Power and education policy cannot be separated because “the play of power” shapes the outcome of the policy process (Lindblom, 1968, p. 28). And, because power relations are institutionalized in school systems, school administrators have power through their organizational positions. They have that power in order to carry out the government’s education policy as it relates to schools and school systems. In doing so, they also regularly interact with powerful individuals and groups, many of whom wish to influence or circumvent that policy. All school leaders, then, must understand power and the complex issues it raises. 權力和教育政策不能分開，因為「權力的遊戲」塑造了政策過程的結果（Lindblom, 1968, p.28）。而且，由於權力關係在學校系統中是制度化的，學校管理者透過他們的組織地位擁有權力。他們擁有這種權力是為了執行與學校和學校系統有關的政府教育政策。在這樣做的過程中，他們也經常與有權 力的個人和團體互動，其中許多人希望影響或迴避該政策。因此，所有學校領導者都必須瞭解權力及其引發的複雜問題。
DEFINING POWER 定義權力
A "CONTESTED" CONCEPT 有爭議的 "概念
Power is an “essentially contested” concept (Lukes, 1974, p. 9), which means that one’s understanding of it is shaped by one’s theory of human nature and society, leading social scientists from different theoretical traditions to argue about its meaning. At one extreme, some utilitarians deny the very existence of power. At the other, some poststructuralists, such as Foucault, believe that power so permeates every human activity that truth itself is determined by ic, Between these extremes, one finds many positions. 權力是一個「本質上有爭議」的概念 (Lukes, 1974, p. 9)，這表示一個人對權力的理解是由他對人性和社會的理論所塑造的，這導致不同理論傳統的社會科學家對權力的意義產生爭論。在一個極端，有些功利主義者否認權力的存在。在另一個極端，一些後結構主義者，例如福柯，相信權力滲透了人類的每一項活動，以至於真理本身就是由權力決定的。
Political scientist Robert Dahl developed one widely used definition: ^(alpha)A{ }^{\alpha} A has power over BB to the extent that he [sic][s i c] can get BB to do something that BB would not otherwise do" (Cited in Lukes, 1974, pp. 11-12). Although many people 政治學家 Robert Dahl 提出了一個廣泛使用的定義： ^(alpha)A{ }^{\alpha} A 對 BB 有權力，只要他 [sic][s i c] 能讓 BB 做一些 BB 原本不會做的事"（引自 Lukes, 1974, pp.11-12）。雖然許多人
have found Dahl’s definition helpful, it leaves certain points obscure: Does A have to be consciously aware of exercising power over B?B ? Does BB have to be consciously aware of AA 's power? Can AA 's exercise of power cause BB not to act? Has AA exercised power if BB believes that what AA wants is good and BB eagerly performs the desired action? Is it ethical to exercise power over another? The controversy over power swirls around issues such as these. In the next section a working definition of power, situated somewhere between the two extremes represented by the utilitarians and some poststructuralists, is developed for use in this book. 我覺得 Dahl 的定義很有幫助，但它在某些地方留下了模糊不清的地方：A 是否必須有意識地意識到對 B?B ? 行使權力？ BB 是否必須有意識地意識到 AA 的權力？ AA 行使權力會導致 BB 不採取行動嗎？如果 BB 相信 AA 想要的東西是好的，而且 BB 急切地執行想要的行動，那麼 AA 行使權力了嗎？對他人行使權力是否合乎道德？關於權力的爭論就圍繞著這些問題。在下一節中，我們將提出一個權力的工作定義，該定義介於功利主義者和一些後結構主義者所代表的兩個極端之間，供本書使用。
A WORKING DEFINITION OFPOWER 權力的工作定義
Despite the scholarly controversy, a working definition of foter is essential in a book about education policy. The starting point for this definition is Muth’s (1984) statement that power is “the ability of an actor to affect the behavior of another actor” (p. 27), a somewhat broader definition than Dahl’s. The term actor includes both individuals-such as superintendents, governors, and teacher union presidents-and groups-such as school boards, state legislatures, and the parent-teacher associations (PTAs). The ability to exercise power depends on possessing appropriate resources, such as money, social status, and information. Power resources are discussed in detail later. Because power resources are limited and a “cost” is attached to using them, actors are not always willing to expend them. Thus, the ability to exercise power includes the willingness to deploy resources. Finally, behavior can be affected in many ways, using one or more general types of power. Possible effects include causing an actor to act, preventing an actor from acting, and shaping the nature of the actor’s action. An actor may be conscious, unconscious, or partially conscious of the use of power (Bachrach & Baratz, 1962; Delpit, 1988). 儘管學術上有爭議，但在一本有關教育政策的書中，對「權力」 下一個有效的定義是非常重要的。這個定義的起點是 Muth（1984）的說法，即權力是「一個行為者影響另一個行為者行為的能力」（第 27 頁），這個定義比 Dahl 的定義更廣泛一些。行動者一詞既包括個人--如校監、州長和教師工會主席，也包括團體--如 學校董事會、州立法機關和家長教師協會（PTAs）。行使權力的能力取決於擁有適當的資源，例如金錢、社會地位和資訊。稍後將詳細討論權力資源。由於權力資源是有限的，而且使用這些資源需要付出「成本」，因此參與者並不總是願意花費這些資源。因此，行使權力的能力包括部署資源的意願。最後，可以使用一種或多種一般類型的權力，以多種方式影響行為。可能的影響包括促使行為者行動、阻止行為者行動，以及塑造行為者行動的本質。行為者可能有意識、無意識或部分有意識地使用權力（Bachrach & Baratz, 1962; Delpit, 1988）。
Because power is a relationship, it always exists in a concrete social context. An actor who is relatively powerful in one context may not be in others. For example, a superintendent may be powerful in her community but have little power with the state legislature. Power relationships may be symmetrical or asymmetrical. Actors who have similar degrees of power are symmetrically related, having a “shared power” relationship (Bryson & Crosby, 1992). In symmetrical relationships, people commonly use persuasion and bargaining with economic resources. Actors with significantly different amounts of resources have an asymmetrical power relationship. Although they may use persuasion or bargaining, more powerful actors may also employ force, appeals to authority, or reward and punishment strategies to affect less powerful actors. Even in very asymmetrical relationships, however, weaker actors are rarely powerless. Various forms of resistance are available to them. For example, teachers who resent a state legislature’s new testing program may find ways to sabotage it quietly (Apple, 1985; Cherryholmes, 1988). 因為權力是一種關係，所以它總是存在於具體的社會環境中。在某一環境中具有相對權力的行為者，在其他環境中可能沒有權力。例如，一位總監可能在她的社區中很有權力，但在州立法機關中卻沒有什麼權力。權力關係可能是對稱的，也可能是不對稱的。擁有相似程度權力的行動者是對稱關係，擁有「共享權力」關係 (Bryson & Crosby, 1992)。在對稱關係中，人們通常使用經濟資源進行說服及討價還價。資源量明顯不同的行動者有一種不對稱的權力關係。儘管他們可能會使用說服或討價還價的方式，但較有權勢的行動者也可能會使用武力、權威號召或獎勵和懲罰的策略來影響較沒有權勢的行動者。然而，即使在非常不對稱的關係中，較弱勢的行為者也很少是無能為力的。他們可以採取各種形式的反抗。例如，對州立法機關的新測驗計畫感到反感的教師可能會想辦法悄悄地破壞它(Apple, 1985; Cherryholmes, 1988)。
Power may be exercised either distributively or facilitatively (Mann, 1992). In using power distributively, one actor exercises power over the other. For instance, a superintendent may decide unilaterally that all teachers in his district must punch time clocks, proceed to have the clocks installed and distribute a 權力的行使可以是分配性的，也可以是促進性的 (Mann, 1992)。在分配性地使用權力時，一個行動者對另一個行動者行使權力。舉例來說，校長可以單方面決定區內所有教師都必須打卡，然後安裝打卡鐘，並分發考勤卡。
memo describing the new procedure. On the other hand, power may be exercised facilitatively to “create or sustain favorable conditions, allow[ing] subordinates to enhance their individual and collective performance” (Dunlap & Goldman, 1991). For example, a supervisor may work facilitatively with a group of teachers to establish a computer lab, providing support in the form of information and release time. 說明新程序的備忘錄。另一方面，權力的行使可以是促進性的，以「創造或維持有利的條件，允許下屬提高他們個人和集體的表現」（Dunlap & Goldman, 1991）。舉例來說，上司可以與一群教師合作建立電腦實驗室，以提供資訊和騰出時間的方式給予支援。
Power, like automobiles, can be easily abused, but it is ethically neutral. Although some types of power and some power resources can never be used ethically, leaders can exercise power in an ethical manner. Ethical issues surrounding power are discussed in the final section of this chapter. 權力就像汽車一樣，很容易被濫用，但它在道德上是中性的。儘管某些種類的權力和某些權力資源永遠無法以合乎倫理的方式使用，領導者可以以合乎倫理的方式行使權力。本章最後一部分將討論圍繞權力的倫理問題。
DISCOURSE AND POWER 論述與權力
SCHOOL ADMINISTRATION AS TALK 以學校管理為談話
Language is important in school leadership. To a great extent school administration is achieved through talk: talk in meetings, talk in random hallway encounters, talk on the telephone, talk to the media, and talk on the grapevine. Research indicates that principals and superintendents spend 67%67 \% to 75%75 \% of their time talking (Gronn, 1988). This means that when school leaders exercise power or experience its pressure on their own behavior, that power is usually communicated through language. As Corson (1995) puts it: “All kinds of power are directed, mediated, or resisted through language” (p.3). 語言對學校領導非常重要。在很大程度上，學校管理是通過談話實現的：在會議上談話、在走廊偶遇時談話、通電話時談話、對媒體談話以及小道消息談話。研究表明，校長和學監花 67%67 \% 到 75%75 \% 的時間在談話上（Gronn, 1988）。這意味著，當學校領導者行使權力或體驗到權力對其自身行為的壓力時，這種權力通常是通過語言來傳達的。正如 Corson (1995) 所說的那樣："所有種類的權力都是通過語言來指導、中介或抵制的」（第3頁）。
Since about 1970 scholars in every branch of the social sciences have devoted much attention to the study of language, or discourse, in society. Because they have made more obvious the linguistic mechanisms through which people exercise power, their research provides valuable tools for exploring power in school leadership and the education policy process. Throughout this book, then, discursive exercises of power are identified and discussed. 自 1970 年以來，社會科學各個分支的學者們都非常關注社會中的語言或話語研究。由於他們使人們行使權力的語言機制更加明顯，他們的研究為探索學校領導和教育政策過程中的權力提供了寶貴的工具。因此，在本書中，我們將識別和討論權力的語文運用。
TEXTS 教材
What is discourse? According to Fairclough (1995), every instance of discourse has three aspects. The first is the text, which can consist of written, spoken, or a combination of written and spoken language. For example, when a superintendent holds his weekly meeting with the district office staff, a text is produced. That text includes everything he and the other participants said at the meeting. It also includes documents associated with the meeting, such as the agenda and written versions of committee reports. Looking at this text alone may provide important clues to power relationships in central office and the community. For example, the text may reveal that the superintendent and the business manager dominated the meeting, talking far more than anyone else. It may reveal that cost was the determining consideration in 90%90 \% of the decisions reached. The language used by participants may be full of terms borrowed from business, such as pay-off, bottom line, and biggest bang for the buck. Such findings would suggest a school system dominated by a superintendent 何謂論述？根據 Fairclough (1995)，每種語篇都有三個面向。首先是文字，它可以由書面、口頭或書面與口頭語言組合而成。舉例來說，當一位主管與地區辦公室的工作人員舉行週例會時，就會產生一個文本。該文本包括他和其他與會者在會議上所說的一切。它也包括與會議相關的文件，例如議程和委員會報告的書面版本。單看這個文本，就可能提供中央辦公室和社區權力關係的重要線索。例如，文本可能揭示，總監和業務經理主宰了會議，比其他人說得都多。它可能揭示出，在 90%90 \% 所達成的決策中，成本是決定性的考慮因素。與會者使用的語言可能充滿了從商業中借用的術語，例如報酬、底線和最大效益。這樣的調查結果顯示，學校體系是由校長主宰的。
and business manager who have been influenced by the business community. One would expect district policy to reflect this influence and the values implicit in it. 和業務經理，他們都受到商界的影響。我們預期校區政策會反映出這種影響及其隱含的價值觀。
DISCOURSE PRACTICE 論述實踐
The second aspect of any instance of discourse is the discourse practice that governs the production of the text. Because meetings are frequent occurrences in U.S. society, rules and traditions shape them. For example, a chairperson usually runs a meeting, determining who gains the floor, how long each issue is discussed, and how issues are resolved. Someone usually takes notes, which are later converted into minutes. Motions are usually made and seconded. Moreover, each organization has its own traditions about meetings. These traditions may include how items are placed on the agenda and how long the meeting can last. All of these formal and informal rules and traditions constitute a discourse practice (Fairclough, 1995). The discourse practice influences what can be said and done as the text is produced. In order to interpret a text accurately, one must not only have the text but understand the discourse practice that produced it. For example, in interpreting the meeting previously described, knowing how items were placed on the agenda and who appointed the committee chairs would provide important clues to power relationships. 任何會話實例的第二個面向是規範文本製作的會話實踐。由於會議在美國社會經常發生，因此規則和傳統塑造了會議。例如，會議通常由主席主持，決定誰可以發言、每個議題討論多久，以及如何解決問題。通常會有人做筆記，之後再轉換成會議記錄。議案通常是由人提出和附議。此外，每個組織都有自己的會議傳統。這些傳統可能包括如何將項目列入議程，以及會議可以持續多久。所有這些正式和非正式的規則與傳統構成了一種說話實踐 (Fairclough, 1995)。語篇實踐影響著文本產生時可以說什麼和做什麼。為了準確詮釋一個文本，我們不僅要有文本，還必須理解產生文本的語篇實踐。例如，在詮釋之前描述的會議時，如果知道議程上的項目是如何安排的，以及委員會主席是由誰任命的，就能提供重要的權力關係線索。
SOCIAL PRACTICE 社會實踐
