阿泰的大部分照顾责任。她心灰意冷地告诉我：“我照顾家里的一切。这个家庭依靠我来做 ev-erything。我无法改变这一点。

Despite their resource constraints, Atai’s parents use consumption to show affection for their only child. Whenever Nam takes Atai out, she buys him a gift to celebrate their precious time together. Wu-long often picks up extra shifts on weekends, so when he finally has the day off, he takes Atai to the movies at the upscale theater and buys him soda and popcorn. A plastic movie-theater soda cup with a cartoon Iron Man logo still sits on Atai’s desk as a memento of a special day between father and son.
尽管资源有限，阿泰的父母还是用消费来表达对他们唯一的孩子的爱意。每当 Nam 带 Atai 出去时，她都会给他买一份礼物来庆祝他们在一起的宝贵时光。武龙经常在周末加班，所以当他终于有一天休息时，他会带阿泰去高档剧院看电影，给他买苏打水和爆米花。一个带有卡通钢铁侠标志的塑料电影院苏打水杯仍然放在 Atai 的办公桌上，作为父子之间特殊日子的纪念品。

Although parents in financial struggle cannot satisfy their children’s mate-rial desires on a regular basis, they occasionally splurge on symbolic gifts or special occasions for their children. Allison Pugh describes this kind of paren-tal spending as “symbolic indulgence”—lower-income parents are willing to disregard their economic difficulty when buying objects with emotional value to satisfy children’s needs for social acceptance among peers.22
虽然经济困难的父母无法定期满足孩子的物质欲望，但他们偶尔会为孩子购买象征性的礼物或特殊场合。Allison Pugh 将这种无聊的消费描述为“象征性的放纵”——低收入父母在购买具有情感价值的物品时愿意不顾他们的经济困难，以满足孩子在同龄人中被社会接受的需求。22

Atai’s parents and grandparents try their best—within their time and fi-nancial limits—to take care of him, but they can hardly meet the expectations from schools and teachers. Take-home worksheets are usually structured with middle-class, dual-parent family life in mind, and it is difficult for families like Atai’s to comply. For example, Atai’s summer homework required families to engage in four “special activities.” First, children were to ask their parents about their experience of barbecuing. Second, children were to cook a dish together with the family that included protein but no meat. Third, children were to clean the bathroom together with at least two other family members. Fourth, chil-dren and parents were to engage in a scavenger hunt involving twelve tasks. Upon seeing these assignments, Atai complained, “Who’s going to have time to help me?” He helplessly showed the homework to his grandmother. After putting on her glasses and reading it carefully, she said, “I’m going to work now, we’ll deal with this when I get back.” Atai later told me that Grandma Chen simply signed the form and wrote down the name of a dish, even though they never had the time to cook anything together.
阿泰的父母和祖父母在他们的时间和经济范围内尽最大努力照顾他，但他们几乎无法满足学校和老师的期望。带回家的工作表通常考虑到中产阶级、双亲家庭生活，像 Atai 这样的家庭很难遵守。例如，阿泰的暑期作业要求家庭参与四项“特殊活动”。首先，孩子们要询问他们的父母他们烧烤的经历。其次，孩子们要和家人一起做一道菜，其中有蛋白质，但不包括肉类。第三，孩子们要与至少另外两名家庭成员一起清洁浴室。第四，孩子和父母要进行一场寻宝游戏，涉及 12 项任务。看到这些作业后，Atai 抱怨道：“谁有时间帮我呢？他无奈地把作业拿给奶奶看。戴上眼镜仔细看了看后，她说：“我现在要去工作了，等我回来再处理这件事。阿泰后来告诉我，陈奶奶只是在表格上签了字，写下了一道菜的名字，尽管他们从来没有时间一起做饭。

The expert advice on childrearing generally assumes the nuclear family as the prototype,23 but it is still common for Taiwanese families to rely on grand-parents (mostly grandmothers) to help with childcare.24 Even the government offers a moderate allowance for grandparents who take care of young children once they have completed some training in childcare.25 The school’s requests
关于育儿的专家建议通常以核心家庭为原型，23 但台湾家庭依靠祖父母（主要是祖母）帮助照顾孩子仍然很常见。24 甚至政府也为照顾年幼孩子的祖父母提供适度的津贴，一旦他们完成了一些托儿培训。25 学校的要求

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for parental participation, however, fail to consider that families come in all shapes and sizes. Those who are already short on time or cultural capacity are burdened with further pressure to get involved in children’s education, and their failure to do so leads to the questioning of their legitimacy as suitable caregivers.
然而，对于父母的参与，没有考虑到家庭有各种形式和规模。那些已经缺乏时间或文化能力的人背负着参与儿童教育的进一步压力，而他们未能做到这一点，导致他们作为合适的照顾者的合法性受到质疑。

Reinforcing Harsh Discipline to Claim Legitimacy
加强严厉的纪律以宣称合法性

While we were recruiting research participants at Riverside School, the teacher kindly explained to the parents, “They want to go to your home and observe your interactions with your children.” Upon hearing this, parents often responded frankly: “What’s there to see? We just hit our children.” Many working-class par-ents still embrace the traditional models of harsh discipline and authoritarian parenting. They communicate with their children through commands, and they leave little room for negotiation in their methods of punishment. They some-times reinforce discipline by citing external authorities such as teachers or police (“Your teacher will come and tape your mouth shut!” or “If you don’t behave, I will call the police and have them take you away”). Even their body language indicates a power hierarchy between parent and child: when parents speak to children, they often stand up and look down. This is distinct from middle-class parents at Central School, who mostly squat down while talking to small children.
当我们在 Riverside School 招募研究参与者时，老师亲切地向家长解释说：“他们想去你家观察你和孩子的互动。听到这话，家长们往往坦率地回答：“有什么好看的？我们只是打我们的孩子。许多工人阶级仍然接受严厉的管教和专制的育儿传统模式。他们通过命令与孩子交流，在惩罚方法上几乎没有谈判的余地。他们有时会通过引用老师或警察等外部权威来加强纪律（“你的老师会来把你的嘴堵住！”或“如果你不听话，我会打电话给警察，让他们带你走”）。甚至他们的肢体语言也表明了父母和孩子之间的权力等级：当父母与孩子交谈时，他们经常站起来低头。这与中央中学的中产阶级家长不同，他们大多蹲下来与小孩子交谈。

Why do working-class parents continue to use, even prefer, corporal pun-ishment as their main method of childrearing? The existing literature, espe-cially the seminal work of Melvin Kohn, explains this tendency as related to the spillover of values from parents’ occupational experiences. Working-class parents in jobs that reward obedience rather than autonomy tend to convey similar values to their children. Unlike middle-class parents who empha-size self-direction and communication as vital capabilities for their children,
为什么工薪阶层的父母继续使用，甚至更喜欢，体贴的双关语作为他们主要的育儿方式？现有的文献，特别是梅尔文·科恩 （Melvin Kohn） 的开创性著作，将这种趋势解释为与父母职业经历的价值观溢出有关。工薪阶层的父母从事奖励服从而不是自主的工作，往往会向他们的孩子传达类似的价值观。与强调自我指导和沟通是孩子重要能力的中产阶级父母不同，

working­-class parents emphasize hard work, proper conduct, and conformity to external authority.26
工薪阶层的父母强调努力工作、行为得体和服从外部权威。26

In addition to the explanation of working-class habitus, I found that many parents choose to use corporal punishment in a more conscious, reflexive man-ner. Some consider it a more effective way of correction than verbal reasoning, and they disapprove of their middle-class relatives’ permissive parenting styles. As one mother states: “You need to punish [children] and talk sense into them at the same time. My sister-in-law only talks to her kids, ‘Please don’t do this, don’t do that’ But I don’t think that kind of attitude works. You need to have some authority and make them feel small.”
除了对工人阶级习惯的解释外，我发现许多父母选择在一个更有意识、更反射性的男人中使用体罚。有些人认为这是一种比口头推理更有效的纠正方式，他们不赞成他们的中产阶级亲戚宽容的养育方式。正如一位母亲所说：“你需要惩罚 [孩子] 并同时对他们讲道理。我的嫂子只对她的孩子说，'请不要做这个，不要做那个'但我认为这种态度行不通。你需要有一些权威，让他们觉得自己很渺小。

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Some working-class parents also emphasize that their methods of corporal punishment are different from their parents’ and less likely to result in injury. In many cases, corporal punishment and affective expression are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary methods of childrearing. We were pres-ent when some mothers moved from hitting their children to embracing them tearfully, saying things such as, “I hit you because I love you, you know that right?” and “I’m so sorry, please forgive me. Mommy loves you very much. You need to listen to me more, OK?”
一些工薪阶层父母还强调，他们的体罚方法与父母不同，不太可能导致受伤。在许多情况下，体罚和情感表达并不是相互排斥的，而是互补的育儿方法。当一些母亲从打孩子转变为泪流满面地拥抱他们时，我们很紧张，她说“我打你是因为我爱你，你知道吗？”和“我很抱歉，请原谅我。妈妈非常爱你。你得多听我说，好吗？

Harsh discipline also serves as a security strategy for working-class fathers and mothers to cope with the decline of parental legitimacy and the challenges of marriage instability and emasculated manhood. Their use of corporal pun-ishment reveals multiple vulnerabilities and predicaments faced by working-class families. Economic insecurity leads to emotional turmoil, cognitive constraint, and marital tension in family lives, pushing parents further away from the new repertoire of childrearing.
严厉的管教也是工人阶级父母应对父母合法性下降以及婚姻不稳定和男子气概被阉割的挑战的一种安全策略。他们对体贴双关语的使用揭示了工人阶级家庭面临的多重脆弱性和困境。经济上的不安全感导致家庭生活中的情绪动荡、认知约束和婚姻紧张，使父母进一步远离新的育儿方式。

Economic Insecurity and Compensated Masculinity
经济上的不安全感和补偿性的男子气概

Forty-year-old Yan Zhang is a pretty, articulate woman from Canton Province in southern China. After graduating junior high school, she earned her living as a sales clerk. When she was twenty-five, a friend introduced her to a Taiwanese blacksmith, Hong-chang Liao, a vocational high school graduate six years her senior. Yan was attracted to his gentle voice and calm demeanor. Hopeful for the future, Yan quit her job and moved to Taiwan.
40 岁的 Yan Zhang 是一位来自中国南方广东省的漂亮、善于表达的女性。初中毕业后，她以售货员为生。25 岁时，一位朋友向她介绍了一位台湾铁匠廖宏昌 （Hong-chang Liao），他是一名比她大 6 岁的职业高中毕业生。严被他温柔的声音和沉稳的举止所吸引。对未来充满希望，Yan 辞掉了工作，搬到了台湾。

Yan had always fantasized about life in Taiwan from what she read about in Taiwanese romance novels. “If I were to do it all over again, I would have never married him,” Yan said with a regretful sigh on multiple occasions. Only after getting married did she learn about Hong-chang’s heavy debt. Some friends had encouraged him to do business in Cambodia, a country he knew noth-ing about, and the investment failed. At first, Yan was optimistic about their prospects for paying down the debt, but bad luck continued to strike the family. A few years ago, Hong-chang had an accident at work and injured his back. He can no longer perform the high-skilled labor of ironsmith. In a context of economic decline, possibilities for other employment are few and far between.
Yan 一直从她在台湾言情小说中读到的关于台湾的生活进行幻想。“如果我重来一次，我永远不会嫁给他，”严多次遗憾地叹息着说。结婚后，她才知道宏昌的沉重债务。一些朋友鼓励他在柬埔寨做生意，这是一个他不了解的国家，但投资失败了。起初，严对他们偿还债务的前景持乐观态度，但厄运继续打击着这个家庭。几年前，Hong-chang 在工作中出了车祸，导致背部受伤。他不能再从事铁匠的高技能劳动了。在经济衰退的背景下，其他就业机会的可能性很少。

Yan was forced to become the family breadwinner after Hong-chang’s ac-cident. For a while, she ran a breakfast cart, but this work was difficult to bal-ance with childrearing. She gave up the business and looked for jobs with a stable schedule. As a new immigrant, Yan found herself at the bottom of the
严在洪昌的婚后被迫成为家庭的经济支柱。有一段时间，她经营着一辆早餐车，但这项工作很难与育儿相平衡。她放弃了生意，寻找时间表稳定的工作。作为一名新移民，Yan 发现自己处于

