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In my organizational work I have never thought in terms of my “making a contribution.” I just thought of myself as functioning where there was a need. And If I have made a contribution I think it may be that I had some influence on a large number of people. - Ella Baker ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1}
在我的组织工作中，我从未想过要 "做出贡献"。我只认为自己是在有需要的地方发挥作用。如果说我做出了贡献，我想可能是我对很多人产生了一些影响。- 艾拉-贝克 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1}

Abrilliant STrategist in the civil rights movements, Ella Josephine Baker (19031986) was field organizer for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1930s and 1940s, and the first director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in the 1950s. She also acted as convener of the student conference in 1960 that lead to the formation of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), for which she served as advisor. Baker’s “organizational work” expanded US democracy as well as helped to redefine and radicalize the roles of intellectuals and activists in the civil rights era. Her radicalism transformed criticisms of racism into critiques of both capitalism and liberal acquiescence to oppressive state practices. Baker also channeled her critiques into political opposition through civil disobedience and grassroots organizing for a democratic society. Merging rhetoric about black liberation with activism, she embodied both political worker and intellectual.
埃拉-约瑟芬-贝克（Ella Josephine Baker，1903-1986 年）是民权运动的战略家，在 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代担任全国有色人种协进会（NAACP）的实地组织者，在 50 年代担任南方基督教领袖会议（SCLC）的首任主任。她还在 1960 年的学生会议上担任召集人，促成了学生非暴力协调委员会（SNCC）的成立，并担任该委员会的顾问。贝克的 "组织工作 "扩大了美国的民主，并帮助重新定义和激进化了民权时代知识分子和活动家的角色。她的激进主义将对种族主义的批判转化为对资本主义和自由主义默许压迫性国家做法的批判。贝克还通过非暴力反抗和基层民主社会组织活动，将她的批判转化为政治反抗。她将黑人解放的言论与行动主义相结合，既是政治工作者，又是知识分子。

Ella Baker’s influence on a large number of people extends to generations who, knowing very little about or having never heard of Miss Baker, " were shaped by her political legacy. Miss Baker’s obscurity is as instructive as her political thought and action. Charles
埃拉-贝克对许多人的影响延伸到了对贝克小姐知之甚少或从未听说过的几代人，"她的政治遗产塑造了他们。贝克小姐的默默无闻与她的政治思想和行动一样具有启发性。查尔斯

Part of the distortion stems from which actors are privileged in political memory and knowledge. Reflecting the conservative/liberal bias that privileges men, whites and the affluent, some male (SCLC) civil rights leaders and contemporary civil rights historians de-emphasized the role of African American women in this movement. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} For most, leadership and agency have been distorted as primarily the attributes of male political and intellectual elites. It is not surprising that the contributions of radicals, particularly black women such as Miss Baker, who spoke and organized not only against racism but also capitalism and imperialism, go unrecognized.
这种扭曲部分源于政治记忆和知识中哪些行为者享有特权。一些男性民权领袖（SCLC）和当代民权史学家不强调非裔美国妇女在这场运动中的作用，这反映了保守派/自由派对男性、白人和富裕阶层的偏见。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} 对大多数人来说，领导力和能动性被歪曲为主要是男性政治和知识精英的特质。激进分子，尤其是黑人妇女，如贝克小姐，她们不仅发言和组织起来反对种族主义，还反对资本主义和帝国主义，但她们的贡献却没有得到承认，这并不奇怪。

Even the ‘knowledgeable’ may remember Miss Baker’s political contributions in disempowering ways, i.e., in ways that de-radicalize her political commitments. For some Miss Baker may represent the “organic intellectual,” described in Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks as the strategist whose theorizing to end oppression forms the “ribs corseting the masses.” The organic intellectual as activist works with a theoretical and experiential political base, which is precisely how Ella Baker positioned herself. However, Miss Baker
即使是 "有识之士 "也可能会以剥夺权力的方式记住贝克小姐的政治贡献，即以去激进化的方式记住她的政治承诺。对某些人来说，贝克小姐可能代表了 "有机知识分子"，安东尼奥-葛兰西（Antonio Gramsci）在《狱中笔记》中将其描述为战略家，他为结束压迫而提出的理论形成了 "束缚大众的肋骨"。作为活动家的有机知识分子以理论和经验为政治基础开展工作，这正是埃拉-贝克对自己的定位。然而，贝克小姐
would likely reject as elitist any Gramscian characterization of her as a member of a political vanguard. One of her often cited quotes is that “a strong people don’t need strong leaders.” As an activist-intellectual with democratic vision, Ella Baker’s thought reveals a strong sense of social change determined by “ordinary” people who wage political movements. Her relationships to impoverished and militant workers forged political perspectives that identified African American laborers and workers as political leaders. Such views on mass leadership shaped her facilitation of grassroots activism for the NAACP, SCLC and SNCC; it also led to her resignations from the NAACP and SCLC whose bureaucratic leadership, in her estimation, refused to commit to grassroots political activism. (A study of her political life reveals the class, gender and ideological differences within the civil rights movement.)
她很可能会拒绝葛兰西将她描述为政治先锋队成员的任何精英主义说法。她经常引用的一句话是："强大的人民不需要强大的领袖"。作为一名具有民主视野的活动家-知识分子，埃拉-贝克的思想显示出一种强烈的社会变革意识，即由发动政治运动的 "普通人 "来决定社会变革。她与贫困和激进工人的关系形成了她的政治观点，将非裔美国劳工和工人视为政治领袖。这种关于群众领导力的观点影响了她为有色人种协进会、非裔工人委员会和独立黑人协商委员会开展的基层活动；这也导致她从有色人种协进会和非裔工人委员会辞职，因为在她看来，这两个组织的官僚领导层拒绝致力于基层政治活动。(对她政治生活的研究揭示了民权运动中的阶级、性别和意识形态差异）。

Ella Baker’s preference to take her political directives from poor or working class African Americans, rather than civil rights elites, led some to marginalize her. However her political instincts were grounded in political lessons accumulated through activism in New York City during the Depression. Labor activism in Harlem planted the roots of her praxis in the political-economic conditions and collective leadership of black workers, youth and women. As a young, black woman worker during this era, Baker used her own caste position to explore the relevancy and efficacy of black liberation politics.
艾拉-贝克喜欢从贫穷或劳动阶层的非裔美国人而不是民权精英那里获得政治指示，这导致一些人将她边缘化。然而，她的政治本能是建立在大萧条时期在纽约市开展活动所积累的政治经验之上的。哈莱姆区的劳工活动使她的实践扎根于黑人工人、青年和妇女的政治经济条件和集体领导。在这个时代，作为一名年轻的黑人女工，贝克利用自身的种姓地位来探索黑人解放政治的现实意义和有效性。