The third aspect of discourse is the social practice in which both the text and the discourse practice are embedded. The superintendent and district office staff attending the meeting are part of a larger organization, a school system. If it is like most U.S. school systems, it has both a formal structure consisting of differentiated roles arranged hierarchically and an informal network of relationships and influence. Beyond the school system other relevant social practices can be found. The formal organization of most school systems reflects the Scientific Management Movement, which was popular in U.S. business circles in the early 1900s. This movement included definitions of the appropriate roles for people at hierarchical levels. U.S, culture also includes ideas about how men and women and people of different races should relate to each other. All of these elements-and many others-constitute the social practice in which the superintendent’s meeting is situated. They, too, must be taken into account in developing a sensitive interpretation of what happened at the meeting. Of course, savvy school leaders have always understood that conversations, meetings, and official documents provide important clues to organizational power relationships and behind-the scenes happenings. They have long conducted informal analyses of discourse in order to figure out what is really going on. However, recent research on discourse provides some useful, systematic ways to approach this task. 論述的第三個方面是社會實踐，文本和論述實踐都嵌入其中。參加會議的校監和地區辦公室工作人員是一個更大的組織（學校系統）的一部分。如果它像大多數美國學校系統一樣，它既有正式的結構，包括按階級排列的不同角色，也有非正式的關係和影響力網路。在學校體系之外，還可以找到其他相關的社會實踐。大多數學校體系的正式組織反映了20世紀初在美國商界流行的科學管理運動。這場運動包括了對人們在階級層次上的適當角色的定義。美國文化也包含了關於男人和女人以及不同種族的人應該如何彼此相處的觀念。所有這些元素和許多其他元素構成了總監會議所處的社會實踐。在對會議上發生的事情進行敏感詮釋時，也必須考慮到這些因素。當然，精明的學校領導者總是明白，對話、會議和官方文 件提供了組織權力關係和幕後事件的重要線索。長期以來，他們對會話進行了非正式的分析，以便弄清到底發生了什麼。然而，最近的論述研究提供了一些有用的、系統化的方法來處理這項任務。
THE THREE DIMENSIONAL MODEL OF POWER 權力的三維模式
Because power is a popular subject for research, many theories about it have been advanced. Lukes (1974) and Gaventa (1980) developed a threedimensional model of power that includes all the major theories, including the Weberian theories Bendix (1960) and Wrong (1979) summarized. Table 2.1 summarizes the three dimensions of power, which are discussed in this section. Although the three dimensions of power, types of power, and power resources are presented separately, real life is more complex than textbook models. In most social settings, all three dimensions operate simultaneously, and several types of power are used. 由於權力是一個很受歡迎的研究主題，因此有許多關於權力的理論被提出來。Lukes (1974) 和 Gaventa (1980) 提出了權力的三維模型，其中包含了所有主要的理論，包括 Bendix (1960) 和 Wrong (1979) 總結的 Weberian 理論。表 2.1 總結了權力的三個維度，本節將討論這三個維度。儘管權力的三個維度、權力類型和權力資源是分開呈現的，但現實生活比教科書上的模型更複雜。在大多數社會環境中，所有三個維度同時運作，並且使用多種權力類型。
THE FIRST DIMENSION OF POWER: EXPLICIT USES OF POWER 權力的第一個層面：明確使用權力
In Table 2.1, the first dimension of power consists of explicit exercises of power, which are often directly observable. For example, a state legislatuxe uses first dimension power visibly when it passes a lawmaking graduation requirements more stringent. Some exercises of first dimension power are not directly observable, however; nonetheless, they can be readily deduced from observable evidence. For example, in many schools untenured teachers perform much extra work, such as chaperoning dances and sponsoring clubs. Their principals ask them to do these tasks because these teachers are in a precarious situation and are more likely to say yes than are tenured teachers. For their part, nontenured teachers know they need the principal’s support to be rehired and, eventually, tenured. The principal may never explicitly point this fact out to them because she does not need to: the procedures for rehiring and obtaining tenure are spelled out in board policy and state law. Therefore, the power relationship is explicit, although not immediately observable (Lukes, 1974; Gaventa, 1980). 在表 2.1 中，權力的第一個維度包括明確的權力行使，這通常是可以直接觀察到的。例如，當一個州的立法機關通過一項法律，使畢業要求更加嚴格時，它就明顯地運用了第一維權力。然而，有些第一維權力的運用是無法直接觀察到的；儘管如此，它們可以很容易地從可觀察的證據中推斷出來。例如，在許多學校中，非終身教師執行許多額外的工作，例如 陪同舞會和贊助俱樂部。他們的校長要求他們做這些工作，是因為這些教師的處境不穩定，比起終身 受聘的教師，他們更有可能答應。非終身教師則知道，他們需要校長的支持，才能獲得重聘，最 終獲得終身教職。校長可能從不向他們明確指出這一 事實，因為她不需要這樣做：重聘和獲得終身教職的程序已在校董 會政策和州法律中列明。因此，權力關係是明確的，儘管不是立即可以觀察到的（Lukes, 1974; Gaventa, 1980）。
TABLE 2.1 The Three Dimensions of Power 表 2.1 權力的三個層面
Note. Based on Bendix (1960), Gaventa (1980), Lukes (1974), Weber (1986), and Wrong (1979). 註。依據 Bendix (1960)、Gaventa (1980)、Lukes (1974)、Weber (1986) 及 Wrong (1979)。
Types of Poner Poner 種類
As Table 2.1 shows, four general types of power operate in the first dimension: force, economic dominance, authority, and persuasion. They should be understood as ideal types or abstract descriptions based on many concrete examples. Real life instances of each type will include most, but not necessarily all, of the characteristics of the ideal type. Moreover, in real life, two or more types of power can be used simultaneously. 如表 2.1 所示，有四種一般的權力類型在第一個維度中運作：武力、經濟支配、權威和說服。它們應該被理解為理想的類型，或是基於許多具體例子的抽象描述。每種類型在現實生活中的實例都會包含理想類型的大部分特徵，但不一定是全部。此外，在現實生活中，可以同時使用兩種或更多類型的權力。
Force. Two kinds of force exist: physical force and psychic force. Exercising power through physical force involves using, or threatening to use, physical actions to impose one’s will on others. Such actions include killing, injuring, or causing pain to another; restricting another’s freedom; preventing another from satisfying basic biological needs; and using one’s body to block another’s movement. Examples of physical force in education include corporal punishment, detention halls, and in-school suspension. Psychic force is employed to damage another person’s self-concept Common forms include verbal or symbolic insults, nagging, malicious gossip, and negatively stereotyping an entire group. Although the use of psychic force is never ethical, it is common at all levels of education (Wrong, 1979). 力。武力有兩種：肉體武力和精神武力。透過肉體力量行使權力是指使用或威脅使用肉體行動，將自己的意志強加於他人。這些行為包括殺害、傷害或造成他人痛苦；限制他人的自由；阻止他人滿足基本的生理需求；以及使用自己的身體阻擋他人的行動。在教育方面，身體暴力的例子包括體罰、留堂和校內停學。精神暴力是用來破壞他人的自我概念，常見的形式包括口頭或象徵性的侮辱、嘮叨、惡意的閒言閒語，以及對整個群體的負面刻板印象。雖然使用精神力量從來都不道德，但在各級教育中卻很常見（Wrong, 1979）。
Economic Doninance. According to Weber (1986) two types of power are especially important in modern societies: economic dominance and authority. Economic dominance involves using one’s influence over the jobs, careers, or economic prosperity of others to affect their behavior. Anyone who is in a position to hire, fire, evaluate, or promote employees has access to this type of power. So do those who are most likely to be asked to write job recommendations. Another form of economic dominance is using one’s influence over such working conditions as schedules, job assignments, and vacation dates to encourage people to comply with one’s wishes, On a broader scale, some corporations use their economic dominance to gain tax abatements and other concessions from local governments by threatening to relocate, taking jobs with them. 經濟支配力。根據 Weber (1986)，有兩種權力在現代社會中特別重要：經濟支配力和權威。經濟支配力是指利用自己對他人工作、事業或經濟繁榮的影響力來影響他們的行為。任何有權雇用、解雇、評估或晉升員工的人都有這種權力。那些最有可能被要求撰寫工作推薦書的人也是如此。另一種形式的經濟支配力是利用個人對工作條件的影響力，例如時間表、工作分配和休假日期，來鼓勵人們順從自己的意願；在更廣泛的層面上，有些公司利用其經濟支配力，威脅要遷移公司，並帶走工作機會，藉此從地方政府取得減稅和其他優惠。
Authority. Authority is operational when one observes “unquestioning recognition by those who are asked to obey, neither coercion nor persuasion is needed” (Arendt, 1986, p. 65) Cuthoritydepends on legitimacy, the belief that the person in authority has a right to special power. Suidents of power have identified several sorts of authority. Patriarchal authority is one; a more contemporary term is parental authority. Because most people grow up in families, they first experience power in their relationships with parents and other relatives. In most families, people assume that parents and other older family members have a right to exercise power over children because this right is grounded in tradition. Therefore, children usually accept it as natural. People often transfer elements of familial authority to other settings, especially in elementary schools, where children may project parental authority onto teachers and principals (Bendix, 1960). 權威。當人們觀察到「被要求服從的人毫無疑問地認同，既不需要強迫也不需要說服」（Arendt, 1986, p.65）時，權威就開始運作了。權威的學者已經辨識出幾種權威。父系權威是其中一種；更現代的說法是父母權威。因為大多數人都是在家庭中長大的，所以他們首先在與父母和其他親戚的關係中體驗到權力。在大多數家庭中，人們假設父母和其他年長的家庭成員有權利對孩子行使權力，因為這種權利是建立在傳統之上的。因此，兒童通常會視之為天經地義。人們通常會將家庭權威的元素轉移到其他環境中，特別是在小學，在那裡兒童可能會將父母的權威投射到老師和校長身上（Bendix，1960）。
A second form is legal authority, which is conferred upon those who hold positions of responsibility within an organization. Legal authority is usually described and limited by official documents such as policy manuals and job 第二種形式是法律權限，它是賦予那些在組織中擔任負責職位的人。法律權限通常由官方文件來描述和限制，例如政策手冊和職務手冊。
descriptions. As long as an officeholder acts within the scope of her legal authority, other members of the organization will probably comply readily. To a great extent, the relationships among teachers, principals, and district office, administrators are based on legal authority (Bendix, 1960). 說明。只要辦公室主管在其法定權限的範圍內行事，組織內的其他成員很可能會樂意遵從。在很大程度上，教師、校長和地區辦公室、行政人員之間的關係是建立在法律權限之上的（Bendix，1960）。
Competent authority is a third form. Based on expertise, it is often the only type of power professionals use with their clients. Few people challenge the medical recommendations of their doctors or the legal advice of attorneys. Although educators have less competent authority than doctors or lawyers, many individual teachers and administrators succeed in establishing a high level of competent authority in their communities (Wrong, 1979). 權威是第三種形式。以專業知識為基礎，通常是專業人士對其客戶使用的唯一權力類型。很少有人會質疑醫生的醫療建議或律師的法律意見。雖然教育工作者比醫生或律師擁有較少的合格權威，但許多個別的教師和管理者成功地在他們的社區中建立了高層次的合格權威（Wrong, 1979）。
Finally, some people are able to affect the behavior of others through; charismatic authority, based on purely personal qualities. Some people, through a combination of personality, appearance, and manner, evoke spontancous confidence and enthusiasm from others. The most striking examples of charismatic authority surface in emergency situations, and charismatic authority may evaporate as soon as the emergency ends. Educators often draw on charismatic authority for some of their effectiveness; but because this is the most unstable form of authority, relying on it heavily is unwise (Bendix, 1960). 最後，有些人可以透過純粹個人特質的魅力權威來影響他人的行為。有些人透過結合個性、外表和舉止，喚起他人自發的信心和熱情。在緊急情況下，魅力型權威最顯著的例子就會浮現出來，而緊急情況一結束，魅力型權威就會消失。教育者經常利用魅力型權威來達到某些效果；但由於這是最不穩定的權威形式，過度依賴它是不明智的（Bendix，1960）。
Many writers have argued that the legitimacy of all forms of authority has declined steeply since World War II. Evidence for this “legitimation crisis” includes widespread cynicism about government and other institutions, juvenile delinquency, and increased crime rates. Educators experience the decline of their authority every day, both in education settings and beyond them. Forced by the weakening of their authority to use other forms of power, nonetheless they sometimes feel uncomfortable exercising them. 許多作家認為，自第二次世界大戰以來，所有形式的權威的合法性都急劇下降。這種「合法化危機」的證據包括對政府和其他機構的廣泛嘲諷、青少年犯罪以及犯罪率的上升。教育工作者每天都在體驗他們權威的衰落，無論是在教育環境中還是在教育環境之外。由於他們的權威被削弱，他們不得不使用其他形式的權力，但有時他們在行使這些權力時會感到不自在。
Persuasion. The final type of power is persuasion, the overt attempt to affect the behavior of others by convincing them that the desired behavior is good. A common form of persuasion is socialization, which can be offered in several formats. Many organizations require new employees to participate in an induction program, whose purpose is to socialize newcomers to group norms (Wrong, 1979). In education, orientation sessions for new students and teachera serve this purpose. Many organizations that influence education policy also use socialization. For example, school board associations usually offer training programs for newly elected board members; and teachers’ unions provide training conferences for local leaders. 說服。最後一種權力是說服力，也就是公開嘗試影響他人的行為，讓他們相信想要的行為是好的。說服的一種常見形式是社會化，它可以以多種形式提供。許多組織要求新員工參與入職訓練，其目的是讓新進員工適應團體規範（Wrong, 1979）。在教育方面，新生和教師的入職訓練也是為了達到這個目的。許多影響教育政策的組織也使用社會化。例如，學校董事會協會通常為新當選的董事會成員提供訓練課程；教師工會則為當地領導人提供訓練會議。
A second form of persuasion is rational persuasion, in which one marshals arguments and pertinent facts in order to convince another to take a course of action. Finally, manipulative persuasion may be used. On the surface, manipulative persuasion looks like rational persuasion; in fact, it is so intended. However, manipulative persuaders withhold important facts from the actors they are trying to affect. Most often, the hidden information relates to the persuader’s true goal or to the potentially harmful impact of the suggested course of action (Wrong, 1979). For example, one reason many teachers are skeptical about implementing new programs is that they have been manipulatively persuaded to do so in the past. As with psychic force, manipulative persuasion is ahways unethical. 第二種說服方式是理性說服，即一個人提出論據和相關事實，以說服另一個人採取行動。最後，可能會使用操縱性說服。表面上看來，操縱性勸服與理性勸服相似；事實上，它的目的也是如此。然而，操縱性說服者對他們試圖影響的行動者隱瞞了重要的事實。最常見的是，隱藏的資訊與說服者的真正目標有關，或是與所建議的行動方案的潛在有害影響有關(Wrong, 1979)。舉例來說，許多教師對於實施新的課程抱持懷疑態度的原因之一，就是他們過去曾被操縱性的說服過。就像精神力量一樣，操縱性的說服是不道德的。