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labor market hierarchy. She currently works odd jobs at a small factory. The job provides no benefits but minimum hourly wage and her monthly earnings barely exceed 16,000 TWD (530 USD).27 “Lower than the wage of an illiterate old woman!” Yan complained about the unfair treatment.
劳动力市场层次结构。她目前在一家小工厂打零工。这份工作不提供任何福利，只有最低时薪，她的月收入勉强超过 16,000 新台币（530 美元）。27 “比一个不识字的老妇人的工价还低！”严抱怨不公平的待遇。

After I knew the Liao family for some time, I finally had the courage to ask Hong-chang about the size of his debt. He shook his head and said he wasn’t even sure, given the interest rates on his credit cards. Banks do have payment plans for debtors like Hong-chang, but he lost faith in the banking system and was confused by the complicated financial provisions. He saw the repayment plans as unrealistic and mismatched with his family situation: “To be honest, in the end you’re getting screwed anyway. Sometimes your family needs to spend more money, or sometimes your job situation changes all of a sudden and you don’t have an income anymore. What can you do? It’s not like I don’t want to pay them.” He abruptly went into the bedroom and returned with an envelope full of receipts from his money transfers. Spreading them on the table, he said vehemently: “You see? I kept them all. See here? I did pay when I could!”
认识廖家一段时间后，终于鼓起勇气向宏昌询问他的债务大小。他摇摇头说，考虑到他的信用卡利率，他甚至不确定。银行确实为像 Hong-chang 这样的债务人制定了付款计划，但他对银行系统失去了信心，并对复杂的财务规定感到困惑。他认为还款计划不切实际，并且与他的家庭情况不匹配：“老实说，无论如何，你最终都会被搞砸。有时您的家人需要花更多的钱，或者有时您的工作情况突然发生变化，您不再有收入。您能做什么？我并不是不想付钱给他们。他突然走进卧室，带着一个装满汇款收据的信封回来。他把它们摊在桌子上，激烈地说：“你看到了吗？我把它们都保留了下来。看到这里了吗？我确实在我能付钱的时候付了钱！

With their unstable income, the family struggles to maintain daily life in order. Their apartment is on the third floor of an old building. The public hall-way is messy and cramped, but Yan keeps the inside of their home meticulously clean. Seven-year-old Abu and his nine-year-old brother Adong share a room with few amenities. On the wall hangs Yan’s handwritten list “House Rules.” The books on the shelf, mostly hand-me-downs from neighbors and relatives, do not match their age level. Despite living a thrifty lifestyle, the family needs low-income assistance to make ends meet. Yan feels ashamed of their dependence on government welfare, which to her indicates a poor work ethic and loss of dignity:
由于收入不稳定，一家人努力维持日常生活的秩序。他们的公寓位于一栋老建筑的三楼。公共走廊凌乱而狭窄，但 Yan 一丝不苟地保持着他们家的内部清洁。7 岁的 Abu 和他 9 岁的弟弟 Adong 共用一个设施很少的房间。墙上挂着闫的手写清单，“家规”。书架上的书籍大多是邻居和亲戚传下来的，与他们的年龄水平不符。尽管过着节俭的生活方式，但这个家庭需要低收入援助来维持生计。Yan 为他们依赖政府福利感到羞愧，在她看来，这表明了糟糕的职业道德和尊严的丧失：

I really don’t like receiving low-income assistance. It makes me feel so small. I’m a proud person. Why can’t we provide for ourselves? But it’s the way the econo-my is. It’s not like we don’t try. I mean, with my husband’s condition there’s not much we can do. . . . I really don’t want a handout. All I want is a job.
我真的不喜欢接受低收入援助。这让我感觉自己很渺小。我是一个自豪的人。为什么我们不能自给自足呢？但这就是经济的方式。这并不是说我们不尝试。我的意思是，以我丈夫的病情，我们能做的不多......我真的不想要施舍。我想要的只是一份工作。

Deliberately or inadvertently, working-class parents like Yan make their financial situation known to their children. They want their children to un-derstand why the family cannot afford certain activities or toys. One day, Abu came home from school holding a field-trip notice. Quietly he muttered to himself, “We can’t afford to go.” Yan even took her sons to visit an orphanage and showed them TV news about starving children in Africa. She wants her
像 Yan 这样的工薪阶层父母有意或无意地让孩子知道他们的财务状况。他们希望自己的孩子能够理解为什么家里负担不起某些活动或玩具。有一天，阿布放学回家，手里拿着一份实地考察的通知。他悄悄地喃喃自语道：“我们走不起。Yan 甚至带她的儿子们去看了一家孤儿院，给他们看了关于非洲饥饿儿童的电视新闻。她想要她

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children to see worse conditions so that they are grateful for what they have. And she hopes to motivate the children to work harder so they can achieve an adulthood free from their parents’ financial struggles.
孩子们看到更糟糕的情况，这样他们就会对自己所拥有的心存感激。她希望激励孩子们更加努力地工作，这样他们就可以摆脱父母的经济困境，长大成人。

Abu and Adong took the initiative to help with housework and cooking, a situation I rarely saw in middle-class households. But they got into trouble a few times at school. Abu once stole stationery from a classmate, and on another occasion, both brothers vandalized their classroom and skipped school. Yan responded to these incidents with harsh discipline, using objects such as a belt, pipe, broom, and toy sword to hit her sons. Hong-chang did not agree with his wife in this matter. His own parents used corporal punishment on their chil-dren, causing his younger brother to run away; he did not want the same thing to happen with his sons. Yet he did not know another way to enforce discipline. He once asked the boys to write down the house rules ten times. Another time, he angrily poured water over their textbooks, and twice he took his sons to the police station. Yan thinks these methods are useless and urges the father to conduct more assertive discipline:
Abu 和 Adong 主动帮忙做家务和做饭，这种情况我在中产阶级家庭中很少见。但他们在学校惹了几次麻烦。阿布曾经从一位同学那里偷了文具，还有一次，两兄弟都破坏了他们的教室并逃学了。严以严厉的纪律来应对这些事件，使用皮带、烟斗、扫帚和玩具剑等物品来打击她的儿子。洪昌在这件事上没有和他的妻子意见一致。他自己的父母对他们的孩子进行了体罚，导致他的弟弟离家出走;他不希望同样的事情发生在他的儿子身上。然而，他不知道其他执行纪律的方法。他曾经让男孩们把家规写下十遍。还有一次，他生气地把水泼在他们的课本上，还有两次他带着儿子们去了警察局。严认为这些方法没用，催促爸爸进行更果断的管教：

yan: You better think about it more carefully. Don’t kid around. If you can’t figure out how to get them in line now, later when the police are after them for real, it will be too late for you to teach them anything and you’re going to have to live with it.
妍： 你最好仔细想想。不要开玩笑。如果你现在还不能弄清楚如何让他们排队，以后当警察真正追捕他们时，你教他们任何东西都为时已晚，你将不得不忍受它。

hc: You could ask my wife how angry I was that time. I literally took them to the police station. . . . I didn’t know what to do, so I thought I’d try it and maybe it would scare the crap out of them. I was really, really frustrated with them . . . I didn’t actually want to report them to the police because they’re so young. But I didn’t know what else to do, so I took them to the police [station].
hc：你可以问我妻子那次我有多生气。我真的把他们带到了警察局......我不知道该怎么办，所以我想我试试看，也许这会吓跑他们。我真的非常非常沮丧......我其实并不想向警方举报他们，因为他们还太年轻了。但我不知道还能做什么，所以我把他们带到了警察局。

Working-class parents are frustrated over not knowing “how to parent.” They do not have as much access to parenting books, magazines, classes, and other informational materials as middle-class parents do. Feeling that his at-tempts at soft discipline are useless, Hong-chang is shifting toward the old script of harsh discipline. He warned his sons: “I’ve told you millions of times, and you never listen. By fourth grade, I’m going to make you good. I’m going to start hitting. If you’re still acting this way in fourth grade, I’m sorry, I will for sure treat you the way your grandfather treated me.”
工薪阶层的父母因为不知道 “如何育儿” 而感到沮丧。他们没有像中产阶级父母那样多地获得育儿书籍、杂志、课程和其他信息材料的机会。洪昌觉得他对软纪律的试探毫无用处，他正在转向严厉管教的旧剧本。他警告他的儿子们说：“我已经告诉你们数百万次了，你们却从不听。到四年级时，我会让你变得好。我要开始击球。如果你四年级还这样，对不起，我肯定会像你爷爷对待我一样对待你。

Under these circumstances, the use of corporal punishment paradoxically becomes a way for working-class parents to claim legitimacy as responsible
在这种情况下，自相矛盾地使用体罚成为工人阶级父母声称负责任的合法性的一种方式

94  Chapter 3
94 第 3 章

parents. Despite his decent grades, Abu has been labeled a “bad student” be-cause of his misconduct. Whenever Yan goes to school, she feels judgment and coldness from other parents, particularly middle-class ones. She is reluctant to attend parent-teacher conferences and other school activities for parents. Either intentionally or unconsciously, she uses the disciplinary acts to show that she is trying her best to correct her children’s behavior. During interviews, she described in detail the extent of her anger and the severity of her punish-ment. Even during our home observations, she does not hold back from using physical force.
父母。尽管他的成绩不错，但由于他的不当行为，阿布被贴上了“坏学生”的标签。每当 Yan 去上学时，她都会感受到来自其他父母的评判和冷淡，尤其是中产阶级的父母。她不愿意参加家长会和其他学校活动。无论是有意还是无意，她都利用这些纪律行为来表明她正在尽最大努力纠正她孩子的行为。在采访中，她详细描述了她的愤怒程度和她受到的惩罚的严重性。即使在我们家观察期间，她也不会犹豫使用武力。

Behavioral psychologists have argued that a lack of time or money limits cognitive capacity and constrains people’s everyday decisions and behavior.28 Many working-class parents face cognitive overload and emotional turmoil, which erode their self-control and push them toward disciplinary actions that deliver immediate results. With a sigh, Yan said: “Our family life certainly has an impact on our emotions, on the way we raise our kids . . . When your job is unstable, you constantly worry. I’m trying to raise my kids right but I have to think about many other things too. My head just never stops spinning; it never gets time to calm down. It’s like a movie and I have to play all the roles. This one is due, that bill needs to be paid, and there is always another thing that costs money.”
行为心理学家认为，缺乏时间或金钱会限制认知能力，并限制人们的日常决定和行为。28 许多工薪阶层父母面临认知超负荷和情绪动荡，这削弱了他们的自制力，并促使他们采取能立即产生效果的纪律处分。闫先生叹了口气说：“我们的家庭生活肯定会影响我们的情绪，影响我们抚养孩子的方式......当你的工作不稳定时，你会不断担心。我正在努力正确地抚养我的孩子，但我也必须考虑许多其他事情。我的头从来没有停止过旋转;它永远没有时间冷静下来。这就像一部电影，我必须扮演所有角色。这个是到期的，那笔账单需要支付，而且总是有另一件事要花钱。

Marital tensions also influence parents’ interactions with their children. Hong-chang is too proud to accept unskilled jobs that pay minimum wage, so Yan carries most of the burden of providing for the family. Yan feels in-creasingly fed up with her husband as he watches television all day. She derides him as “useless,” as “pretending to be the boss when he’s not,” and “as lazy as a donkey.” The conjugal dynamics of cross-Strait couples are complicated by the racialized images of Chinese femininity and Taiwanese masculinity. Taiwanese men often complain about Chinese women as direct, forceful speakers while Chinese wives generally characterize their Taiwanese husband as gentle and soft.29 Yan’s derisions contribute to a cycle in which Hong-chang feels too frus-trated and disheartened to continue his job search. He said to me when Yan was not present: “She pushes me into a terrible mood and I don’t want to do it even more. Why do I have to do so much?”
婚姻紧张也会影响父母与孩子的互动。Hong-chang 太骄傲了，不愿意接受支付最低工资的非技术性工作，因此 Yan 承担了养家糊口的大部分负担。Yan 对丈夫整天看电视感到越来越厌烦。她嘲笑他“没用”，“假装是老板”，“像驴子一样懒惰”。海峡两岸夫妇的夫妻动态因中国女性气质和台湾男性气质的种族化形象而变得复杂。台湾男人经常抱怨中国女人是直接、有力的说话者，而中国妻子通常将她们的台湾丈夫描述为温柔柔弱。29 严的嘲笑导致了一个循环，在这个循环中，宏昌感到太沮丧和沮丧，无法继续找工作。当 Yan 不在场时，他对我说：“她把我推到一个糟糕的情绪中，我不想再这样做了。为什么我必须做这么多事情？

