CHAPTER FIVE  第五章

Various authors have written that every Tibetan is or was a born trader, and nomadic in the figurative sense. ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} Whether this broad generalization is tenable or not, pastoral nomads in Zilphukhog were both mobile pastoralists and traders. Trading or rather obtaining grain from Horkhog and neighbouring Karsumdo was essential during winter, and was the responsibility and prerogative of men. Horkhog consisted of the five small states of Beri, Khangsar, Mazur, Driwo (i.e. Trehor) and Drango, these being ranged respectively from northwest to southeast along the course of the Yalung River ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} immediately to the east of Dege. Traders from Zilphukhog went annually to visit the important village of Rongpatsa, which is located in the west of Horkhog on the China-Lhasa tea trade route, and also well-known for its rich agricultural lands. William Rockhill described the place in the following manner:
各种作者曾写道，每个藏人都是或曾是天生的商人，并在比喻意义上是游牧的。 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 无论这种广泛的概括是否成立，Zilphukhog 的游牧牧民既是流动的牧民也是商人。在冬季，从 Horkhog 和邻近的 Karsumdo 获取粮食是至关重要的，这项责任和特权属于男性。Horkhog 由五个小国组成，分别是 Beri、Khangsar、Mazur、Driwo（即 Trehor）和 Drango，这些国家沿着雅隆河的河道从西北到东南排列， ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} 就在德格以东。Zilphukhog 的商人每年都会前往位于 Horkhog 西部的 Rongpatsa 村，该村位于中拉萨茶叶贸易路线，并以其丰富的农业土地而闻名。威廉·洛克希尔以以下方式描述这个地方：

At Ribo commences the garden of this part of Tibet - the fertile valley of Rungbatsa; and villages are as thickly scattered over the country as in Switzerland. Around each grow some fine elms or other trees, and walls or hedges inclose the fields, where peas, barley, and wheat were more than a month in advance of what I had seen in Dérgé. ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3}
在瑞博开始的是这部分西藏的花园——润巴察的肥沃山谷；村庄在这个国家分布得像瑞士一样密集。每个村庄周围生长着一些优美的榆树或其他树木，墙壁或篱笆围绕着田地，那里豌豆、大麦和小麦的生长比我在德尔吉看到的早了一个多月。

Not every dependent household in Zilphukhog was able to undertake an annual trading visit to Rongpatsa. The possibility of being able to go to Rongpatsa, or for annual trade expeditions to any destination, was limited to households who owned a minimum herd of at least 6 yak for transportation, and who could spare an able-bodied man to attend to them, and who also possessed the skills required for making successful trade transactions. Trade expeditions required men and
并不是所有在 Zilphukhog 的依赖家庭都能够进行年度贸易访问 Rongpatsa。能够前往 Rongpatsa 或任何目的地进行年度贸易探险的可能性仅限于拥有至少 6 头牦牛用于运输的家庭，这些家庭能够抽出一名劳动力强壮的男性来照看牦牛，并且还具备成功进行贸易交易所需的技能。贸易探险需要男性和