Power Resourtes
Power depends upon resources (Mann, 1992). Therefore, people who wish to build a power base do so by amassing appropriate resources for the arenas in which they wish to exercise power. Table 2.2 summarizes the major power resources. Because power is cumulative, powerful people and groups usually control a wide range of resources and may deploy several simultaneously. Although these resources can be important in the first dimension of power, some operate in other dimensions as well. In the following discussion, only a few resources are described in detail. 權力取決於資源（Mann，1992）。因此，想要建立權力基礎的人，必須為他們想要行使權力的領域累積適當的資源。表 2.2 總結了主要的權力資源。由於權力是累積的，有權勢的人和團體通常會控制多種資源，並可能同時運用幾種資源。儘管這些資源在權力的第一個維度上可能很重要，但有些也在其他維度上運作。在下面的討論中，只會詳細描述幾種資源。
Material Resources. Material resources, shown in the first colurnn of Table 2.2, are essential to most exercises of power. Most important is moncy because its possessors can easily convert it into other resources (Dahl, 1986; Wrong, 1979). For example, a school district with a large “war chest” for a funding campaign can convert money into knowiedge resources by hiring a professional campaign consultant. It can also convert money into access to the media by purchasing newspaper advertisements and television and radig spots. Using control over hiring to build and exercise power is called patronage (Dahl, 1986), which, unfortunately, is still an important source of power in many places. In her study of superintendents in the Northeast, Johnson (1996) found that patronage was used frequently in about one third of the districts. Time is a material resource because of the relationship between time and money (Wrong, 1979). Because the majority of people spend most of each day earning a living and performing unpaid labor necessary for their household, they do not have time to build and maintain a power base. Those few people who do not have to work have a considerable advantage. Among these individuals are the independently wealthy; retired people on pensions; college students supported by their families, scholarships, or loans; and married people whose spouses eam enough to support 物質資源。表 2.2 第一欄所顯示的物質資源，對大多數權力的行使都是不可或缺的。最重要的是金錢，因為它的擁有者可以很容易地把它轉換成其他資源（Dahl, 1986; Wrong, 1979）。舉例來說，一個擁有大筆 「戰利品 」的學區，可以通過聘請專業的競選顧問將金錢轉換成知識資源。它也可以通過購買報紙廣 告、電視和廣播插播廣告，將金錢轉換為媒體使用權。使用對雇傭的控制來建立和行使權力被稱為贊助 (Dahl,1986)，不幸的是，在許多地方這仍是一個重要 的權力來源。Johnson(1996)在她對美國東北部學監的研究中發現，約有三分之 一的地區經常使用靠山。因為時間和金錢之間的關係，時間是一種物質資源 (Wrong, 1979)。由於大多數人每天大部分時間都在謀生，從事家庭所需的無償勞動，因此他們沒有時間建立和維護權力基礎。那些少數不用工作的人就有相當大的優勢。這些人包括獨立富裕的人，領取退休金的退休人士，由家人、獎學金或貸款供養的大學生，以及配偶的收入足以養活自己的已婚人士。
Control over careers and working condetions 控制職業和工作條件
Accoss-10 money, the media, the legal syatem Accoss-10 金錢、媒體、法律syatem
Control over information Information 控制資訊 資訊
Energy 能源
Control over votes 控制選票
intelligence 智慧
Money (cash or credil) 錢（現金或信用額度）
Numbers-allies or 數字-盟友或
Skills 技術
Patronage 贊助
followers 信众
Understanding how the 了解如何
Time 時間
Official position 官方立場
system works 系統運作
Orgarization 組織
Verbal abillty 語言能力
Personal impact 個人影響
Popularity 人氣
Social status 社會地位
Visibility 能見度
Material Resoores "https://cdn.mathpix.com/cropped/2025_03_10_8698579e207b10435f85g-08.jpg?height=55&width=173&top_left_y=1730&top_left_x=937
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Control over careers and working condetions Accoss-10 money, the media, the legal syatem Control over information Information
Energy Control over votes intelligence
Money (cash or credil) Numbers-allies or Skills
Patronage followers Understanding how the
Time Official position system works
Orgarization Verbal abillty
Personal impact
Popularity
Social status
Visibility | Material Resoores |  <br>  |  Resulusts |
| :---: | :---: | :---: |
| Control over careers and working condetions | Accoss-10 money, the media, the legal syatem | Control over information Information |
| Energy | Control over votes | intelligence |
| Money (cash or credil) | Numbers-allies or | Skills |
| Patronage | followers | Understanding how the |
| Time | Official position | system works |
| | Orgarization | Verbal abillty |
| | Personal impact | |
| | Popularity | |
| | Social status | |
| | Visibility | |
Note. Based on Dahl (1886), Mann (1992), Febinson (1995), and Wrong (1979). 註。根據 Dahl (1886)、Mann (1992)、Febinson (1995) 及 Wrong (1979) 所作。
their families. Therefore, people in these social categories often exercise disproportionate influence on public policy, including education policy. 他們的家庭。因此，這些社會類別的人往往對公共政策（包括教育政策）發揮不成比例的影響力。
Social Resources. Even if one has abundant material resources, having social resources is important as well. People who lack significant material resources can compensate for this deficiency by building and deploying social resources. The middle column of Table 2.2 lists the major social resources. One of the most important social resources is numbers, or numerous allies and followers. Johnson (1996) describes one superintendent’s skillful use of numbers. Soon after Dick Fitzgerald began his superintendency, the town council cut the school budget by $.5\$ .5 million. Fitzgerald enlisted his central office staff to go out into the school buildings to tell teachers about the problem and win their support. At their superintendent’s request, the teachers packed the next meeting of the town council; the money was restored to the budget. The impact of numbers can be magnified by effective organization. An organization is effective when it has skillful, committed leaders; respected decision-making procedures; and a planned, systematic communications system (Mann, 1992). The Religious Right has been able to influence curriculum policy in many places because it is highly organized (Harrington-Lueker, 1994). 社會資源。即使一個人擁有豐富的物質資源，擁有社會資源也同樣重要。缺乏重要物質資源的人可以透過建立和運用社會資源來彌補這方面的不足。表 2.2 中間一欄列出了主要的社會資源。最重要的社會資源之一是人數，也就是眾多的盟友和追隨者。Johnson(1996)描述了一位總監對數字的巧妙運用。在Dick Fitzgerald開始擔任校長後不久，鎮議會削減了學校預算 $.5\$ .5 百萬。Fitzgerald 徵求他的中央辦公室工作人員走到學校大樓裡，向教師們介紹這個問題，並贏得他們的支持。在校長的要求下，教師們在下一次市議會會議上擠得水洩不通；預算中又恢復了這筆錢。有效的組織可以放大數字的影響力。當一個組織擁有技巧高超、盡忠職守的領導人、受人尊重的決策程序，以及有計劃、有系統的溝通系統時，它就是有效的組織（Mann，1992）。宗教右翼之所以能夠影響許多地方的課程政策，就是因為它具有高度的組織性（Harrington-Lueker, 1994）。
Knowledge Resources. French philosopher Michel Foucault’s term power/ knowledge, which equates power and knowledge, vividly demonstrates the im-v portance of knowledge as a source of power (Fillingham, 1993). The last column of Table 2.2 lists the most important knowiedge resources. In almost any arena, people can build power by gathering pertinent information. Information can be of many types, including facts about relevant laws, the demographic composition of a population, the state of public opinion, and voting patterns in recent elections. Accurate information facilitates the development of realistic plans and programs. Unethical uses of information to build power include gathering “dirt” on opponents in order to smear their reputations or to blackmail them. Once an information database has been created, the issue of control of the information arises. Those who exercise control over information gain power because they can choose with whom they will share their knowledge and also when and how they will use it strategically (Wrong, 1979). 知識資源。法國哲學家 Michel Foucault 用權力/知識（power/knowledge）一詞將權力和知識等同起來，生動地說明了知識作為權力來源的重要性（Fillingham, 1993）。表 2.2 的最後一欄列出了最重要的知識資源。在幾乎任何領域，人們都可以通過收集相關資訊來建立權力。資訊可以是多種類型的，包括相關法律的事實、人口組成、公眾輿論狀況以及最近選舉的投票模式。準確的資訊有助於制定實際的計劃和方案。利用資訊建立權力的不道德行為包括收集對手的 「污點」，以抹黑對手的聲譽或勒索對手。一旦建立了資訊資料庫，就會出現資訊控制的問題。對資訊行使控制權的人會獲得權力，因為他們可以選擇與誰分享他們的知識，也可以選擇何時及如何策略性地使用這些知識 (Wrong, 1979)。
Discursiac Ponuer in the First Dimension 第一維度中的 Discursiac Ponuer
The possession of many knowledge resources can give a person considerable discursive power. In the first dimension, as in the other two, people exercise power through language, or discourse. In the first dimension language is obviously used as an instrument of power, and the actors are usually aware of it, One frequently used discursive power technique is to produce a text designed to limit the scope of a discussion at a mecting. The person who has the authority to produce such a text-usually called an agendo-has at her disposition a powerful tool. At most meetings the other participants can amend the agenda, and important debate sometimes occurs around suggested amendments. Even so, people usually hesitate to propose sweeping changes in an agenda, much less suggest that it be abandoned altogether. 擁有許多知識資源可以賦予一個人相當大的話語權力。在第一個維度中，與其他兩個維度一樣，人們通過語言或話語行使權力。在第一個維度中，語言顯然被用來作為權力的工具，而行動者通常也會意識到這一點。有權製作這樣一個文本的人 - 通常稱為 agendo - 擁有一個強大的工具。在大多數會議中，其他與會者可以修改議程，有時重要的辯論會圍繞建議的修正案進行。儘管如此，人們通常會猶豫是否要對議程提出大刀闊斧的修改，更不會建議完全放棄議程。
Nonetheless, skillful users of discourse can sabotage well-planned agendas, Waite (1995) observed a conference in which Faye, the supervisor, came armed with an agenda in the form of a checklist because she considered Bea, the teacher under supervision, “argumentative.” Although Faye sought to control the discussion of Bea’s teaching with her checklist, Bea successfully used other discursive techniques, finally causing the supervisor to give up all attempts to influence her. Among the teacher’s discursive uses of power were; raising her voice, interrupting Faye, talking simultaneously with her, changing the subject, and getting up from the table to look out the window. Bea’s most successful discursive technique was a series of innuendos suggesting that Faye was out of touch with the realities of the classroom. This anecdote is particularly interesting because it clearly demonstrates that the person with legal authority does not always prevail when power is exercised. 儘管如此，技巧高超的論述使用者可以破壞精心規劃的議程，Waite (1995) 觀察了一次會議，在該次會議中，主管 Faye 帶著一份核對表的形式的議程，因為她認為被監督的教師 Bea「好爭論」。儘管 Faye 試圖以核對表控制對 Bea 教學的討論，但 Bea 成功地使用了其他論述技巧，最後使得主管放棄了所有影響她的嘗試。在這位老師使用權力的技巧中，包括：提高聲音、打斷 Faye 的話、與她同時說話、轉換話題，以及從桌上站起來看窗外。Bea 最成功的說話技巧是一連串的影射，暗示 Faye 與課堂上的現實脫節。這段軼事特別有趣，因為它清楚地說明，在行使權力時，擁有法律權力的人並不總是佔上風。
THE SECOND DIMENSION OF POWER: THE MOBILIZATION OF BIAS
Understanding the Second Dimension 權力的第二層面：偏見的動員 理解第二層面
In contrast to the first dimension, in which exercises of power are explicit, power exercised in the second dimension is implicit. Table 2.1 shows some ways of exercising power in the second dimension. In this dimension, few or none of the actors may realize that power is being exercised. Exercises of power in this dimension usually limit the meaningful participation of certain groups or restrict the issues that can be raised for debate through devices less obvious than agendas (Bachrach & Baratz, 1962; Bachrach & Botwinick, 1992). This way of exercising power is called the mobilization of bias (Gaventa, 1980). 在第一個維度中，權力的行使是明確的，相比之下，在第二個維度中，權力的行使是隱含的。表 2.1 展示了在第二個維度中行使權力的一些方式。在這個維度中，很少或沒有行動者會意識到權力正在被行使。在此維度中，權力的行使通常會限制某些群體有意義的參與，或透過比議程更不明顯的方式，限制可以提出來辯論的議題 (Bachrach & Baratz, 1962; Bachrach & Botwinick, 1992)。這種行使權力的方式稱為動員偏見（Gaventa, 1980）。
A historical example will clarify the difference between the two dimensions. In the 1890s, the participation of both women and African-American men in elections was limited. Although a few states had laws permitting women to vote, most did not; the women’s suffrage amendment to the U.S. Constitution had not yet been passed. Using their legal authority, Congress and most legislatures had explicitly rejected bills that would have given women the right to vote. Women’s low participation in voting therefore resulted from exercises of first dimension power. 一個歷史事例可以澄清這兩個層面的差異。在1890年代，婦女和非裔美國男子參與選舉的程度都很有限。儘管少數州有允許婦女投票的法律，但大多數州沒有；美國憲法的婦女投票權修正案尚未通過。國會和大多數立法機關運用其法律權力，明確否決了賦予婦女投票權的法案。因此，婦女投票參與率低的原因是第一維權力的行使。
The case of African-American men was different. After the Civil War, amendments to the U:S. Constitution had given them the right to vote, and they had exercised their right during Reconstruction. Their tendency not to vote in the 1890s resulted from intervening exercises of second dimension power. Instead of passing laws outlawing African-American suffrage-which would have been unconstitutional-many states and local communities erected ingenious barriers to voting that disproportionately affected African Americans. For example, citizens who wanted to register to vote often had to pay a poll tax or pass a literacy test. Because higher percentages of African Americans were poor and illiterate, these rules affected them more than they affected whites. Sometimes voting places were located in the white residential districts of cities. Because African Americans found getting there difficult and felt intimidated if they did, they often decided not to vote. Thus, although the 非裔美國男子的情況則有所不同。南北戰爭之後，美國憲法修正案賦予了他們投票權。美國憲法修正案賦予他們投票權，他們在重建時期也行使了投票權。他們在1890年代不投票的傾向是由於第二維權力的介入造成的。許多州和地方社區沒有通過法律取締非裔美國人的投票權--這會違憲--而是設置了巧妙的投票障礙，對非裔美國人造成了不成比例的影響。例如，想要登記投票的公民通常必須支付人頭稅或通過識字測驗。由於非裔美國人的貧窮和文盲比例較高，這些規定對他們的影響比對白人的影響更大。有時投票站設在城市的白人住宅區。由於非裔美國人認為到那裏投票很困難，即使到了也會感到恐嚇，因此他們通常決定不投票。因此，雖然