Trouble with the children can also exacerbate tension between parents. Hong-chang recalled one scenario in which his boys misbehaved, and instead of punishing his sons, he slapped his wife. Hong-chang explained his rational to me:
与孩子之间的麻烦也会加剧父母之间的紧张关系。洪昌回忆起一个场景，他的儿子们行为不端，他没有惩罚他的儿子，而是打了他的妻子一巴掌。洪昌向我解释了他的理由：

Taiwanese Working Class  95
台湾工人阶级 95

You listen to me: I didn’t hit her very hard at all. It was a weak slap and I was in control. I just wanted them [the boys] to understand: “If you’re bad, isn’t it your mom’s fault!” I wanted them to know how I feel. “It’s because your mom does not know how to teach you two, that’s why you’re so bad.” I threaten them like that on purpose. “If you act out again, I’m going to do that to your mom and hurt her. You understand?”
你听我说：我根本没有狠狠地打她。这是一记无力的耳光，我控制住了局面。我只是想让他们 [男孩们] 明白：“如果你很糟糕，那不是妈的错吗！我想让他们知道我的感受。“那是因为妈不知道怎么教你们两个，所以你们才这么坏。”我故意这样威胁他们。“如果你再做出这种行为，我会对妈做那样的事情，伤害她。你明白吗？

Hong-chang’s violent act toward his wife was a symbolic act of “collateral punishment” that conveyed two messages. First, he threatened his sons with the consequence of hurting their mother. Second, he reclaimed the conventional image of the harsh father and caring mother against a family reality where he had failed to live up to the masculine breadwinner role. Hong-chang admitted that he tried to shore up his place as the authoritative patriarch by reinforcing his wife’s traditional domestic role:
Hong-chang 对妻子的暴力行为是一种象征性的“附带惩罚”行为，传达了两个信息。首先，他威胁他的儿子们，要伤害他们母亲的后果。其次，他恢复了严厉的父亲和慈爱的母亲的传统形象，反对他未能履行男性养家糊口的角色的家庭现实。洪昌承认，他试图通过强化妻子的传统家庭角色来巩固自己作为权威族长的地位：

hc: To be honest, I hate to punish these two like that, but I lose my temper sometimes. . . . That’s really the only way I can change how they look at me.
hc：说实话，我讨厌这样惩罚这两个人，但我有时会发脾气......这真的是我能改变他们看我的方式的唯一方法。

lan: Are you saying that you want to establish a father’s authority in front of your children?
兰：你是说要在孩子面前树立父亲的权威吗？

hc: Yes. I want them to understand that their mother has a soft and caring role and their father has a strong role. I don’t ask for much, but one thing I de-mand is control. What does this power mean? It means that in the future, the kids would never dare disrespect their elders.
hc：是的。我希望他们明白，他们的母亲扮演着温柔而有爱心的角色，而他们的父亲扮演着强大的角色。我要求不多，但我反对的一件事是控制。这种力量意味着什么？这意味着，在未来，孩子们再也不敢不尊重他们的长辈了。

lan: Do you think that your children see you as having power right now?
兰：你觉得你的孩子现在觉得你有权力吗？

hc: Their mother is always shouting at me in front of them, and it’s become something they are used to. . . . No matter what, boys never fear their mothers, but they always fear their fathers. This is the way things are and the way they should be. I don’t make the rules. From the beginning of time, it has always been like this.
hc：他们的妈妈总是在他们面前对我大喊大叫，这已经成为他们习惯的事情......无论如何，男孩子从不怕妈妈，却总是怕爸爸。事情就是这样，也应该是这样的。我不制定规则。从一开始，它就一直都是这样的。

The division of parenting labor in most Taiwanese working-class house-holds still largely resembles traditional patriarchal norms. When I asked working-class fathers about their participation in childrearing, many answered matter-of-factly, “My job is to make money to put food on the table!” By con-trast to the hegemonic ideal of cosmopolitan masculinity that we saw in Chap-ter 2, working-class fathers like Hong-chang experience precariousness in the globalized economy as emasculation.
大多数台湾工人阶级家庭的育儿分工在很大程度上仍然与传统的父权规范相似。当我问工人阶级的父亲们关于他们参与育儿的事情时，许多人实事求是地回答说：“我的工作是赚钱养家糊口！通过与我们在第二章中看到的世界主义男子气概的霸权理想相悖，像张洪昌这样的工人阶级父亲将全球化经济中的不稳定体验为阉割。

Minjeong Kim applies the term compensated masculinity to describe that South Korean husbands of foreign wives stage gendered performance in daily
Minjeong Kim 使用“补偿男子气概”一词来描述外国妻子的韩国丈夫在日常生活中上演性别表演

96  Chapter 3
96 第 3 章

marriage acts to compensate for their social subordination; they brag about their virility, breadwinning, and even cosmopolitan flair (“bringing globaliza-tion to rural towns”).30 In Hong-chang’s case, he attempts to reassert his dignity and compensate for his emasculation by enforcing authority upon their chil-dren and control over their wives. He mobilizes the traditional script of filial piety to justify the need for patriarchal authority and to disguise his frustration at the loss of paternal legitimacy. Yet his actions only intensify his inner anxiet-ies and his conflicts with his wife and sons.
婚姻是为了补偿她们的社会从属地位;她们吹嘘自己的阳刚之气、养家糊口，甚至是世界性的天赋（“将全球化带到农村城镇”）。30 在洪昌的案例中，他试图通过对他们的孩子施加权威和控制他们的妻子来维护他的尊严并补偿他的阉割。他动员传统的孝道剧本来证明父权权威的必要性，并掩饰他对失去父权合法性的沮丧。然而，他的行为只会加剧他内心的焦虑和他与妻子和儿子的冲突。

Cross-Class Pathway Consumption
跨职业途径消耗

Although the working-class parents we met earlier avoid reproducing a pain-ful childhood filled with academic frustration, many others view education as a critical pathway for the next generation to escape stagnant mobility. These working-class parents are remarkably similar to the middle class in their em-phasis on children’s education, but their strategies of pathway consumption are rather distinct. I use the term cross-class pathway consumption to describe that working-class families spend to place children in cross-class contexts, includ-ing after-school programs and schooling districts, that they perceive beneficial to their children’s trajectory of class mobility.31 They also rely on cross-class networks, including teachers and college-educated relatives, to navigate their children’s education beyond the constraint of the family reality.
尽管我们之前遇到的工人阶级父母避免重现充满学业挫折的痛苦童年，但许多其他人将教育视为下一代摆脱停滞不前的重要途径。这些工薪阶层的父母在重视孩子教育方面与中产阶级非常相似，但他们的消费路径策略却截然不同。我使用跨阶级途径消费一词来描述工薪阶层家庭花费将孩子安置在他们认为有利于孩子阶级流动轨迹的跨阶级环境中，包括课后计划和学区。31 他们还依靠跨阶级的网络，包括教师和受过大学教育的亲戚，来引导孩子的教育摆脱家庭现实的约束。

In particular, immigrant mothers living in the city are likely to pursue pathway consumption to fulfill their dreams for their children. Although they initially hoped to achieve socioeconomic mobility by marrying Taiwanese hus-bands, many ultimately face troubled marriages, social discrimination, and economic difficulty. Their children’s future is their source of hope for a happy end to a dark journey of dislocation and resettlement. However, the strategies of cross-class pathway consumption often incur unintended consequences upon the mother and the children.
特别是，居住在城市的移民母亲很可能会追求途径消费来实现她们对孩子的梦想。尽管他们最初希望通过与台湾 hus 乐队结婚来实现社会经济流动性，但许多人最终面临麻烦的婚姻、社会歧视和经济困难。他们孩子的未来是他们希望的源泉，他们可以在流离失所和重新安置的黑暗旅程中得到圆满的结局。然而，跨阶级途径消费的策略往往会对母亲和孩子产生意想不到的后果。

Seeking Cross-Class Resources
寻求跨类资源

Li-min Tseng is a construction worker; year after year of working in the harsh sun has made his skin dark and rough. At the age of forty, he married a Taiwan-ese wife, Ya-fan, an assembly worker in an electronics factory. After the factory moved its production to China, she began working alongside her husband at the construction site. They tried to get pregnant for years but in vain. When Ya-fan turned thirty-nine years old, they used assisted reproduction and wel-comed twin boys into their family.
Li-min Tseng 是一名建筑工人;年复一年地在烈日下工作，使他的皮肤黝黑粗糙。四十岁时，他娶了台湾妻子雅范，她是电子厂的一名装配工。工厂将生产转移到中国后，她开始与丈夫一起在建筑工地工作。他们多年来一直试图怀孕，但徒劳无功。当 Ya-fan 39 岁时，他们使用辅助生殖和欢迎双胞胎男孩进入他们的家庭。

Taiwanese Working Class  97
台湾工人阶级 97

When returning home at night covered in dirt and sweat, Li-min feels worthwhile upon seeing the two smiley faces. Sitting next to his father, one of the boys innocently responds, “Daddy works hard to make money so we can happily play computer games.” In a proud tone, Li-min describes his work: “I do everything. I can pretty much build a whole house.” However, unlike the middle-class fathers in Chapter 2, Li-min is reluctant to pass on his occupa-tional skills to his sons, despite the relatively decent wages. He depicts the con-struction site: “Wind, sun, rain, cold, you name it. It’s very dangerous. . . . I’ve seen people falling from the scaffolding several times. They lie on the ground like a crushed watermelon.” He is firm in his desire for his sons to attend col-lege. “I’d like them to do office work, typing on the computers or something.”
晚上浑身泥土和汗水回到家时，Li-min 看到这两个笑脸，觉得很值得。坐在他爸爸旁边的一个男孩天真地回答说：“爸爸努力赚钱，这样我们就可以愉快地玩电脑游戏了。Li-min 用自豪的语气描述他的工作：“我什么都做。我几乎可以建造一整栋房子。然而，与第 2 章中的中产阶级父亲不同，尽管工资相对不错，但李敏不愿意将他的占领技能传授给他的儿子们。他描绘了建筑工地：“风、阳光、雨、冷，应有尽有。这非常危险......我见过好几次有人从脚手架上掉下来。他们像压碎的西瓜一样躺在地上。他坚定地希望他的儿子们能上大学。“我希望他们做办公室工作，在电脑上打字什么的。”

Ya-fan shares a similar aspiration for the children’s futures. When I asked her what will happen if her children would like to pursue their father’s line of work, she replied firmly: “No way! If they do construction work, I’m just going to send them to their aunt’s company to run some errands.” Feeling incapable of offering educational guidance, she sends her two sons to cram school. Before midterm and final grades are posted, Ya-fan often calls the teacher anxiously to inquire about her sons’ grades. When their grades regress because of careless mistakes, she doesn’t hesitate to practice “tough love” to discipline them.
Ya-fan 对孩子们的未来有着类似的期望。当我问她，如果她的孩子想从事父亲的工作怎么办，她坚定地回答说：“不可能！如果他们做建筑工作，我就派他们去他们姑姑的公司办点差事。由于觉得无法提供教育指导，她把两个儿子送到了补习班。在期中考试和期末成绩公布之前，雅凡经常焦急地打电话给老师，询问她儿子的成绩。当他们的成绩因为粗心的错误而倒退时，她会毫不犹豫地练习“严厉的爱”来管教他们。

