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Entrepreneurship: what triggers it?
创业:其触发因素是什么?

Alison Morrison
艾莉森·莫里森

International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research
国际创业行为与研究杂志

ISSN: 1355-2554
国际标准编号1355-2554

Article publication date: 1 April 2000
文章发布日期:2000 年 4 月 1 日

20884
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Abstract  抽象的

It is apparent that there exists no such thing as one identifiable and universal entrepreneurial culture. Furthermore, the key to initiating the process of entrepreneurship lies within the individual members of society, and the degree to which a spirit of enterprise exists, or can be stimulated. The key question is, what triggers the release of this invaluable enterprising spirit? This paper seeks to make a small contribution towards an explanation by focusing on one aspect – the relationship of certain cultural and societal factors. It is argued that there is a significant relationship between entrepreneurship and cultural specificity. This has been progressed through a cross‐country study that involved Australia, Slovenia, Mexico, North America, Finland, Scotland, South Africa and Kenya. Following a review of the variables that contribute to culture in general and entrepreneurial culture in particular, a sample of findings from the study are integrated to illustrate key categories of analysis. The aim is to instigate a shift in thinking from universal generalisations relative to entrepreneurship, to a deeper understanding of the symbiotic relationship between entrepreneurship and culture.
显然,不存在一种可识别的、普遍的创业文化。此外,启动创业过程的关键在于社会个体成员,以及企业精神的存在程度或可激发程度。关键问题是,是什么引发了这种宝贵的创业精神的释放?本文试图通过关注一个方面——某些文化和社会因素之间的关系,为解释做出一点贡献。有人认为,创业精神与文化特异性之间存在着重要的关系。这一研究已通过一项涉及澳大利亚、斯洛文尼亚、墨西哥、北美、芬兰、苏格兰、南非和肯尼亚的跨国研究取得进展。在回顾了影响一般文化和创业文化的变量后,整合了研究结果样本,以说明关键的分析类别。目的是促使人们从对创业精神的普遍概括转变为更深入地理解创业精神与文化之间的共生关系。

Keywords  关键词

Citation  引用

Morrison, A. (2000), "Entrepreneurship: what triggers it?", International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research, Vol. 6 No. 2, pp. 59-71. https://doi-org.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/10.1108/13552550010335976
Morrison, A. (2000),“创业:是什么激发了它?”, 《国际创业行为与研究杂志》 ,第 6 卷第 2 期,第 59-71 页。https ://doi-org.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/10.1108/13552550010335976

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MCB UP Ltd


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MCB UP 有限公司

Copyright © 2000, MCB UP Limited
版权所有© 2000,MCB UP Limited


1. Introduction  1. 简介

It is proposed (Morrison et al., 1998a) that the process of entrepreneurship initiation has its foundations in person and intuition, and society and culture. It is much more holistic than simply an economic function, and represents a composite of material and immaterial, pragmatism and idealism. The essence is the application of innovatory processes and the acceptance of a risk‐bearing function, directed at bringing about change of both a social and economic nature. Ideally, but not necessarily, the outcomes will have positive consequences.
有人提出(Morrison,1998a),创业启动过程的基础是个人和直觉,以及社会和文化。它比简单的经济功能更加全面,是物质和非物质、实用主义和理想主义的综合体。其本质是应用创新过程和接受风险承担功能,旨在带来社会和经济方面的变革。理想情况下,但不一定,结果将产生积极的影响。

The key to initiating the process of entrepreneurship lies within the individual members of society, and the degree to which a spirit of enterprise exists, or can be initiated. In this respect Kirzner (1979) believes the source to be within the human spirit, which will flourish in response to uncertainty and competition. This enterprising spirit is described in inspirational terms by Gilder (1971, p. 258) as:
启动创业过程的关键在于社会个体成员,以及企业精神的存在程度或可启动程度。在这方面,柯兹纳(1979)认为,创业精神的源头在于人类精神,这种精神将在应对不确定性和竞争时蓬勃发展。吉尔德(1971,第 258 页)用鼓舞人心的术语描述了这种进取精神:

The spirit of enterprise wells up from the wisdom of ages and the history (of the West) and infuses the most modern of technological adventures. It joins the old and new frontiers. It asserts a firm hierarchy of values and demands a hard discipline. It requires a life of labor and listening, aspiration and courage. But it is the source of all we are and can become, the saving grace of democratic politics and free men, the hope of the poor and the obligation of the fortunate, the redemption of an oppressed and desperate world.
进取精神源自古往今来的智慧和(西方的)历史,并融入了最现代的技术冒险。它连接了新旧边界。它主张一套牢固的价值观,并要求严格的纪律。它要求一生的劳作和倾听、抱负和勇气。但它是我们所有一切的源泉,也是我们能够成为的一切的源泉,是民主政治和自由人的救命稻草,是穷人的希望和幸运者的义务,是受压迫和绝望的世界的救赎。

The key question is, what triggers the release of this invaluable enterprising spirit, which leads to the initiation of entrepreneurship? This paper seeks to make a small contribution towards an explanation by focusing on one aspect – the relationship of certain cultural and societal factors to the initiation of entrepreneurship. At the same time it is recognised that non‐cultural and contextual factors will undoubtedly play a significant role in shaping entrepreneurial behaviour and action.
关键问题是,是什么触发了这种宝贵的创业精神的释放,从而引发了创业精神的萌芽?本文试图通过关注一个方面——某些文化和社会因素与创业精神萌芽的关系——来做出一点小小的解释。同时,人们认识到,非文化和环境因素无疑将在塑造创业行为和行动方面发挥重要作用。

Within this paper it is argued that there is a significant relationship between entrepreneurship and cultural specificity. This is progressed through the presentation of a sample of findings from a cross‐country study (Morrison, 1998b) that involved nine countries. The research methodology adopted in this study is presented in Appendix 1. Following a review of the variables that contribute firstly to culture, then to entrepreneurial culture, the findings are integrated to illustrate key categories of analysis. The aim is to instigate the consideration of a shift in thinking from universal generalisations relative to entrepreneurship, to a deeper understanding of the symbiotic relationship between entrepreneurship and culture within specific geographic locations. For as Joynt and Warner (1996, p. 3) propose:
本文认为创业精神与文化特异性之间存在着显著的关系。通过展示一项涉及九个国家的跨国研究 (Morrison, 1998b) 的调查结果样本,可以进一步说明这一点。本研究采用的研究方法见附录 1。在回顾了首先影响文化,然后影响创业文化的变量之后,我们将这些研究结果整合起来,以说明分析的关键类别。其目的是促使人们考虑从对创业精神的普遍概括转变为更深入地了解创业精神与特定地理位置的文化之间的共生关系。正如 Joynt 和 Warner (1996, p. 3) 所言:

If the world is to survive and flourish, we all need to know more about the differences rather than concentrating on the similarities.
如果世界要生存和繁荣,我们都需要更多地了解差异,而不是专注于相似之处。

2. Culture  2.文化

Tayeb (1988, p . 42) presents a definition of culture and its scope as:
Tayeb (1988, p.42) 对文化及其范围给出了如下定义:

A set of historically evolved learned values, attitudes and meanings shared by the members of a given community that influence that material and non‐material way of life. Members of the community learn these shared characteristics through different stages of the socialisation processes of their lives in institutions, such as family, religion, formal education, and society as a whole.
特定社区成员共同拥有的一套历史演化而来的价值观、态度和意义,影响着该社区的物质和非物质生活方式。社区成员通过家庭、宗教、正规教育和整个社会等机构中不同阶段的社会化过程学习这些共同特征。

Garrison (1996) suggests that such attempts at definition are problematic due to culture’s amorphous, shifting nature. This is further compounded by its multiple representation within different levels (national, regional, business, individual), layers of society (gender, age, social class, occupation, family, religion), and in varying contexts of life (individual, group, community). Culture represents a complex phenomenon. It is a shared, collective way groups of people understand and interpret the world, a largely ethereal phenomenon aptly described by Trompenaars (1993, p. 21) using the following metaphor:
加里森 (1996) 认为,由于文化的无定形性和不断变化的性质,这种定义尝试是有问题的。文化在不同层面(国家、地区、企业、个人)、社会层面(性别、年龄、社会阶层、职业、家庭、宗教)以及不同生活背景(个人、群体、社区)中的多重表现进一步加剧了这一问题。文化代表着一种复杂的现象。它是一群人理解和解释世界的一种共同的、集体的方式,这是一种很大程度上虚无缥缈的现象,特罗姆佩纳尔斯 (1993, p. 21) 用以下比喻恰当地描述了这种现象:

A fish only discovers its need for water when it is no longer in it. Our own culture is like water to a fish. It sustains us. We live and breathe through it. What one culture may regard as essential, a certain level of material wealth for example, may not be so vital to other cultures.
鱼只有在水里没有了水时才会发现自己需要水。我们自己的文化就像水之于鱼。水养育着我们。我们靠它生存和呼吸。一种文化可能认为必不可少的东西,例如一定程度的物质财富,对其他文化来说可能并不那么重要。

Hofstede (1994) attributes this ethereality to a form of mental, or cultural, programming. It starts in the environment in which a young child grows up, usually a family of some form, it continues at school, and at work. Politics and the relationships between citizens and authorities are extensions of relationships in the family, at school, and at work, and in their turn they affect these other spheres of life. Religious beliefs, secular ideologies, and scientific theories are extensions of mental software demonstrated in the family, the school, at work, and in government relations, and they reinforce the dominant patterns of thinking, feeling, and acting in the other spheres.
霍夫斯泰德(1994)将这种虚无感归因于一种心理或文化编程形式。它始于幼儿成长的环境,通常是某种形式的家庭,并在学校和工作中延续。政治和公民与当局之间的关系是家庭、学校和工作中关系的延伸,反过来又影响着这些生活领域。宗教信仰、世俗意识形态和科学理论是心理软件的延伸,体现在家庭、学校、工作和政府关系中,它们强化了其他领域中占主导地位的思维、感受和行为模式。

Hall (1959) provides a simple explanation of culture as the pattern of taken‐for‐granted assumptions about how a given set of people should think, act, and feel as they go about their daily affairs. Thus societies can be distinguished from each other by the differences in the shared meanings they expect and attribute to their environment. Hofstede (1991) provides a framework containing five dimensions that he believes can be used to differentiate between cultures. These include:
Hall (1959) 对文化做了一个简单的解释,即文化是一种理所当然的假设模式,即关于特定人群在处理日常事务时应该如何思考、行动和感受。因此,社会可以通过他们期望和赋予其环境的共同意义的差异来区分彼此。Hofstede (1991) 提供了一个包含五个维度的框架,他认为这些维度可用于区分不同文化。这些维度包括:

  1. 1.

    (1) Power distance: the degree of inequality among the people that the population of a country consider normal.
    (1)权力距离:一个国家民众认为正常的民众之间的不平等程度。

  2. 2.

    (2) Individualism: the degree to which people in a country prefer to act as individuals rather than members of groups.
    (2)个人主义:一个国家的人民喜欢作为个人而不是群体成员行事的程度。

  3. 3.

    (3) Masculinity: the degree to which such “masculine” values, such as assertiveness, competition, and success are emphasised, as opposed to such “feminine” values as quality of life, warm personal relationships, service, etc.
    (3) 男子气概:指对自信、竞争、成功等“男性化”价值观的强调程度,相对于生活质量、亲密的人际关系、服务等“女性化”价值观。

  4. 4.

    (4) Uncertainty avoidance: the degree to which people in a country prefer structured over unstructured situations.
    (4)不确定性规避:一个国家的人们对结构化环境而非非结构化环境的偏好程度。

  5. 5.

    (5) Long‐term orientation: long‐term orientation implies a stress on virtuous living in this world, with thrift and persistence as key virtues.
    (5)长远导向:长远导向意味着强调在这个世界上有道德地生活,以节俭和坚持作为主要美德。

These dimensions provide a useful tool which has the potential to categorise certain important aspects of culture. Certainly in the case of more developed cultures, such as that of North America, it is possible to form a cultural profile which rates low on power distance, long‐term orientation and uncertainty avoidance, and high on individualism and masculinity. However, in less developed and transitional countries the complete set of dimensions are less clear‐cut and more difficult to administer to any satisfactory level of validity, although certain individual dimensions can be identified.
这些维度提供了一种有用的工具,它有可能对文化的某些重要方面进行分类。当然,在更发达的文化中,例如北美文化,可以形成一种文化概况,其权力距离、长期取向和不确定性规避评分较低,个人主义和男性气概评分较高。然而,在欠发达和转型国家,虽然可以确定某些个别维度,但完整的维度集不太明确,更难以达到任何令人满意的有效性水平。