laws officially permitted African Americans to vote, other rules and practices made doing so difficult. In other words, a strong bias against their participation had been mobilized. When such rules were first established, most people understood their real purpose. However, after decades had passed, many citizens did not. Some people sincerely believed that literacy tests would ensure an informed electorate; they did not recognize them as an exercise of second dimension power. 法律正式允許非裔美國人投票，但其他規則和慣例卻使他們難以投票。換句話說，反對他們參 與的強烈偏見已經被動員起來。當這些規定剛建立時，大多數人都明白其真正目的。然而，幾十年過去了，許多公民並不理解。有些人真誠地相信讀寫能力測驗可以確保選民知情；他們並沒有認識到這是行使第二維權力。
Second Dimension Pover in Education 教育貧窮的第二個層面
U.S. public education is an old institution, having been established in the first half of the nineteenth century. Organizations usually bear the marks of the beliefs and social positions of their founders, and public education is no exception. Yet, as Schattschneider (1960) points out, “Organization is itself a mobilization of bias” (p. 30). The organizational structures of public schools and the traditions, procedures, customs, and “rules of the game” associated with them therefore, encourage the participation of some while discouraging others. 美國的公共教育是一個古老的機構，成立於十九世紀上半葉。組織通常帶有其創始人的信仰和社會立場的烙印，公共教育也不例外。然而，正如 Schattschneider (1960) 所指出的，「組織本身就是偏見的動員」(p. 30)。因此，公立學校的組織結構以及與之相關的傳統、程序、習慣和「遊戲規則」，鼓勵了一些人的參與，同時也打擊了另一些人的參與。
Public education was established when only white men who owned a certain amount of property had full citizens’ rights; therefore, the major figures. in the Common School Movement were white, middle- to upper-class men. As a result, much of the organizational bias mobilized in public education advantages those who belong to one or more of these social categories and disadvantages those who do not. This does not mean that Horace Mann and others deliberately conspired to create an institution that would discourage participation by females, working and lower-class people, and members of racial minority groups. Rather, they established public schools for the people who worked in schools and attended them at that time. They also established schools that reflected their beliefs and the characteristics of other large nine-teenth-century organizations, such as the U.S. Army and businesses. All of these factors taken together cause the public school to mobilize bias for and against certain social groups. Other biases are inherent in public school organization as well. Because most adults were barely literate in the early 1800 s, schoolteachers were often the most educated people in the community. Therefore, the founders of public schools did not think that building in, mechanisms for broad parent or community participation was necessary. As a result, the organization of public schools also mobilizes bias in favor of professional educators and against other stakeholders. 公共教育建立之初，只有擁有一定財產的白人男子才有完全的公民權利；因此，普通學校運動的主要人物都是白人、中產階級到上產階級的男子。因此，在公共教育中動員的組織偏見，大多有利於那些屬於上述一個或多個社會類別的人，而不利於那些不屬於這些社會類別的人。這並不意味著Horace Mann和其他人蓄意謀劃創造一個不鼓勵女性、勞工和下層階級，以及少數種族群體成員參與的機構。相反，他們是為當時在學校工作和上學的人建立公立學校。他們所建立的學校，也反映了他們的信仰，以及其他 9 世紀大型組織的特色，例如美國軍隊和企業。所有這些因素加在一起，造成公立學校動員了對某些社會團體的偏見和反對某些社會團體的偏見。其他偏見也是公立學校組織所固有的。因為在1800年代早期，大多數成人幾乎不識字，學校教師通常是社區中教育程度最高的人。因此，公立學校的創始人認為沒有必要建立讓家長或社區廣泛參與的機制。因此，公立學校的組織也動員了偏袒專業教育工作者而反對其他利 益相關者的偏見。
Although Horace Mann and other early reformers did not deliberately design schools to enhance participation by educators and limit participation by others, structures and customs from the past are often perpetuated today in order to do so. For example, many educators complain about parents’ lack of participation in school activities; but many parents complain just as loudly that the school sends them mixed messages about participation. Teachers and principals say that they want parents to come to school more often, but their actions often relay a different message. In the typical U.S. public school, bias is mobilized against parent participation in many ways. Educators often expect 雖然Horace Mann和其他早期的改革者在設計學校時，並沒有刻意加強教育工作者的參與，而限制其他人的參與，但為了達到這個目的，過去的結構和習俗往往延續至今。例如，許多教育工作者抱怨家長不參與學校活動；但許多 家長也同樣大聲抱怨，學校向他們傳達的參與訊息並不一致。教師和校長口口聲聲說希望家長多來學校，但他們的行動卻經常傳達著不同的訊息。在典型的美國公立學校中，有許多方式會對家長的參與造成偏見。教育者經常期望
parents to participate in school activities on the school’s schedule. Parents who do come to school may have to park blocks away. On a first visit, they may find locating the entrance or the principal’s office difficult. When they finally find the office, it may lack a suitable waiting area. In the unlikely event that a teacher permits them to observe a class, adult-sized chairs may not be available. Finding out when the PTA or school council meetings are held, much less what is on the agenda, may be hard for parents. Procedures for electing officers for these groups may be unclear. Communication from school officials may be couched in incomprehensible “educationese.” Most teachers and principals are unaware that their school mobilizes bias against parent participation. Indeed, many would be shocked at the suggestion that by maintaining the status quo they are exercising power to keep parents out. Yet, as Delpit (1988) writes, "Those with [second dimension] power are frequently least aware of-or at least willing to acknowledge-its existence ^(**){ }^{*} (p. 282). Many parents experience these barriers as an exercise of power and believe that educators would remove them if they sincerely desired parent participation. 家長按照學校的時間表參加學校活動。家長來到學校時，可能要把車停在幾個街區外。第一次到學校時，他們可能會發現很難找到入口或校長辦公室。當他們最終找到辦公室時，辦公室可能缺乏合適的等候區。萬一老師允許他們觀課，也可能沒有成人大小的椅子。對家長來說，要知道家教會或校董會何時開會，更不用說議程上有什麼內容，可能很困難。選舉這些團體負責人的程序可能不清楚。來自學校官員的溝通可能是用難以理解的 「教育術語」。大多數教師和校長並不知道他們的學校對家長的參與有偏見。事實上，許多人對於維持現狀就是行使權力，將家長拒諸門外的說法感到震驚。然而，正如Delpit (1988)所寫的，「擁有[第二維]權力的人經常最不知道-或至少願意承認-它的存在 ^(**){ }^{*} (p. 282)。許多家長認為這些障礙是在行使權力，並相信如果教育者真誠地希望家長參與，他們會消除這些障礙。
Examples of Mobilization of Bias 動員偏見的範例
This section presents three concrete examples of the mobilization of bias in education: bias experienced by minority children in schools, bias encountered by women who enter school administration, and bias in school-choice policies. 本節將舉出三個具體的例子，說明如何動員教育中的偏見：少數族群兒童在學校所經歷的偏見、進入學校管理階層的婦女所遇到的偏見，以及學校選擇政策中的偏見。
Mobilixation of Bias and Minority Children. Delpit is an African-American educator who has written eloquently about the mobilization of bias against children of color in U.S. schools. Although she calls the phenomenon the culture of power, political scientists call it the mobilization of bias. She argues in a 1988 article that schools reflect the “cultural code” of the white middle class. As a result, children from that social group start school knowing the rules of the education game rather well. They feel comfortable in the classroom, can interpret the teacher’s indirect way of expressing herself, and understand her rules. However, children from other backgrounds are disadvantaged from the beginning. At school they are expected to speak and write an unfamiliar form of English. The teacher’s indirect way of expressing herself-typical of the middle class-confuses them. Their modes of presenting themselves differ from ✓\checkmark modes of self-presentation favored by the school’s culture. For example, their dress may stand out as unusual, and their patterns of social interaction may differ from those of white, middle-class students. 動員偏見與少數族裔兒童。Delpit 是一位非裔美國人教育家，她曾雄辯滔滔地寫過美國學校對有色人種兒童的偏見動員。雖然她將此現象稱為權力文化，但政治科學家則稱之為偏見的動員。她在1988年的一篇文章中辯稱，學校反映了白人中產階級的「文化密碼」。因此，來自該社會群體的孩子在開始上學時，對教育遊戲的規則相當了解。他們在課堂上感到自在，能夠解讀老師間接的表達方式，並且瞭解老師的規則。然而，來自其他背景的兒童從一開始就處於不利地位。在學校，他們要說和寫一種不熟悉的英語。老師的間接表達方式--典型的中產階級--讓他們感到困惑。他們展示自己的方式與學校文化所喜歡的自我展示方式不同。舉例來說，他們的衣著可能與眾不同，他們的社交模式也可能與白人、中產階級的學生不同。
This means that minority children face a double task at school: learning the cognitive material that is explicitly presented to them and deciphering the implicit but unfamiliar “codes” in which it is embedded. This mobilization of bias against their effective participation in the classroom often leads to frustration, alienation, and failure. Delpit (1988) suggests that teachers explicitly teach the cultural codes of the white middle class to minority children while simultancously teaching them to understand and treasure their own cultural heritage. In that way children can overcome some of the bias that has been mobilized against them if they wish to do so. 這意味著少數族裔兒童在學校面臨雙重任務：學習明確呈現給他們的認知材料，以及解讀其中隱含但不熟悉的「代碼」。這種對他們有效參與課堂的偏見動員，往往導致挫折、疏離和失敗。Delpit（1988）建議教師明確地向少數族裔兒童傳授白人中產階級的文化密碼，同時教導他們理解和珍惜自己的文化遺產。這樣，如果兒童願意的話，他們就可以克服一些對他們的偏見。
Bias against Women in School Adminuistration. U.S. public education was feminized early; the deaths of more than .5 million men in the Civil War meant that women were needed to staff schools. As a result, classroom teaching was institutionalized consistently with social roles deemed appropriate for women. Because teachers often functioned as “public mothers” (Wodak, 1995), women felt comfortable in classrooms. Today, most women do not sense much mobilization of organizational bias against them as long as they remain there. In fact, male classroom teachers probably encounter it more than do females. 學校管理對女性的偏見。美國的公共教育很早就女性化了；南北戰爭中超過50萬的男性死亡，意味著學校需要女性員工。因此，課堂教學被制度化，與被認為適合女性的社會角色一致。由於教師通常扮演「公共母親」的角色 (Wodak，1995)，婦女在課堂上感到自在。今天，大多數女性只要留在教室裡，就不會感受到組織對她們的偏見。事實上，男性教師可能比女性教師遇到更多。
School administration, however, has traditionally been a male-dominated field. Its rules, customs, norms, and discourse have been shaped by several generations of men. Therefore, women who become administrators soon begin to feel the mobilization of bias against them. In this respect they share the expef rience of women in all fields who move into management, For example, in Games Mother Never Taught You, Harragan (1977) describes the unwritten rules of the business “game” for women who have recently obtained executive positions. (Note that Harragan does for women exactly what Delpit recommends doing for minority schoolchildren: she makes the rules explicit) In the first chapter she writes: 然而，學校行政管理傳統上是由男性主導的領域。它的規則、習慣、規範和論述都是由幾代男性塑造的。因此，成為行政人員的婦女很快就開始感受到對她們的偏見。例如，Harragan (1977)在《Games Mother Never Taught You》(母親從未教過你的遊戲) 一書中，描述了最近獲得管理職位的女性在商業「遊戲」中的不成文規則。(請注意，Harragan 為女性所做的，正是 Delpit 建議為少數族裔學童所做的：她將規則明確化：
Most women are completely unaware that once they pass through the gates [of management], they have entered an alien land with customs, traditions, security forces, and mores of its own. What’s more, the natives speak a strange, oblique tongue, and the signposts are in cryptic ciphers. Although the terrain is criss-crossed with well-trodden paths, there are few visible directions to guide the unfamiliar strangers. (p. 33) 多數婦女完全不知道，一旦她們通過 [管理] 大門，就進入了一個擁有自己的習俗、傳統、安全力量和風氣的異鄉。更重要的是，當地人說的是一種奇怪的詭異語言，路標也都是暗語。儘管這裡的地形縱橫交錯，人跡罕至，但幾乎沒有明顯的方向可以引導不熟悉的陌生人。(p. 33)
New female school administrators usually experience a similar sense of strangeness in their jobs. They feel they no longer know the rules or understand what people say to them. Colleagues often misunderstand their attempts at communication. Shakeshaft, a professor at Hofstra University, has investigated the work experience and problems of female administrators. Women who have made this career shift or who are considering it should read some of her work and other literature on women in management. They will find it helpful as they learn to deal with the mobilization of bias against them in traditionally male-dominated occupations. 新任的女性學校行政人員通常會在工作中經歷類似的陌生感。她們覺得自己不再瞭解規則，也不明白別人對她們說了什麼。同事常常誤解她們溝通的嘗試。霍夫斯特拉大學（Hofstra University）的教授 Shakeshaft 調查了女性行政人員的工作經驗和問題。已經轉換職業或正在考慮轉換職業的女性應該閱讀她的一些著作以及其他有關女性管理人員的文獻。當她們學習如何處理在傳統上以男性為主的職業中對她們的偏見時，她們會發現這對她們很有幫助。
Bias in School Choice. Since 1981 one of the most popular education reform proposals has been school choice. Although the United States has been slow to embrace choice policies, the British Parliament passed legislation establishing interdistrict open enrollment in the early 1980s. A rich body of research on how school choice works has been developed in the United Kingdom. Between 1991 and 1994, Gewirtz, Ball, and Bowe (1995) conducted a qualitative study of school choice in London. They found that the process of choosing a school mobilizes considerable bias against working- and lower-class parents. At the most superficial level, their place of residence, access to transportation, and work schedules severely limit the number of schools they can consider se- 學校選擇的偏見。自1981年以來，最流行的教育改革提案之一就是學校選擇。儘管美國擁有選擇政策的進展緩慢，英國國會在 1980 年代早期通過立法，建立跨區開放招生。在英國，關於學校選擇如何運作的豐富研究已經發展起來。在1991至1994年間，Gewirtz、Ball和Bowe (1995)在倫敦進行了一項學校選擇的定性研究。他們發現，選擇學校的過程動員了相當多針對勞動階級和低下階層家長的偏見。從最表面的層面來看，他們的居住地點、交通便利程度以及工作時間表嚴重地限制了他們可以考慮就讀的學校數量。