pack animals to be away from home for a month or more at a time. Not all households could fulfill this minimum requirement in terms of both animals and manpower, but in special cases a herd of yak for a trade expedition could at least be borrowed from relatives. For instance, Tsethon and his father did not own a big enough herd of yak, but they could nevertheless go to Rongpatsa by borrowing yak from Tsethon’s wealthy uncle who lived in Karsumdo. I am not able to say whether the yak were lent free of charge or the yak owner had a certain amount of share in the trade. Namgyal of Dusar-tsang had a large herd of yak, but her husband, who very good at domestic chores like making cheese and butter, was neither tough enough nor possessed the necessary business acumen to manage to organize a trading expedition to Rongpatsa. Being able to embark on trade expeditions to Rongpatsa was also partly dependent upon the availability of horses, capital, and weapons (guns or swords) for protection. Trading by Zilphukhog households was primarily based upon the exchange of earthenware goods which were produced in and obtained from neighbouring Karsumdo, against peas and barley grown in Rongpatsa.
驮动物需要离家一个月或更长时间。并不是所有家庭都能在动物和人力方面满足这一最低要求，但在特殊情况下，可以向亲戚借用一群牦牛用于贸易远征。例如，策顿和他的父亲没有足够大的牦牛群，但他们仍然可以通过向住在卡尔松多的富有叔叔借牦牛前往荣帕察。我无法确定这些牦牛是免费借用还是牦牛的主人在贸易中有一定的分成。杜萨尔藏的南嘉尔有一大群牦牛，但她的丈夫擅长制作奶酪和黄油等家务，但既不够强壮，也没有必要的商业头脑来组织前往荣帕察的贸易远征。能够前往荣帕察进行贸易远征在一定程度上也取决于马匹、资金和武器（枪或剑）的可用性。齐尔普霍克家庭的贸易主要基于与邻近的卡尔松多生产和获得的陶器商品交换荣帕察种植的豌豆和大麦。

Ordering earthenware goods in Karsumdo was a lengthy process which demanded both extra care and timing. Every Zilphukhog family had several potters as trade partners in Karsumdo, with whom they had established a permanent relationship. Karsumdo was only about a day’s journey on foot from Zilphukhog, and traders first went to Karsumdo in the 7th Tibetan month to place their orders with the traditional potters. The most important among them were Soyu Tsering Tashi, who was the biggest producer, Böpa Samdrup who hailed from Central Tibet (“Bö” or Bod), Gyarong Ado who appears to have come from Gyarong, and Dayul Anye from Dayul. As their names suggest, all of these potters appear to have been immigrants or refugees from other parts of Tibet. Although earthen pots and vessels were ordered from the above potters, the orders were such that any single potter among them was unable to fulfill the demand of each customer. This stimulated a sense of competition among the potters which made the quality of the pottery better and the delivery faster. Earthenware goods were sometimes paid for in advance, with payments of tea, butter, cheese or Chinese silver coins. According to my informants, a load of pottery cost approximately four bricks of tea. After having ordered their pottery goods the traders returned to Zilphukhog, and in the middle of the 8th month they returned to
在卡尔苏姆多订购陶器是一项漫长的过程，需要额外的细心和时机。每个齐尔普霍克家庭在卡尔苏姆多都有几位陶工作为贸易伙伴，并与他们建立了长期关系。卡尔苏姆多距离齐尔普霍克步行大约一天的路程，商人们通常在藏历第七个月前往卡尔苏姆多，向传统陶工下订单。其中最重要的陶工包括最大的生产者索尤·次仁·达西、来自中央藏区的博帕·桑珠、似乎来自嘉荣的嘉荣·阿多，以及来自达尤尔的达尤尔·安耶。正如他们的名字所示，这些陶工似乎都是来自西藏其他地区的移民或难民。尽管从上述陶工那里订购了陶罐和器皿，但每位陶工都无法满足每位顾客的需求。这激发了陶工之间的竞争，提升了陶器的质量并加快了交货速度。陶器商品有时会提前支付，支付方式包括茶、黄油、奶酪或中国银币。 根据我的信息来源，一批陶器的价格大约是四砖茶。在订购了他们的陶器商品后，商人们返回了齐尔普霍克，并在第八个月中旬再次返回

Karsumdo with their yaks to collect the finished earthenware articles. The fragile earthenware was all packed in loadable wooden cases, which took about 10 days. The traders then returned to Zilphukhog with the goods and stayed there until they departed for Rongpatsa in the 9th Tibetan month. The trade expedition took over a month, and men from different households traveled together, grouping their animals into a small caravan.
卡尔苏姆多用他们的牦牛收集完成的陶器。这些脆弱的陶器都装在可装载的木箱中，花费了大约 10 天。商人们随后带着货物返回齐尔普霍克，并在那里停留，直到他们在西藏第九个月出发前往荣帕察。此次贸易远征持续了一个多月，来自不同家庭的人们一起旅行，将他们的动物编成一个小商队。