Furthermore, Tayeb (1988) and Van der Horst (1996) emphasise that not all individual members of a society need necessarily be assumed to follow all the dimensions of their cultures in every aspect of their lives. None of us is a slave of the culture in which we live. There will be those persons who are moved to deviate from the cultural norm. Thus, Hofstede (1994) proposes that a person’s behaviour be only partially predetermined by their mental programmes. He/she has a basic ability to deviate from them, and to react in ways that are new, creative, destructive, or unexpected, e.g. entrepreneurially. However, Lessem and Neubauer (1994) caution that excessive deviation can weaken individual cultures, although it is also apparent that cultural differences generate options, the integration of which may be beneficial to societies.
此外,Tayeb (1988) 和 Van der Horst (1996) 强调,社会中并非所有个体成员都必须在生活的各个方面遵循其文化的所有方面。我们当中没有人是所处文化的奴隶。有些人会被迫偏离文化规范。因此,Hofstede (1994) 提出,一个人的行为只是部分地由他们的心理程序预先决定。他/她具有偏离这些程序的基本能力,并以新颖、创造性、破坏性或出乎意料的方式做出反应,例如创业。然而,Lessem 和 Neubauer (1994) 警告说,过度偏离可能会削弱个体文化,尽管文化差异也会产生选择,而这些选择的整合可能对社会有益。

This perspective of culture emphasises the importance of developing a social action perspective, which recognises that most human beings do not see the world through the same rational, ordered form as policy makers and academics. Their world is intuitively shaped and interpreted (Weber, 1976) through their own attitudes, attributes, behaviours and values, at the interpersonal level (Parker et al., 1972). Thus, culture is made by people interacting, and at the same time determining future interaction (Trompenaars, 1993). In this manner, social valuables such as knowledge and status are exchanged, in the negotiation of a self‐identity, which may be partly innate (albeit modified by culture), and partly acquired from culture (Argyle, 1969). In addition, as almost everyone belongs to a number of different cultural levels, layers and contexts at the same time, people will inevitably behave in different ways, corresponding to the categories in society to which they may belong simultaneously. In modern society, these are not necessarily in harmony (Hofstede, 1996).
这种文化视角强调了发展社会行动视角的重要性,这种视角承认大多数人并不像政策制定者和学者那样以理性、有序的方式看待世界。他们的世界在人际层面上(Parker,1972)通过他们自己的态度、属性、行为和价值观直观地塑造和解释(Weber,1976)。因此,文化是由人们的互动创造的,同时也决定了未来的互动(Trumpenaars,1993)。以这种方式,知识和地位等社会价值得以交换,在自我认同的协商中,这种认同可能部分是天生的(尽管受到文化的影响),部分是从文化中获得的(Argyle,1969)。此外,由于几乎每个人都同时属于多个不同的文化水平、层次和背景,因此人们不可避免地会以不同的方式行事,与他们可能同时属于的社会类别相对应。在现代社会中,这些并不一定是和谐的(Hofstede,1996)。

3. Entrepreneurial cultures
3. 创业文化

Culture is important in any discussion of entrepreneurship because it determines the attitudes of individuals towards the initiation of entrepreneurship (Vernon‐Wortzel and Wortzel, 1997). Each era produces its own models of entrepreneurship according to its specific needs of the host society; however, it has been described consistently using terms such as innovative, holistic, risk‐taking and co‐ordinating ways of behaviour. Certain cultural institutions may facilitate, or hinder, entry into entrepreneurship. Thus, it is proposed that the culture of societies and the characteristics of people living in these societies, impacted by certain innate personality traits, will influence the degree to which entrepreneurship is initiated.
文化在任何有关创业的讨论中都很重要,因为它决定了个人对创业的态度(Vernon-Wortzel 和 Wortzel,1997)。每个时代都会根据其所在社会的具体需求产生自己的创业模式;然而,人们一直使用诸如创新、整体、冒险和协调行为方式等术语来描述创业。某些文化制度可能会促进或阻碍创业。因此,有人提出,社会文化和生活在这些社会中的人们的特征,受到某些先天性格特征的影响,将影响创业的程度。

Currently, the term “entrepreneurial culture” has become popular and widely accepted internationally, and is an expression of and attitude towards commerce at a business level. It can be described as one in which a positive social attitude towards personal enterprise is prevalent, enabling and supporting entrepreneurial activity. According to Bateman (1997), those economies and regions which have flourished in the late 20th century, have in common a business culture, which can be broadly described as “entrepreneurial”. It is attuned to the needs of a changing market economy and receptive to changing demands, innovations, products, opportunities and technologies.
目前,“创业文化”这一术语已在国际上流行并被广泛接受,是企业层面对商业的一种表达和态度。它可以被描述为一种对个人企业普遍存在的积极社会态度,支持和推动创业活动。根据贝特曼(1997)的说法,20 世纪后期蓬勃发展的经济体和地区都拥有一种共同的商业文化,可以广泛地描述为“创业文化”。它适应不断变化的市场经济的需求,并能接受不断变化的需求、创新、产品、机会和技术。

An entrepreneurial culture grows partly out of the current business environment of a country. Yet, as discussed in section 2, it is a much broader concept because alongside figure the historical experiences, beliefs, attitudes and values of the host society (Gordon, 1996). Thus, of equal significance for entrepreneurial culture are the future hopes and aspirations not only of business but society at large in a given country. Furthermore, at a basic level, entrepreneurship is recognised as a highly personalised activity. The entrepreneur is motivated to create a venture, which reflects their vision and ambitions, and is prepared to review and reorganise their social environment to make it materialise.
创业文化部分源自一个国家当前的商业环境。然而,正如第 2 节所讨论的,这是一个更广泛的概念,因为创业文化还包含东道国社会的历史经验、信仰、态度和价值观 (Gordon, 1996)。因此,对于创业文化而言,不仅企业的未来希望和抱负,而且整个国家社会的未来希望和抱负也同样重要。此外,从根本上讲,创业被认为是一种高度个性化的活动。企业家有动力去创建一个反映他们愿景和抱负的企业,并准备审查和重组他们的社会环境以实现这一目标。

Internationally, it would appear that there exists a wide range and diversity of entrepreneurial cultures, each of which enable and support entrepreneurial behaviour to varying degrees. According to Timmons (1994, p. 9), what is needed is a favourable environment which combines social, political and educational attributes. In particular it requires:
在国际上,似乎存在着各种各样的创业文化,每种文化都在不同程度上促成和支持创业行为。根据 Timmons (1994, p. 9) 的说法,我们需要一个结合社会、政治和教育属性的有利环境。它特别需要:

A culture that prizes entrepreneurship, an imperative to educate our population so that our entrepreneurial potential is second to none; and a government that generously supports pure and applied science, fosters entrepreneurship with enlightened policies, and enables schools to produce the best educated students in the world.
我们拥有一种重视创业精神的文化,必须对人口进行教育,以便我们的创业潜力无与伦比;我们拥有一个慷慨支持理论科学和应用科学的政府,以开明的政策促进创业,并使学校培养出世界上受教育程度最高的学生。