riously. At the level of discourse, these parents find the promotional materials and test results put out by schools difficult to interpret As a result, workingand lower-class children attend “better” schools less frequently than do middleclass children. Gewirtz et al. (1995) conclude, “These parents might be described as working on the surface structure of choice, because their programmes of perception rest on . . . unfamiliarity with particular aspects of schools and schooling” (p.47). They might also be described as encountering a massive mobilization of bias against them as they go through the choice process. The findings of this study suggest that, if choice policies become widespread in the United States, administrators will have to develop ways to help all parents make informed decisions about schools. 因此，工作階層和下層階級的孩子上「較好」學校的次 數，少於中產階級孩子。Gewirtz et al. (1995)總結：「這些家長可能被描述為在選擇的表面結構上工作， 因為他們的認知方案是基於......對學校和測驗結果的特定方面的不熟悉。Gewirtz et al. (1995) 總結：「這些家長可能被描述為在選擇的表面結構上工作， 因為他們的認知方案是建立在......不熟悉學校和學校教育的特定層 面上」(p.47)。他們也可以說是在選擇的過程中，遇到了大規模的反對他們的偏見。本研究的結果顯示，如果選擇政策在美國普及，管理者將必 須發展各種方法，幫助所有家長對學校做出明智的決定。
THE THIRD DIMENSION OF POWER: THE SHAPING OF CONSCIOUSNESS 權力的第三個層面：意識的塑造
Understanding the Shaping of Conscioumess 瞭解意識的塑造
The third column of Table 2.1 lists the mechanisms of third dimension power. In a discussion of the third dimension of power, Lukes (1974) asks, "Is not the supreme exercise of power to get another or others to have the desires you want them to have-that is, to secure their compliance by controlling their thoughts and desires? (p. 23). This is, of course, the supreme exercise of power. All of us have been on the receiving end in this dimension of power, for all of us have undergone the far-reaching acculturation that is the main business of childhood. Several social institutions are especially important in shaping consciousness. The family is the most crucial, in part because people first learn language within it. Language has long been recognized as a major shaper lof consciousness, determining the basic categories of meaning that one imposes upon the world (Cherryholmes, 1988). The family also inculcates beliefs and values, and its patterns of interaction shape the child’s personality structure. However, other institutions also shape consciousness. The mass media are increasingly important today, bombarding everyone with a barrage of messages, both explicit and implicit (Christian-Smith, 1993). Schools and religious organizations also play a major role in shaping the way people see the world (Bernstein, 1996; Corson, 1995; Lemke, 1995). Questions about how consciousness is shaped and how it can be transformed preoccupy contemporary social science. A thorough discussion of this subject would go well beyond the scope of this book. However, school leaders must understand that many of the people they deal with daily have been either unusually empowered or unusually disempowered through the shaping of their consciousness. 表 2.1 第三欄列出了第三維權力的機制。在討論權力的第三個維度時，Lukes (1974) 問：「權力的最高運用不就是讓他人擁有你想要他們擁有的慾望，也就是透過控制他們的想法和慾望來確保他們的順從嗎？(p. 23).這當然就是權力的最高運用。我們每個人都曾在這個層面上接受過權力，因為我們每個人都經歷過影響深遠的文化熏陶，而這正是童年的主要事務。有幾個社會機構對於意識的形成特別重要。家庭是最重要的，部分原因是人們首先在家庭中學習語言。語言一直被認為是意識的主要塑造者，它決定了一個人強加於世界的基本意義類別 (Cherryholmes, 1988)。家庭也會灌輸信仰和價值觀，其互動模式會塑造兒童的人格結構。然而，其他機構也塑造意識。大眾媒體在今日越來越重要，它以明確和隱含的訊息轟炸每個人(Christian-Smith, 1993)。學校和宗教組織在塑造人們看待世界的方式上也扮演著重要的角色（Bernstein, 1996; Corson, 1995; Lemke, 1995）。關於意識如何被塑造以及如何被改變的問題，是當代社會科學的焦點。對這一主題的徹底討論遠遠超出了本書的範圍。然而，學校領導者必須明白，他們每天打交道的許多人，他們的意識已經被塑造得異乎尋常地賦予權力或異乎尋常地喪失權力。
Unusual Empouverment 非同尋常的就業機會
Among the most important messages communicated by institutions that shape consciousness are messages about who should hold leading positions in society and who should be dominated by others. Some people receive a steady stream of messages suggesting that they are privileged with natural rights to positions of power and prestige. For instance, in their study of elite U.S. boarding schools, 塑造意識的機構所傳達的最重要訊息之一，是關於誰應該在社會中擔任領導地位，以及誰應該被他人支配的訊息。有些人接收到源源不絕的訊息，暗示他們在權力和聲望的位置上，擁有與生俱來的特權。例如，在他們對美國精英寄宿學校的研究中：
Cookson and Persell (1995) found that students in these schools were surrounded by symbols of their importance. One school had a complimentary letter from the president of the United States on permanent display; guest speakers included prominent figures in politics and the arts; original paintings by famous artists adorned the walls. All these symbols communicated the high worth of the students. They also implicitly informed these adolescents that they “must take the responsibility for the cultural quality of society by assuming leadership roles in key social organizations” (Cookson & Persell, 1995, p. 292). School leaders will not find many people of this type within their school systems, either as students, employees, or parents. In their roles as public leaders in the broader community, however, they will encounter some. In working with them, bear in mind their socialization is helpful, Cookson and Persell (1995)發現，這些學校的學生周圍都有其重要性的象徵。有一所學校長期展示美國總統的讚美信；客座演講者包括政治和藝術界的傑出人士；牆上掛著著名藝術家的原畫。所有這些象徵都傳達了學生的崇高價值。他們也含蓄地告訴這些青少年，他們「必須在重要的社會組織中擔任領 導角色，為社會的文化品質負責」（Cookson & Persell, 1995, p.292）。學校領導者在他們的學校體系中找不到很多這類型的人，無論是學生、僱員或家長。然而，作為更廣泛社區的公共領導者，他們會遇到一些這樣的人。在與他們共事時，請記住他們的社會化是有幫助的、
Unusual Disempowerment 不尋常的喪權辱國
At the other end of the social spectrum are people who have been unusually disempowered through the shaping of consciousness. They have grown up surrounded by messages that communicate their low status and unsuitability for leadership. 在社會光譜的另一端，是那些因為意識的塑造而異常喪失權能的人。他們在成長的過程中，周遭充斥著傳達他們地位低下、不適合領導的訊息。
A good example is provided by Gaventa’s (1980) book-length study of rural Appalachia, Power and Powerlesoness. In the area of Kentucky and Tennessee he investigated, the people had experienced generations of exploitation. During the Civil War both armies terrorized them. Later, the lumber companies tricked them out of their land; still later the coal companies gave them menial jobs in the mines, keeping them under strict control in company towns. Local governments had sold out to the companies, and newspapers, churches, and schools praised the status quo with a united voice. The Appalachians had adapted to their powerlessness by sinking into passivity, dependence, and apathy, expressing fatalism about the future and openly stating that they were stupid. Moreover, they had internalized the views of the powerful people around them, ironically blaming themselves for their poverty. Gaventa (1980)對阿帕拉契亞農村的長篇研究《權力與無權力》(Power and Powerlesoness)就是一個很好的例子。在他所調查的肯塔基州和田納西州地區，人們經歷了世世代代的剝削。在南北戰爭期間，雙方的軍隊都對他們進行恐嚇。後來，木材公司把他們的土地騙走；再後來，煤炭公司讓他們在礦場做低級工作，並把他們嚴格控制在公司的城鎮裡。地方政府向公司出賣，報紙、教堂和學校齊聲稱讚現狀。阿巴拉契亚人通过陷入被动、依赖和冷漠来适应他们的无能为力，对未来表示宿命论，并公开表示他们很愚蠢。此外，他們內化了周遭權貴的觀點，諷刺地將貧窮歸咎於自己。
Gaventa worked with a group of these people to produce a film about their situation. While working on the film and seeking to get it broadcast on television, project participants emerged from their apathy. As their consciousness about their situation was raised, they developed greater self-confidence. Community leaders felt very threatened by these activities, however. Eventually, the homes of several of the people working on the film were burned-an exercise of first dimension power. In response, the people sank back into their original apathy. Gaventa 與一群這樣的人合作，製作了一齣關於他們處境的影片。在製作這部影片並爭取在電視上播放的過程中，專案參與者擺脫了冷漠的態度。由於他們對自己處境的意識提高了，他們也建立了更大的自信心。然而，社區領袖對這些活動感到非常威脅。最後，幾位電影工作者的家被燒毀，這是第一層面權力的運用。作為回應，人們又回到了最初的冷漠狀態。
Many public school leaders work in settings where they deal with people who have been disempowered to an unusual degree. When one encounters massive apathy, a natural response is to become angry and complain about the deficiencies of the population, which often amounts to blaming the victims, School leaders should consider apathy, fatalism, self-deprecation, and other signs noted by Gaventa as symptoms of a deeper problem. Reflection and a little investigation may reveal a tragic history that explains their disempowerment. Research suggests that the best way to handle such problems is to initi- 許多公立學校領導者的工作環境中，他們所面對的都是被剝奪了異常程度權利的人。學校領導者應該把冷漠、宿命主義、自我貶低，以及 Gaventa 所指出的其他跡象，視為更深層問題的症狀。反思和一點點的調查可能會揭示一個悲慘的歷史，解釋他們的喪失能力。研究顯示，處理這類問題的最佳方法是啟動
ate projects in which the people can participate and in which they are empowered to make bona fide decisions. Through working in such projects, they gain self-confidence, skills, and knowledge. They also usually gain a more realistic understanding of their situation. In short, they gain power. Progress will probably be slow, but it can be made (Bachrach & Botwinick, 1992; Gaventa, 1980). 在這些專案中，人們可以參與其中，並有能力做出真正的決定。透過這些專案的工作，他們獲得了自信、技能和知識。他們通常也會對自己的處境有更現實的了解。簡而言之，他們獲得了力量。進展可能會很緩慢，但是可以做到（Bachrach & Botwinick, 1992; Gaventa, 1980）。
POWER IN EDUCATIONAL SETTINGS 教育環境中的權力
THE POWER OF EDUCATION POLICY ACTORS 教育政策參與者的力量
Power permeates the education system; and, although some actors are more powerful than others, all have power. Table 2.3 depicts the major types of power accessible to education actors and their most important power resources. In interpreting this chart, readers should understand that it summarizes those forms and sources of power that are most readily available to each actor. If a type of power is not listed for a given actor, that definitely does not mean that he cannot have it. Rather, it means that the actor must exert special effort to obtain it. 權力滲透教育系統；雖然某些參與者比其他參與者更有權力，但所有人都有權力。表 2.3 描述了教育參與者可獲得的主要權力類型及其最重要的權力資源。在詮釋這張圖表時，讀者應該瞭解，它總結了每個行動者最容易獲得的權力形式和來源。如果某個行為者的某種權力類型沒有被列出，這絕不意味著他不能擁有這種權力。相反，這意味著該行為者必須付出特別的努力才能獲得它。
For example, according to the chart, school administrators have two types of power: economic dominance and legal authority. These types of power are built into the system for administrators. However, wise school leaders build their power by working to add to what the system provides them. Many administrators work to establish their competent authority, which can be done in several ways. Some people obtain a doctorate for this purpose; another approach is to stay up-to-date in professional reading and work actively in one or more professional organizations. Administrators can also establish their competent authority by clearly pointing out the education reasons for the decisions they make. Persuasive power is important, too. Learning how to make a convincing presentation at a meeting or polishing writing skills in order to be able to draft effective news releases can enhance a school leader’s power. So can making a serious effort to gain more knowledge about the community and its population. Administrators can use other types of power and obtain other resources, but they are not given; they must be achieved. 例如，根據圖表，學校管理者有兩種權力：經濟支配和法律權力。這些類型的權力是管理者的制度所內建的。然而，明智的學校領導者會通過努力增加系統提供給他們的權力來建立自己的權力。許多管理者努力建立自己的主管權威，這可以通過幾種方式來實現。有些人為此目的取得了博士學位；另一種方法是保持最新的專業閱讀，並積極參與一個或多個專業組織的工作。管理者也可以透過清楚指出他們所做決定的教育理由，來建立他們的權威。說服力也很重要。學習如何在會議上做有說服力的簡報，或鍛鍊寫作技巧以便能夠起草有效的新聞稿，都可以增強學校領導者的權力。認真努力獲取更多關於社區及其人口的知識也同樣重要。管理者可以使用其他類型的權力，並獲得其他資源，但這些權力並 非賜予的，而是必須實現的。
ANALYZING POWER RELATIONSHIPS 分析權力關係
The PRINCE System PRINCE 系統
Often one must analyze the power relationships in a decision-making context Although many leaders do this continuously and almost intuitively, a systematic framework for analysis is helpful, especially in complex situations. One such framework is the PRINCE system of power analyais, which appears in Figure 2.1. This is a modified version of a system which Coplin and O’Leary (1981; 1998) developed for political science students. The analytical chart has been completed for a local policy question with which most readers will be familiar: passing a bond issue. 儘管許多領導者都是憑著直覺不斷地分析決策環境中的權力關係，但一個系統化的分析框架還是很有幫助的，尤其是在複雜的情況下。PRINCE 權力分析系統就是這樣一個框架，如圖 2.1 所示。這是 Coplin 和 O'Leary (1981; 1998) 為政治科學學生開發的系統的改良版。這個分析圖表是針對大多數讀者都熟悉的地方政策問題完成的：通過一項債券發行。
Figure 2.1 Analyzing power relationships. A modified PRINCE system issue: Pass a bond issue. 圖 2.1 分析權力關係。修改後的 PRINCE 系統問題：通過債券發行。
Note. Based on forms in W. D. Coplin and M. K. OLeary, Basic Policy Studies Shlls, 3rd edition. Croton-an-Hudson, NY: Policy Studies Associates, 1998. 註釋。基於 W. D. Coplin and M. K. OLeary, Basic Policy Studies Shlls, 3rd edition 中的表格。Croton-an-Hudson, NY：Croton-an-Hudson, NY: Policy Studies Associates, 1998.