When the trade expedition begun in earnest, up to 10 armed and horse-borne men went together behind their laden yak. Traveling armed and in a group was a necessity as bandits from Golok or elsewhere always lurked on the highways. Each man had about 6-12 laden yak and a team of two men was formed for loading and unloading the goods. The journey from Zilphukhog to Rongpatsa with the fully loaded yak required about 10 days, although the same trip could be made in four days on horse-back. The yak needed to rest and graze for most of the day due to which the caravans traveled before dawn broke and camped on grassy areas before midday. This tactic was partly designed to avoid traveling under the scorching sun. The yak drivers also took care to keep the animals in the best condition, especially if some of the yak were to be sold or slaughtered at the market in Rongpatsa, although this was not generally the rule since peas or barley had to be transported back to Zilphukhog using the same animals.
当贸易远征正式开始时，最多有 10 名武装骑马的人跟随他们装载的牦牛。由于来自果洛或其他地方的强盗总是潜伏在公路上，携带武器并结伴旅行是必要的。每个人大约有 6 到 12 头装载的牦牛，并组成两人一组负责装卸货物。从兹尔普霍克到荣帕察的旅程需要大约 10 天，尽管骑马同样的行程可以在四天内完成。由于牦牛需要大部分时间休息和吃草，商队通常在黎明前出发，并在中午之前在草地上扎营。这一策略部分是为了避免在炽热的阳光下旅行。牦牛司机还特别注意保持动物的最佳状态，尤其是如果有些牦牛要在荣帕察的市场上出售或屠宰，尽管这并不是一般的规则，因为豌豆或大麦必须用同样的动物运回兹尔普霍克。

A wealthy family in Rongpatsa known as Shung-tsang or “Central House” was one of the main partners with whom traders from Zilphukhog had established a permanent host/guest relationship. Such a perennial relationship was advantageous for both parties. The Zilphukhog traders had a permanent place to stay upon arrival, and the Rongpatsa host also functioned as their publicity manager. The host made sure that everybody in the village knew about the arrival of the pastoral traders and their goods. Why was the host so eager to assist their nomadic guests? Although not obligatory, the nomadic traders usually gave their hosts varying amounts of butter, meat, cheese, etc. as presents and such gifts were very much appreciated by the farmers. However, the most valuable gain for the Rongpatsa hosts was their monopoly of the yak dung. Since Rongpatsa was a fairly tree-less farming area, fuel was very scarce and yak dung was an excellent form of fuel. Thus, both host and guest could realize their respective self-interests, and their interrelationship was reciprocal and mutually beneficial. If and when the host was unable to help sell all of his
在荣帕察有一个富裕的家庭，称为“中央屋”或“Shung-tsang”，是与来自齐尔普霍克的商人建立永久寄宿关系的主要合作伙伴之一。这种长期关系对双方都有利。齐尔普霍克的商人在到达时有一个固定的落脚点，而荣帕察的主人也充当了他们的宣传经理。主人确保村里每个人都知道游牧商人及其商品的到来。为什么主人如此热衷于帮助他们的游牧客人？虽然不是强制性的，游牧商人通常会给主人赠送不同数量的黄油、肉类、奶酪等礼物，这些礼物受到农民的高度赞赏。然而，荣帕察主人最有价值的收益是对牦牛粪的垄断。由于荣帕察是一个相对缺乏树木的农业地区，燃料非常稀缺，而牦牛粪是一种极好的燃料。因此，主人和客人都能实现各自的自我利益，他们之间的关系是互惠互利的。如果主人无法帮助销售他所有的商品，
guests’ goods, the Zilphukhog traders moved further east to Kanze, the capital of Horkhog, although this was seldom necessary.
客人的货物，Zilphukhog 商人进一步向东移动到 Horkhog 的首都 Kanze，尽管这很少是必要的。