Throughout history, entrepreneurship has been found to be important and meaningful in society at points of transition, for example, traditional to modern, modern to post‐modern, and state‐controlled economies to free‐market. At each of these points, entrepreneurship is harnessed by societies as a common approach to solving dilemmas, to break old, stable and hierarchical traditions and institutions and to introduce new, innovative ways of behaviour. Thus, it is suggested that entrepreneurship can be regarded as an instrument for changing the culture of an era.
纵观历史,人们发现创业精神在社会转型时期具有重要意义,例如从传统经济向现代经济、从现代经济向后现代经济、从国家控制的经济向自由市场经济转型。在每一个转型时期,社会都会利用创业精神作为解决困境的常用方法,打破陈旧、稳定和等级森严的传统和制度,引入新的创新行为方式。因此,创业精神可以被视为改变一个时代文化的一种工具。

In this respect, entrepreneurs have the potential to directly challenge many of the aspects associated with cultural tradition, continuity, and stability in their countries. A new entrepreneurial orientation may pull a country in contradictory directions. It often involves the devaluation of tradition and heritage. For societies, this represents a shift from a world of stable and continuous reference points. The comforts of tradition are fundamentally challenged by the imperatives to forge a new self‐interpretation based upon the responsibilities of cultural transition (Corner and Harvey, 1991). However, changes in a culture generally happen because people realise that certain old ways of doing things no longer work. Joynt and Warner (1996) argue that it is not difficult to change culture when people are aware that the survival of the society is at stake, that is where survival is considered desirable.
在这方面,企业家有可能直接挑战其国家中与文化传统、连续性和稳定性相关的许多方面。新的创业导向可能会将一个国家拉向矛盾的方向。它往往涉及传统和遗产的贬值。对于社会而言,这代表着从一个稳定和连续的参考点的世界的转变。传统的舒适感从根本上受到了基于文化转型责任而形成新的自我诠释的迫切要求的挑战(Corner and Harvey,1991)。然而,文化的变化通常是因为人们意识到某些旧的做事方式不再有效。Joynt 和 Warner(1996)认为,当人们意识到社会的生存受到威胁时,改变文化并不困难,而这正是生存被认为是可取的。

As such, entrepreneurship has a pervasive effect on the societies it serves and from which it draws resources. It affects the physical environment, values and purposively attempts to influence the society in which it is located. If the culture contains pro‐entrepreneurial values, it serves as an incubator in the entrepreneurship initiation process (Johannisson, 1987a). Furthermore, history has proven that societies nurture individuals who enhance their communities in original ways (Joynt and Warner, 1996). The converse is also true. In societies where entrepreneurship has become tainted with charges of profiteering, speculation, violence and criminality it has not been well received. This has been evidenced in the likes of the Chicago of the 1930s and in a number of the transition economies of Eastern Europe in the 1990s. This negativity may be an inevitable stage of transitional development (Bateman, 1997), but it also may foster strong and durable anti‐entrepreneurial values.
因此,创业精神对它所服务的社会和它从中获取资源的社会有着普遍的影响。它影响着物质环境、价值观,并有目的地试图影响它所处的社会。如果文化包含支持创业的价值观,它就会成为创业启动过程的孵化器(Johannisson,1987a)。此外,历史已经证明,社会会培养那些以独创方式促进社区发展的个人(Joynt and Warner,1996)。反之亦然。在创业精神被指责为牟取暴利、投机、暴力和犯罪的社会中,它并没有受到很好的欢迎。这在 20 世纪 30 年代的芝加哥和 20 世纪 90 年代东欧的一些转型经济体中都有所体现。这种消极情绪可能是转型发展的一个不可避免的阶段(Bateman,1997),但它也可能培养出强烈而持久的反创业价值观。

4. Cultural specificity  4. 文化特异性

From the foregoing, it would appear that the relationship of certain cultural and societal factors to the initiation of entrepreneurship is significant. At a macro‐level, it can be accepted that people belonging to a certain country tend to exhibit collective cultural similarities; however, at a micro‐level an individual’s cultural orientation may indicate differences. The social institutional framework provides a construct within which the socialisation process mentally programmes members of that society. This results in shared sets of characteristics, attitudes, behaviours and values. Through continuous social interaction, the meanings and values associated with social and economic relationships are interpreted and shaped.
从上述内容可以看出,某些文化和社会因素与创业精神的形成有着密切的关系。在宏观层面上,可以接受的是,属于某个国家的人往往表现出集体的文化相似性;然而,在微观层面上,个人的文化取向可能表明存在差异。社会制度框架提供了一种结构,社会化过程在其中对社会成员进行心理规划。这导致了共同的特征、态度、行为和价值观。通过持续的社会互动,与社会和经济关系相关的意义和价值观得到解释和塑造。

However, it has been recognised that individual members of society are free to negotiate a self‐identity and to deviate from cultural norms. One way in which this may exhibit itself is through the initiation change using the process of entrepreneurship, the outcomes of which may be creative and/or destructive. The degree to which members of society will support such change will be dependent upon their interpretation of the degree of benefit which will arise in the longterm. Furthermore, the multiple representations of members of society within the different levels, layers and contexts may support and/or inhibit the initiation of entrepreneurship to differing degrees.
然而,人们已经认识到,社会个体成员可以自由地协商自我认同并偏离文化规范。这可能表现为通过创业过程进行的启动变革,其结果可能是创造性的,也可能是破坏性的。社会成员支持这种变革的程度将取决于他们对长期利益程度的解读。此外,社会成员在不同层次、不同层面和不同背景下的多重代表可能会在不同程度上支持和/或抑制创业。

presents a tentative attempt at summarising the key features associated with culture which may impact upon the degree to which entrepreneurship is initiated and sustained. It represents an open, social action, system that recognises that culture is no more fixed than the histories and circumstances which contribute to it. Societies, cultures and mentalities are in a continual state of development and change. There are, of course, “constants”, collective experiences and collective memories and the mythology that they generate, but even their permanence should not be overestimated (Van der Horst, 1996).
尝试总结与文化相关的关键特征,这些特征可能会影响创业精神的发起和维持程度。它代表了一种开放的社会行动体系,该体系承认文化并不比促成它的历史和环境更固定。社会、文化和心态处于不断发展和变化的状态。当然,也存在“常数”,即集体经验和集体记忆以及它们产生的神话,但即使是它们的持久性也不应该被高估(Van der Horst,1996 年)。

From the study referred to in section 1 of this paper, a certain range of inputs, societal constructs and evidence were identified as being of significant to the initiation of entrepreneurship. A sample is now presented. The selected inputs are: personal motivations and characteristics; formal education system; family background; regional history and characteristics; and inter‐generational role models. The dominant societal construct of policy is discussed. Finally, the effect of both these aspects on the different levels of culture can be evidenced relative to ideological practices, and cultural attitudes, values and beliefs.
从本文第 1 部分提到的研究中,我们确定了一定范围的投入、社会结构和证据对创业的启动具有重要意义。现在介绍一个示例。选定的投入包括:个人动机和特征;正规教育体系;家庭背景;地区历史和特征;以及代际榜样。讨论了政策的主导社会结构。最后,这两个方面对不同文化水平的影响可以通过意识形态实践以及文化态度、价值观和信仰来证明。