DURING Ella Baker’s life TIME, “black women’s work” generally meant field or domestic labor for whites (in the North it expanded to include factory work). For a more privileged minority of African American women it also included teaching, which brought both status and a reprieve from the dehumanizing physical labor characterizing black women’s work. ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} A college graduate from Shaw University, Ella Baker recognized the limitations imposed on anti-racist educators by white controlled school boards and rejected a teaching career. In 1927, joining hundreds of thousands of black women migrating North in search of work and relief
在埃拉-贝克生活的时代，"黑人妇女的工作 "对白人来说通常指田间劳动或家务劳动（在北方，还包括工厂工作）。对于少数地位较高的非裔美国妇女来说，"黑人妇女的工作 "还包括教书，这既能带来地位，又能摆脱黑人妇女工作中非人的体力劳动。 ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} 艾拉-贝克（Ella Baker）毕业于邵逸夫大学，她认识到白人控制的学校董事会对反种族主义教育工作者的限制，因此拒绝从事教师职业。1927 年，她与成千上万的黑人妇女一起北上寻找工作和救济。
from Jim Crow, Ella Baker left her home and a somewhat protected, privileged place in Littleton, South Carolina for New York City. In New York, she secured employment in the menial and racially-sexually exploited labor, considered traditional “black women’s work.” ${}^{}$${}^{}$^(){ }^{\text { }}
为了摆脱 "吉姆-克罗 "政策的影响，艾拉-贝克离开了家，离开了南卡罗来纳州利特尔顿这个受到一定保护、享有特权的地方，前往纽约。在纽约，她找到了一份被认为是传统的 "黑人妇女工作 "的体力劳动和受种族性别剥削的工作。 ${}^{}$${}^{}$^(){ }^{\text { }}

Racist and sexist hiring policies - the few African American businesses tended to hire men for clerical workers with the bias that men were, and should be, the primary “bread winners” - meant that for several years Ella Baker’s first and only paying job was as a restaurant waitress. Rather than submit to exploitation, Baker began organizing with other African American workers for jobs and collective economic gains. Later obtaining factory work,’ and eventual employment as a journalist and paid political organizer, Ella Baker gained a wide range of work and social experiences. These traditional and “non-traditional” jobs, along with organizing with Harlem trade unionists during the Depression, deepened her understanding of the economic exploitation in racism.
种族主义和性别歧视的雇佣政策--少数非裔美国人企业倾向于雇佣男性文员，认为男性是、也应该是主要的 "养家糊口者"--意味着几年来埃拉-贝克的第一份也是唯一一份有报酬的工作是餐厅服务员。贝克没有屈服于剥削，而是开始与其他非裔美国工人组织起来，争取工作和集体经济利益。后来，埃拉-贝克在工厂工作，并最终成为一名记者和有报酬的政治组织者，获得了广泛的工作和社会经验。这些传统和 "非传统 "的工作，以及在大萧条时期与哈莱姆工会成员一起组织的活动，加深了她对种族主义中经济剥削的理解。

At the height of the Depression, national production decreased by half, thousands were left homeless due to bank foreclosures and millions were left jobless without compensation. By 1933 an estimated $66\mathrm{\%}$$66\mathrm{\%}$66%66 \% of the “potential labor force of Harlem was unemployed.” ${}^{\text{In}}1935$${}^{\text{In }}1935$^("In ")1935{ }^{\text {In }} 1935 over two million African Americans were on relief. Concentrated in northern cities - eleven had African American populations of over 100,000 by the end of ${1935}^9$${1935}^9$1935^(9)1935^{9} - African Americans used their votes to increase the numbers of black city officials; yet the majority were impoverished. In response to their conditions, largely unmitigated by electoral politics, African Americans formed Unemployed Councils which supported multi-racial organizing and organized nationwide “hunger marches” to agitate for immediate emergency relief and unemployment compensation legislation."
在大萧条最严重的时期，全国生产减少了一半，成千上万的人因银行取消赎回权而无家可归，数百万人失业而得不到任何补偿。据估计，到 1933 年， $66\mathrm{\%}$$66\mathrm{\%}$66%66 \% "哈莱姆区的潜在劳动力 "中有一半失业。 ${}^{\text{In}}1935$${}^{\text{In }}1935$^("In ")1935{ }^{\text {In }} 1935 200多万非裔美国人接受救济。非裔美国人主要集中在北方城市--到 ${1935}^9$${1935}^9$1935^(9)1935^{9} 年底，有11座城市的非裔美国人人口超过了10万人--他们利用选票增加了黑人城市官员的人数；然而，大多数人却生活贫困。非裔美国人的境况在很大程度上没有得到选举政治的缓解，为了应对他们的境况，非裔美国人成立了失业者委员会，该委员会支持多种族组织，并组织了全国范围的 "饥饿游行"，以鼓动立即实施紧急救济和失业补偿立法"。

Ella Baker describes New York City in the 1930s, with its “race” men and women, socialists, communists, and union activists, as a stimulating “hotbed of radical thinking.” During the Depression, Baker herself began to consider the structural nature of black exploitation and the need for organized responses to it:
艾拉-贝克将 20 世纪 30 年代的纽约市描述为 "激进思想的温床"，那里有 "种族 "男女、社会主义者、共产主义者和工会活动家。在大萧条时期，贝克本人开始考虑黑人受剥削的结构性问题，以及有组织地应对这一问题的必要性：

I began to see that there were certain social forces over which the individual had very little control. It wasn’t an easy lesson for me to learn but I was able to learn it. It was out of that context that I began to explore more in the area of ideology and the theory of social change. So during the Depression years, I began to identify to some extent with the unemployed, the organization of the unemployed. . . . ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12}
我开始认识到，有些社会力量是个人无法控制的。对我来说，这不是一堂容易上手的课，但我还是学会了。正是在这种背景下，我开始更多地探索意识形态领域和社会变革理论。因此，在大萧条时期，我开始在一定程度上认同失业者和失业者组织。. . . ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12} .
Faced with increasing economic hardship, racist riots, hatred strikes, exclusion from better paying jobs and unions by northern white workers, ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} and the racism of the federal government, African Americans increased their labor agitation, strengthening ties to socialist and communist organizations. Although the majority of Harlem blacks did not join radical parties, during the Depression many organized to create alternative economic relations for their personal survival, and that of their families. The Young Negroes Cooperative League, which Ella Baker joined in 1932, was one attempt at community organizing for black economic self-sufficiency. Eventually working as coordinator of the league, Miss Baker administered its offices in Chelsea, organizing with others to establish stores and buying clubs throughout the country. Ella Baker worked in the league with George Shuyler, whom she called the originator of the “buy black” campaigns, ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14} which attempted to discourage consumers from patronizing businesses with racist hiring practices. “Buy black” campaigns focused on black customers patronizing black businesses; yet intended more than “black capitalism” in that the campaigns critiqued structural unemployment and used economic boycotts as a labor strategy. (The Harlem Labor Union picketed for jobs on 125th Street with “don’t buy where you can’t work” as their slogan, ${}^{15}$${}^{15}$^(15){ }^{15} foreshadowing the picket lines and boycotts of the civil rights movement in the South.) Devastated by the Depression, many became (ideologically) receptive to cooperative, non-capitalist economic and social relations. In the league, people collectively banked funds, purchased goods, donated services and resources to cooperatives. African Americans also formed cooperative classes in settlement houses and Negro women’s clubs. ${}^{16}$${}^{16}$^(16){ }^{16} The league also offered a system of social relations similar to the extended, southern families of many Harlem residents - by 1930, nearly half of
面对日益严重的经济困难、种族主义骚乱、仇恨罢工、北方白人工人对高薪工作和工会的排斥， ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} 以及联邦政府的种族主义，非裔美国人加大了对劳工的煽动，加强了与社会主义和共产主义组织的联系。虽然大多数哈林区黑人没有加入激进党派，但在大萧条期间，许多黑人组织起来，为个人和家庭的生存创造替代性经济关系。埃拉-贝克于 1932 年加入的 "黑人青年合作联盟"（Young Negroes Cooperative League）就是为实现黑人经济自给自足而进行的一次社区组织尝试。贝克小姐最终成为该联盟的协调员，负责管理位于切尔西的办公室，并与其他人一起在全国各地组织建立商店和购买俱乐部。艾拉-贝克曾与乔治-舒勒（George Shuyler）在该联盟共事，她称舒勒为 "购买黑人 "运动的发起人， ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14} 该运动试图阻止消费者光顾那些在雇用方面存在种族主义的企业。"购买黑人 "运动的重点是黑人消费者光顾黑人企业；但其目的不仅仅是 "黑人资本主义"，而是批判结构性失业，并将经济抵制作为一种劳工策略。(哈莱姆工会在第 125 街设置纠察线，以 "不买不能工作的东西 "为口号， ${}^{15}$${}^{15}$^(15){ }^{15} 这预示着南方民权运动中的纠察线和抵制活动）。在大萧条的打击下，许多人（在意识形态上）开始接受合作、非资本主义的经济和社会关系。在联盟中，人们集体将资金存入银行、购买商品、向合作社捐赠服务和资源。 非裔美国人还在安置所和黑人妇女俱乐部中成立了合作班。 ${}^{16}$${}^{16}$^(16){ }^{16} 该联盟还提供了一种类似于许多哈莱姆区居民的南方大家庭的社会关系体系--到 1930 年，近一半的哈莱姆区居民都加入了该联盟。