Iswe Statements Iswe 聲明
Because power is relational and is never exercised in a social vacuum, the first step in the analysis is defining the issue, which should be as specific as possible. Coplin and O’Leary (1981) recommend beginning the statement of the issuc with an active verb. Here are two contrasting pairs of appropriate and inappropriate issue statements: 因為權力是有關聯性的，而且從來不會在社會真空中行使，所以分析的第一步就是定義問題，而且應該儘可能具體。Coplin 和 O'Leary (1981) 建議用一個主動動詞來開始問題的陳述。以下是兩對對比適當和不適當的問題陳述：
Pass a bond issue to build a middle school next year. 通過債券發行，明年興建一所中學。
not 不是
More funding for schools. 為學校提供更多的經費。
and 和
Defeat H.B. 128 to limit choice of textbooks. 打敗限制教科書選擇的 H.B. 128。
not 不是
Keep legislature out of textbook selection. 不要讓立法機關介入教科書的選擇。
Identifying Actors 識別行動者
After the issue has been carefully defined, one should list the actors who are interested in the issue or who may become interested. The actors can be individuals, such as the governor; informal groups, such as parents of schoolchildren; or formal organizations, such as the state affiliate of the 在仔細界定問題之後，應該列出對問題感興趣或可能感興趣的參與者。這些參與者可以是個人，例如州長；非正式團體，例如學童的家長；或正式組織，例如州立協會的分支機構。
National School Boards Association. In developing this list of actors, one should include: 全國學校董事會協會。在制定這份行動者名單時，應包括：
actors who have legal authority regarding the issue; 在此問題上擁有法律權力的行動者；
actors who are powerful enough to block a decision; 有足夠力量阻止決策的行動者；
actors who will be significantly affected by any policy change; and 將受到任何政策變更重大影響的行動者；以及
actors whose cooperation will be essential in implementing any proposed policy change. 他們的合作對於執行任何建議的政策變更至關重要。
Coplin and O’Leary (1981) recommend limiting the number of actors to no more than 10. This means that grouping actors is sometimes necessary. In Figure 2.1, for example, the education community is a group. Only actors who have the same economic interests and who agree on the issue should be grouped together. If the members of the education community disagreed over the bond issue, then listing them as a single actor would not be appropriate. In developing a list of actors, the goal is not to produce a perfect description; rather, it is to come up with “a configuration of actors that taken together constitute a reasonable picture of the overall power distribution” (Coplin & O’Leary, 1981, p. 161). Much reflection and input from others are necessary to achieve this. objective. Coplin 和 O'Leary（1981）建議將演員人數限制在 10 人以內。這意味著有時需要將參與者分組。例如，在圖 2.1 中，教育團體就是一個群體。只有擁有相同經濟利益且在議題上意見一致的行動者才應該被組合在一起。如果教育團體的成員在債券問題上有分歧，那麼將他們列為單一的行動者是不適當的。在制定行動者清單時，我們的目標不是要做出完美的描述；相反，我們的目 標是要提出「行動者的組合，合起來構成整體權力分配的合理圖景」（Coplin & O'Leary, 1981, p.161）。為了達到這個目標，我們必須進行大量的反思，並從他人處獲得資訊。
Identifying Positions 識別位置
After developing the list of actors, one should estimate the position of each on the issue. Positions range from strongly opposed ( -3 ) to strongly supportive ( +3 ). A neutral or undecided position is scored 0 . Scores of +3 or -9 should be restricted to actors whose positions are so strong that they are unlikely to change. Scores of +1 and +2 or -1 and -2 indicate softer positions. Next, these scores and the actors should be entered in the chart, listing supporters, opponents, and neutral actors together. 在擬定行動者清單之後，我們應該估計每個行動者對問題的立場。立場從強烈反對 ( -3 ) 到強烈支持 ( +3 ) 不等。中立或未決定的立場得 0 分。+3 或 -9 分應限於立場強烈到不可能改變的行為者。+1、+2 或-1、-2 表示較軟的立場。接下來，這些分數和行動者應輸入圖表中，同時列出支持者、反對者和中立的行動者。
Assessing Power 評估權力
The power of each actor regarding this issue is estimated next. Using the discussion of types and sources of power presented earlier, the analyst should determine each actor’s level of power and assign it a number from 1 (low) to 3 (high). That power is relational and contextual and is essential to remember while doing this. In Figure 2.1, for example, the area’s representative in the state legislature has been rated only 2. That is because, although he has considerable influence locally, his influence is indirect and mediated through local officials and groups. If the issue were a bill under consideration in the statehouse committee he chairs, his power would be rated 3 . 接下來要估算每個行為者在這個問題上的權力。分析師應該運用前面關於權力類型和來源的討論，確定每個行動者的權力等級，並將其從 1 (低) 到 3 (高) 之間分配一個數字。權力是與上下文有關的，在做這件事的時候一定要記住。例如，在圖 2.1 中，該地區在州立法機關的代表只被評為 2。這是因為，儘管他在當地有相當大的影響力，但他的影響力是間接的，是通過當地官員和團體來中介的。如果這個問題是由他擔任主席的州議會委員會正在審議的法案，那麼他的權力將被評為 3。
Assessing Priority 評估優先順序
Finally, the priority of the issuc for each actor must be assessed. Because each actor has limited power resources and priorities for using them, any actor may decide not to deploy resources for a particular issue, even if it holds a strong position. In Figure 2.1, the city government is relatively supportive of the bond issuc but unlikely to become actively involved in the campaign. 最後，必須評估每個行動者對問題的優先順序。因為每個行動者的權力資源和使用資源的優先順序都是有限的，任何行動者都可能決定不為某個特定議題調配資源，即使它持有強烈的立場。在圖 2.1 中，市政府相對支持債券發行，但不太可能積極參與活動。
Interpreting 口譯
Next, each actor’s scores are multiplied together, yielding a total score. Then, scores for all supporters, all opponents, and all neutral actors are added. The relative scores of the groups indicate the most likely outcome unless the balance of power changes. The major value of the PRINCE exercise is not that it predicts the future but that it suggests strategies for altering an unfavorable balance of power. Studying such an analysis, supporters of the bond issue should recognize several things to do to try to shift the balance of power. They could build the power of the education community. They could seek to persuade the Realtors to support them more strongly and city government to change its priorities. They could try to move the chamber of commerce into a position of support. Obviously, expending resources on the Golden Agers Club and the Tax Rebellion Movement would be pointless. However, neutralizing Representative Blake might be possible by persuading him not to take sides publicly. By pursuing several of these strategies, supporters of the bond issue might alter the balance of power enough to affect the outcome of the referendum. 接著，將每個演員的得分相乘，得出總分。然後將所有支持者、所有反對者和所有中立者的得分相加。除非力量平衡發生變化，否則各組的相對分數顯示了最可能的結果。PRINCE 練習的主要價值不在於它能預測未來，而在於它能提出改變不利勢力平衡的策略。研究這樣的分析，債券發行的支持者應該認識到幾件事可以嘗試改變勢力平衡。他們可以建立教育界的力量。他們可以嘗試說服房地產經紀人更有力地支持他們，並說服市政府改變其優先順序。他們可以嘗試讓商會採取支持的立場。顯然，將資源花在 Golden Agers 俱樂部和反稅運動上是沒有意義的。然而，勸說眾議員布萊克不要公開偏袒任何一方，就有可能使其中立。通過採取上述幾種策略，債券問題的支持者可能會改變力量平衡，足以影響全民投票的結果。
BUILDING POWER 建立力量
Opening Comments 開幕評論
Achieving a policy goal often requires building power. People build power by obtaining more, or different, power resources. They also build power by obtaining access to new types of power. Ways to build power in education will be illustrated by a fictional story; a running analysis of power-building techniques appears in brackets. 實現政策目標通常需要建立權力。人們通過獲得更多或不同的權力資源來建立權力。他們還通過獲得新類型的權力來建立權力。我們將透過一個虛構的故事來說明在教育中建立權力的方法；括號內是對建立權力技巧的分析。
"Burilding Potetr for Kids" 「兒童埋藥」
Dr. Dolores Hernandez, superintendent of a suburban district in a western state, got angry when she read the February issue of the newsletter published by the superintendents’ association. A bill requiring second and fifth graders to take basic skills proficiency tests had been introduced in the General Asscmbly. [Hernandes builds power by gathering knouledge] “We test these kids to death,” she muttered. She supported accountability and high performance, but the state already required tests in the first, third, and sixth grades. “Enough already,” she muttered. Dolores Hernandez 博士是西部某州郊區的校長，當她看到校長協會出版的二月刊通訊時，她非常憤怒。一項要求二年級和五年級學生參加基本技能能力測驗的法案已提交總議會。[她喃喃地說：「我們考死這些孩子了。她支持問責制和高績效，但州政府已經要求在一年級、三年級和六 年級進行測試。"她嘟囔道：「已經夠多了。
Dolores called the man who represented the district in the legislature. Four busy signals, two holds, and three secretaries later, she reached a legislative staffer said to specialize in education issues. She registered her concern with this individual, who replied: “I’ll leave a note in the representative’s box.” [Her call signals possible last votes to the representative and his staff.] Dolores 打電話給在立法機關代表該區的人。四次忙音、兩次掛機、三位秘書之後，她接通了一位據說是專門處理教育問題的立法人員的電話。她向這位職員提出她的疑慮，這位職員回答說「我會在代表的信箱裡留張便條」。[她的電話向代表和他的工作人員顯示了可能的最後一票]。
Over the next two weeks, Dolores also contacted lobbyists at the superintendents’ and school board association’s headquarters. She gained the support of four other superintendents. The elementary teachers in her district seemed apathetic, but the teachers’ union president agreed with her. IDolores builds power by gaining numbers; some of her new allies have better access resources than she does. / This handful of people generated several letters and phone calls 在接下來的兩個星期裡，Dolores 還聯繫了校長和學校董事協會總部的說客們。她獲得了另外四位校長的支持。她所在學區的小學教師看起來很冷漠，但是教師工會會長同意她的看法。IDolores 藉由增加人數來建立力量；她的一些新盟友比她擁有更好的資源。/ 這一小撮人產生了幾封信件和幾個電話
to members of the legislature. In early April, a phone message from one of the lobbyists came through: “The bill has been defeated in committee. They’ll probably get their ducks in a row and try again next year.” 給立法機關的成員。四月初，一位說客的電話留言：「法案在委員會中被否決了。他們明年可能會再嘗試一次"。
“I don’t have time to fight this fight,” Dolores thought as she drove home late that evening. But the next day she asked the central office supervisor who handled government relations, a retired social studies teacher, and an active parent to spearhead a committee to get their own ducks in a row. She selected the retired teacher and the parent-a woman whose husband’s income permitted her to be a full-time mother-because she knew they would have lots of time to devote to the project. [She increases her numbers and adds to her time and knowledge resources.] "Dolores 當晚開車回家時想：「我沒有時間打這場仗了。但是第二天，她請中央辦公室負責政府關係的主管、一位退休的社會研究老師和一位活躍的家長帶頭成立一個委員會，讓他們自己的工作能順利進行。她選擇了這位退休老師和這位家長（她丈夫的收入讓她可以當一位全職母親），因為她知道他們有很多時間可以投入這個計畫。[她增加了人數，並增加了時間和知識資源]。
The committee considered establishing a special organization called something like Spare Our Kids but decided instead to work through existing organizations. Before school ended, they had gained a sympathetic hearing from the associations representing superintendents, principals, and school boards as well as the two teachers’ unions. The state chapters of the PTA and International Reading Association (IRA) were also supportive. Several of these organizations were considering amending their legislative agendas to include opposition to additional basic-skills tests. TThe power of numbers is magnified through effective organization. These organizations also have weallh, knowledge, and access resources to contribute to the cause.] 委員會曾考慮成立一個類似 「保護我們的孩子」（Spare Our Kids）的特別組織，但最後決定通過現有的組織來開展工作。在學校放學之前，他們已獲得代表校監、校長和學校董事會的協會以及兩個教師工會的同情。PTA 和國際閱讀協會 (IRA) 的州分會也表示支持。這些組織中有幾個正在考慮修改他們的立法議程，以包括反對額外的基本技能測驗。人數的力量透過有效的組織而放大。這些組織也有能力、知識和資源來貢獻於這項事業]。
During the summer the state PTA developed a flyer against excessive testing, which cited research about the stress caused by tests. [Knowledge has been gained and is deployed.] Attaching a price tag to testing all the state’s second and fifth graders, the flyer suggested that more testing “would be a waste of tax-paycrs’ dollars.” [The child-centered discourse is preserved, but a neu, cost-conscious discourse is added. This broadening of the discoursse increases the persuasiveness of the argument.] 在暑假期間，州立家教會製作了一張反對過度測驗的傳單，其中引用了關於測驗所造成壓力的研究。[知識已被獲取，並已被部署。]傳單為全州二年級和五年級學生的測驗附加了一個價格標籤，建議更多的測驗 「將是浪費納稅人的錢」。[以兒童為中心的論述被保留下來，但卻加入了新的成本意識論述。這種論述的擴展增加了論點的說服力。］