Like many working-class families in this study, Ya-fan’s benchmark for measuring educational quality is based on the amount of homework assigned. When choosing after-school programs for their children, they generally prefer activities with educational value like English, math, and computer lessons. This orientation indicates not only their financial constraints but also their class-specific dispositions and concerns. The working class embodies a habitus that prioritizes the necessary and pragmatic as a result of their accumulated expo-sure to scarce resources.32 They view talents as something children are born with rather than something one can acquire through cultivation. Exploring “personal interests” through trying out a variety of talent lessons is a class privi-lege they cannot afford. One working-class father explains:
与本研究中的许多工薪阶层家庭一样，Ya-fan 衡量教育质量的基准是基于分配的家庭作业量。在为孩子选择课后活动时，他们通常更喜欢具有教育价值的活动，如英语、数学和计算机课程。这种取向不仅表明了他们的经济拮据，还表明了他们特定于阶级的性格和担忧。工人阶级体现了一种习惯，即由于他们积累了对稀缺资源的暴露，他们优先考虑必要和务实的事情。32 他们认为才能是孩子与生俱来的，而不是可以通过培养获得的东西。通过尝试各种才艺课程来探索“个人兴趣”是他们无法承受的特权。一位工人阶级父亲解释说：

Some families have the money, so they send them [the kids] to all these music or art lessons. They look at what their kids are interested in and let them go [de-velop] in that direction. We can’t do that. You have to pay tuition every semes-ter, and if they don’t learn anything, your money’s gone! All those extra classes become a waste of money!
有些家庭有钱，所以他们送他们 [孩子们] 去上所有这些音乐或艺术课。他们看看孩子对什么感兴趣，然后让他们朝着那个方向 [发展]。我们不能那样做。你得每年都付学费，如果他们什么都学不来，你的钱就没了！所有这些额外的课程都变成了浪费钱！

In addition, the lack of information and cultural resources also contributes to the sole focus of academic training among the working class. They do not
此外，缺乏信息和文化资源也导致工人阶级唯一关注学术培训。他们没有

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identify with the goal of holistic education that is central to Taiwan’s educational reform. Few have heard of the college admission reforms to consider “invisible skills” that cannot be measured with academic tests. They also lack the cultural literacy to evaluate the purpose and content of extracurricular activities. For example, when Ya-fan’s son brought home a pamphlet for the street-dance club at school, she was confused: “What is ‘street dance’? Dancing on the street?”
认同全人教育的目标，这是台湾教育改革的核心。很少有人听说过大学招生改革，将“隐形技能”视为无法用学术考试来衡量的技能。他们也缺乏评估课外活动的目的和内容的文化素养。例如，当 Ya-fan 的儿子带回家一本学校街舞俱乐部的小册子时，她很困惑：“什么是'街舞'？在街上跳舞？

Working-class parents like Ya-fan mobilize cross-class social connections to expand the life horizon of their children. Although Ya-fan only completed junior high school, her younger sister, the twins’ aunt, has a university degree and runs a business together with her husband. Since they have no children of their own, they generously assisted Ya-fan with the twins’ education. The aunt offers advice and money for their after-school programs, English classes, and swimming lessons. On weekends, the boys love to go to the nearby night market with their parents to enjoy street food and goldfish scooping. When the aunt comes to visit every other month, she takes the kids to amusement parks and buys them with expensive items such as a computer, cellphone, and Game Boy. With financial backing from their aunt, the boys are able to enjoy some of the luxuries of middle-class childhoods. Ya-fan even shares a vague aspiration for her children to explore a globalized future: “If possible, I want the kids to go abroad for university. Like their aunt says, you can’t do anything big with a Taiwanese degree.”
像雅凡这样的工薪阶层父母动员跨阶级的社会关系，以扩大孩子的人生视野。虽然雅凡只读完了初中，但她的妹妹，也就是双胞胎的阿姨，拥有大学学位，和丈夫一起经营着一家企业。由于他们没有自己的孩子，他们慷慨地帮助 Ya-fan 处理双胞胎的教育问题。阿姨为他们的课后课程、英语课程和游泳课提供建议和金钱。周末，男孩们喜欢和父母一起去附近的夜市，享受街头小吃和捞金鱼。当阿姨每隔一个月来访时，她会带孩子们去游乐园，并为他们购买电脑、手机和 Game Boy 等昂贵物品。在阿姨的经济支持下，男孩们能够享受中产阶级童年的一些奢华。雅凡甚至分享了一个模糊的愿望，希望她的孩子们探索全球化的未来：“如果可能的话，我希望孩子们出国上大学。就像他们阿姨说的，你用台湾的学位不能做任何大事。

Another more common security strategy for working-class families is to build guanxi (personal networks) with schoolteachers. When the twins’ teacher was hospitalized with an illness, many of the students’ mothers, including Ya-fan, took time to visit her at the hospital. These mothers hope that by building a close relationship with the teacher, the teacher would pay better attention to their children or at least be of assistance when the children are in need. Yan, the Chinese immigrant we met earlier, similarly builds up personal relations with a teacher at cram school, who is kind enough to offer free tutoring lessons for Abu. These parent-teacher conversations even include details not directly related to the children’s schoolwork such as the children’s behavior problems and parents’ marital conflicts at home.
工薪阶层家庭另一种更常见的安全策略是与学校教师建立关系（个人网络）。当双胞胎的老师因病住院时，许多学生的母亲，包括 Ya-fan，都抽出时间去医院看望她。这些母亲希望通过与老师建立亲密的关系，老师会更好地关注她们的孩子，或者至少在孩子有需要时提供帮助。我们之前遇到的中国移民 Yan 同样与补习班的一位老师建立了个人关系，这位老师很友善地为 Abu 提供免费的补习课程。这些家长与老师的对话甚至包括与孩子的学业没有直接关系的细节，例如孩子的行为问题和父母在家中的婚姻冲突。

Many working-class parents in Taiwan view teachers as a source of cross-class social capital and they strive to personalize the relationship. This situa-tion is distinct from American working-class parents in Lareau’s book, who develop a contentious or alienating relationship with teachers because they distrust or feel excluded by the institutions.33 The difference is partly explained
台湾的许多工人阶级父母将教师视为跨阶级社会资本的来源，他们努力将这种关系个性化。这种处境与 Lareau 书中的美国工人阶级父母不同，他们与教师建立了一种有争议或疏远的关系，因为他们不信任或感到被机构排斥。33 这种差异可以部分解释

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台湾工人阶级 99

by Taiwan’s relatively mild class segregation in neighborhood and school. An international survey of social capital also confirms that Taiwanese, compared to people in other East Asian countries, have more access to variegated social networks; even those at the lower end of the social class spectrum are likely to make acquaintance with high-status professionals, such as teachers, lawyers, and professors.34 Cross-class personal interactions offer potential resources for the disadvantaged families, but they can also trigger psychological insecurity among those who travel across the class border.
通过台湾在邻里和学校中相对温和的阶级隔离。一项关于社会资本的国际调查也证实，与其他东亚国家的人相比，台湾人有更多机会接触各种各样的社交网络;即使是那些处于社会阶层低端的人也可能结识高地位的专业人士，例如教师、律师和教授。34 跨阶级的个人互动为弱势家庭提供了潜在的资源，但它们也会引发那些跨越阶级边界的人的心理不安全感。

Martyr Mother and Exposed Childhood
殉道者母亲和暴露的童年

Arong is one of the few children at Central School who lives in a working-class family. His mother, Ling Zhang, is a thirty-year-old immigrant and a former military nurse from Hunan Province in South Central China. Ling’s aunt, al-ready a marriage immigrant to Taiwan, introduced Ling to a car mechanic ten years her senior. Her parents hoped that the union would bring Ling to a life of economic mobility, but upon arrival in Taiwan, she confronted the stigma and distrust attaching to “Chinese brides.” Her in-laws objected to her opening a savings account or finding a paid job because they suspected that she might steal from the family or have an affair. “They think that if you come from China, you’re going to steal all the family money,” Ling said with a sigh. She continued:
Arong 是中央学校为数不多的生活在工薪阶层家庭的孩子之一。他的母亲张玲（Ling Zhang）是一名30岁的移民，曾是来自中国中南部湖南省的军队护士。玲玲的姑姑已经准备好结婚移民到台湾，她把玲介绍给了一位比她大十岁的汽车修理工。她的父母希望这个结合能让玲过上经济流动的生活，但一到台湾，她就面临着对“中国新娘”的耻辱和不信任。她的公婆反对她开设储蓄账户或找一份有薪工作，因为他们怀疑她可能会从家里偷东西或有外遇。“他们认为，如果你从中国来，你会偷走家里所有的钱，”玲叹了口气说。她继续说：

My husband is an honest, quiet person. When people tell him bad things, he believes them. . . . His brother said, “Your wife is so young and wants to work outside. She’s going to run off with someone! Look how pretty she is. Do you see how friendly she talks on the phone?” And then my husband starts getting worried. Whenever I came home late, we had a fight.
我丈夫是一个诚实、安静的人。当人们说他坏话时，他会相信......他的哥哥说：“你老婆这么年轻，想在外面工作。她要跟人跑了！看看她多漂亮。你看到她在电话里说话有多友好吗？然后我丈夫开始担心。每当我晚回家时，我们就会吵架。

Ling’s husband frequently blamed her for conflicts in the family. Once he put his hands around her neck as he chastised her, angrily yelling: “You never listen to a word I say!” The couple separated after six years, but they have not divorced. Ling agreed not to seek alimony from her husband, and she raises their son on her own. Ling’s mother moved from Hunan to help out, working as a cleaning lady during the day and selling fruit at a stall at night. Ling works as an assistant for a wealthy family. For an annual salary less than 15,000 USD, she chauffeurs the family around and runs errands, which she shamefully admits is “no different from being a servant.”
玲的丈夫经常因为家庭冲突而责怪她。有一次，他用手搂住她的脖子，责备她，愤怒地吼道：“你从来不听我说的一句话！这对夫妇在六年后分居，但他们没有离婚。玲同意不向丈夫索要赡养费，她自己抚养他们的儿子。玲的妈妈从湖南搬来帮忙，白天做清洁工，晚上在摊位卖水果。Ling 在一个富裕家庭担任助理。年薪不到 15,000 美元，她开车接送家人四处走动并跑腿，她羞愧地承认这“与当仆人没有什么不同”。

Despite her modest income and single-parent status, Ling refuses to com-promise on her son’s education. She rents a rooftop add-on apartment in the
尽管收入微薄且单亲家庭，但 Ling 拒绝承诺儿子的教育。她在

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central area of Taipei City, even though a bigger apartment near Riverside School would cost two-thirds as much. Choosing a quality school through physical relocation (moving) or virtual relocation (registering the child in a friend or relative’s household) is a common strategy of pathway consumption for working-class parents. Although public school funding in Taiwan is not related to property taxes like in the US, parents can identify “star schools,” with better teachers, richer resources, and more effective administrators. Many are willing to pay a significant premium for apartments located in the catchment areas of these quality schools. To regulate increasing competition over admis-sion to star schools, in 1993, Taipei City began requiring parents or grandpar-ents to present an ownership certificate in the school district. Rental tenants were excluded until 2006, but even now, they must have rented in the area for three years to attend the local school.35
台北市中心，尽管在河滨学校附近建造更大的公寓将花费三分之二。通过实际搬迁（搬家）或虚拟搬迁（将孩子登记到朋友或亲戚的家庭）来选择优质学校是工薪阶层父母常见的途径消费策略。虽然台湾的公立学校资金不像美国那样与财产税相关，但家长可以识别“星级学校”，这些学校拥有更好的教师、更丰富的资源和更有效的管理人员。许多人愿意为位于这些优质学校学区的公寓支付高价。为了规范日益激烈的星级学校录取竞争，台北市于 1993 年开始要求家长或孙辈在学区出示所有权证明。直到 2006 年，租客才被排除在外，但即使是现在，他们也必须在该地区租房三年才能在当地学校上学。35