4.1 Inputs  4.1 输入

Each entrepreneur brings their own unique set of personal motivations and characteristics to interact with their specific host society and business environment, which is then translated into entrepreneurial activities and behaviour. Furthermore, the different roles which entrepreneurs play are interwoven. Private and professional codes of conduct merge, social and commercial concerns mix (Johannisson, 1987b). However, it is possible to identify common characteristics and behaviours (McLelland, 1961). Those which emerged relative to all the entrepreneurs in the study are: they bring intelligence and sound analytical skills to bear on risk management; they are all in some respect deviants from the social norms within their countries; to differing degrees they exhibit strong moral, work and business ethics; irrespective of industry sector a strong “trader’s” instinct is apparent; they are committed to life‐long learning through both formal and informal mechanisms; and extensive use is made of both informal and formal networks. In the cases of Finland, Australia and Kenya the characteristics and behaviours are of a more implicit, “low key” nature rather than aggressively explicit.
每个企业家都有自己独特的个人动机和特征,以与特定的东道社会和商业环境互动,然后转化为创业活动和行为。此外,企业家扮演的不同角色交织在一起。私人和专业行为准则融合在一起,社会和商业关注混杂在一起(Johannisson,1987b)。然而,可以确定共同的特征和行为(McLelland,1961)。与研究中所有企业家相关的特征和行为是:他们利用智慧和良好的分析技能来管理风险管​​理;他们在某些方面都偏离了本国的社会规范;他们在不同程度上表现出强烈的道德、工作和商业道德;无论行业如何,强烈的“交易者”本能都是显而易见的;他们致力于通过正式和非正式机制进行终身学习;广泛使用非正式和正式网络。在芬兰、澳大利亚和肯尼亚的案例中,这些特征和行为具有更隐晦、“低调”的性质,而不是咄咄逼人的露骨行为。

The manner in which the young are conditioned from an early age through the formal education system, and the fact that dominant approaches are frequently reinforced within family life, plays a significant role in the initiation of characteristics generally associated with entrepreneurial behaviour (Gibb, 1996). The formal education system has been recognised as a strong influence in the development of conformist, anti‐entrepreneurial behaviour in Kenya, South Africa, Singapore, Finland and Slovenia. This has resulted in population masses ambivalent towards entrepreneurship as a consequence of their educational conditioning. Current examples of direct intervention within the formal education systems, designed to promote an entrepreneurial culture, were presented in the cases of North America, Scotland and Mexico.
年轻人从小就接受正规教育的方式,以及家庭生活中经常强化的主导方法,在创业行为特征的形成中发挥着重要作用(Gibb,1996)。在肯尼亚、南非、新加坡、芬兰和斯洛文尼亚,正规教育体系被认为对顺从、反创业行为的发展有着重大影响。这导致民众由于受教育的影响而对创业产生矛盾态度。本文介绍了在正规教育体系内直接干预以促进创业文化的当前实例,这些实例来自北美、苏格兰和墨西哥。

It has been identified that a characteristic of entrepreneurship is that it tends to pervade family life, with the entrepreneur being unable to divorce business from social living (Deakin, 1996). In this respect, family background plays a role in two ways. First, if an entrepreneur has previous experience of the effect of entrepreneurship from a family member they are more prepared for the consequences of their own activities. Second, family support of entrepreneurship can make a positive contribution to its sustenance. For all the entrepreneurs represented in the study, positive immediate family support for their entrepreneurial behaviour had played an important part in its sustenance. What was also identified as of significance was the role of the extended family in enabling access to funds and markets to support individual entrepreneurs in the creation and development of their businesses. This was particularly emphasised in the findings from Kenya, South Africa, Australia and North America.
已经发现,创业的一个特点是它往往渗透到家庭生活中,企业家无法将商业与社会生活分开(Deakin,1996)。在这方面,家庭背景在两个方面发挥着作用。首先,如果企业家从家庭成员那里了解到创业的影响,他们对自己活动的结果更有准备。其次,家庭对创业的支持可以对其持续发展做出积极贡献。对于研究中代表的所有企业家来说,直系亲属对他们创业行为的积极支持在其持续发展中发挥了重要作用。大家庭在获得资金和市场以支持个体企业家创建和发展企业方面的作用也被认为具有重要意义。肯尼亚、南非、澳大利亚和北美的研究结果特别强调了这一点。

One of the reasons for the considerable variance in the responses of populations to entrepreneurship is a consequence of the history and resultant characteristics of their country (Haggett, 1983). This was found to be particularly relevant relative to the extent to which structures have historically been designed to enable individualism or communitarianism, and equality or hierarchy. In general, the historic political systems within Slovenia, South Africa, Kenya, and Finland have, to differing degrees, served to promote an anti‐entrepreneurial culture due to the dependency on, or control of, the populace by the State which decreased the propensity for private enterprise. This has resulted in a significant power distance in society that has served to divide the population into the majority which are “ruled”, either formally or informally, by an élite group. This serves to grow persons who are lacking in the personal attributes generally associated with entrepreneurs, in particular leadership, creativity, self‐reliance, and self‐confidence. However, in the more egalitarian and democratic societies of North America and Australia these qualities are fostered, thus stimulating entrepreneurial behaviour.
不同国家民众对创业反应差异巨大的原因之一是其国家的历史和由此产生的特征(Haggett,1983)。研究发现,这与国家结构在多大程度上有利于个人主义或社群主义、平等或等级制度息息相关。总体而言,斯洛文尼亚、南非、肯尼亚和芬兰的历史政治制度在不同程度上助长了反创业文化,因为国家对民众的依赖或控制降低了私营企业的倾向。这导致了社会中权力差距的扩大,将民众划分为多数派,而多数派则由精英集团正式或非正式地“统治”。这助长了缺乏企业家通常所具备的个人特质的人,尤其是领导力、创造力、自力更生和自信。然而,在北美和澳大利亚更加平等和民主的社会中,这些品质得到培养,从而刺激了创业行为。