Meanwhile, Dolores had told her committee about how much difficulty she had contacting their representative. Soon the committee members had tales of their own to add to hers. Everyone agreed that people who tried to contact anyone in the legislature or find out what was going on in the statehouse wasted a lot of time and energy jumping through hoops. Several committee members wrote letters to legislators complaining about this problem. They also sent three letters to the editor of the nearest city newspaper. The last letter ran under the heading “Do They Really Want to Hear from Voters?” [The mobilization of bias against effective participation in state politics is explicitly identified. and made prublic.] In September, the local representative revamped his system for handling phone calls and letters. 與此同時，Dolores 告訴她的委員會，她在聯絡他們的代表時遇到了很多困難。不久之後，委員會成員也有了自己的故事。每個人都同意，人們嘗試聯絡立法機關中的任何人或瞭解州議會中發生的事情，都浪費了大量的時間和精力。幾位委員會成員寫信給議員抱怨這個問題。他們也寄了三封信給最近的市報編輯。最後一封信的標題是「他們真的想聽選民的意見嗎？[明確指出並公開了對有效參與州政治的偏見的動員]。9 月，當地代表改革了他處理電話和信件的系統。
Dolores was also concerned about the apathy of the elementary teachers in her district. She realized that most were women who might have grown up believing the myth that “women do not belong in politics.” Moreover, the district had previously had several authoritarian elementary principals who ruled “their teachers” like benign dictators. She felt these old ideas and behavior patterns needed to change, so she pushed the committee to actively recruit some elementary teachers. She was delighted when several agreed to participate and Dolores 也擔心她所屬地區的小學教師的冷漠態度。她意識到，大多數小學教師都是女性，她們在成長過程中可能一直相信「女性不屬於政治」這個迷思。此外，該學區以前曾有幾位專制的小學校長，像良善的獨裁者一樣統治「他們的教師」。她認為這些舊的想法和行為模式需要改變，因此她推動委員會積極招募一些小學教師。她很高興有幾位老師同意參加，而且
began to develop more confidence in their potential for leadership. (A disempouered group is identified and becomes active. Numbers and knowledge resources are increased. J As the opening of the next session of the legislature approached, Dolores did not know what the future held. She did know, however, that the opponents of pointless testing “had their ducks in a row.” She thought they had done their best to protect the state’s children from time-wasting tests. 開始對自己的領導潛力產生更大的信心。(一個失能的群體被發現並變得活躍）。人數和知識資源增加。J 隨著立法機關下一屆會議開幕的臨近，Dolores不知道未來會發生什麼。然而，她知道反對無謂測驗的人 「已經做好了準備」。她認為他們已經盡了最大的努力來保護本州的孩子，使他們遠離浪費時間的測驗。
ETHICAL ISSUES SURROUNDING POWER 圍繞權力的道德問題
THE DANGERS OF POWER 權力的危險
“Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” wrote Lord Acton about a century ago (Tripp, 1970, p. 718). Acton belongs to a long tradition of thinkers who have expressed moral reservations about power. Under the Roman Empire, Jesus said: “You know that among the gentiles the rulers lord it over them, and great men make their authority felt. Among you this is not to happen” (Matt. 20:25-26, New Jerusalem Bible). Sixteen centuries later, the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes argued that human beings have “a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceaseth only in death” (Hobbes, 1958, p. 86). In the twentieth century, German sociologist Max Weber wrote about politicians who “enjoy the naked possession of the power [they] exert” (Gerth & Mills, 1946, p. 84). 大約一個世紀前，Lord Acton寫道：「權力趨於腐化，絕對權力絕對腐化」（Tripp, 1970, p.718）。Acton 屬於對權力表示道德保留的思想家的悠久傳統。在羅馬帝國統治下，耶穌說："你們知道在外邦人中，統治者凌駕他們，大人物彰顯他們的權柄。在你們中間，這事不可發生」（馬太福音 20：25-26，新耶路撒冷聖經）。十六世紀後，英國哲學家 Thomas Hobbes 認為人類「對於權力的慾望是永恆而不安的，這種慾望只在死亡時才會停止」（Hobbes, 1958, p.86）。在二十世紀，德國社會學家 Max Weber 寫到政治家「享受赤裸裸地擁有他們所行使的權力」（Gerth & Mills, 1946, p.84）。
Such doubts have led many to conclude that all exercises of power are unethical by nature. Writing specifically about power in education, Burbules (1986) asserts: 這些疑慮讓許多人認為，所有權力的運用在本質上都是不道德的。Burbules (1986)在撰寫關於教育權力的文章時特別指出：
Power is a seductive, even addictive tonic, and anyone who takes it, ostensibly for a limited time and for a limited purpose, invariably finds it easier and easier to justify retaining and exercising it beyond these limits… Educators have been notably susceptible to this temptation. (p. 105) 權力是一種誘人的，甚至會讓人上癮的補品，任何表面上是為了有限的時間和有限的目的而取得權力的人，總會發現越來越容易為保留和超越這些限制而行使權力找到理由......教育工作者特別容易受到這種誘惑。(p. 105)
Burbules’s solution to the ethical problem posed by power is to refuse to exercise it. On the surface this conclusion appears high-minded, but deeper reflection suggests that it does not resolve the ethical dilemma surrounding power after all. If every person with moral reservations about power refused to exercise it, power would not cease to exist. Rather, it would be exercised only by those people who lack moral reservations about it. The result would be more abuses of power than exist today, and those who refused to exercise power on moral grounds would be responsible. Thus, the refusal to exercise power because of its corrupting potential is itself an unethical exercise of power. Burbules 對權力所造成的倫理問題的解決方法是拒絕行使權力。表面上看來，這個結論似乎高高在上，但更深層的思考顯示，它始終無法解決圍繞著權力的倫理困境。如果每個在道德上對權力有所保留的人都拒絕行使權力，那麼權力也不會不存在。相反，只有那些對權力沒有道德保留的人才會行使權力。結果就是濫用權力的情況會比現在更多，而那些基於道德理由而拒絕行使權力的人則要為此負責。因此，因權力可能腐化而拒絕行使權力，本身就是不道德地行使權力。
Another answer to the dilemma posed by power is to exercise it conscioustythat is, with awareness of its corrupting potential and of one’s own susceptibility. Peck (1978), a psychotherapist, advocates this course of action, writing: "Awareness . . . comes slowly, piece by piece, and each piece must be worked for by the patient effort of study and observation of everything, including [one’s 對於權力所造成的兩難困境，另一個答案是有意識地行使權力，也就是意識到它的腐敗潛力和自己的易受感染性。心理治療師 Peck（1978 年）主張採取這種行動，他寫道：「意識......是慢慢來的："意識......是慢慢來的，一片一片的，每一片都必須透過耐心的努力來研究和觀察一切，包括[自己的]......。
self] " (p. 285). This means that school leaders should consider power a useful but potentially dangerous tool, similar to an automobile. Just as one should never drive thoughtlessly, so leaders should never fall into the habit of exercising power without thinking about what they are doing. The next two sections of fer guidance for thinking about using power. 自我]"（第 285 頁）。這意味著，學校領導者應將權力視為一種有用但潛在危險的工具，就像汽車一樣。正如一個人絕不能不經思考就開車一樣，領導者也絕不能不經思考就養成行使權力的習慣。接下來的兩節將為思考如何運用權力提供指導。
POWER AS MEANS AND END 作為手段和目的的權力
Wrong (1979) identifies four purposes for which power can be used and discusses the ethical implications of each. His major points are summarized below. Wrong (1979) 指出了四種可以使用權力的目的，並討論了每種目的的倫理含義。他的主要觀點概述如下。
Power as Indioidual Means 權力作為獨立手段
An individual may exercise power to pursue an individual goal. For example, for financial reasons a superintendent near retirement may want to finish his career in the district that currently employs him. In order to enhance his job security, he may build personal power within the district. Exercising power to achieve a personal goal is not necessarily unethical. Even so, over time the temptation will be strong to sacrifice the good of the district to the personal goal. In order to behave ethically, the superintendent will have to monitor his behavior closely to make sure that pursuing his personal goal is always consistent with district goals. 個人可以行使權力來追求個人目標。例如，基於經濟原因，一位臨近退休的總監可能希望在目前雇用他的學區結束他的職業生涯。為了提高他的職業保障，他可能會在學區內建立個人權力。行使權力來實現個人目標不一定是不道德的。即使如此，隨著時間的推移，為了個人目標而犧牲區內利益的誘惑將會很強。為了行為合乎道德，總監必須密切監控自己的行為，以確保追求個人目標始終與區域目標保持一致。
Power as Individual End 作為個人目的的權力
An individual may exercise power solely because of the sense of importance she experiences as she does so. For example, a principal may enjoy demonstrating her power over parents, teachers, students, and staff by making unilateral decisions and suddenly reversing them without explanation. Such a use of power as an end in itself is always unethical. 個人行使權力的唯一原因可能是她在行使權力時所體驗到的重要感。舉例來說，校長可能喜歡對家長、老師、學生和員工展現她的權力，做出單方面的決定，然後不加解釋地突然推翻這些決定。這種以權力為目的的行為本身就是不道德的。
Power as Means for a Group 權力作為團體的手段
An individual may exercise power to advance the goals of a group. For example, a secondary supervisor may use her power to obtain funds to purchase lab equipment for the chemistry teachers. Assuming that the group’s goals are ethieal, this use of power is the least susceptible to abuse. 個人可以運用權力來推動團體的目標。例如，中學主管可以運用她的權力來取得資金，為化學老師們購買實驗設備。假設團體的目標是道德的，這種權力的運用是最不容易被濫用的。
Power as End for a Group 權力是團體的終點
A group leader may exercise power to enhance his group’s power solely because the group enjoys being influential. For example, the president of a teachers’ union may engage in numerous activitics to build the union’s power. He does so because he and other leaders enjoy packing board meetings, walking out of bargaining sessions, and threatening strikes. This behavior feeds their self-importance. Exercising power for such a purpose is unethical. 團體領導人可能會運用權力來增強其團體的力量，這純粹是因為該團體喜歡有影響力。例如，教師工會的主席可能會從事許多活動來建立工會的力量。他這樣做是因為他和其他領導人喜歡包圍董事會會議、離開談判會議、威脅罷工。這樣的行為能滿足他們的自尊心。為了這樣的目的而行使權力是不道德的。
USING DISCURSIVE POWER ETHICALLY 合乎倫理地使用議論能力
Discourse, especially speech, has always been an important instrument of power for school leaders. With the introduction of site-based management in many districts, it is more important than ever. Like other power resources, discourse can be used both ethically and unethically. 對於學校領導者來說，說話，尤其是演講，一直是一種重要的權力工具。隨著許多地區開始實行校本管理，它比以往任何時候都更加重要。與其他權力資源一樣，言論的使用既可以是道德的，也可以是不道德的。
Robinson (1995) provides valuable guidelines for exercising discursive power ethically, suggesting that people must adhere to three values in responsible discourse: Robinson (1995) 提供了以道德方式行使論述權力的寶貴指導方針，建議人們在負責任的論述中必須遵守三個價值觀：
Respect. The more powerful actors must understand that the less powerful ones have the same basic rights that they do. The less powerful actors must be given the opportunity to suggest issues for the agenda, speak in discussions, and question positions taken by the more powerful actors. 尊重。較強大的參與者必須瞭解，較弱小的參與者也擁有與他們相同的基本權利。必須讓較弱勢的參與者有機會提出議程議題、在討論中發言，並質疑較強勢的參與者所採取的立場。
Commitment to vald information. All participants in the discourse should be willing to change their opinions in response to new and valid information. 對有效資訊的承諾。所有參與討論的人都應該願意改變他們的意見，以回應新的有效資訊。
Freedom of choice. Less powerful actors should be genuinely free to take positions or choose courses of action without fear of negative repercussions. 選擇自由。勢力較弱的行動者應該有真正的自由來採取立場或選擇行動方案，而不必擔心負面的影響。
Robinson (1995) believes that people find acting consistently with these values difficult because they lack the necessary skills. People must know how to be open about their intentions and how to place their opinions under public scrutiny. Moreover, leaders need to be able to facilitate open discussions and group decision making. Several facilitative skills are important, including: Robinson (1995)認為，人們很難按照這些價值觀行事，因為他們缺乏必要的技巧。人們必須知道如何公開自己的意圖，以及如何將自己的意見置於大眾的監督之下。此外，領導者需要能夠促進公開討論和團體決策。幾種促進技能非常重要，包括：
the ability to listen well; 善於聆聽的能力；
the ability to invite contributions from others; 邀請他人貢獻的能力；
open, receptive body language; 開放、樂於接受的身體語言；
the ability to test and revise ideas; and 測試和修正想法的能力；以及
the ability to guide a group toward closure. 能夠引導團體達成結案。
To illustrate her points, Robinson (1995) describes a school council meeting that she observed. The topic of discussion was adopting a school uniform, a subject that had previously been discussed at length. The principal, Tony, chaired the meeting. Tony was receptive to everyone’s opinion, and many people participated. However, he was unwilling (or unable) to facilitate the meaningful discussion of different suggestions or to guide the group toward closure. As a result, after a second entire meeting had been devoted to the uniform issue, faculty felt frustrated. One of them later told Robinson that although Tony tended to listen to everyone’s opinion in meetings, he later made decisions unilaterally. Robinson concludes that both excluding voices and failing to lead a group to a sound decision are abuses of discursive power. 為了說明她的觀點，Robinson (1995) 描述了她觀察到的一次校董會會議。討論的主題是採用校服，這個主題之前已經討論了很久。校長 Tony 主持了會議。Tony 很樂意接受每個人的意見，許多人都參與其中。但是，他不願意（或無法）促進對不同建議進行有意義的討論，或引導小組達成結論。結果，在第二次整個會議都在討論制服問題之後，教師們感到沮喪。其中一位教師後來告訴 Robinson，雖然 Tony 在會議中傾向於聽取每個人的意見，但他後來卻單方面做出了決定。羅賓遜的結論是，排除聲音和未能帶領團體做出正確的決定，都是濫用論述權力。
