Words are witnesses which often speak louder than documents. Let us consider a few English words which were invented, or gained their modern meanings, substantially in the period of sixty years with which this volume deals. They are such words as ‘industry’, ‘industrialist’, ‘factory’, ‘middle class’, ‘working class’, ‘capitalism’ and ‘socialism’. They include ‘aristocracy’ as well as ‘railway’, ‘liberal’ and ‘conservative’ as political terms, ‘nationality’, ‘scientist’ and ‘engineer’, ‘proletariat’ and (economic) ‘crisis’. ‘Utilitarian’ and ‘statistics’, ‘sociology’ and several other names of modern sciences, ‘journalism’ and ‘ideology’, are all coinages or adaptations of this period.* So is ‘strike’ and ‘pauperism’.
文字是见证，往往比文件更有说服力。让我们来看看本卷所涉及的六十年间发明或获得现代含义的几个英语词汇。这些词包括 "工业"、"实业家"、"工厂"、"中产阶级"、"工人阶级"、"资本主义 "和 "社会主义"。它们包括 "贵族 "和 "铁路"、作为政治术语的 "自由主义 "和 "保守主义"、"民族"、"科学家 "和 "工程师"、"无产阶级 "和（经济）"危机"。功利主义 "和 "统计学"、"社会学 "和其他一些现代科学的名称、"新闻学 "和 "意识形态 "都是这一时期的新词或改编*。

To imagine the modern world without these words (i.e. without the things and concepts for which they provide names) is to measure the profundity of the revolution which broke out between 1789 and 1848 , and forms the greatest transformation in human history since the remote times when men invented agriculture and metallurgy, writing, the city and the state. This revolution has transformed, and continues to transform, the entire world. But in considering it we must distinguish carefully between its long-range results, which cannot be confined to any social framework, political organization, or distribution of international power and resources, and its early and decisive phase, which was closely tied to a specific social and international situation. The great revolution of $1789-1848$$1789-1848$1789-18481789-1848 was the triumph not of ‘industry’ as such, but of capitalist industry; not of liberty and equality in general but of middle class or ‘bourgeois’ liberal society; not of ‘the modern economy’ or ‘the modern state’, but of the economies and states in a particular geographical region of the world (part of Europe and a few patches of North America), whose centre was the neighbouring and rival states of Great Britain and France. The transformation of $1789-1848$$1789-1848$1789-18481789-1848 is
想象一下没有这些词语（即没有这些词语为之命名的事物和概念）的现代世界，就能衡量出 1789 年至 1848 年间爆发的这场革命的深刻性，它是自人类发明农业、冶金、文字、城市和国家的遥远时代以来人类历史上最伟大的变革。这场革命已经并将继续改变整个世界。但是，在考虑这场革命时，我们必须仔细区分它的长远结果和它的早期决定性阶段，前者不能局限于任何社会框架、政治组织或国际权力和资源的分配，后者则与特定的社会和国际形势密切相关。 $1789-1848$$1789-1848$1789-18481789-1848 的伟大革命不是 "工业 "本身的胜利，而是资本主义工业的胜利；不是一般意义上的自由与平等的胜利，而是中产阶级或 "资产阶级 "自由社会的胜利；不是 "现代经济 "或 "现代国家 "的胜利，而是世界上某一特定地理区域（欧洲的一部分和北美的少数地区）的经济和国家的胜利，而这一区域的中心是毗邻的、相互对立的英国和法国。 $1789-1848$$1789-1848$1789-18481789-1848 的转变是

essentially the twin upheaval which took place in those two countries, and was propagated thence across the entire world.
从根本上说，这两个国家发生了双重动荡，并由此传遍了整个世界。

But it is not unreasonable to regard this dual revolution-the rather more political French and the industrial (British) revolution-not so much as something which belongs to the history of the two countries which were its chief carriers and symbols, but as the twin crater of a rather larger regional volcano. That the simultaneous eruptions should occur in France and Britain, and have slightly differing characters, is neither accidental nor uninteresting. But from the point of view of the historian of, let us say, AD 3000, as from the point of view of the Chinese or African observer, it is more relevant to note that they occurred somewhere or other in North-western Europe and its overseas prolongations, and that they could not with any probability have been expected to occur at this time in any other part of the world. It is equally relevant to note that they are at this period almost inconceivable in any form other than the triumph of a bourgeois-liberal capitalism.
但是，把这场双重革命--政治性更强的法国革命和工业（英国）革命--看作是一场更大的地区性火山的孪生火山口，而不是看作是属于作为其主要载体和象征的两个国家历史的东西，也不是没有道理的。同时在法国和英国爆发，而且性质略有不同，这既不是偶然的，也不是无趣的。但是，从公元 3000 年的历史学家的角度来看，就像从中国或非洲观察者的角度来看一样，更有意义的是要注意到它们发生在西北欧及其海外延伸地区的某个地方，而且它们不可能在世界任何其他地方发生。同样值得注意的是，除了资产阶级自由资本主义的胜利之外，在这个时期几乎无法想象其他任何形式的资本主义。