The degree to which an entrepreneurial culture has been, and currently is, embedded in a country will result in the volume of practising and historic entrepreneurs who can be identified as role models for future generations (Anderson, 1995). From analysis of the entrepreneurs in the study, no direct link to inter‐generational role models was apparent. At one extreme, was the female Kenyan entrepreneur, who is unique in her time and has few, if any, inter‐generational role models to which to refer. At the other extreme was the North American entrepreneur, who has an abundance of role models. However, it would appear that the entrepreneurs represented within the study were less concerned with role models, and more interested in being entrepreneurial.
一个国家过去和现在的创业文化根深蒂固的程度将决定有多少现役和历史上的企业家可以被视为后代的榜样(Anderson,1995)。从对研究中的企业家的分析来看,与代际榜样没有直接的联系。一个极端是肯尼亚女企业家,她在那个时代是独一无二的,几乎没有可以参考的代际榜样。另一个极端是北美企业家,她有很多榜样。然而,看来研究中的企业家不太关心榜样,而更感兴趣的是创业。

4.2 Societal constructs  4.2 社会结构

Given the direct involvement of the state in all aspects of social and economic life it has a dominant power base, which will undoubtedly influence the culture of a nation. Specifically, over recent decades, there has been an attempt by policy makers to directly effect a change in the motives and values of next generations. In this way, they aim to establish a regime whereby the individual, rather than the state apparatus, can flourish in recognition of the value, qualities and contributions of entrepreneurs (Heelas and Morris, 1992). Thus, policy makers have identified culture as a dynamic, changeable variable and have intervened accordingly in the “cultural conditioning” of the populace with mixed degrees of success. Within the countries studied, the effects of political intervention have been mixed. Within a number of countries, such as Slovenia, it has been inconsistently applied which has resulted in limited impact on the level of entrepreneurial behaviour. In the case of Finland, an example of start‐up funding was provided which was deemed to have been moderately successful in the stimulation of new venture creation. The approaches adopted in Mexico, America, and Scotland were evaluated as being relatively considered, strategic and effective. However, in Kenya early attempts at intervention led to a dependency culture. This brings into question the degree to which the state should intervene to contrive what is essentially a natural expression of personal enterprise, self‐sufficiency and initiative.
鉴于国家直接参与社会和经济生活的各个方面,它拥有主导权力基础,这无疑会影响一个国家的文化。具体而言,近几十年来,政策制定者一直试图直接影响下一代人的动机和价值观的变化。通过这种方式,他们旨在建立一个制度,让个人而不是国家机构能够蓬勃发展,承认企业家的价值、品质和贡献(Heelas 和 Morris,1992 年)。因此,政策制定者将文化视为一个动态的、可变的变量,并相应地干预民众的“文化调节”,成功程度参差不齐。在所研究的国家中,政治干预的效果好坏参半。在斯洛文尼亚等许多国家,政治干预的应用并不一致,导致对创业行为水平的影响有限。在芬兰的案例中,提供了一个创业资金的例子,被认为在刺激新企业创建方面取得了一定程度的成功。墨西哥、美国和苏格兰采取的方法被认为相对深思熟虑、具有战略性和有效性。然而,在肯尼亚,早期的干预尝试导致了一种依赖文化。这让人怀疑国家应该在多大程度上进行干预,以设计出本质上是个人事业、自给自足和主动性的自然表达。

4.3 Evidence  4.3 证据

The ideological practices of a population refers to the pattern of thinking which is most characteristic (Burrows, 1991). This was specifically evidenced in relation to the manner in which failure is viewed, and the management of financial resources at an individual’s disposal. Singaporeans, Slovenians, Finnish, and to a certain extent the Scottish, appear to have a low tolerance to failure which tends to leave a durable stigma. However, in more open societies, such as North America and Australia, entrepreneurial behaviour is applauded and failure has few associated negative connotations, with the significance and value of having applied personal initiative and enterprise, albeit unsuccessfully, viewed as positive. Furthermore, within some societies there is a practice of saving for the future, while within others the focus is on living and spending to enjoy the moment. This has an implication for the amount of personal funds that may be available for investment in business. At one extreme is Singapore with an obsession with saving for the future, in the form of provision for retirement. Short‐termism as a dominant characteristic was clearly evidenced in the Kenyan example; however, this was tempered by a desire to provide for retirement. The remaining countries presented a varying degree of planning horizons, the majority bordering on the short term.
一个群体的意识形态实践指的是最具特色的思维模式(Burrows,1991)。这在看待失败的方式以及个人可支配的财务资源的管理方面得到了特别的体现。新加坡人、斯洛文尼亚人、芬兰人,以及某种程度上的苏格兰人,似乎对失败的容忍度很低,失败往往会留下持久的耻辱感。然而,在更开放的社会,如北美和澳大利亚,创业行为受到赞扬,失败几乎没有与之相关的负面含义,尽管没有成功,但运用个人主动性和进取心的意义和价值被视为积极的。此外,在一些社会中,人们习惯于为未来储蓄,而在另一些社会中,人们关注的是生活和消费以享受当下。这对可用于投资商业的个人资金数量有影响。一个极端是新加坡,它痴迷于为未来储蓄,以备退休之用。肯尼亚的例子中,短期主义明显成为主要特征;不过,这种特征因人们希望为退休做准备而有所缓和。其余国家的规划视野程度各不相同,大多数都接近短期。

The dominant cultural attitudes, values and beliefs of a population at one particular point of time will result in a particular common mind‐set relative to the degree to which entrepreneurship is supported by society (Gilder, 1971). In particular, the extent to which these cultural attitudes are communal or individual has been identified as significant for entrepreneurship. Societies that predominantly hold strong communal and collective values, such as Kenya, Slovenia, and South Africa, do not support individualistic wealth creation through entrepreneurship, while those with strong individualistic values, such as North America and Australia, generally do. Furthermore, in those countries where there is a moral obligation to provide for the community, the priority for income earned is to kin as opposed to investment in private enterprise.
某一特定时期内,某一群体的主导文化态度、价值观和信仰将形成特定的共同思维模式,这与社会对创业的支持程度有关(Gilder,1971)。尤其是,这些文化态度是集体的还是个人的,已被确定为对创业具有重要意义。肯尼亚、斯​​洛文尼亚和南非等主要具有强烈集体和社区价值观的社会,不支持通过创业创造个人财富,而北美和澳大利亚等具有强烈个人主义价值观的社会,则通常支持这种做法。此外,在那些有道义义务为社区提供服务的国家,收入的优先权是留给亲属,而不是投资于私营企业。