In addition to enrolling her son in one of star schools, Ling also schedules after-school tutoring, as well as writing, English, and math class, with fees total-ing to one-third of the household income. Every time I met her, she showed me the books she recently purchased at the bookstore, usually Chinese classics like Romance of the Three Kingdoms or biographies of world leaders. Ling empha-sizes: “We don’t have much else at home except for books. I let him watch some movies but they are usually educational.”
除了让儿子入读其中一所星级学校外，Ling 还安排课后辅导，以及写作、英语和数学课，费用总计占家庭收入的三分之一。每次我见到她，她都会给我看她最近在书店买的书，通常是《三国演义》等中国经典书籍或世界领导人传记。Ling 强调说：“除了书，我们家里没有太多其他东西。我让他看一些电影，但通常是教育性的。

Immigrant mothers view outsourcing education to cram school as instru-mentally necessary for children’s learning; it is also an important symbolic practice that helps them reclaim the legitimacy as “good mothers” or even “martyr mothers.” By prioritizing her son’s education over her own consumer needs, Ling highlights her sacrifice and defends herself against the gold-digger image associated with “foreign brides.” Ling explains:
移民母亲认为将教育外包给补习班是儿童学习的本能心理必要条件;它也是一种重要的象征性做法，可以帮助她们重新获得作为“好母亲”甚至“殉道母亲”的合法性。通过将儿子的教育置于自己的消费需求之上，Ling 突出了她的牺牲，并捍卫自己免受与“外国新娘”相关的淘金者形象的攻击。Ling 解释说：

All the money I make is for his education. Nobody can tell that my son is from a single-parent home. . . . Why do I spend so much money [on supplementary education]? It’s because I can’t help him with his homework. What we learned at school [in China] is completely different from what they teach in Taiwan. I understand it, but I can’t explain it to him. Our textbooks are different. . . . So I have to spend money, no matter what, so he can get the help he needs. . . .
我赚的所有钱都用于他的教育。没有人能看出我的儿子来自单亲家庭......为什么我要花这么多钱 [在补充教育上]？因为我帮不了他做作业。我们在 [中国] 学校学到的与他们在台湾教的完全不同。我明白，但我无法向他解释。我们的教科书是不同的......所以我必须花钱，无论如何，这样他才能得到他需要的帮助......

His classmates are all from wealthy families, and they think that we foreigners would never spend money on our kids’ education. I could save my money or buy other things, but to me, those material things are not important. What’s important is his future so he can do better than me.
他的同学都来自富裕家庭，他们认为我们外国人绝对不会花钱给孩子教育。我可以存钱或买其他东西，但对我来说，那些物质的东西并不重要。重要的是他的未来，这样他才能比我做得更好。

Taiwanese Working Class  101
台湾工人阶级 101

To cover the cost of pathway consumption, working-class parents must spend more time at work or take on multiple jobs. Because of her long work hours, Ling almost never participates in school events. Single parents like her, who struggle to balance work and family, are susceptible to criticism from the school and the state. Arong occasionally stays home alone, and he once wrote about this in his school journal. The teacher called Ling to come to school for a meeting and told her, “You cannot leave your child at home alone until he is twelve years old.” This information was actually incorrect; by law, a parent may leave a child older than six alone in a relatively safe environment.36 But Ling responded meekly, humbly handing over the authority over to the teacher. She said to the teacher: “As long as you can control him, you can do anything you like. Even if you hit him, I’ll allow it. Anything that works.”
为了支付途径消费的成本，工薪阶层父母必须花更多的时间在工作上或从事多份工作。由于工作时间长，玲玲几乎从不参加学校的活动。像她这样的单亲父母努力平衡工作和家庭，很容易受到学校和国家的批评。阿荣偶尔会独自待在家里，他曾经在学校日记中写过这件事。老师叫玲来学校开会，告诉她：“你不能把孩子一个人留在家里，直到他十二岁。这个信息实际上是不正确的;根据法律，父母可以将 6 岁以上的孩子单独留在相对安全的环境中。“ 36 但玲却温顺地回应，谦卑地将权力交给老师。她对老师说：“只要你能控制他，你想做什么就做什么。就算你打了他，我也会允许的。任何有效的方法。

In addition, working-class children who enroll in a middle-class school-ing district are simultaneously placed in a landscape of consumption where they perceive their childhood realities as starkly different from their peers. The strategy of cross-class pathway consumption may produce an unintended con-sequence of “exposed childhood”37—to borrow from Allison Pugh—in which being exposed to a context with wealthy students as the majority, working-class children become more aware of their lack of material possessions and are forced to acquire intimate knowledge about class inequality.
此外，进入中产阶级学校教育区的工薪阶层儿童同时被置于一个消费环境中，他们认为自己的童年现实与同龄人截然不同。借用艾莉森·皮尤（Allison Pugh）的话，跨阶级路径消费的策略可能会产生“暴露的童年”37的意外后果，在这种背景下，工薪阶层儿童更加意识到他们缺乏物质财富，并被迫获得关于阶级不平等的亲密知识。

Arong’s entire class at Central School went to the Yingge Ceramics Museum on a field trip. It is very unlikely that Riverside School would take a similar field trip because the tickets are relatively expensive, as is the transportation (a hired coach bus is needed to get to the remote location). After lunch, almost every child went to buy an ice pop, which cost significantly more than a regular ice pop because the stick was made of beautiful ceramic. As his fellow students licked their delicious treats, Arong rifled through his backpack, mumbling that he could not find his money, although it is possible that he had none because his mother does not usually give him an allowance. He eventually stopped his search and started drawing an image of ice pop in his notebook with a de-jected expression on his face. I tapped his back and asked, “How about I treat you?” He happily closed his notebook, chose a pineapple flavor, and joined his classmates.
阿荣在中央学校的全班同学都去了莺歌陶瓷博物馆进行实地考察。Riverside School 不太可能进行类似的实地考察，因为门票和交通都相对昂贵（需要租用长途汽车才能到达偏远地区）。午饭后，几乎每个孩子都去买了冰棒，它比普通的冰棒贵得多，因为棒子是由漂亮的陶瓷制成的。当他的同学们舔他们的美味佳肴时，阿荣翻找着他的背包，喃喃自语说他找不到他的钱，尽管他可能没有钱，因为他的妈妈通常不给他零用钱。他最终停止了搜索，开始在笔记本上画一个冰棒的图像，脸上露出沮丧的表情。我拍了拍他的背，问道：“我请你好吗？他高兴地合上笔记本，选了一种菠萝口味，加入了他的同学们。

Transnational Links to Global South: Burden or Asset?
与南半球的跨国联系：负担还是资产？

In Taiwan, immigrant mothers’ cultural heritage and transnational connections were not considered valuable assets to pass on to the next generation until very
在台湾，移民母亲的文化遗产和跨国联系并不被视为可以传给下一代的宝贵资产，直到

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recently. They were generally discouraged from talking to their children in their native tongue. Their in-laws worried that the children might speak Chinese with an accent, and they did not see the need to acquire Southeast Asian lan-guage skills.
最近。他们通常不鼓励用母语与孩子交谈。他们的公婆担心孩子们可能会说带有口音的中文，他们认为没有必要学习东南亚语言技能。

Some immigrant mothers send their children to their countries of origin for a period of time, mostly before the child enters kindergarten or elementary school, because the mother is occupied by paid employment or unpaid care work. For example, when Hong-chang’s parents were still alive and seriously ill, caregiving responsibilities fell on Yan’s shoulders. For several years until her parents-in-law passed away, Yan had to send her two sons to Canton to be raised by their grandparents. In Taiwan, such transnational transfer of child-care is hardly considered a positive experience for children. Even Yan herself considers this journey counter-productive. She quickly attributes the negative characteristics of her sons to the outcome of “being spoiled rotten” in China.
一些移民母亲将孩子送到原籍国一段时间，主要是在孩子进入幼儿园或小学之前，因为母亲忙于有偿工作或无偿护理工作。例如，当 Hong-chang 的父母还健在且身患重病时，照顾责任就落在了 Yan 的肩上。在岳父岳母去世之前的几年里，严不得不将她的两个儿子送到广州，由他们的祖父母抚养。在台湾，这种跨国的托儿服务转移几乎不被认为是对儿童的积极体验。就连 Yan 自己也认为这段旅程适得其反。她很快就把儿子们的负面特征归咎于在中国“被宠坏了”的结果。

In fact, many native-born Taiwanese parents similarly leave their children in the countryside under the care of grandparents so they can focus on work or business in the city. This practice was even more common in the 1980s and 1990s, but it still happens now. However, transnational transfer of childcare concerns the public much more because it implies the failure of the paternal state to properly cultivate “new Taiwanese children” into subjects of ethnon-ationalism. Similar childcare arrangements by Chinese mothers receive even more criticism among the Taiwanese public because of the political tension across Taiwan’s Strait.38
事实上，许多土生土长的台湾父母同样将孩子留在农村，由祖父母照顾，这样他们就可以专注于城市的工作或商业活动。这种做法在 1980 年代和 1990 年代更为普遍，但现在仍然发生。然而，跨国育儿转移更令公众担忧，因为它意味着父权国家未能妥善培养“新台湾孩子”成为民族主义的主体。由于台湾海峡两岸的政治紧张局势，中国母亲的类似育儿安排在台湾公众中受到了更多的批评。38 元

Immigrant mothers are vulnerable to social blame that criticizes their chil-drearing styles as being backward or uncivilized. Their alleged lack of mod-ern parental competency endangers not only the development of their own children but also the quality of national population as a whole. A few clini-cal studies published in the early 2000s indicated that immigrant mothers had newborn babies weighed less than the national average. Despite their small samples, these studies attracted serious attention from public health experts and the general public.39 Siti, an Indonesian immigrant mother whose son re-ceived treatment for a minor developmental delay, was subjected to the “inca-pable mother” stereotype as she went about the daily work of caring for her son:
移民母亲很容易受到社会指责，这些社会指责批评她们的育儿方式落后或不文明。他们被指称缺乏现代父母的能力，不仅危及他们自己孩子的发展，而且危及整个国家人口的质量。2000 年代初发表的一些临床研究表明，移民母亲的新生儿体重低于全国平均水平。尽管样本量小，但这些研究引起了公共卫生专家和公众的严重关注。39 Siti 是一位印度尼西亚移民母亲，她的儿子因轻微发育迟缓而再次接受治疗，在她从事照顾儿子的日常工作时，她受到了“inca-pable mother”的刻板印象：

We were waiting at the school while my son talked to the therapist. There was a woman in the kitchen and she asked us what we were doing and we told her that our son was doing an evaluation. She turned to my husband and said, “Let me tell you, you married the wrong woman. You should have married a Taiwanese.
我们在学校等着，我儿子和治疗师说话。厨房里有个女人，她问我们在做什么，我们告诉她我们的儿子在做评估。她转身对我丈夫说：“我告诉你，你娶错了女人。你应该嫁给一个台湾人。

Taiwanese Working Class  103
台湾工人阶级 103

These foreigners don’t know how to teach children, no wonder your child is developing too slowly.”
这些老外不知道怎么教孩子，难怪你的孩子发育得太慢了。

Taiwan’s government views family education as a critical vehicle for im-migrant mothers’ cultural and social integration. The National Immigration Agency regularly holds education seminars for newly arrived Chinese and Southeast Asian immigrant spouses. To reduce the divorce rate among transna-tional couples, which is higher than the divorce rate for local unions,40 the sem-inars attempt to create family harmony by enhancing communication skills and marital intimacy.41 Some parental education workshops for immigrant mothers focus on parent-child relations. I observed one of these workshops, comprising sixteen free seminars. Each seminar lasted about two hours, and the workshop met twice a week. Seventeen people signed up for the workshop, but only about eight to ten showed up at each seminar. Most were Chinese women in their thirties or forties; many brought their small children to class, and the women joyfully took turns comforting crying babies.
台湾政府将家庭教育视为移民母亲融入文化和社会的重要工具。国家移民局定期为新来的中国人和东南亚移民配偶举办教育研讨会。为了降低跨国夫妇的离婚率，即高于地方工会的离婚率，40 sem-inar 试图通过提高沟通技巧和婚姻亲密关系来创造家庭和谐。41 一些针对移民母亲的父母教育讲习班侧重于亲子关系。我观看了其中一个研讨会，包括 16 个免费研讨会。每个研讨会持续大约两个小时，研讨会每周举行两次。有 17 人报名参加了研讨会，但每次研讨会只有大约 8 到 10 人参加。大多数是三四十岁的中国女性;许多人带着她们的小孩来上课，妇女们高兴地轮流安慰哭泣的婴儿。

The instructors were college professors in nursing or child education, who offer similar curricula to Taiwanese parents or students who are earning their childcare licenses. The seminars covered a wide range of topics, including care for babies’ safety, diet, and nutrition; routines and exercise habits for children; children’s cognitive and emotional development; and tools of com-munication and punishment. Most instructors gave lectures accompanied by PowerPoint slides and short video clips. They interacted with participants through questions and occasionally held activities to facilitate group discus-sion. The pedagogy of the workshop is designed not to disrupt a cultural discomfort about disclosing family issues to outsiders, even including pro-fessionals. Most Taiwanese are more comfortable learning about family rela-tions through lectures and activities where they do not have to disclose their domestic conflicts42
讲师是护理或儿童教育方面的大学教授，他们为台湾家长或正在获得托儿执照的学生提供类似的课程。研讨会涵盖了广泛的主题，包括婴儿安全、饮食和营养的护理;儿童的作息和锻炼习惯;儿童的认知和情感发展;以及沟通和惩罚的工具。大多数教师都进行了讲座，并附有 PowerPoint 幻灯片和短视频剪辑。他们通过问题与参与者互动，偶尔举办活动以促进小组讨论。研讨会的教学法旨在不破坏对向外人披露家庭问题的文化不适，甚至包括专业人士。大多数台湾人更愿意通过讲座和活动来了解家庭关系，而他们不必披露他们的家庭冲突42.