Manhattan’s African American population had been born in the South. ${}^{17}$${}^{17}$^(17){ }^{17}
曼哈顿的非裔美国人都出生在南方。 ${}^{17}$${}^{17}$^(17){ }^{17}

According to Ella Baker, young African Americans joined the Young Negroes Cooperative League during the Depression because they “were feeling the pinch, so when people feel the pinch they do certain things that they wouldn’t do otherwise.” The league offered an alternative to Darwinian production and consumption and necessity made it popular among young African Americans. After the Depression, the league’s structures for communal/socialist economic interdependence and black independence from white society dissipated. Organizing with the league had provided Ella Baker with many opportunities as a strategist in confronting the poverty of black workers. However, it was probably not until she worked with New York City’s AfraAmerican domestics, that Ella Baker analyzed how state exploitation of black workers was exacerbated by gender and sex.
据埃拉-贝克（Ella Baker）说，在大萧条时期，年轻的非裔美国人加入了黑人青年合作联盟，因为他们 "感到了拮据，所以当人们感到拮据时，就会做一些他们不会做的事情"。该联盟为达尔文式的生产和消费提供了另一种选择，这种必要性使其在非洲裔美国年轻人中很受欢迎。大萧条之后，该联盟的社区/社会主义经济相互依存和黑人独立于白人社会的结构逐渐消散。联盟的组织工作为埃拉-贝克提供了许多机会，使她成为应对黑人工人贫困问题的战略家。然而，也许直到她与纽约市的非裔家庭佣工合作时，艾拉-贝克才分析了国家对黑人工人的剥削是如何因性别和性而加剧的。

In 1932, Ella Baker began freelancing for the NAACP’s publication, The Crisis, which W.E.B. Du Bois, as editor, had developed into a major, intellectual vehicle for civil rights politics. Prior to working for The Crisis, she had joined the editorial staff of the American West Indian News in 1929; and later served as office manager and editorial assistant for the Negro National News. Working as an investigative journalist, translating ideas gathered from political activism and research into written analysis, was probably instrumental in clarifying Baker’s politico-economic critiques.
1932 年，艾拉-贝克开始为有色人种协进会的刊物《危机》（The Crisis）担任自由撰稿人，W.E.B. Du Bois 作为该刊物的编辑，将其发展成为民权政治的重要思想载体。在为《危机》工作之前，她于 1929 年加入了《美国西印第安人新闻》的编辑部；后来又担任了《黑人国家新闻》的办公室主任和编辑助理。作为一名调查记者，她将从政治活动和研究中收集到的观点转化为书面分析，这可能有助于澄清贝克的政治经济批判。

In 1935, by then an experienced labor organizer, Ella Baker co-wrote “The Bronx Slave Market” with Marvel Cooke for the November issue of The Crisis. ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18} “The Bronx Slave Market” describes sexual and racial exploitation unique to African American women, particularly black domestic workers. As her most detailed, analytical piece, it appears to be Baker’s only published essay focusing on the exploitation of African American women laborers/workers. Although less well known than her 1960 article “More than a Hamburger,” which dealt with the desegregation
1935 年，当时已是一名经验丰富的劳工组织者的艾拉-贝克与马维尔-库克（Marvel Cooke）为《危机》11 月刊合写了《布朗克斯奴隶市场》。 ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18} 《布朗克斯奴隶市场》描述了非裔美国妇女，尤其是黑人家庭佣工所特有的性剥削和种族剥削。作为贝克最详尽的分析性文章，这似乎是她发表的唯一一篇关注非裔美国女工/女工受剥削问题的文章。虽然这篇文章不如她在 1960 年发表的文章《不仅仅是汉堡包》那么出名，后者涉及的是种族隔离问题。
of southern lunch counters by student activists, this article, like her later piece, maintained economic justice for poor and working class African Americans as the primary objective for black political struggles.
这篇文章和她后来的文章一样，坚持把为贫困和工薪阶层的非裔美国人伸张经济正义作为黑人政治斗争的首要目标。

To research their essay, Ella Baker and Marvel Cooke posed as domestic workers ${}^{19}$${}^{19}$^(19){ }^{19} seeking employment in the “slave marts.” Institutional sexism, racism, and segregation rendered black female employment synonymous to menial labor, even for college educated black women such as Baker and Cooke who, struck with the dilemma that American society largely defined black women’s work as domestic service for whites, easily assumed their role-play as “servants.” Although a few African American men stood on line, waiting to be chosen for day labor, the slave markets were overwhelmingly reserved for African American women. The auction blocks were located at 167 th Street and Jerome Avenue and at Simpson and Westchester avenues in the Bronx (now the “South Bronx”.) Black women exercised the least control over their labor and bodies at the Simpson slave market which was the most dehumanizing of the two auction sites, according to Baker and Cooke. For paltry wages, workers negotiated salaries with employers who paid anything or, after the work was completed, nothing to women with few political or legal rights. The treatment of African American women domestics as ‘disposable’ was an important feature of the markets.
为了研究她们的文章，艾拉-贝克和玛维尔-库克假扮成家庭佣工 ${}^{19}$${}^{19}$^(19){ }^{19} 在 "奴隶市场 "寻找工作。制度性的性别歧视、种族主义和种族隔离使黑人女性的就业成为体力劳动的代名词，即使是像贝克和库克这样受过大学教育的黑人女性也不例外，美国社会将黑人女性的工作主要定义为为白人提供家政服务，这让她们进退两难，于是很容易就把自己的角色扮演成了 "仆人"。虽然也有一些非裔美国男子排队等待被选中从事日工，但奴隶市场绝大多数是为非裔美国妇女保留的。根据贝克和库克的说法，在辛普森奴隶市场，黑人妇女对自己的劳动和身体的控制力最弱，而在这两个拍卖场中，辛普森奴隶市场的非人化程度最高。为了微薄的工资，工人们与雇主谈判工资，而雇主只支付任何报酬，或者在工作完成后不支付任何报酬，妇女几乎没有任何政治或法律权利。将非裔美国女佣视为 "一次性 "物品是市场的一个重要特征。