5. Conclusions  5. 结论

From this investigation, it appears that there is a significant relationship between entrepreneurship and cultural specificity, combined with an intuitive response by individual members of society, albeit part innate and part cultural conditioning. Certainly, the cultural context in which persons are rooted and socially developed plays an influencing role in shaping and making entrepreneurs, and the degree to which they consider entrepreneurial behaviour to be desirable. Cultural dimensions that are significant to the extent to which entrepreneurial behaviour is supported by a society have been identified as: communal versus individual; conformist versus divergent; and equal versus élitist. Furthermore, the role of the family, immediate and extended, is recognised as having the potential to make a positive contribution towards entrepreneurial behaviour through the provision of inter‐generational role models, and as tangible and intangible support providers. Finally, the profile of an entrepreneur which emerges through the study is one who: is intelligent and analytical; is an effective risk manager and networker; possesses a strong set of moral, social and business ethics; exhibits a basic trader’s instinct; and is dedicated to life‐long learning in its many forms.
从这项调查来看,创业精神与文化特性以及社会个体成员的直觉反应之间存在着重要的关系,尽管这种关系部分是天生的,部分是文化条件的。当然,人们扎根于其中和社会发展的文化背景在塑造和培养企业家以及他们认为企业家行为可取的程度方面起着影响作用。文化维度对于社会对创业行为的支持程度具有重要意义,这些维度包括:集体与个人;顺从与发散;平等与精英。此外,家庭(无论是直系亲属还是大家庭)的作用被认为有可能通过提供代际榜样以及作为有形和无形的支持提供者,对创业行为做出积极的贡献。最后,通过这项研究得出的企业家概况是:聪明且善于分析;是有效的风险管理者和网络工作者;拥有强大的道德、社会和商业伦理;表现出基本的交易者本能;并致力于多种形式的终身学习。

It is concluded that if the “discipline” that has become entrepreneurship is to survive and flourish, entrepreneurship educators need to know more about the differences, rather than concentrating on globalised, conglomerate, sanitised similarities. The findings presented in this paper and the full treatise of the study (Morrison, 1998b) attempt to provide a small beacon of illumination relative to entrepreneurship at a sub‐geographic region level. However, it is acknowledged that even this particularistic approach is in danger of being overly generalistic. Furthermore, as Hofstede (1991) warns, it is important not to perpetrate a “reserve ecological fallacy”. Thus, any explanation of what triggers the release of the spirit of enterprise leading to the initiation of entrepreneurship must work from an understanding of the collectives generally accepted as characteristics of certain societies and respect and acknowledge the individuality and uniqueness of members of such societies who are motivated to act entrepreneurially.
结论是,如果创业这门“学科”要生存和发展,创业教育者需要更多地了解差异,而不是专注于全球化、集团化、美化的相似之处。本文提出的研究结果和研究的完整论文(Morrison,1998b)试图在次地理区域层面上为创业提供一盏小小的灯塔。然而,人们承认,即使是这种特殊主义的方法也存在过于笼统的危险。此外,正如霍夫斯泰德(1991)警告的那样,重要的是不要犯“保留生态谬误”。因此,任何关于是什么引发了企业精神的释放,从而引发创业的解释都必须从对普遍接受为某些社会特征的集体的理解出发,并尊重和承认这些社会中被激励采取创业行动的成员的个性和独特性。

Figure 1  Summary mode: key features associated with culture

Figure 1  图 1

Summary mode: key features associated with culture
总结模式:与文化相关的主要特征

Appendix. Cross‐country comparative study – research methodology
附录:跨国比较研究——研究方法

It is apparent that there exists no such thing as one identifiable and universal entrepreneurial culture. Thus, the author was motivated to instigate a cross‐country comparative study designed to delve more deeply into the specificity and dynamics of culture and its relationship to entrepreneurship. According to Tayeb (1988), the major strength of applying such a cultural perspective is the recognition of: the role it plays in shaping work‐related values, attitudes and behaviours of individual members of various societies; the fact that cultural values and attitudes are different in degree from one society to another; and that different cultural groups behave differently under similar circumstances because of differences underlying values and attitudes. All of these features are considered of significance in the development of an understanding of the triggers which may stimulate the initiation of entrepreneurship internationally.
显然,不存在一种可识别的、普遍的创业文化。因此,作者想要发起一项跨国比较研究,旨在更深入地探讨文化的特殊性和动态性及其与创业的关系。根据 Tayeb (1988) 的说法,应用这种文化视角的主要优势在于认识到:它在塑造不同社会个体成员的工作相关价值观、态度和行为方面发挥的作用;文化价值观和态度在不同社会之间存在程度差异的事实;以及由于价值观和态度的差异,不同文化群体在类似情况下的行为也不同。所有这些特征都被认为对理解可能刺激国际创业的触发因素具有重要意义。

Consequently, respected entrepreneurship educators (see note below) were carefully selected to research and present their findings of a study into the factors which initiate and/or inhibit entrepreneurial behaviour within their specific geographic location and societal setting. The countries included in the study were Australia, Slovenia, Mexico, North America, Finland, Scotland, South Africa, and Kenya. Haggett (1983) argues that if we are searching for a single organisational unit in man’s organisation of the world today, there would seem to be simple and persuasive reasons for using the country as this basic unit. However, as Hofstede (1996) points out, the invention of “nations” is a recent phenomenon in human history. It was only introduced world‐wide in the mid‐twentieth century. Therefore, he warns that nations should not be equated to societies. Historically, societies are organically developed forms of social organisation, and the concept of a common culture applies, strictly speaking, more to societies than to nations. Furthermore, to apply national norms to a specific group of individuals would be to perpetrate the “reserve ecological fallacy” (Hofstede, 1991).
因此,我们精心挑选了受人尊敬的创业教育者(见下文注释),研究并展示他们在特定地理位置和社会环境中启动和/或抑制创业行为的因素的研究结果。研究涉及的国家包括澳大利亚、斯洛文尼亚、墨西哥、北美、芬兰、苏格兰、南非和肯尼亚。哈格特(1983)认为,如果我们在当今人类的世界组织中寻找一个单一的组织单位,那么使用国家作为这个基本单位似乎有简单而有说服力的理由。然而,正如霍夫斯泰德(1996)指出的那样,“国家”的发明是人类历史上的一个新现象。它直到二十世纪中叶才被引入世界。因此,他警告说,国家不应该等同于社会。从历史上看,社会是有机发展的社会组织形式,严格地说,共同文化的概念更多地适用于社会而不是国家。此外,将国家规范应用于特定群体将会犯下“保留生态谬误”(Hofstede,1991)。