Zilphukhog traders primarily exchanged their earthenware goods for peas grown in Rongpatsa, since peas were eaten by both people and horses. An earthenware vessel was exchanged for the amount of peas which it could contain and the result was that a load of earthenware fetched a load of peas. But if earthenware was exchanged with barley, there would not be so many loads of barley to be taken home. My male informants Tsethon, Pulu, Keyga, Aduk and Nagtruk went to Rongpatsa at least five or six times when they were in their twenties and thirties. In order to train novices for the undertaking, young would-be traders were first sent with experienced men to Rongpatsa to learn the system and meet the contacts. Tea and other commodities, such as textiles for making clothes, were also obtained from Rongpatsa in return for butter, hides, musk, and other products from Zilphukhog. However, these secondary transactions were limited as the above items were usually scarce.
兹尔普霍克的商人主要用他们的陶器商品交换荣帕察种植的豌豆，因为豌豆既是人类的食物，也是马的食物。一个陶器容器的交换量是它所能容纳的豌豆数量，结果是，一车陶器可以换一车豌豆。但如果用陶器交换大麦，能带回家的大麦数量就不会那么多。我的男性信息提供者策通、普鲁、凯嘎、阿杜克和纳格特鲁克在他们二三十岁时至少去过荣帕察五六次。为了培训新手，年轻的潜在商人首先会与经验丰富的人一起被送往荣帕察，以学习系统并建立联系。茶和其他商品，如用于制作衣服的纺织品，也可以用黄油、皮革、麝香和其他来自兹尔普霍克的产品在荣帕察获得。然而，这些次要交易是有限的，因为上述物品通常比较稀缺。

In order to buy luxury goods for profit, the more wealthy traders from Zilphukhog ventured further afield carrying various local products. Such distant trade expeditions were rare and expensive, but such possibilities did exist. They went to the town of Dartsendo (or Tachienlu, known today as Kangding in Chinese) in the Chala state, which was located on the ethnic border between Tibetan and Chinese populations over a hundred kilometers southeast of Zilphukhog. Only occasionally did Yudrug-tsang have the means to go as far as Dartsendo, and those who managed to go there or to Lhasa in the west were considered traders. For instance, Nagtruk once went to Dartsendo with hides, deer antlers, horns and musk, in order to obtain tea, clothes, and other items. Pulu, who had 7 yak of his own to do business with, went to Lhasa together with Yudrug-tsang’s trade expedition. Yudrug-tsang itself always had an adequate supply of grain due to its own agricultural possessions, and unlike its nomadic dependents it did not have to go to Rongpatsa to buy grain during peacetime. Consequently, when Yudrug-tsang traded it was simply for profit or to convert pastoral nomadic products into foreign goods. Trading in Rongpatsa or any other place in Tibet was the most prestigious way of supplementing the pastoral nomadic economy in Zilphukhog. Conceptually, trading was the epitome of shrewdness, bravery and material advancement, which in turn embodied the aspirations of the community. The other means of supplementing the
为了购买奢侈品以获取利润，来自 Zilphukhog 的富裕商人们冒险走得更远，携带各种地方产品。这种远程贸易探险虽然罕见且昂贵，但确实存在这样的可能性。他们前往位于 Chala 国的 Dartsendo 镇（或称 Tachienlu，今天的康定），该镇位于 Zilphukhog 东南百公里的藏族与汉族人口的民族边界上。Yudrug-tsang 偶尔有能力走到 Dartsendo，而那些能够到达那里或西边的拉萨的人被视为商人。例如，Nagtruk 曾带着皮革、鹿角、角和麝香前往 Dartsendo，以获取茶、衣物和其他物品。Pulu 有 7 头牦牛进行交易，和 Yudrug-tsang 的贸易队一起前往拉萨。Yudrug-tsang 自身由于拥有农业财产，始终有足够的粮食供应，与其游牧依赖者不同，在和平时期不必前往 Rongpatsa 购买粮食。因此，Yudrug-tsang 进行贸易仅仅是为了获利或将游牧产品转化为外国产品。 在荣帕察或西藏的其他地方进行交易是补充齐尔普霍克游牧经济的最有声望的方式。从概念上讲，交易是精明、勇敢和物质进步的典范，这反过来又体现了社区的愿望。补充的其他手段
pastoral economy were resorted to due to a lack of the necessary resources for trade. These supplementary means were far from being the ideal, nor were they prestigious, although they were undeniable necessities in order to eke out a living.
由于缺乏进行贸易所需的资源，人们不得不依赖牧业经济。这些补充手段远非理想，也不具备声望，尽管它们无疑是维持生计的必要条件。