The overwhelming number of AfraAmericans in the 1930s were trapped in domestic work. The Depression forced middle class African American women who previously had earned factory wages, or whose husbands’ or fathers’ salaries enabled them not to work outside of the home, back into domestic ‘slavery.’ (Later, the availability of factory jobs first to white and then black women during World War II created another AfraAmerican exodus from domestic service). With 15 million Americans without jobs and savings, the Depression intensified the economic conditions tying African Americans to domestic and food service. According to Baker and Cooke, while eviscerating the conditions of middle class and working class black women, it elevated the social status of working class white women, increasing their access to AfraAmerican servants:
20 世纪 30 年代，绝大多数非裔美国人被困在家务劳动中。大萧条迫使中产阶级非裔美国妇女重新沦为家庭 "奴隶"（后来，在第二次世界大战期间，先是白人妇女，然后是黑人妇女获得了工厂工作，这又造成了另一次非裔美国人逃离家庭服务）。由于 1 500 万美国人没有工作和储蓄，大萧条加剧了非裔美国人从事家政和餐饮服务的经济状况。贝克和库克认为，大萧条在破坏中产阶级和工人阶级黑人妇女的生活条件的同时，也提高了工人阶级白人妇女的社会地位，使她们有更多的机会获得非裔美国人的仆人：

Paradoxically, the crash of 1929 brought to the domestic labor market a new employer class. The lower middle-class housewife, who, having dreamed of the luxury of a maid, found opportunity staring her in the face in the form of Negro women pressed to the wall by poverty, starvation and discrimination . . . ${}^{90}$${}^{90}$^(90){ }^{90}
自相矛盾的是，1929 年的经济崩溃为家庭劳动力市场带来了一个新的雇主阶层。下层中产阶级家庭主妇，梦想着能有一个奢侈的女佣，却发现机会就在眼前，黑人妇女被贫穷、饥饿和歧视逼得走投无路......。 ${}^{90}$${}^{90}$^(90){ }^{90} .
Baker’s and Cooke’s criticisms of the roles of white working class women as employers note many, ironically including the wives of union activists, set their household clocks back an hour or two to cheat black women domestics of their wages.
贝克和库克对作为雇主的白人工人阶级妇女角色的批评指出，许多人，具有讽刺意味的是，包括工会活动家的妻子在内，都把家里的时钟调后一两个小时，以骗取黑人女佣的工资。

GRAPPLING WITH ECONOMIC exploitation and deprivation, AfraAmericans turned to the federal government for assistance. Government emergency relief provided a desperately needed cushion for those African Americans able to obtain it. Yet, it was riddled with inequities: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s policies excluded blacks from most of the Department of Labor’s Federal Emergency Relief Administration assistance (e.g., the Wagner-Lewis Social Security Bill failed to cover farm and domestic work where the majority of African Americans were employed); blacks received less relief assistance than whites; and, the Federal Housing Administration denied mortgage financing to blacks seeking to buy homes in white neighborhoods. ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} Baker and Cooke found that subsistence levels of relief, paradoxically, forced women into the slave markets and, by providing a meager “safety net,” allowed them to negotiate for better wages:
面对经济剥削和贫困，非裔美国人向联邦政府求助。政府的紧急救济为那些有能力获得救济的非裔美国人提供了急需的缓冲。然而，这种救济充满了不公平：富兰克林-德拉诺-罗斯福（Franklin Delano Roosevelt）的政策将黑人排除在劳工部联邦紧急救济管理局的大部分援助之外（例如，《瓦格纳-刘易斯社会保障法案》（Wagner-Lewis Social Security Bill）未能涵盖大多数非裔美国人从事的农场和家政工作）；黑人获得的救济援助少于白人；联邦住房管理局拒绝为在白人社区购房的黑人提供抵押贷款。 ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} 贝克和库克发现，自相矛盾的是，仅能维持生存的救济水平迫使妇女进入奴隶市场，并通过提供微薄的 "安全网"，使她们能够通过谈判获得更好的工资：

As inadequate as emergency relief has been, it has proved somewhat of a boon to many of these women, for with its advent, actual starvation is no longer their ever-present slave driver and they have been able to demand twenty-five and even thirty cents an hour as against the old fifteen and twenty cent rate. ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22}
紧急救济虽然不够充分，但对许多妇女来说却是福音，因为有了紧急救济，实际的饥饿不再是她们无时不在的奴隶驱动力，她们可以要求每小时 25 美分甚至 30 美分的工资，而不是以前的 15 美分和 20 美分。 ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22}
Yet, the government neither mandated decent wages to enable workers independence from relief nor provided adequate assistance to free workers from the need to “sell” themselves. Despite crucial federal aid, African American women were dehumanized in seeking government assistance and further debased in the free enterprise zones of the slave marts.
然而，政府既没有规定体面的工资，使工人摆脱救济，也没有提供足够的援助，使工人不必 "出卖 "自己。尽管联邦提供了至关重要的援助，但非裔美国妇女在寻求政府援助时仍被非人化，在奴隶市场的自由企业区则进一步被贬低。

Black women (domestic) workers had to contend not only with the government’s indifference to their economic exploitation
黑人（家政）女工不仅要面对政府对其经济剥削的漠不关心
but also with the duplicity of employment agencies, which ostensibly were their vehicle for gainful employment. Agencies tended to blame women workers in the slave markets for driving down wages, and consequently the reduction in agencies’ fees. Employment agencies’ economic self-interest, as well as class bias, fueled anti-worker sentiments. Baker and Cooke summarize one agency’s contempt for women in the slave marts:
但同时也与职业介绍所的两面性有关，职业介绍所表面上是她们获得有偿就业的工具。职业介绍所往往指责奴隶市场上的女工压低了工资，从而降低了职业介绍所的收费。职业介绍所的经济私利和阶级偏见助长了反工人情绪。贝克和库克总结了一家职业介绍所对奴隶市场女工的蔑视：

ly difficult due to the menace and obstacles presented by the slavish performances of the lower types of domestics themselves, who, unlike the original slaves who recoiled from meeting their masters, rush to meet their mistresses." ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23}
他们不像原始奴隶那样害怕见到主人，而是急于见到女主人"。 ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23}