Within countries, factors such as social class, regional characteristics, ethnic grouping, and religion historically have interacted, and will continue to do so. This results in layers of sub‐cultures, which mitigates against thinking of culture in macro‐terms, such as persons being categorised as stereotypical American, African, British, etc. (Joynt and Warner, 1996). In most cases, plural cultures live under the one encompassing title of the host country. Yet a country is often the only feasible criterion for classification, and while micro‐level difference are accepted, at the same time these people, groups and nations do tend to exhibit certain similarities. For example, Trompenaars and Hampden‐Turner (1994) argue that people from the same country will generally try to resolve dilemmas in the same way, as cultural cohesion is a prerequisite for stability in a society. Clearly, when researching culture, nationality should be used with care.
在国家内部,社会阶层、地域特征、民族群体和宗教等因素在历史上一直相互作用,并将继续相互作用。这导致了亚文化的层层产生,从而削弱了从宏观角度思考文化的能力,例如人们被归类为典型的美国人、非洲人、英国人等(Joynt and Warner,1996)。在大多数情况下,多元文化都生活在一个包罗万象的东道国之下。然而,国家往往是唯一可行的分类标准,虽然微观层面的差异是可以接受的,但与此同时,这些人、群体和民族确实往往表现出某些相似之处。例如,Trompenaars 和 Hampden-Turner(1994)认为,来自同一个国家的人通常会尝试以相同的方式解决困境,因为文化凝聚力是社会稳定的先决条件。显然,在研究文化时,应谨慎使用国籍。

The research project commenced in July 1996 and was completed in September 1997. Each researcher applied an identical research framework to facilitate analysis and comparison of findings. This involved three key elements as follows:
研究项目于 1996 年 7 月开始,1997 年 9 月完成。每位研究人员采用相同的研究框架,以便分析和比较研究结果。研究框架涉及以下三个关键要素:

  1. 1.

    (1) an investigation of the historical and current relationship between culture and entrepreneurship within their geographic region, identifying factors which contribute to the initiation and/or inhibition of entrepreneurial behaviour within the population;
    (1)调查某一地理区域内文化与创业精神的历史和现状,找出导致人群中创业行为启动和/或抑制的因素;

  2. 2.

    (2) an analysis of these factors relative to political interventionist policies, social development of individuals, the construct of the social structure in which they exist, and triggers which have the potential to mobilise entrepreneurial behaviour; and
    (2)分析这些因素与政治干预政策、个人的社会发展、个人所处社会结构的构建以及可能激发创业行为的触发因素之间的关系;

  3. 3.

    (3) a case study of a practising entrepreneur including details of their social background, personal motivations and characteristics, and the manner in which they interacted with the environment in which they were located.
    (3) 对一位执业企业家的案例研究,包括他们的社会背景、个人动机和特点,以及他们与所处环境互动的方式的详细信息。

The resultant data were largely qualitative in nature. In considering the most appropriate method of cross‐country analysis, the author was cautious about applying any attempt which “forced” the data to “fit” a sanitised research agenda. It is believed that this may have devalued the richness and specificity of the content. Thus, the data were analysed and coded relative to key categories which emerged. These were then linked back to associated literature for further exploration, validation or otherwise, and formulation of findings.
所得数据主要为定性数据。在考虑最合适的跨国分析方法时,作者谨慎对待任何“强迫”数据“适应”经过净化的研究议程的尝试。据信,这可能会降低内容的丰富性和特异性。因此,根据出现的关键类别对数据进行分析和编码。然后将它们链接到相关文献以进行进一步探索、验证或其他,并形成研究结果。

Acknowledgements  致谢

The author of this paper wishes to acknowledge the contribution of the following colleagues to this cross‐country study which is fully documented in the text: Entrepreneurship: An International Perspective, (1998) published by Butterworth‐Heinemann, Oxford.
本文作者谨感谢以下同事对此项跨国研究的贡献,该研究在文中得到了充分记录: 《企业家精神:国际视角》(1998 年),由牛津 Butterworth-Heinemann 出版。

  • Fatima Allie is the Deputy Head of the Centre for Entrepreneurship at the Graduate Business School of the University of Stellenbosch, South Africa.
    法蒂玛·艾利 (Fatima Allie)是南非斯泰伦博斯大学商学院创业中心副主任。

  • Aleke Dondo is the Deputy Managing Director of the Microfinance Research and Innovation Division, Kenya Rural Enterprise Programme, Nairobi, Kenya.
    Aleke Dondo是肯尼亚内罗毕肯尼亚农村企业计划小额信贷研究与创新部副总经理。

  • Miroslav Glas is a Doctor of Economics within the Faculty of Economics, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia.
    米罗斯拉夫·格拉斯 (Miroslav Glas)是斯洛文尼亚卢布尔雅那大学经济学院的经济学博士。

  • Linda Human is the Professor of People Management at the Graduate School of Business, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa, and a Visiting Fellow of Goree Institute, Senegal.
    琳达·休曼(Linda Human)是南非斯泰伦博斯大学商学院人力管理学教授,也是塞内加尔戈雷研究所的访问学者。

  • Antero Koskinen is the Director of the Small Business Center of the Helsinki School of Economics and Business Administration, Finland.
    安特罗·科斯金(Antero Koskinen)是芬兰赫尔辛基经济与工商管理学院中小企业中心主任。

  • Susan Laing is a Senior Lecturer and Director of the Centre for Entrepreneurship at Napier University, Edinburgh, Scotland.
    苏珊·莱恩(Susan Laing)是苏格兰爱丁堡纳皮尔大学的高级讲师兼创业中心主任。

  • Frank Martin is a Senior Teaching Fellow within the Department of Entrepreneurship at the University of Stirling, Stirling, Scotland.
    弗兰克·马丁 (Frank Martin)是苏格兰斯特灵大学创业系的高级教学研究员。

  • Mwangi Ngumo is the Executive Director of the Kenya Institute of Management, Nairobi, Kenya.
    Mwangi Ngumo是肯尼亚内罗毕肯尼亚管理学院的执行董事。

  • Rafael Alcaraz Rodriguez is the Director of the Entrepreneurial Program at Monterrey Institute of Technology, Mexico.
    拉斐尔·阿尔卡拉斯·罗德里格斯(Rafael Alcaraz Rodriguez)是墨西哥蒙特雷理工学院创业项目主任。

  • Wee‐Liang Tan is a Senior Lecturer in the Division of Marketing and Tourism Management within the Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He is also Director of the Entrepreneurship Development Centre at the University.
    Wee‐Liang Tan是新加坡南洋理工大学商学院市场营销与旅游管理系的高级讲师。他还是该大学创业发展中心的主任。

  • Markku Virtanen is the Development Director at the Small Business Center, Helsinki School of Economics and Business Administration.
    Markku Virtanen是赫尔辛基经济与工商管理学院中小企业中心的发展总监。

  • Harold Welsch holds the Coleman Foundation Professor of Entrepreneurship at DePaul University, Chicago, USA.
    哈罗德·韦尔施 (Harold Welsch)是美国芝加哥德保罗大学科尔曼基金会创业教授。

  • Dianne Wingham is Principal Researcher and founding entrepreneur of M.D. Wingham Consultants, Bicton, Australia.
    黛安·温汉姆 (Dianne Wingham)是澳大利亚比克顿 MD Wingham Consultants 的首席研究员兼创始企业家。

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