Mining gold in Tibet was something unexpected or perhaps paradoxical when one considers the beliefs and ethos of Tibetans derived from the tenets of Buddhism and Bön or the ancient folk religion. Western travelers in Tibet have often reported that Tibetans left nature untouched for fear of retribution by the guardian spirits of nature. But this can only have been partially true in certain places. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4} Regardless of such assertions, gold was mined by Tibetans in lower Zilphukhog on a small scale, no doubt with the initiative of Chinese or Tibetan gold merchants. ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} Mining gold did not make one rich, even in the long run, but it nevertheless offered an economic niche for those dependents who found no other way of supplementing their pastoral income. In an earlier chapter, it was mentioned that all the monastic dependents around Galen Gon nurtured themselves by mining gold, and they were joined at least by one dependent from Zilphukhog, namely Aduk. Although I lack adequate data on the monastic dependents, Aduk’s biography sheds some important light on their mode of subsistence.
在考虑到藏族人基于佛教和本教（或古老的民间宗教）的信仰和精神时，西藏的采金活动显得出乎意料，甚至有些矛盾。西方旅行者在西藏常常报告说，藏族人因害怕自然守护灵的报复而不敢触碰自然。然而，这种说法在某些地方只能部分成立。无论如何，藏族人在下扎尔普霍克小规模地开采黄金，毫无疑问是受到中国或藏族黄金商人的推动。采金并没有使人致富，即使从长远来看，但它为那些找不到其他方式来补充牧业收入的依赖者提供了经济上的生存空间。在前面的章节中提到，围绕加伦贡的所有寺院依赖者通过采金维持生计，其中至少有一位来自扎尔普霍克的依赖者，即阿杜克。尽管我对寺院依赖者缺乏足够的数据，但阿杜克的传记为他们的生存方式提供了一些重要的见解。

Aduk had four sisters and three brothers, most of whom were his juniors. Although the family had a potentially formidable labour force, it was economically hard pressed before the children found jobs. Moreover, the family did not have the minimum basis of animals on which everybody else in the community was usually dependent. Aduk’s elder brother Shigyal had left the family, and Aduk, being the eldest remaining son, took responsibility to make an active and
阿杜克有四个姐妹和三个兄弟，其中大多数是他的弟弟妹妹。尽管这个家庭拥有潜在的强大劳动力，但在孩子们找到工作之前，经济状况十分拮据。此外，家庭没有其他社区通常依赖的最低限度的动物。阿杜克的哥哥希贾尔已经离开了家庭，而作为剩下的长子，阿杜克承担起了积极的责任。