Countering these stereotypes, Baker and Cooke suggest economic devastation, rather than slavish opportunism, as the primary motivation forcing women to auction themselves in the marts:
贝克和库克反驳了这些刻板印象，认为迫使妇女在集市上拍卖自己的主要动机是经济破坏，而不是奴性的机会主义：

Who are these women? What brings them here? Why do they stay? . . . . whatever their standing prior to the Depression, none sought employment where they now seek it. They come to the Bronx, not because of what it promises, but largely in desperation. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}
这些女人是谁？她们为何来到这里？............无论她们在大萧条之前的地位如何，她们都没有在现在的地方找工作。她们来到布朗克斯区，并不是因为这里有什么前途，而主要是出于无奈。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}
Baker and Cooke also note that AfraAmericans seeking wages in the marts faced not only the derision of “respectable” wage earners but also exploitation from ineffective or fraudulent employment agencies:
贝克和库克还指出，在集市上讨薪的非裔美国人不仅要面对 "体面 "讨薪者的嘲笑，还要面对无效或欺诈性职业介绍所的剥削：

Hours of futile waiting in employment agencies, the fee that must be paid despite the lack of income, fraudulent agencies that sprung up during the Depression, all forced the day worker to fend for herself or try the dubious and circuitous road to public relief."5
在职业介绍所徒劳无功地等待数小时，尽管没有收入却必须支付费用，大萧条期间诈骗机构如雨后春笋般涌现，所有这些都迫使日工自食其力，或者尝试可疑而迂回的公共救济之路 "5。

Although Baker and Cooke cite the positive role of some employment agencies that sought to curtail the activities of illegal agencies and to establish minimum and maximum wages for workers, they generally criticize agencies for neglecting workers’ needs. Pointing out how government and employment agencies invest in workers’ exploitation, the writers also addressed the public’s general indifference towards AfraAmerican domestics, suggesting this public aloofness stemmed from its perception that desperate poverty was peculiar to’ “lower class” domestics. Ella Baker and Marvel Cooke instead judged the workers’ plight as an indictment of the economic system and systemic racism, arguing: "The real significance of the Bronx
虽然贝克和库克列举了一些职业介绍所在遏制非法中介活动和确定工人最低和最高工资方面发挥的积极作用，但他们普遍批评职业介绍所忽视工人的需求。在指出政府和职业介绍所是如何投资剥削工人的同时，作家们还谈到了公众对非裔美国家庭佣工的普遍冷漠，认为公众的冷漠源于他们认为绝望的贫困是 "下层 "家庭佣工所特有的。艾拉-贝克（Ella Baker）和马维尔-库克（Marvel Cooke）则认为，工人的困境是对经济制度和系统性种族主义的控诉："布朗克斯的真正意义在于

Slave Market is that the “‘mart’ is but a miniature mirror of our economic battle front.” ${}^{26}$${}^{26}$^(26){ }^{26}
《奴隶市场》认为，"'市场'不过是我们经济战线的一面缩影"。 ${}^{26}$${}^{26}$^(26){ }^{26}

Forced by poverty into the marts to sell themselves to ‘mistresses’ and ‘masters’ who bought by the hour, day or week, African American women grappled with dual commodification on the block as both domestic and sexual worker: ${}^{27}$${}^{27}$^(27){ }^{27}
非裔美国妇女因贫穷而被迫进入集市，将自己卖给按小时、按天或按周购买的 "情妇 "和 "主人"，她们在集市上作为家庭佣工和性工作者，努力应对双重商品化问题： ${}^{27}$${}^{27}$^(27){ }^{27}

Rain or shine, cold or hot, you will find them there - Negro women, old and young - sometimes bedraggled, sometimes neatly dressed but with the invariable paper bundle, waiting expectantly for Bronx housewives to buy their strength and energy for an hour, two hours, or even a day at the munificent rate of fifteen, twenty, twenty-five, or, if luck be with them, thirty cents an hour. If not the wives themselves, maybe their husbands, their sons, or their brothers, under the subterfuge of work, offer worldly-wise girls higher bids for their time. ${}^{2\mathrm{N}}$${}^{2\mathrm{N}}$^(2N){ }^{2 \mathrm{~N}}
无论刮风下雨、严寒酷暑，你都会发现她们的身影--黑人妇女，有老有少--有时衣衫褴褛，有时衣着整洁，但总是带着一个纸包，满怀期待地等待着布朗克斯的家庭主妇们以每小时十五、二十、二十五甚至三十美分的高价，购买她们一小时、两小时甚至一天的体力和精力。如果不是妻子自己，也许她们的丈夫、儿子或兄弟也会以工作为幌子，向世故的女孩出更高的价钱。 ${}^{2\mathrm{N}}$${}^{2\mathrm{N}}$^(2N){ }^{2 \mathrm{~N}}

As evident in its inadequate provisions for relief, the government shared much of the public’s deep indifference towards black women trapped in domestic/sexual labor. Baker and Cooke recount their own experiences with a white male plainclothes detective who attempted to entrap and arrest them while they were posing as domestics for prostitution.
政府的救济规定不足，这一点在很大程度上反映了公众对从事家政/性劳动的黑人妇女的漠不关心。贝克（Baker）和库克（Cooke）讲述了她们的亲身经历，一名白人男性便衣侦探在她们假扮家庭主妇卖淫时试图诱捕她们。

Despite the obstacles posed by state agencies, economic institutions, and debilitating labor, African American women resisted. In the slave marts, they created an “embryonic labor union”: according to The Crisis essay, domestic workers forced black women who bargained for wages less than thirty cents an hour to leave the market; they also organized workers to collectively demand 35 cents an hour on Jewish holidays. However, Baker and Cooke write that neither their conditions nor their nascent labor activism led these women workers to critically examine the political-economic structures that created the slave marts and drove black women to them. Ella Baker and Marvel Cooke surmise:
尽管国家机构、经济体制和衰弱的劳动力构成了障碍，但美国黑人妇女还是进行了反抗。在奴隶市场，她们创建了一个 "雏形工会"：根据《危机》一文，家政工人迫使那些讨价还价的工资低于每小时 30 美分的黑人妇女离开市场；她们还组织工人集体要求在犹太节日每小时 35 美分。然而，贝克和库克写道，无论是她们的处境还是她们刚刚开始的劳工行动主义，都没有促使这些女工批判性地审视造成奴隶市场并将黑人妇女驱赶到奴隶市场的政治经济结构。艾拉-贝克和马维尔-库克推测：
largely unaware of their organized power, yet ready to band together for some immediate and personal gain either consciously or unconsciously, they still cling to that American illusion that any one who is determined and persistent can get ahead. ${}^{39}$${}^{39}$^(39){ }^{39}
他们基本上没有意识到自己的组织力量，但却随时准备自觉或不自觉地联合起来，谋取眼前的个人利益，他们仍然抱着美国人的幻想，认为只要有决心和毅力，就能出人头地。 ${}^{39}$${}^{39}$^(39){ }^{39}
According to the authors, such beliefs in the limitless opportunities of free enterprise and the “American illusion” hindered the devel-
作者认为，这种对自由企业无限机会的信念和 "美国幻想 "阻碍了美国的发展。
opment of a broad-based, radical consciousness among black women.
在黑人妇女中培养基础广泛的激进意识。