The Ministry of Education expanded the scope of family education in 2013 to include “multicultural education” with the aim of helping family members to understand and respect cultural differences. Accordingly, two sessions of the workshop I observed focused on “multicultural childrearing,” but they simply overviewed myriad childrearing styles around the globe. The instructor re-ferred to popular writing about global parenting and discussed various customs and practices in the US, Germany, Japan, France, and Israel. She said relatively little about China or Southeast Asia, with a tendency to essentialize these coun-tries’ customs in a reductive manner.43
教育部于 2013 年扩大了家庭教育的范围，将“多元文化教育”纳入其中，旨在帮助家庭成员理解和尊重文化差异。因此，我旁听的研讨会中有两场会议侧重于“多元文化育儿”，但它们只是概述了全球各种育儿方式。讲师引用了有关全球育儿的流行著作，并讨论了美国、德国、日本、法国和以色列的各种习俗和做法。她对中国或东南亚的描述相对较少，倾向于以一种简化的方式将这些国家的习俗本质化。43

104  Chapter 3
104 第 3 章

I held a focus-group discussion with eight immigrant mothers who at-tended the workshop. They found the seminars informative, but many also thought that the skills and knowledge conveyed, with their implicit normative assumptions, were too distant from their family’s reality. Some instructors en-couraged the mothers to stay home until the child turns three years old—an al-leged critical period of cognitive development. This instruction reinforces what Sara Friedman calls the “dependency model” of Taiwan’s marital immigration regime, defined by “the ideal model of the national family built around a mas-culinized citizen-breadwinner and feminized immigrant-homemaker.”44 Yet many immigrant mothers have to work outside the home, either for economic independence or because their husbands are not competitive on the job market.
我与参加研讨会的八位移民母亲举行了一次焦点小组讨论。他们发现研讨会内容丰富，但许多人也认为所传授的技能和知识，以及他们隐含的规范性假设，与他们家庭的现实相去甚远。一些教师鼓励母亲们待在家里，直到孩子满三岁——这被认为是认知发展的关键时期。这一指示强化了萨拉·弗里德曼 （Sara Friedman） 所说的台湾婚姻移民制度的“依赖模式”，其定义是“围绕着男性化的公民养家糊口者和女性化的移民家庭主妇建立的国家家庭的理想模式”。44 然而，许多移民母亲不得不外出工作，要么是为了经济独立，要么是因为她们的丈夫在就业市场上没有竞争力。

The instructors suggested that parents try to reason with children and use new methods of punishment, such as removal of privileges, instead of corporal punishment. Yet these methods are difficult to execute for immigrant mothers who are equipped with limited local language skills. They were also unwill-ing to challenge husbands or mothers-in-law who prefer harsh discipline given their marginal status and weak bargaining power in the family. Nevertheless, the state’s pressure to follow a “modern” style of childrearing falls on the shoul-der of mothers. Parental education like this separates the knowledge and tech-niques of childrearing from immigrants’ cultural contexts and family realities.
教官建议父母尝试与孩子讲道理，并使用新的惩罚方法，例如取消特权，而不是体罚。然而，对于当地语言技能有限的移民母亲来说，这些方法很难执行。他们也不愿意挑战丈夫或婆婆，因为丈夫或婆婆喜欢严厉的管教，因为他们在家庭中处于边缘地位，讨价还价能力薄弱。然而，国家遵循“现代”育儿方式的压力落在了母亲们的肩上。像这样的父母教育将育儿的知识和技术与移民的文化背景和家庭现实区分开来。

“New Second Generation”
“新第二代”

Two decades have passed since the early waves of marriage migrants entered Taiwan. Nongovernmental organizations that advocate immigrant rights have mushroomed. State policies have gradually shifted away from a linear view of assimilation and toward the mutual exchange of multiculturalism.45 An Indo-nesian mother, Siti, noticed a similar shift in the attitude of her Taiwanese hus-band, a policeman. At first, the husband said, “There is no use for [the children learning Indonesian] because we live in Taiwan and not in Indonesia.” But re-cently, he changed his mind. Siti told me:
自从早期的结婚移民浪潮进入台湾以来，已经过去了二十年。倡导移民权利的非政府组织如雨后春笋般涌现。国家政策已逐渐从线性的同化观点转向多元文化主义的相互交流。45 一位印度裔母亲 Siti 注意到她的台湾警察乐队的态度也发生了类似的转变。起初，丈夫说：“[孩子们学印尼语]没用，因为我们住在台湾，而不是印尼。但最近，他改变了主意。Siti 告诉我：

Now my husband keeps telling me to teach my son Indonesian so my son can go to Southeast Asia to make money. . . . Some people told him about a kid whose mother is from Indonesia, and he went to Indonesia to work as an adult. Because he can speak both Indonesian and Chinese, he makes a lot of money. [After hearing that story], my husband told me I should teach our son Indonesian.
现在我丈夫一直告诉我教我儿子印尼语，这样我儿子就可以去东南亚赚钱了。。。有些人告诉他有一个孩子的妈妈来自印度尼西亚，他成年后去了印度尼西亚工作。因为他会说印尼语和中文，所以赚了很多钱。[听了那个故事后]，我丈夫告诉我，我应该教我们的儿子印尼语。

The social perception of immigrant mothers’ cultural differences has shifted from a threat to the ethnic homogeneity of the population to an asset that
社会对移民母亲文化差异的看法已经从对人口种族同质性的威胁转变为一种资产

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台湾工人阶级 105

should be passed to the next generation of mobile workers. Such transnational cultural capital, or we may call it “Southern cultural capital,” not only can help a mixed child to broaden his or her job prospects in the future but may also benefit the Taiwanese nation in its quest for new capital outlets in the global economy. Several highly ranked government officials, including the director of the Bureau of Vocational Training, commented to the press that the children of immigrant mothers are “the best human capital for Taiwan to deploy the Southeast Asian Market.”46 Politicians use the familial metaphor of “in-laws” to describe Southeast Asia and encourage the mixed children to familiarize them-selves with their mothers’ native languages. Even the official document from the Ministry of Education use the subtitle “In-Law Diplomacy” to elaborate the goals of empowering the children of new immigrants as a way to smooth Taiwanese diplomatic relations with Southeast Asia.47
应传递给下一代移动工作人员。这种跨国文化资本，或者我们可以称之为“南方文化资本”，不仅可以帮助混血儿拓宽他或她未来的就业前景，还可以帮助台湾国家在全球经济中寻找新的资本出路。包括职业训练局局长在内的几位政府高级官员向媒体评论说，移民母亲的子女是“台湾布局东南亚市场的最佳人力资本”。46 政客使用“姻亲”的家庭隐喻来描述东南亚，并鼓励混血儿熟悉他们母亲的母语。甚至教育部的官方文件也使用副标题“姻亲外交”来阐述赋予新移民子女权力的目标，以此来简化台湾与东南亚的外交关系。47

The previous label of “new Taiwanese children” is replaced with the “new second generation” (xin er dai), which not only gives the younger generation an identity as a group but also positively affirms their immigrant background and multicultural heritage. Both central and local governments have poured in institutional resources to help them cultivate linguistic skills and cultural knowledge related to their mothers’ homelands. The Ministry of Education of-fers grants for them to visit their maternal grandparents during summer vaca-tions as well as fellowships to study in Southeast Asia. Local governments hold summer camps for the new second generation to spend time in Southeast Asia, including visits and internships at Taiwanese-owned factories to “experience international workplaces.”48
以往的“新台湾孩子”标签被“新二代”（新二代）取代，不仅赋予年轻一代群体的身份认同，也积极肯定他们的移民背景与多元文化底蕴。中央和地方政府都投入了大量机构资源，帮助他们培养与母亲家乡相关的语言技能和文化知识。教育部资助他们在暑假期间探望外祖父母，并提供前往东南亚学习的奖学金。地方政府为新一代第二代举办夏令营，让他们在东南亚度过时光，包括参观和在台资工厂实习，以“体验国际职场”。48

These market-driven changing perceptions of immigrant culture exemplify what scholars call “neoliberal multiculturalism,” where neoliberalism provides a new strategy of governance that recognizes cultural diversity and endorses intercultural exchanges.49 In addition, the agenda of national development shadows Taiwan’s state-led project of multiculturalism. Mixed-race children are expected not only to become “cosmopolitan market actor[s] who can compete effectively across state boundaries,”50 but they also serve as culturally adaptable warriors who can help the nation diversify its markets at the frontier of global capitalism.
这些市场驱动的移民文化观念变化体现了学者们所说的“新自由主义多元文化主义”，其中新自由主义提供了一种新的治理策略，承认文化多样性并支持跨文化交流。49 此外，国家发展议程也与台湾国家主导的多元文化主义项目相映成趣。混血儿不仅被期望成为“能够有效跨越国家界限竞争的世界性市场参与者”，50 而且还成为具有文化适应性的战士，可以帮助该国在全球资本主义前沿实现市场多元化。

When the Democratic Progress Party, the current ruling party in Taiwan, offered a summer fellowship to support children of marital immigrants to visit Southeast Asia, the grant recipients were called “root seekers,” a term that im-plies an essentialized view of cultural heritage. The government and political agents wrongly assume that the new second generation will have a “natural”
当台湾目前的执政党民进党（Democratic Progress Party）提供暑期奖学金以支持已婚移民的子女访问东南亚时，受助人被称为“寻根者”，这个词代表了对文化遗产的本质化看法。政府和政治代理人错误地认为新的第二代将有一个“自然的”

106  Chapter 3
106 第 3 章

affinity with culture and language associated with their mothers’ homelands. In fact, the majority of the second generation cannot speak their mothers’ na-tive languages due to the previous social stigma attached to Southeast Asian immigrants.
与母亲家乡相关的文化和语言的亲和力。事实上，由于之前对东南亚移民的社会耻辱，大多数第二代人不会说他们母亲的天真语言。

The combination of multiculturalism with neoliberal economic policies creates opportunities for immigrant mothers to covert their cultural heritages and transnational ties into ethnic capital for their children. However, the new policy may also create unintended negative effects, such as social labeling or ghettoization in the career path of the second generation. One daughter of an immigrant mother offered a poignant commentary on this policy turn: “I feel tired of hearing people describing us as the promising second generation. It seems that we are only supposed to go to Thailand or Vietnam. What if I want to go to Spain? We don’t want to be segregated from the others.”51
多元文化主义与新自由主义经济政策的结合为移民母亲创造了机会，让她们的孩子将她们的文化遗产和跨国关系隐藏起来，成为种族资本。然而，新政策也可能产生意想不到的负面影响，例如在第二代的职业道路上出现社会标签或贫民窟化。一位移民母亲的女儿对这一政策转变发表了尖锐的评论：“我厌倦了听到人们把我们描述为有前途的第二代。看来我们只应该去泰国或越南。如果我想去西班牙怎么办？我们不想与其他人隔离开来。51

With Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy, immigrant mothers recently ac-quire better opportunities to turn their cultural and social connections with Southeast Asia into an ethnic capital for their children. However, when the pol-icy agenda is driven by a profit-centered instrumental goal and reifies ethnic culture as packaged products, multiculturalism falls into political sloganeering and state paternalism, losing its essential aims of achieving intercultural under-standing and empowering immigrants in their struggle for cultural recognition.
随着台湾新南向政策的出台，移民母亲们最近获得了更好的机会，将她们与东南亚的文化和社会关系转变为她们孩子的民族之都。然而，当政治议程由以利润为中心的工具性目标驱动并将民族文化具体化为包装产品时，多元文化主义就陷入了政治口号和国家家长式作风，失去了实现跨文化基础和赋予移民权力争取文化认可的基本目标。

Conclusion
结论

Globalization casts dark shadows and some shining light on the family lives of working-class Taiwanese. Unlike the middle class, who were able to take advan-tage of Taiwan’s economic ascendance to secure intergenerational and transna-tional mobility, many parents in this chapter suffer from stagnant mobility and economic precariousness. While global economy shatters working-class men’s job security and breadwinning masculinity, transnational brokerage facilitates their cross-border marriages. This new form of global family stirs social anxi-ety and incurs stigmatization of immigrant motherhood, but, under particular institutional circumstances, immigrant mothers are able to convert their differ-ences into an ethnic capital for their children.
全球化给台湾工人阶级的家庭生活蒙上了一层阴影，也给他们带来了一些光明。与中产阶级不同，中产阶级能够利用台湾的经济优势来确保代际和跨国流动性，而本章中的许多父母则遭受流动性停滞和经济不稳定的困扰。虽然全球经济破坏了工人阶级男性的工作保障和养家糊口的男子气概，但跨国经纪公司为他们的跨境婚姻提供了便利。这种新形式的全球家庭激起了社会焦虑，并导致了对移民母亲身份的污名化，但是，在特定的制度条件下，移民母亲能够将她们的差异转化为她们孩子的种族资本。

Although limited personal interaction exists between parents across class divides, their childrearing strategies and life chances are structurally con-nected, indicating the relational nature of class inequality. Working-class par-ents experience intensified feelings of frustration and helplessness when the
尽管跨越阶级鸿沟的父母之间存在有限的个人互动，但他们的育儿策略和生活机会在结构上是相互联系的，这表明了阶级不平等的关系性质。工人阶级的参与者在遇到

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台湾工人阶级 107

globalized discourses of childrearing become the norms for state-sponsored campaigns and school’s requirement for parental participation. In the social field that constitutes symbolic struggle over the goals and means of childrear-ing, the less resourceful parents manage to mobilize cross-class resources to secure their children’s future but they lack sufficient cultural capital to establish the symbolic legitimacy of their strategies.
全球化的育儿话语成为国家资助的运动的规范，也是学校对家长参与的要求。在构成关于育儿目标和手段的象征性斗争的社会领域中，足智多谋的父母设法调动跨阶级资源来确保孩子的未来，但他们缺乏足够的文化资本来建立他们策略的象征合法性。

Many working-class parents lean toward a childrearing style that allows children to grow naturally and avoids placing much academic pressure. Chap-ter 2 also identified the growing trend of orchestrating natural growth among middle-class parents in Taiwan. Although both groups of parents seemingly prefer a “free-range childhood,” the middle-class children at Garden School engage in free play within an enclosed area bounded by parents’ careful orches-tration. Working-class parents, by contrast, loosely organize children’s activities because they have few resources of money or time. Highly educated parents are capable of activating their cultural capital and mobilizing social influence to change institutional rules, including relaxing the legal regulations on alterna-tive education and reforming college admissions to their children’s advantage. By contrast, working-class families face social criticism about their children’s natural growth as a lack of parental attention.
许多工薪阶层的父母倾向于让孩子自然成长并避免施加太大学业压力的育儿方式。第 2 章还确定了台湾中产阶级父母协调自然成长的增长趋势。尽管两组父母似乎都喜欢“自由放养的童年”，但花园学校的中产阶级孩子在一个封闭的区域内自由玩耍，由父母小心翼翼地玩耍。相比之下，工薪阶层的父母松散地组织孩子的活动，因为他们几乎没有金钱或时间。受过高等教育的父母有能力激活他们的文化资本并动员社会影响力来改变制度规则，包括放宽对替代教育的法律法规和改革大学招生以使其对孩子有利。相比之下，工薪阶层家庭因缺乏父母的关注而面临对孩子自然成长的社会批评。

Some working-class parents, especially immigrant mothers, share middle-class parents’ aspiration for their children’s competitiveness, but they use differ-ent means to achieve this goal. Unlike middle-class mothers who are intimately involved in their children’s learning, parents with lower education levels must rely on the cross-class resources of teachers, tutors, and cram school. While middle-class parents increasingly embrace holistic cultivation and global path-way consumption, working-class parents rely on local educational resources with a narrow focus on academic learning. They tend to favor standardized examinations over individualized applications as a class-blind mechanism to college admission.
一些工薪阶层的父母，尤其是移民母亲，与中产阶级父母一样希望孩子提高竞争力，但他们使用不同的手段来实现这一目标。与贴心参与孩子学习的中产妈妈不同，教育程度较低的家长必须依靠老师、导师、补习班等跨阶层资源。虽然中产阶级父母越来越接受整体培养和全球途径消费，但工薪阶层父母依赖当地的教育资源，狭隘地关注学术学习。他们倾向于支持标准化考试而不是个性化申请，因为这是大学录取的盲目机制。

Working-class parents strive to protect security and dignity for their chil-dren, but their security strategies sometimes create results otherwise. Some parents reinforce harsh discipline to claim their legitimacy as responsible par-ents, but such an endeavor is equal to child abuse or maltreatment in the eyes of institutional authorities. The strategies of cross-class pathway consumption do not necessarily produce the intended result, either. Parents have to pay the price of working multiple shifts and losing time to spend with children. Children­
工薪阶层的父母努力保护他们孩子的安全和尊严，但他们的安全策略有时会产生相反的结果。一些父母加强严厉的管教，以宣称他们作为负责任的父母的合法性，但在机构当局眼中，这种努力等同于虐待或虐待儿童。跨职业途径消费的策略也不一定会产生预期的结果。父母必须付出多班倒工作和浪费时间陪伴孩子的代价。孩子

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who attend schools with a middle-class majority are forced to encounter class inequality on a daily basis. Moreover, as college admissions and professional recruitment increasingly focus on applicants’ communication abilities and well-rounded character, the narrow focus on academic subjects may place working-class children at disadvantage when competing with middle-class children in the new games of social mobility.
就读于中产阶级占多数的学校的人，每天都被迫遇到阶级不平等。此外，随着大学招生和专业招聘越来越注重申请者的沟通能力和全面发展的品格，狭隘地关注学术科目可能会使工薪阶层儿童在与中产阶级儿童在社会流动的新游戏中竞争时处于不利地位。

The US media has called it the “new white flight”: white parents shy away from school districts with a high concentration of new Asian immigrants to avoid intense competition and academic pressure.1 In December 2015, the New York Times reported on heated tensions among parents at a high-achieving school in New Jersey, an area that has received an influx of East and South Asian im-migrants in recent decades.2 White parents, fearing that their children will be outmatched, blamed Asian immigrants for an obsession with academic success at the cost of children’s emotional health. While the school proposed limiting homework, tests, and advanced programs, Asian parents criticized these mea-sures as “dumbing down” American education; they worried about the greater consequence for Asian children, who would be evaluated against a higher bar in college admissions.
美国媒体称其为“新白人逃亡”：白人父母回避亚裔新移民高度集中的学区，以避免激烈的竞争和学术压力。 2015 年 12 月，《纽约时报》报道了新泽西州一所成绩优异的学校家长之间的激烈紧张关系，该地区近几十年来接收了大量东亚和南亚移民。 白人父母担心自己的孩子会被打败，他们指责亚裔移民痴迷于学业成功，以牺牲孩子的情绪健康为代价。虽然学校提议限制家庭作业、考试和高级课程，但亚裔家长批评这些措施“削弱了”美国教育;他们担心对亚裔儿童造成更大的后果，因为他们在大学录取中会受到更高的评估。

The popular discourses tend to interpret such “ethnic divides” as inherent cultural differences in educational ideas and parenting practice. Sociological studies, by contrast, demonstrate how structure reshapes culture, particularly how the contexts of immigrant incorporation and the racialized structures of opportunity affect parents’ concerns and strategies of childrearing. Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou, for instance, argue that so-called Asian values are actually class-based mind-sets that highly educated immigrants reproduce in the new country because they are considered useful for second-generation mobility in the context of institutional racism.
流行的话语倾向于将这种“种族鸿沟”解释为教育观念和育儿实践中固有的文化差异。相比之下，社会学研究展示了结构如何重塑文化，特别是移民融入的背景和机会的种族化结构如何影响父母的担忧和育儿策略。例如，詹妮弗·李（Jennifer Lee）和敏·李（Min 周）认为，所谓的亚洲价值观实际上是受过高等教育的移民在新国家复制的基于阶级的思维方式，因为它们被认为在制度性种族主义的背景下对第二代的流动性有用。3

This chapter builds on these insights to further examine the security strate-gies of professional immigrant parents, who worry about not only racial in-equality in the US but also insecurities in the new global economy. To delve
本章以这些见解为基础，进一步研究了职业移民父母的安全策略，他们不仅担心美国的种族不平等，还担心新的全球经济中的不安全感。深入研究

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into the contested process of cultural negotiation in everyday family life, this chapter investigates immigrant parents’ emotional conundrums and strategic negotiation, and explores the kinds of challenges, choices, and conflicts that emerge in engineering a bicultural identity for their American-born children.
在日常生活中文化谈判的争议过程中，本章调查了移民父母的情感难题和战略谈判，并探讨了在为他们的美国出生的孩子设计双文化身份时出现的各种挑战、选择和冲突。

Unlike Lee and Zhou, who view the Asian “success frame” as a singular framework, I emphasize that professional Chinese immigrant parents are not a monolithic group. They negotiate cultural differences and ethnic boundaries in different ways, and their divergent security strategies are analyzed here as a spectrum: Parents at one end of the spectrum wish to achieve “competitive assimilation” by orchestrating their children’s development of US-based social skills and cultural confidence. Parents at the other end of the spectrum manage to turn their immigrant background and cultural difference into an ethnic cul-tural capital that can facilitate their children’s social and transnational mobility.
与李和周不同，他们把亚洲的“成功框架”看作是一个单一的框架，我强调专业的中国移民父母不是一个铁板一块的群体。他们以不同的方式协商文化差异和种族界限，他们不同的安全策略在这里作为一个范围进行分析：处于光谱一端的父母希望通过协调孩子在美国的社交技能和文化自信的发展来实现“竞争同化”。处于光谱另一端的父母设法将他们的移民背景和文化差异转化为一个民族文化资本，可以促进他们的孩子的社会和跨国流动。

Blocked Mobility and Lost Confidence
行动不便和失去信心

How immigrant parents understand their experience of mobility shapes their perception of desired security and potential risks in their children’s future. Middle-class immigrants from Taiwan share a narrative of “three-generation mobility.” The grandparent generation, most of whom attained an education lower than high school, began the family’s upward mobile trajectory through microentrepreneurship and invested their hard-earned assets in their children’s overseas education. The parent generation achieved transnational mobility but feels relatively marginalized in the new country, thus expecting the child gen-eration to achieve full-fledged success and integration in the US.
移民父母如何理解他们的流动经历，会影响他们对孩子未来所需的安全和潜在风险的看法。来自台湾的中产阶级移民有着“三代流动性”的叙述。祖父母一代，其中大多数人的教育程度低于高中，他们通过微创业开始了家庭向上流动的轨迹，并将他们辛苦赚来的资产投资于孩子的海外教育。父母一代实现了跨国流动性，但在新的国家感觉相对边缘化，因此期望儿童一代在美国取得全面的成功和融合。