substantial contribution to the household economy. When he was 13 years old, Aduk started to supplement his family income by hiring himself to his paternal aunt in lower Zilphukhog. He mined gold for 11 years until he reached the age of 24 . Aduk, together with 22 other local Tibetans, worked at mining from $8\mathrm{a}.\mathrm{m}$$8\mathrm{a}.\mathrm{m}$8a.m8 \mathrm{a} . \mathrm{m}. till 5 p.m. daily, a routine punctuated by a lunch break at 1 p.m. Men dug the earth and women carried it to the sorting area. A hard worker could earn about 16-17 Chinese silver coins per month, which meant that a male labourer received half a silver coin or tonga per day, although women earned less.
对家庭经济的重大贡献。当阿杜克 13 岁时，他开始通过在下兹尔普霍克雇佣自己来补贴家庭收入。他挖掘黄金长达 11 年，直到 24 岁。阿杜克和其他 22 名当地藏人每天从 $8\mathrm{a}.\mathrm{m}$$8\mathrm{a}.\mathrm{m}$8a.m8 \mathrm{a} . \mathrm{m} 工作到下午 5 点，期间在下午 1 点有一个午休。男人们挖土，女人们则将土运到分拣区。一个勤奋的工人每月可以赚到大约 16-17 个中国银元，这意味着男性劳工每天获得半个银元或通加，而女性的收入则更少。

As additional remuneration for the hard work, every labourer was allowed to dig gold for him- or herself for an hour each evening. A diligent digger could accumulate about one tola ( $=10-12$$=10-12$=10-12=10-12 grams) of gold per month in this way. Moreover, the mud or soil which stuck to the basket which was used for carrying the sand could also be sifted for gold by the labourers when each working day was over.
作为对辛勤工作的额外报酬，每位劳动者每晚被允许自己挖掘一个小时的黄金。勤奋的挖掘者通过这种方式每月可以积累大约一托拉（ $=10-12$$=10-12$=10-12=10-12 克）黄金。此外，工作结束后，劳动者还可以筛选用于装载沙子的篮子上粘附的泥土，以寻找黄金。

Aduk earned about 16-17 silver coins a month when he became a seasoned gold digger, but his income was only just enough to buy the daily necessities for his family. And besides, since he had to work hard he consumed a lot of tsampa which was not very cheap to buy. When Aduk had to feed nine family members in winter he had to buy about 13 dowa of barley each winter. At the time, a dowa (ca. 50-60 kg ) of barley cost about 16 or 17 silver coins which, in theory, meant that he could not save any money from his monthly wages apart from the gold he saved by being diligent in his spare time.
阿杜克成为一名经验丰富的淘金者时，每月赚取约 16-17 个银币，但他的收入仅够购买家庭的日常必需品。此外，由于他必须努力工作，消耗了大量的青稞粉，而这种东西并不便宜。当阿杜克在冬天需要养活九个家庭成员时，他每年冬天必须购买约 13 斗大麦。当时，一斗（约 50-60 公斤）大麦的价格约为 16 或 17 个银币，这在理论上意味着他除了在空闲时间勤奋工作所节省的黄金外，无法从每月工资中存下任何钱。

When Aduk’s younger brother Keyga planned to go to Nyor monastery, the seat of the Sakyapa sect in southwestern Tibet, in order to be ordained as an accomplished monk, Aduk and Keyga dug gold on their own from 4 a.m. to 6 p.m. every day for three consecutive years in a place not far from the main gold mine. In the course of those three years, the two brothers had been able to accumulate enough gold to buy two hybrid zo and save three tola of gold for Keyga’s journey to Nyor. Although Tibetans were not inclined to exploit their natural resources, there did not seem to have existed any legal or moral restrictions on digging gold in Zilphukhog at least. Aduk could not recall that anybody had said anything when he and Keyga began to dig gold on their own.
当阿杜克的弟弟凯加计划前往位于西南藏区的萨迦派尼奥尔寺庙，准备成为一名出色的僧侣时，阿杜克和凯加每天从早上 4 点到晚上 6 点在离主要金矿不远的地方独自挖掘黄金，持续了三年。在这三年中，两兄弟积累了足够的黄金，购买了两头杂交牦牛，并为凯加前往尼奥尔的旅程节省了三托拉黄金。尽管藏人并不倾向于开发自然资源，但在齐尔普霍克挖掘黄金似乎并没有任何法律或道德上的限制。阿杜克无法回忆起在他和凯加开始独自挖掘黄金时，有人说过什么。