Forgoing “American illusion” for labor militancy, Baker and Cooke maintained that the abolition of the slave market required eradicating its causes:
贝克和库克放弃了 "美国幻想"，转而追求劳工的战斗性，他们认为，要废除奴隶市场，就必须铲除其根源：

The roots . . . of the Bronx Slave Market spring from: (1) the general ignorance of and apathy towards organized labor action; (2) the artificial barriers that separate the interest of the relief administrators and investigators from that of their “case loads,” the white collar and professional worker from the laborer and domestic; and (3) organized labor’s limited concept of exploitation, which permits it to fight vigorously to secure itself against evil, yet passively or actively aids and abets the ruthless destruction of Negroes. ${}^{\text{"M}}$${}^{\text{"M }}$^(""M "){ }^{\text {"M }}
布朗克斯奴隶市场......的根源在于：（1）对有组织的劳工行动的普遍无知和冷漠；（2）人为的障碍将救济管理者和调查人员的利益与其 "案例负荷"（白领和专业工人与工人和家庭佣工）的利益分开；（3）有组织的劳工对剥削的概念有限，这使其能够积极战斗以确保自身免受邪恶的侵害，但却被动或主动地帮助和怂恿对黑人的无情摧残。 ${}^{\text{"M}}$${}^{\text{"M }}$^(""M "){ }^{\text {"M }}
The oppressive conditions that Baker and Cooke point out, and their remedies based on labor activism as well as alliances between “welfare” agencies, social workers, middle class workers and manual laborers, are important reminders of the centrality of economic struggles. They also point out the necessity of repositioning class alliances for the civil and human rights of African Americans in general, and black women workers in particular.
贝克和库克所指出的压迫条件，以及他们基于劳工活动以及 "福利 "机构、社会工作者、中产阶级工人和体力劳动者之间的联盟所采取的补救措施，都是对经济斗争中心地位的重要提醒。他们还指出，为了美国黑人，特别是黑人女工的公民权利和人权，有必要重新定位阶级联盟。

Ella Baker’s historical and political significance is usually remembered through her contributions to SCLC and SNCC; yet, decades before helping to develop these organizations, her labor activism placed “work” central to critiques of racism, classism, and sexism. Her activism also made the struggles against racism and sexism indispensable to dismantling economic oppression. ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31} Theorizing on women’s “multiple” oppressions, “The Bronx Slave Market” anticipated analysis of the intersections of race and class, and their relevance to progressive struggles, fifty years before Black Women’s Studies, Women’s Studies and Cultural Studies embarked on their current endeavors. ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32} Despite its limitations, the article’s insights remain salient. Today, in the formal economy racistsexist wage differentials are used to expropriate Black women’s labor; while present day “slave marts” are expanded within prisons and the underground economy where undocumented workers, who also lack civil rights, face grotesque forms of exploitation
艾拉-贝克的历史和政治意义通常是通过她对 SCLC 和 SNCC 的贡献而被人们记住的；然而，在帮助发展这些组织之前的几十年里，她的劳工活动将 "工作 "置于批判种族主义、阶级歧视和性别歧视的中心位置。她的活动也使反对种族主义和性别歧视的斗争成为消除经济压迫不可或缺的一部分。 ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31} 《布朗克斯奴隶市场》将妇女的 "多重 "压迫理论化，预见了对种族和阶级交叉的分析，以及它们与进步斗争的相关性，这比黑人妇女研究、妇女研究和文化研究目前的努力早了五十年。 ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32} 尽管存在局限性，但文章的见解依然突出。今天，在正规经济中，种族主义存在的工资差别被用来征用黑人妇女的劳动力；而当今的 "奴隶市场 "则在监狱和地下经济中扩大，在地下经济中，同样没有公民权利的无证工人面临着怪诞的剥削形式。
in the sex trade, sweatshops, fields, and homes." Social inequities still make domestic labor an economic mainstay for black women. ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} In 1980, more African American women were employed as domestics than professionals. ${}^{94}$${}^{94}$^(94){ }^{94}
性交易、血汗工厂、田地和家庭"。社会不平等仍然使家务劳动成为黑人妇女的经济支柱。 ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} 1980年，从事家政工作的非裔美国妇女多于专业人员。 ${}^{94}$${}^{94}$^(94){ }^{94}

The work of Ella Baker, and Marvel Cooke, suggests that moving from discourse about the impact of oppression on African American lives, and social work ameliorating black underdevelopment, to political activism challenging oppressive structures, necessitates addressing the labor conditions of marginalized workers. Such a movement would also require identifying progressive and retrogressive relationships between black activists, laborers, the unemployed, and elites, as well as strengthening the ties between street and institutional intellectuals in political coalitions. Miss Baker provided models for such work.
艾拉-贝克（Ella Baker）和马维尔-库克（Marvel Cooke）的研究表明，从讨论压迫对非裔美国人生活的影响、改善黑人不发达状况的社会工作，到挑战压迫结构的政治行动主义，必须解决边缘化工人的劳动条件问题。这样一场运动还需要确定黑人活动家、劳动者、失业者和精英之间的进步和倒退关系，并加强政治联盟中街头知识分子和机构知识分子之间的联系。贝克小姐为这项工作提供了范例。

For nearly half a century, Ella Josephine Baker organized a praxis for black liberation movements, establishing important models for radical intellectualism, activism and “black women’s work.” That Ella Baker worked as a “facilitator” rather than a spokesperson, had little time to write, and did not seek to establish herself as a “public intellectual” outside of a community of radical activists reveals another feature of Black women’s work - individual anonymity from prioritizing the collective. That her life’s work (mirrored in her few, obscured essays) touched so many people - and that activists, political students, writers, film-makers, and artist ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} keep her memory alive- speaks to the incredible power of her intellect rooted in radicalism, communal relationships, and political counsel to younger activists.
在将近半个世纪的时间里，埃拉-约瑟芬-贝克为黑人解放运动组织了一场实践活动，为激进的知识分子主义、激进主义和 "黑人妇女工作 "树立了重要典范。埃拉-贝克的工作是 "促进者 "而非发言人，她很少有时间写作，也不寻求在激进活动家群体之外将自己打造成 "公共知识分子"，这揭示了黑人妇女工作的另一个特点--个人匿名而集体优先。她一生的工作（反映在她为数不多的、模糊不清的文章中）感动了如此多的人--活动家、政治学生、作家、电影制作人和艺术家 ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35} 对她的记忆永存--这说明她的智慧植根于激进主义、社区关系和对年轻活动家的政治建议，具有不可思议的力量。