Using power ethically requires considerable maturity, self-awareness, and effort. Yet, school leaders must make the effort if they wish to avoid becoming victims of power’s insidious lure. Only by exercising power thoughtfully and with deep respect for others can education leaders build healthy and humane organizations. 合乎道德地運用權力需要相當的成熟度、自我意識和努力。然而，如果學校領導者希望避免成為權力陰險誘惑的受害者，他們就必須付出努力。只有深思熟慮並尊重他人地運用權力，教育領導者才能建立健康和人道的組織。
FINAL POINTS 最終得分
Power permeates education systems and the policies that shape them. Much of that power is wielded by individual employees of the system, acting in their capacity as government officials. Their power ultimately rests on their institution 權力滲透到教育體系以及塑造這些體系的政策中。這種權力大多數是由教育系統的個別員工，以政府官員的身分所行使。他們的權力最終依賴於他們的機構
and the policies and traditions behind it, not on their personal characteristics. Traditionally, much of the power wielded by educational institutions has been authority-a type of power that society considers right and legitimate. However, authority rests on legitimacy, and legitimacy is easily lost. As the twentyfirst century begins, the legitimacy of all authority-including educational au-thority-is in crisis. When their authority is weakened, educators have to learn to use other types of power, and understanding the power relations in their policy environment becomes more important than ever for them. For education leaders to understand power is therefore crucial. 以及背後的政策和傳統，而非他們的個人特徵。傳統上，教育機構擁有的大部分權力都是權威--一種社會認為正確和合法的權力。然而，權威是建立在合法性的基礎上，而合法性是很容易失去的。隨著21世紀的來臨，所有權威（包括教育權威）的合法性都面臨危機。當他們的權威被削弱時，教育者必須學會運用其他類型的權力，對他們來說，了解政策環境中的權力關係變得比以往任何時候都重要。因此，對教育領導者來說，理解權力是至關重要的。
QUESTIONS AMD ACTIVITIES FOR DISCUSSIOM 供討論的問題和活動
1
List the types of power to which your educational position entitles you and the major power resources at your disposal. How could you make more effective use of your power? 列出您的教育地位賦予您的權力類型，以及您可以使用的主要權力資源。您可以如何更有效地運用您的權力？
Call your representative in the state legislature and request some information from the office. Keep a list of everything that happens, starting with locating the representative’s phone number. Analyze the bias mobilized against public participation in legislative policy making. 打電話給您在州議會的代表，並要求從辦公室取得一些資訊。記下所有發生的事情，從找出代表的電話號碼開始。分析反對公眾參與立法決策的偏見。
What evidence suggests that some people in your district have been disempowered through the shaping of their consciousness? How does their disempowerment affect district education policy? 哪些證據顯示您地區的某些人因意識的塑造而喪失權 力？他們的失能如何影響地區教育政策？
Do a PRINCE analysis of a current issue in your district or state. How could the less powerful stakeholders build their power? 對您所在區域或州的當前問題進行 PRINCE 分析。權力較小的利害關係人可以如何建立他們的權力？
Case Study: SATANISM AND WITCHCRAFT IN THE SCHOOLS 個案研究：學校中的撒旦教與巫術
Bob Mathews is the superintendent of a school district that includes a small city and the surrounding rural area. The district is about 30 miles from a large metropolis; but recently many former city dwellers have purchased houses in two new subdivisions. About 10 days ago Bob received a phone call from a man who identified himself as Clyde Ruggles. Saying that he had some concerns about the language arts books used in the district, Ruggles requested an opportunity to address the school board at its next meeting. Because Ruggles spoke with an unsophisticated accent and made several grammatical errors, Bob thought, “Just a harmless crackpot.” He agreed to place him on the agenda and forgot about him. Bob Mathews 是一個學區的總監，該學區包括一個小城市和周圍的鄉村地區。該學區距離大都市約 30 英里，但最近有許多以前住在城市的人在兩個新的住宅小区買了房子。大約 10 天前，Bob 接到一個自稱是 Clyde Ruggles 的人的電話。Ruggles 說他對校區使用的語文書籍有些疑慮，並要求有機會在下次校董會會議上發言。由於 Ruggles 說話時帶著不太流利的口音，而且有幾個語法錯誤，Bob 認為「他只是個無害的瘋子」。他同意將他列入議程，然後就把他忘了。
At last night’s school board meeting, Bob was astonished to see that every seat in the meeting room was occupied. Many in the crowd were wearing red, white, and blue buttons that read, “Save our children from the devil.” Some were holding up professional-looking signs containing the same words. As he made his way through the crowd, someone shoved a leaflet into his hand and a photographer’s flash went off. Looking around, Bob recognized seyeral reporters in the audience. 在昨晚的校董會會議上，Bob 驚訝地發現會議室的每個座位都被佔據了。人群中有許多人都戴著紅、白、藍三色的鈕扣，上面寫著「從魔鬼手中拯救我們的孩子」。有些人還舉著看起來很專業的牌子，上面寫著同樣的字。當他穿過人群時，有人將傳單塞入他的手中，攝影師的閃光燈響起。環顧四周，鮑勃認出了觀眾席上的記者。
Because Bob had placed Ruggles first on the agenda, Ruggles strode to the microphone right after the Pledge of Allegiance and read a brilliantly written 由於 Bob 將 Ruggles 列為議程上的第一位，因此 Ruggles 在宣誓後立即走到麥克風前，朗讀了一段精采的文字
speech to the school board. In it he claimed that the language arts series used by the system taught Satanism, magic, and witchcraft. After citing several examples, Ruggles concluded: “This school district systematically teaches our children a heathen religion: Satanism. Under the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, this practice is illegal. I therefore request that the school board immediately stop using this textbook series.” The room rang with thunderous applause. 的演講。他在演講中聲稱，該系統使用的語言藝術系列教授撒旦主義、魔法和巫術。在舉出幾個例子後，Ruggles總結說："這個校區有系統地教導我們的孩子異教：撒旦教。根據美國憲法第一修正案的設立條款，這種做法是非法的。因此，我要求校董會立即停止使用這套教科書"。全場響起雷鳴般的掌聲。
Then Ed Zabriski, one of the board members, said, “I move that we stop using this series.” After considerable hesitation, Jay Bullock seconded the motion, and the audience applauded again. The motion failed, 3-23-2, on a roll call vote. Then, in a voice not much above a whisper, Dr. Dale Attali said, “I move we adjourn to the superintendent’s office to discuss personnel matters in an executive session.” This motion passed, 3-2. Bob did not know if this motion was legal or not, but he did not care. He, the board members, and the treasurer hurriedly left the room to calls of “Cowards! Cowards!” In his office Bob learned that Zabriski strongiy supported Ruggles and his group. Bullock, on the other hand, had supported the motion because many voters from his district were present. Attali and the other two board members, both from the new subdivisions, were appalled by Ruggles’s ideas. 接著，董事會成員之一 Ed Zabriski 說：「我動議停止使用這個系列」。經過一番猶豫之後，Jay Bullock 贊同這項動議，全場再次鼓掌。該議案在唱名表決中失敗， 3-23-2 。然後，Dale Attali 博士用不高於耳語的聲音說：「我動議我們休會，到校長辦公室以行政會議的形式討論人事問題。這項議案以 3 比 2 獲得通過。Bob 不知道這項議案是否合法，但他不在乎。他、董事會成員和司庫匆忙離開了會場，會場上一片 「膽小鬼！膽小鬼！」的呼聲！懦夫！"Bob 在辦公室裡得知 Zabriski 強烈支持 Ruggles 和他的團體。另一方面，Bullock 支持這項議案，因為他的選區有許多選民出席。Attali 和另外兩位董事都來自新的分區，他們對 Ruggles 的想法感到震驚。
The next morning Bob attended a Kiwanis pancake breakfast before meeting with the city manager. When he reached his office at 10:00 A.M., he found a stack of telephone messages on the desk. They included: (1) “Jane Cohen, president of the teachers’ union called. Several English teachers have contacted her, concerned about censorship after last night.” (Eighty-five percent of the teachers belong to the union, which has been bargaining for eight years.) (2) “Harold Brook of Realtors Association-concerned about declining home sales in new subdivision if ‘kooks’ take over.” (3) “Jasper Powers, pastor of the Four Square Solid Bible Gospel Temple called. Concerned about Satanism in our schools.” (This church has 800 members, mostly from workingclass families.) (4) “George P. Trotwood, president of First Home Fidelity Bank called - wants to know what in the h-is going on around here? Have you lost control?” (5) Every elementary principal had left a message to the effect that several students were refusing to participate in reading class. (6) “Robert Bachfeld, pastor of the Holy Light Tabernacle, wants an appointment to discuss the curriculum with you.” (This church has about 600 members.) (7) “Tammy Brouillette, Channel 7 News Reporter, wants to interview you about Satanism,” 第二天早上，Bob 在與城市經理會面前參加了 Kiwanis 的煎餅早餐會。當他在早上 10 點到達辦公室時，發現桌上有一疊電話留言。其中包括(1) 「教師工會主席 Jane Cohen 來電。有幾位英文老師聯絡她，擔心昨晚之後的審查制度"。(85%的教師屬於工會，工會已進行了八年的談判）。(2) "房地產經紀人協會的Harold Brook 擔心如果「怪人」接手，新分區的房屋銷售量會下降"。(3) "Jasper Powers, Four Square Solid Bible Gospel Temple 的牧師來電。擔心撒旦主義在我們的學校"。(4) "George P. Trotwood, First Home Fidelity Bank 的總裁來電 - 想知道這裡到底發生了什麼事?你們失去控制了嗎？(5) 每位小學校長都留言說有幾位學生拒絕上閱讀課。(6) 「Robert Bachfeld, Holy Light Tabernacle 的牧師, 希望與你約會討論課程」。(這個教會約有600名會員。) (7) 「Tammy Brouillette，第7頻道新聞記者，想要就撒旦主義訪問您」。
Questions 問題
Do a PRINCE analysis of power relationships in this district. 對這個區域的權力關係做 PRINCE 分析。
Apparently, Bob Mathews has based his behavior on a faulty analysis of power relationships. Describe his apparent analysis. In your opinion, why did he make these mistakes? 顯然，Bob Mathews 的行為是基於對權力關係的錯誤分析。請描述他明顯的分析。在您看來，他為什麼會犯下這些錯誤？
In what ways do the second and third dimensions of power probably operate in this district? 在這個地區，權力的第二和第三個層面大概是以什麼方式運作的？
Develop a plan that Bob Mathews and the majority on the board could use to alter power relationships so that this conflict can be resolved in a positive, ethical manner. 制定一個計劃，讓 Bob Mathews 和董事會中的大多數人可以用來改變權力關係，從而以積極、合乎道德的方式解決這場衝突。
News Story for Analysis: SCHOOLS HEAD URGES ABOLISHING TENURE FOR NEW YORK PRINCIPALS 分析新聞故事：學校主管促請廢除紐約校長的任期制
By Steven Greenhouse 作者：Steven Greenhouse
NEW YORK-The New York City Schools Chancellor, Dr. Rudy Grew, urged abolishing tenure for the city’s 1,160 principals yesterday, saying the school system needs the power to remove principals to improve its many underachieving schools. Dr. Grew’s proposal upset the union representing principals, won praise from City Hall and received mixed reviews from state legislators, who ultimately would decide whether to enact the proposal. 紐約 - 紐約市教育局長 Rudy Grew 博士昨天敦促廢除全市 1,160 位校長的終身職務，並表示學校系統需要撤換校長的權力，以改善許多成績不佳的學校。Grew 博士的提案令代表校長的工會不滿，贏得市政廳的讚賞，並獲得州議員褒贬不一的評價，州議員最終將決定是否頒布這項提案。
The State Legislature granted principals and teachers the right to tenure early in this century after the fast-growing union movement lobbied for it and after many teachers grew concerned that school boards would dismiss them if they expressed umpopular political views. Yesterday, union officials made a similar argument, saying the elimination of tenure would subject principals to arbitrary dismissals and could discourage them from being bold or innovative for fear of offending the Board of Education. 本世紀初，在快速成長的工會運動游說下，許多教師開始擔心，如果他們表達不受歡迎的政 見，校董會就會解僱他們，因此州立法機關賦予校長和教師終身教職的權利。昨天，工會官員提出類似的論點，表示取消終身教職權將使校長遭受任意解僱，並可能使他們因害怕得罪教育理事會而不敢大膽或創新。
The First Deputy Mayor, Peter J. Powers, applauded Dr. Crew’s proposal, saying, “This is a concept we have supported in the past, and a concept that will build accountability into a failing system.” 第一副市長 Peter J. Powers 對 Crew 博士的提案大加讚賞，他說：「這是我們過去一直支持的概念，也是一個能在失敗的系統中建立問責性的概念」。
Judging from the response of state lawmakers, Dr. Crew’s proposal to eliminate tenure faces tougher going in the Democratic-controlled Assembly than in the Republican-led Senate. Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, a Manhattan Democrat, showed little enthusiasm for Dr. Crew’s proposal. A better, less divisive idea, Mr. Silver said, would be to enact a bill that would give the Chancellor a stronger hand in moving principals out of their schools, without stripping them of salary or title. “It’s a matter of getting something accomplished that doesn’t divide people and that’s best for children,” Mr. Silver said. 從州議員的反應來看，Crew博士取消終身教職的提案在民主黨控制的眾議院比共和黨領導的參議院更難通過。曼哈頓民主黨人、眾議院議長Sheldon Silver對Crew博士的提案不表熱情。西爾弗先生說，一個更好、更不會造成分裂的想法是制定一項法案，讓總督在不剝奪校長薪水或職稱的情況下，更有權讓校長調離學校。"Silver先生說：「我們要做的是，讓人們不會分裂，而且對孩子們最好。
Questions 問題
List all actors mentioned in the article. Identify the types of power they hold and the resources on which each depends. 列出文章中提到的所有參與者。指出他們擁有的權力類型，以及各自依賴的資源。
Identify the ethical issues related to power in this article. Be prepared to discuss them. 找出本文中與權力相關的道德問題。準備好討論這些問題。
Assuming that each actor is trying to maintain or gain power, explain the differing positions that each takes in the article. 假設每個行動者都試圖維持或獲得權力，請解釋每個行動者在文章中所採取的不同立場。