It is evident that so profound a transformation cannot be understood without going back very much further in history than 1789 , or even than the decades which immediately preceded it and clearly reflect (at least in retrospect), the crisis of the ancien régimes of the North-western world, which the dual revolution was to sweep away. Whether or not we regard the American Revolution of 1776 as an eruption of equal significance to the Anglo-French ones, or merely as their most important immediate precursor and stimulator; whether or not we attach fundamental importance to the constitutional crises and economic reshuffles and stirrings of $1760-89$$1760-89$1760-891760-89, they can clearly explain at most the occasion and timing of the great breakthrough and not its fundamental causes. How far back into history the analyst should go-whether to the midseventeenth century English Revolution, to the Reformation and the beginning of European military world conquest and colonial exploitation in the early sixteenth century, or even earlier, is for our purposes irrelevant, for such analysis in depth would take us far beyond the chronological boundaries of this volume.
显然，要理解如此深刻的变革，就不能不追溯到比 1789 年更久远的历史，甚至不能不追溯到紧接着 1789 年之前的几十年，而这几十年清楚地反映了（至少回想起来是这样）西北世界旧制度的危机，这场双重革命就是要扫除这些危机。无论我们是否将 1776 年的美国革命视为与英法革命同等重要的爆发，或者仅仅将其视为英法革命最重要的直接前兆和刺激因素；无论我们是否从根本上重视 $1760-89$$1760-89$1760-891760-89 的宪政危机、经济洗牌和动荡，它们最多只能清楚地解释伟大突破的时机和时机，而不能解释其根本原因。至于分析者应该追溯到多远的历史--是 17 世纪中叶的英国革命，还是 16 世纪初的宗教改革和欧洲军事征服世界和殖民剥削的开始，甚至更早，这与我们的目的无关，因为这种深入的分析将使我们远远超出本卷的时间界限。

Here we need merely observe that the social and economic forces, the political and intellectual tools of this transformation were already prepared, at all events in a part of Europe sufficiently large to revolutionize the rest. Our problem is not to trace the emergence of a world market, of a sufficiently active class of private entrepreneurs, or even (in England) of a state dedicated to the proposition that the maximization of private profit was the foundation of government policy. Nor is it to trace the evolution of the technology, the scientific knowledge, or the
在这里，我们只需要注意到，这种变革的社会和经济力量、政治和思想工具早已准备就绪，至少在欧洲的一部分地区，其规模足以彻底改变其他地区。我们的问题不是要追溯一个世界市场的出现，一个足够活跃的私人企业家阶层的出现，甚至（在英国）一个致力于将私人利润最大化作为政府政策基础这一主张的国家的出现。我们也不是要追溯技术、科学知识的演变，或
ideology of an individualist, secularist, rationalist belief in progress. By the 1780 s we can take the existence of all these for granted, though we cannot yet assume that they were sufficiently powerful or widespread. On the contrary, we must, if anything, safeguard against the temptation to overlook the novelty of the dual revolution because of the familiarity of its outward costume, the undeniable fact that Robespierre’s and Saint-Just’s clothes, manners and prose would not have been out of place in a drawing-room of the ancien régime, that the Jeremy Bentham whose reforming ideas expressed the bourgeois Britain of the 1830s was the very man who had proposed the same ideas to Catherine the Great of Russia, and that the most extreme statements of middle class political economy came from members of the eighteenth-century British House of Lords.
个人主义、世俗主义和理性主义进步信仰的意识形态。到 17 世纪 80 年代，我们可以理所当然地认为所有这些思想的存在，尽管我们还不能假定它们已经足够强大或广泛。恰恰相反，我们必须防止因为双重革命的外在装束而忽视其新颖性，罗伯斯庇尔和圣茹斯特的衣着、举止和散文在旧制度下的客厅里并不会显得格格不入，这是不可否认的事实、杰里米-边沁（Jeremy Bentham）的改革思想表达了 19 世纪 30 年代英国资产阶级的思想，而正是他向俄国的凯瑟琳大帝提出了同样的思想；中产阶级政治经济学最极端的言论来自 18 世纪英国上议院的成员。

Our problem is thus to explain not the existence of these elements of a new economy and society, but their triumph; to trace not the progress of their gradual sapping and mining in previous centuries, but their decisive conquest of the fortress. And it is also to trace the profound changes which this sudden triumph brought within the countries most inmediately affected by it, and within the rest of the world which was now thrown open to the full explosive impact of the new forces, the ‘conquering bourgeois’, to quote the title of a recent world history of this period.
因此，我们的问题不是要解释新经济和新社会中这些要素的存在，而是要解释它们的胜利；不是要追溯它们在过去几个世纪中被逐渐削弱和挖掘的过程，而是要追溯它们对堡垒的决定性征服。我们还要追溯这一突如其来的胜利给最直接受其影响的国家带来的深刻变化，以及给世界其他地区带来的深刻变化，世界其他地区现在正受到新力量的全面冲击，"被征服的资产阶级"，这是最近一部关于这一时期的世界史的标题。