Ella Baker’s work as an activist does not in itself qualify her as an intellectual; likewise, pursuing a teaching career would not have made her an intellectual either. Her standing as activist-intellectual, or Fundi, comes from her ability to analyze, advocate and agitate for the necessary conditions for African American equality in a democratic state. She dedicated her life to this work while rejecting the seductive diversions of AfroAmerican
埃拉-贝克作为活动家的工作本身并不能使她成为知识分子；同样，从事教学工作也不能使她成为知识分子。她作为活动家-知识分子（或称 "Fundi"）的地位来自于她分析、倡导和鼓动在民主国家实现非裔美国人平等的必要条件的能力。她将毕生精力奉献给了这项工作，同时拒绝了非裔美国人的诱人歧途。
class pretensions and assimilation. Amid conflicting intellectual modes, Ella Josephine Baker represents an important model of in-tellectual-as-radical activist. Defying the media marketing of black intellectuals, she provides a framework ${}^{36}$${}^{36}$^(36){ }^{36} for contemporary, progressive debates about the role of the “public intellectual” in societies crippled by economic and social crises shaped by white supremacy. As an engagé her political speech was concretized in resistance to labor exploitation where race and gender are denigrated for economic advantage. Transforming debates into strategies, and theorizing into democratic agency, her autobiographical model suggests that the intellectual as political actor, rather than distant spectator, is rooted to resist de-radicalization.
阶级自命不凡和同化。在相互冲突的知识分子模式中，埃拉-约瑟芬-贝克（Ella Josephine Baker）是知识分子即激进分子的重要典范。她蔑视媒体对黑人知识分子的宣传，为当代关于 "公共知识分子 "在被白人至上主义造成的经济和社会危机所摧残的社会中所扮演的角色的进步辩论提供了 ${}^{36}$${}^{36}$^(36){ }^{36} 框架。作为一名职业女性，她的政治言论具体表现为对劳动剥削的抵制，在劳动剥削中，种族和性别被诋毁，以获取经济利益。她将辩论转化为战略，将理论化转化为民主机构，她的自传模式表明，知识分子作为政治行动者，而不是遥远的旁观者，是抵制去激进化的根基。
‘Functioning where there was a need,’ Ella Baker’s most singular contribution as an activist-intellectual is that she tirelessly worked to maintain and expand an existential base upon which people could confront their relationships to their own exploitation, as well as their exploitations of others. On this foundation, Ella Baker’s insights, shared through writing and activism, pass on a political vision which continues to inform our struggles against exploitation and violence.
艾拉-贝克'在需要的地方发挥作用'，作为一名活动家-知识分子，她最独特的贡献在于她坚持不懈地努力维护和扩大一种存在主义基础，使人们能够正视他们与自身受剥削以及他人受剥削之间的关系。在此基础上，艾拉-贝克通过写作和活动分享了自己的见解，传递了一种政治远见，这种远见将继续指导我们反对剥削和暴力的斗争。

Jacqueline Jones writes: “By 1930 two types of workers symbolized the status of all black male wage earners in the urban North - the New York City apartment house janitor and the Pittsburgh steelworker who manned the blast furnace during the hottest months of the year.” Jones, 161. (See Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work and the Family, From Slavery to Present. New York: Vintage Books, 1985)
杰奎琳-琼斯（Jacqueline Jones）写道："到 1930 年，有两类工人象征着北方城市所有黑人男性工薪阶层的地位--纽约市公寓看门人和匹兹堡钢铁工人，他们在一年中最热的月份里在高炉旁工作。琼斯，161 页。(见杰奎琳-琼斯：《爱的劳动，悲伤的劳动：黑人妇女、工作与家庭，从奴隶制至今》。New York：Vintage Books，1985 年）
7. In 1930, 5.5 percent of African American women were employed in industry compared to 27.1 percent of foreign-born and 19 percent of US born white women.
7.1930 年，5.5% 的非裔美国妇女受雇于工业部门，相比之下，27.1% 的外国出生妇女和 19% 的美国出生白人妇女受雇于工业部门。
8. Joanne Grant, ed., Black Protest: History Documents and Analyses 1619 to the Present, 213.
8.8. Joanne Grant 编辑的《黑人抗议》：历史文献和分析 1619 年至今》，213 页。
9. Paula Giddings, Where and When I Enter: the Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1984), 218.
9.Paula Giddings, Where and When I Enter: the Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1984), 218.
10. Grant, 216. According to Grant, in the 1930s, the expanding Congress of Industrial Organizations challenged the American Federation of Labor’s racist and exclusionary practices.
10.Grant, 216.根据格兰特的说法，20 世纪 30 年代，不断扩大的工业组织大会对美国劳工联合会的种族主义和排斥性做法提出了挑战。
11. Cantarow. 11.坎塔洛
12. Britton, 4. 12.布里顿，4.
13. See: Jones; and, Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response, From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988).
13.见Jones; and, Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response, From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988).
14. Interview with Dottie Miller, New York City, 1987.
14.1987 年，纽约市，与 Dottie Miller 的访谈。
15. Grant, 216. 15.Grant, 216.
16. Cantarow, 64. 16.Cantarow, 64.
17. US Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, Population, vol.ii, General Report (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1933), 216218. Cited in Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem During the Depression (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 32.
17.美国人口普查局，《美国第十五次人口普查，1930 年，人口》，第二卷，总报告（华盛顿：政府印务 局，1933 年），216218。转引自 Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem During the Depression (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 32。
18. Ella Baker and Marvel Cooke, “The Bronx Slave Market,” The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, Vol.42. November 1935, 330-331, 340.
18.Ella Baker 和 Marvel Cooke，"布朗克斯奴隶市场"，《危机》：黑暗种族的记录》，第 42 卷，1935 年 11 月，330-331、340 页。1935 年 11 月，330-331、340 页。
19. Fifty years later, African American academic Judith Rollins also posed as a domestic worker to research her book, Between Women: Domestics and Their Employers (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1985).
19.五十年后，非裔美国学者朱迪斯-罗林斯（Judith Rollins）在研究其著作《妇女之间》（Between Women：Domestics and Their Employers》（费城：坦普尔大学出版社，1985 年）。
20. Baker and Cooke. 20.贝克和库克
21. Federal administrators exacerbated racial inequities and fueled the migration of the 1930s, giving local southern officials overseer-powers in the distribution of federal funds. Similar trends in the dispensing of federal funds for community programs in the 1960s “War on Poverty” are detailed in Richard Cloward’s and Francis Fox Piven’s Regulating the Poor.
21.联邦管理者加剧了种族不平等，助长了 20 世纪 30 年代的人口迁移，使南方地方官员在分配联邦资金时拥有监督权。理查德-克洛沃德（Richard Cloward）和弗朗西斯-福克斯-皮文（Francis Fox Piven）的《监管穷人》（Regulating the Poor）一书详细介绍了 20 世纪 60 年代 "扶贫战争 "中社区项目联邦资金分配的类似趋势。
22. Baker and Cooke, 330 .
22.贝克和库克，330 .
23. Ibid. 23.同上。
24. Ibid. 24.同上。
25. Ibid., 330. 25.同上，330 页。
26. Ibid., 340. 26.同上，340 页。
27. Patricia Hill Collins describes the consequences of sexual objectification and violence: " Treating African American women as pornographic objects and portraying them as sexualized animals, as prostitutes, created the controlling image of Jezebel. Rape became the specific act of sexual violence forced on black women, with the controlling myth of the black prostitute as its ideological justification." See Patricia Hill Collins. Black Feminist Thought (Unwyn Press, 1990, 177).
27.Patricia Hill Collins 描述了性物化和性暴力的后果："将非裔美国妇女视为色情对象，将她们描绘成性化的动物、妓女，塑造了耶洗别的控制形象。强奸成为强加给黑人妇女的特定性暴力，黑人妓女的控制性神话成为其意识形态的理由"。见 Patricia Hill Collins.黑人女权主义思想》（Unwyn Press，1990 年，177 页）。