Immigrants from China apply a similar narrative of three-generation mobility, one that was more forcefully shaped by national development. The grandparent generation, especially those who grew up during the Cultural Revolution, suffered from a shortage of material resources and educational op-portunities in communist China. The parent generation experienced the great transformation of China’s “opening up” and gained access to increased freedom to pursue various opportunities, including raising children overseas.
来自中国的移民采用了类似的三代人流动叙事，这种叙事更受国家发展的影响。祖父母一代，尤其是那些在文化大革命期间长大的一代，在共产主义中国遭受了物质资源和教育机会短缺的困扰。父母一代经历了中国“开放”的巨大转变，获得了更多的自由来寻求各种机会，包括在海外抚养孩子。

Despite growing up in different social settings, both Taiwanese and Chinese immigrants achieved class and spatial mobility far beyond what their parents’ generation was able to achieve. Most parents in this chapter hold advanced de-grees from American institutions and work in professional occupations. They earn a decent salary and own single-family houses in suburbs known for qual-ity schools. Yet many of them, fathers in particular, also feel frustrated by their
尽管在不同的社会环境中长大，但台湾和中国移民所取得的阶级和空间流动性远远超过了他们父母那一代人所能达到的。本章中的大多数父母都拥有美国机构的高级证书，并从事专业职业。他们赚取体面的薪水，并在以优质学校而闻名的郊区拥有独栋别墅。然而，他们中的许多人，尤其是父亲，也对他们的

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blocked mobility at work despite their educational achievements and respect-able performance.
尽管他们取得了教育成就和可观的表现，但工作中的行动不便。

I met Joseph Liao, a handsome-looking man in his midforties, at a holiday celebration that his wife, Annie, arranged for Taiwanese friends in their beau-tiful suburban home. After their daughter’s piano performance had received great applause, I chatted with Joseph about his life in the US. Holding a PhD in physics, he works at a prestigious company and earns a salary of more than 120,000 USD, yet he is not satisfied with his career and feels socially isolated at work. Over a bowl of heartwarming noodle soup, he told me:
我遇到了四十多岁的英俊男子廖约瑟夫（Joseph Liao），他的妻子安妮（Annie）在他们美丽的郊区家中为台湾朋友安排了一个节日庆祝活动。在他们女儿的钢琴表演获得热烈的掌声后，我和约瑟夫聊了聊他在美国的生活。他拥有物理学博士学位，在一家著名的公司工作，薪水超过 120,000 美元，但他对自己的事业并不满意，在工作中感到被社会孤立。在一碗暖心的面条汤中，他对我说：

Americans prefer those who not only get work done but fit in socially. Immi-grants are disadvantaged in every way. Our generation is doomed; our English is not good enough. When they use difficult vocabularies, we cannot under-stand. We eat different kinds of food, so they don’t invite you to lunch. They talk about things like politics and songs they listened to when they grew up. You don’t understand; you just can’t catch up with them.
美国人更喜欢那些不仅能完成工作，而且能适应社交的人。移民补助金在各个方面都处于不利地位。我们这一代人注定要失败;我们的英语不够好。当他们使用困难的词汇时，我们无法理解。我们吃不同种类的食物，所以他们不会邀请你吃午饭。他们谈论政治和他们长大后听的歌曲等事情。你不明白;你就是赶不上他们。

I asked Joseph if during his twenty years of US residence, he ever thought of moving back to Taiwan. He answered with some regret: “Several times! We were almost back, but we simply couldn’t do it.” He looked over at Annie, who was busy hosting. “Women here do not want to go back. Even if they do not have to live with in-laws in Taiwan, they still have to deal with many personal relationships over there.” Annie acquired a master’s degree in the US but quit her job as an engineer after their second child was born. At Annie’s persistence, Joseph declined a few invitations to work for start-up companies in Taiwan during the 1990s, when the country’s high-tech industry was taking off. As he watched many of his classmates who decided to return become successful en-trepreneurs in Taiwan, Joseph wondered whether he made the right decision to stay. But he felt some comfort and validation about his choice when learning that these return migrants were now sending their children to the US to attend school.
我问 Joseph，在他在美国居住的 20 年里，他有没有想过搬回台湾。他有些遗憾地回答：“好几次了！我们快回来了，但我们就是做不到。他看向忙着主持的Annie。“这里的女人不想回去。即使他们不必和台湾的公婆住在一起，他们仍然需要处理那里的许多私人关系。Annie 在美国获得了硕士学位，但在他们的第二个孩子出生后辞去了工程师的工作。在 Annie 的坚持下，Joseph 在 1990 年代拒绝了几次为台湾初创公司工作的邀请，当时该国的高科技产业正在腾飞。当他看到许多决定回国的同学在台湾成为成功的创业者时，约瑟夫想知道他留下来的决定是否正确。但是，当得知这些返回的移民现在将他们的孩子送到美国上学时，他对自己的选择感到了一些安慰和认可。

Consistent with Carolyn Chen’s research on Taiwanese immigrants,4 I find that professional immigrant men are more likely than women and nonpro-fessionals to express their frustration with downward or blocked mobility at American workplaces. As they work to sustain their middle-class livelihood, they must contend with increasingly common layoffs in a flexible economy shadowed by global competition and financial crisis. Immigrants lack mem-bership in corporate “old-boy networks,” which makes them more vulnerable
与 Carolyn Chen 对台湾移民的研究一致，我发现职业移民男性比女性和非专业人士更有可能表达他们对美国工作场所向下或受阻的流动性的不满。当他们努力维持中产阶级的生计时，他们必须在全球竞争和金融危机的阴影下应对日益普遍的裁员。移民在企业“老男孩网络”中缺乏成员关系，这使他们更容易受到攻击

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112 第 4 章

to economic downturns. One Taiwanese father was unemployed for almost six months after being laid off from his job as an engineer. He searched for jobs through his immigrant networks but received little help. His wife said to me, “Then I realized that immigrants like us have little guanxi [social networks] here and how vulnerable we actually are.”
到经济衰退。一位台湾父亲在被解雇后失业了近六个月。他通过自己的移民网络找工作，但几乎没有得到什么帮助。他的妻子对我说，“然后我意识到，像我们这样的移民在这里几乎没有关系[社交网络]，我们实际上是多么脆弱。

Professional male immigrants share a common narrative of “lost confi-dence” that describes their sense of failure to achieve the success and security they have aspired in the US. This narrative has a significant effect on immigrant fatherhood. Xiping and her husband both acquired a PhD in the US and work as a computer engineer. She describes herself as a relaxed mother while por-traying her husband as a “wolf dad” who takes an authoritarian and disciplin-ary attitude toward their only daughter:
职业男性移民有一个共同的“失去自信”的叙述，这种叙述描述了他们无法获得在美国渴望的成功和安全感。这种叙述对移民父亲身份有重大影响。Xiping 和她的丈夫都在美国获得了博士学位，并担任计算机工程师。她将自己描述为一个轻松的母亲，同时将丈夫斥为“狼爸爸”，对他们唯一的女儿采取专制和管教的态度：5

I don’t quite understand why he became so aggressive [about the daughter’s ed-ucation]. Anyhow, he was a very ambitious, very competitive person (in China), but here, he has become . . . [pause] you know. I think he is more laid back at work than I am. He puts all his aspiration upon our daughter. I think this is a classic case, and he is willing to invest his time.
我不太明白他为什么变得如此咄咄逼人 [对女儿的教育]。无论如何，他是一个非常有野心、非常有竞争力的人（在中国），但在这里，他已经变成了......[停顿] 你知道的。我觉得他在工作中比我更悠闲。他把所有的愿望都寄托在我们的女儿身上。我认为这是一个经典案例，他愿意投入自己的时间。

In their home country, professional men like Xiping’s husband achieved a status approaching the local norms of hegemonic masculinity based on their career success and transnational mobility.6 However, in the US, they suffer from not only the language and cultural barriers but also the racialized hierarchies of masculinities. US ideals of manhood primarily reflect the ways of being of white, middle-class, heterosexual men, encompassing qualities like aggression, toughness, athleticism, and competitiveness. In contrast, Asian men are asso-ciated with a racialized form of “marginalized masculinity” in which they are discursively emasculated as quiet, passive, and malleable.7 Even in the high-tech industry, which celebrates a new “nerd masculinity” based on “aggressive displays of technical self-confidence” rather than looks and athletic ability,8 Asians are underrepresented in leadership ranks—they occupy 27 percent of professionals but only 14 percent of executives in Silicon Valley.
在他们的祖国，像希平的丈夫这样的职业男性凭借事业上的成功和跨国流动性，获得了接近当地霸权男子气概规范的地位。然而，在美国，他们不仅受到语言和文化障碍的困扰，还受到男性气质的种族化等级制度的影响。美国的男子气概主要反映了白人、中产阶级、异性恋男性的生活方式，包括侵略性、韧性、运动能力和竞争力等品质。相比之下，亚洲男性与种族化形式的“边缘化男子气概”联系在一起，在这种情绪中，他们被话语阉割为安静、被动和可塑性强。即使在高科技行业，这种新“书男子气概”的建立基础是“积极展示技术自信”，而不是外表和运动能力，但亚裔在领导层中的代表性也不足——他们占专业人士的 27%，但只占硅谷高管的 14%。9

Xiping’s husband presents a classic case of what I call “domesticated father-hood,” a pattern widely seen among professional immigrants who experience blocked mobility in the US, or at least perceive their experience as such. Their career setbacks in American workplaces motivate them to invest more energy in childrearing and give them more time to balance work and family. A few fathers mentioned that, after failing to get promotion or recognition at work,
希平的丈夫提出了一个我称之为“驯化父爱”的经典案例，这种模式在美国经历过行动不便的职业移民中广泛可见，或者至少认为他们的经历是这样的。他们在美国职场的事业挫折促使他们投入更多精力养育孩子，并让他们有更多时间平衡工作和家庭。有几位爸爸提到，在工作中没有得到升职或认可后，

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they reoriented their life goals toward family life. They want to make sure that their children will grow up equipped with the necessary tools and achieve the success they could not attain.
他们将自己的人生目标重新定位到家庭生活。他们希望确保他们的孩子在成长过程中能够配备必要的工具，并取得他们无法获得的成功。

Compared to their counterparts in Taiwan and China, immigrant fathers are more involved in their children’s education, especially in dual-earner households. Yet these “domesticated fathers” do not necessarily take on a sig-nificant share of hands-on childcare. Instead, they set the principles for secur-ing their children’s futures while the mother remains the primary caregiver in most households. Many mothers, particularly those from Taiwan, quit their jobs after having children.10 Immigrant women gain a sense of freedom from living far from their in-laws, but they also shoulder more mothering work in the US—kin support for childcare is scarce, and market outsourcing, such as hiring nannies, is expensive. As described by Chien-Juh Gu, immigrant moth-ers struggle with “emotional transnationalism” because they have to redefine the meanings of home and work by shifting back and forth between the home-land and the new country to search for behavioral and moral guidance.11
与台湾和中国大陆的同龄人相比，移民父亲更多地参与孩子的教育，尤其是在双职工家庭中。然而，这些“被驯化的父亲”不一定承担起亲力亲为的育儿责任。相反，他们设定了确保孩子未来的原则，而母亲仍然是大多数家庭的主要照顾者。许多母亲，尤其是来自台湾的母亲，在生完孩子后辞掉了工作。10 移民女性无需远离公婆生活，获得了自由感，但在美国，她们也承担了更多的育儿工作——亲属对育儿的支持很少，而且市场外包（例如雇用保姆）的成本很高。正如 Chien-Juh Gu 所描述的那样，移民飞蛾人与“情感跨国主义”作斗争，因为他们不得不通过在家乡和新国家之间来回切换来寻求行为和道德指导，从而重新定义家庭和工作的意义。11

Asian Quotas and Bamboo Ceiling
亚洲配额和竹子上限