Inevitably, since the dual revolution occurred in one part of Europe, and its most obvious and immediate effects were most evident there, the history with which this volume deals is mainly regional. Inevitably also, since the world revolution spread outwards from the double crater of England and France it initially took the form of a European expansion in and conquest of the rest of the world. Indeed its most striking consequence for world history was to establish a domination of the globe by a few western régimes (and especially by the British) which has no parallel in history. Before the merchants, the steam-engines, the ships and the guns of the west-and before its ideas–the age-old civilizations and empires of the world capitulated and collapsed. India became a province administered by British pro-consuls, the Islamic states were convulsed by crisis, Africa lay open to direct conquest. Even the great Chinese Empire was forced in 1839-42 to open its frontiers to western exploitation. By 1848 nothing stood in the way of western conquest of any territory that western governments or businessmen might find it to their advantage to occupy, just as nothing but time stood in the way of the progress of western capitalist enterprise.
由于双重革命发生在欧洲的一个地区，其最明显和最直接的影响也在那里表现得最为明显，因此本卷所涉及的历史不可避免地主要是地区性的。同样不可避免的是，由于世界革命从英国和法国的双重火山口向外蔓延，它最初采取的形式是欧洲向世界其他地区扩张和征服。事实上，它给世界历史带来的最显著的后果，就是少数西方政权（尤其是英国）对全球的统治，这在历史上是绝无仅有的。在西方的商人、蒸汽机、轮船和枪炮面前，在其思想面前，世界上古老的文明和帝国纷纷屈服和崩溃。印度成为英国亲执政官管理的一个省，伊斯兰国家因危机而动荡不安，非洲被直接征服。甚至伟大的中华帝国也在 1839-42 年被迫向西方开放疆域，接受西方的剥削。到 1848 年，没有什么能阻挡西方征服西方政府或商人可能认为对其有利的任何领土，正如没有什么能阻挡西方资本主义企业的发展，只有时间。
And yet the history of the dual revolution is not merely one of the triumph of the new bourgeois society. It is also the history of the emergence
然而，双重革命的历史不仅仅是新资产阶级社会取得胜利的历史。它也是出现了
of the forces which were, within a century of 1848 , to have turned expansion into contraction. What is more, by 1848 this extraordinary future reversal of fortunes was already to some extent visible. Admittedly, the world-wide revolt against the west, which dominates the middle of the twentieth century, was as yet barely discernible. Only in the Islamic world can we observe the first stages of that process by which those conquered by the west have adopted its ideas and techniques to turn the tables on it : in the beginnings of internal westernizing reform within the Turkish empire in the 1830s, and above all in the neglected and significant career of Mohammed Ali of Egypt. But within Europe the forces and ideas which envisaged the supersession of the triumphant new society, were already emerging. The ‘spectre of communism’ already haunted Europe by 1848. It was exorcized in 1848. For a long time thereafter it was to remain as powerless as spectres in fact are, especially in the western world most immediately transformed by the dual revolution. But if we look round the world of the 1960 we shall not be tempted to underestimate the historic force of the revolutionary socialist and communist ideology born out of reaction against the dual revolution, and which had by 1848 found its first classic formulation. The historic period which begins with the construction of the first factory system of the modern world in Lancashire and the French Revolution of 1789 ends with the construction of its first railway network and the publication of the Communist Manifesto.
这些力量在 1848 年后的一个世纪内将扩张转变为收缩。更重要的是，到 1848 年，这种非同寻常的未来命运逆转在某种程度上已经显现。诚然，二十世纪中叶占主导地位的世界范围内的反西方运动还很不明显。只有在伊斯兰世界，我们才能看到被西方征服的人们采用西方的思想和技术来扭转局面的过程的最初阶段：19 世纪 30 年代土耳其帝国内部西化改革的开端，尤其是埃及的穆罕默德-阿里（Mohammed Ali）被忽视的重要生涯。但是，在欧洲内部，憧憬新社会胜利的力量和思想已经出现。1848 年，"共产主义幽灵 "已经萦绕欧洲。它在 1848 年被驱除。在此后的很长一段时间里，它都像幽灵一样毫无力量，尤其是在被双重革命最直接改变的西方世界。但是，如果我们环顾 1960 年的世界，我们就不会低估革命的社会主义和共产主义意识形态的历史力量，这种意识形态诞生于对双重革命的反动，并在 1848 年找到了它的第一个经典表述。从兰开夏郡建立现代世界第一个工厂系统和 1789 年法国大革命开始，到建立第一个铁路网和发表《共产党宣言》结束的这段历史时期。