Collins also writes that the selling of African women during slave auctions constituted the first American pornography. As one of the most graphic illustrations of sexual commodification and violence, the “pornographic” auctions of black women, however, coexisted with, and likely were preceded by, white males’ pornographic treatment of European and Indigenous American women. The historical, sexualized auction block, described by Collins, is supplanted today by largely, whitedominated pornography and prostitution industries marketing to white men; still, black porn, e.g., magazines such as Players which featured a “Daddy’s Little Girls” issue in the 1980s, also effectively markets sexual violence and incest among blacks.
柯林斯还写道，在奴隶拍卖中出售非洲妇女构成了美国最早的色情制品。然而，作为性商品化和性暴力最生动的例证之一，黑人妇女的 "色情 "拍卖与白人男性对欧洲妇女和美洲土著妇女的色情待遇并存，而且很可能早于后者。柯林斯所描述的历史上的性化拍卖行，如今已被主要由白人主导的面向白人男性的色情和卖淫行业所取代；尽管如此，黑人色情杂志，如《玩家》杂志（该杂志在 20 世纪 80 年代出版了一期 "爸爸的小女孩 "专刊），也在黑人中有效地推销性暴力和乱伦。
28. Baker and Cooke. 28.贝克和库克
29. Ibid. 29.同上。
30. Ibid., 340. 30.同上，340 页。
31. The use of these terms as analytical categories rather than descriptive terms, as well as their relationships and intersections, requires further exploration not possible within the limitations of this essay.
31.将这些术语作为分析性类别而非描述性术语使用，以及它们之间的关系和交叉，需要进一步探讨，这在本文的局限性内是不可能实现的。
32. Gloria Hull and Barbara Smith maintain that: “Only a feminist, pro-woman perspective that acknowledges the reality of sexual oppression in the lives of black women, as well as the oppression of race and class, will make black women’s studies the transformer of consciousness it needs to be.” See: Gloria Hull, Patricia Bell Scott, Barbara Smith, editors, All Women Are White, All the Blacks are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women’s Studies (New York: Feminist Press, 1983), xxi. Other black feminist writers on Black Women’s Studies include; Barbara Christian, Deborah King and bell hooks.
32.格洛丽亚-赫尔和芭芭拉-史密斯认为："只有承认黑人妇女生活中的性压迫现实以及种族和阶级压迫的女权主义、支持妇女的观点，才能使黑人妇女研究成为其所需的意识变革者"。参见见：Gloria Hull、Patricia Bell Scott、Barbara Smith 编辑的《所有女人都是白人，所有黑人都是男人，但我们中有些人很勇敢：黑人妇女研究》（纽约：女权主义出版社，1983 年），xxi。关于黑人妇女研究的其他黑人女权主义作家包括：芭芭拉-克里斯蒂安、德博拉-金和贝尔-胡克斯。
33. Angela Davis notes the constraints shared by historical and modern domestic workers:
33.安吉拉-戴维斯（Angela Davis）指出了历史上和现代家庭佣工共同面临的制约因素：

The enervating domestic obligations of women in general provide flagrant evidence of the power of sexism. Because of the added intrusion of racism, vast numbers of black women have to do their own housekeeping and other women’s chores as well. And frequently, the demands of the job in a white woman’s home have forced the domestic worker to neglect her own home and even her own children. As paid housekeepers, they have been called upon to be surrogate wives and mothers in millions of white homes.
妇女普遍承担的令人窒息的家务劳动是性别歧视力量的明证。由于种族主义的额外侵扰，大量黑人妇女不得不自己做家务，还要做其他妇女的家务。而且，白人妇女家中的工作要求常常迫使家庭佣工忽视自己的家，甚至忽视自己的孩子。作为有偿管家，她们被要求成为数百万白人家庭的代理妻子和母亲。

Angela Davis, Women, Race and Class (New York: Random House. 1983, 238).
安吉拉-戴维斯：《妇女、种族与阶级》（纽约：兰登书屋，1983 年，238 页）。
34. Carole Marks documents that: over $50\mathrm{\%}$$50\mathrm{\%}$50%50 \% of African American women employed outside the home were domestics in 1920; increasing to $60\mathrm{\%}$$60\mathrm{\%}$60%60 \% in 1930, this figure dropped to $33\mathrm{\%}$$33\mathrm{\%}$33%33 \% in 1960, and currently remains about 13%. Carole Marks, “Limits to the Decline of White Supremacy,” unpublished paper presented University of California-Santa Barbara, April 1990.
34.根据 Carole Marks 的记录：1920 年，超过 $50\mathrm{\%}$$50\mathrm{\%}$50%50 \% 的非裔美国妇女在家庭之外从事家务劳动；1930 年增加到 $60\mathrm{\%}$$60\mathrm{\%}$60%60 \% ，1960 年这一数字下降到 $33\mathrm{\%}$$33\mathrm{\%}$33%33 \% ，目前仍保持在 13% 左右。Carole Marks，"Limits to the Decline of White Supremacy"，加州大学圣巴巴拉分校未发表论文，1990 年 4 月。
35. Ella Baker is also memorialized in song: Bernice Johnson Reagon, who worked with Ella Baker in SNCC, quotes Miss Baker in Sweet Honey and the Rock’s “Ella’s Song”: “Until the killing of black men, black mothers’ sons is as important as the killing of white men, white mothers’ sons, we who believe in freedom cannot rest.”
35.人们还用歌声纪念艾拉-贝克：伯尼斯-约翰逊-里贡曾与埃拉-贝克在SNCC共事，她在《甜蜜蜜与摇滚乐》的 "埃拉之歌 "中引用了贝克小姐的话："直到杀害黑人男子、黑人母亲的儿子与杀害白人男子、白人母亲的儿子同样重要，我们这些相信自由的人才能安息"。
36. Payne writes: “What I know of Ella Baker’s thinking does not strike me and never struck her, as offering any complete set of answers, but I think it does offer a more promising way to begin framing questions about where we are and how we get to the next stage than the ideas of many activists who did not become media figures.” (Payne, 898-899).
36.佩恩写道："据我所知，艾拉-贝克的思想并没有给我带来任何完整的答案，也从未给她带来任何完整的答案，但我认为，与许多没有成为媒体人物的活动家的思想相比，艾拉-贝克的思想确实提供了一种更有希望的方式，让我们开始思考关于我们身处何处以及如何进入下一阶段的问题"（佩恩，898-899）。(佩恩，898-899）。