Junling Wei
魏俊玲
Writing 60
写作 60
CP Final
CP 决赛
November 9, 2023
11月 9， 2023
Rising Hostility: The Crisis of Hate Crimes Against Asian Americans
日益增长的敌意：针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪
Hate crimes against Asian Americans have dramatically surged evidencing a major crisis. According to professor of ethnic studies Catherine Choy, , there was an increase of 149 percent in hate crimes against Asian Americans between 2019 and 2020 as hate crimes increased by 794 with 6,657 of these being racially motivated (Choy 3). The increase in racial violence has not only spread fear among the Asian American communities but also led to broader societal tensions . For instance, the Atlanta spa shootings of March 2021 led to six women being among eight people killed which heightened fears in the Asian American communities and echoed across the nation , as the tragedy spurred countrywide rallies against racial motivated violence against Asian Americans and spurred conversations regarding misogyny, racism and gun violence against Asian Americans in the United States (Choy 3). Hence , this significant escalation of the crimes not only signaled the increase of isolated incidents but a distressing pattern whereby despite the general decrease in crime rates ,crime rates against Asian American soared highlighting the specificity and severity of the issue.
针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪急剧激增，证明了一场重大危机。根据种族研究教授 Catherine Choy 的说法，在 2019 年至 2020 年期间，针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪增加了 149%，其中仇恨犯罪增加了 794 起，其中 6,657 起是出于种族动机的（Choy 3）。种族暴力的增加不仅在亚裔美国人社区中传播了恐惧，还导致了更广泛的社会紧张局势。例如，2021 年 3 月的亚特兰大水疗中心枪击事件导致 8 人死亡，其中 6 名女性死亡，这加剧了亚裔美国人社区的恐惧，并在全国范围内回响，因为这场悲剧引发了全国性的集会，反对针对亚裔美国人的种族暴力，并引发了关于美国针对亚裔美国人的厌女症、种族主义和枪支暴力的对话（Choy 3）.因此，犯罪的这种显着升级不仅标志着孤立事件的增加，而且是一种令人痛苦的模式，即尽管犯罪率普遍下降，但针对亚裔美国人的犯罪率飙升，凸显了问题的特殊性和严重性。
Historically ,this issue can be traced back to the 19th century with the Chinese Massacre of 1871, where a mob murdered nineteen Chinese residents in the Los Angeles’s Chinatown. Soon after , societal and legal exclusion followed like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 , which banned Chinese workers from entering the United States and the Page Act of 1875, which barred the entry of Chinese women into the United States (Yamawaki et al). These acts laid the groundwork for enduring stereotypes and biases that have continued to influence perceptions and treatment of Asian Americans. The scapegoating of Asian Americans during times of national issues, such as the Japanese Americans internment during World War II, and the vilification following economic downturns or international conflicts, further entrenched these prejudices (Yamawaki et al) .
从历史上看，这个问题可以追溯到 19 世纪的 1871 年中国大屠杀，一群暴徒在洛杉矶唐人街杀害了 19 名中国居民。不久之后，社会和法律排斥接踵而至，例如 1882 年的《排华法案》禁止中国工人进入美国，以及 1875 年的《佩奇法案》，禁止中国女性进入美国（Yamawaki 等人）。这些行为为持久的刻板印象和偏见奠定了基础，这些刻板印象和偏见继续影响着对亚裔美国人的看法和待遇。在国家问题时期将亚裔美国人作为替罪羊，例如二战期间日裔美国人被拘留，以及经济衰退或国际冲突后的诽谤，进一步加深了这些偏见（Yamawaki 等人）。
The roots of anti-Asian hate crimes stem from deeply ingrained historical prejudices and exacerbated by contemporary events. The Page and Chinese Exclusion Acts established a precedent for discrimination that manifested across various epochs in American history, from the internment of Japanese Americans to the more recent spike in violence amid the COVID-19 pandemic (Choy 6). Therefore, the history of systemic racism against Asian Americans and its perpetuation today through the hate crimes , model minority theory , and racial profiling after COVID-19 highlights the urgency to re-evaluate the current laws and polices including the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act in order to understand the root causes of the issue and inform effective interventions and policy changes.
反亚裔仇恨犯罪的根源源于根深蒂固的历史偏见，并因当代事件而加剧。Page 和 Chinese Exclusion Acts 建立了歧视先例，该先例体现在美国历史上的各个时期，从日裔美国人的拘留到最近 COVID-19 大流行期间的暴力激增 （Choy 6）。因此，针对亚裔美国人的系统性种族主义历史及其在 COVID-19 之后通过仇恨犯罪、模范少数族裔理论和种族定性在今天的长期存在凸显了重新评估现行法律和政策（包括 COVID-19 仇恨犯罪法）的紧迫性，以便了解问题的根本原因并为有效的干预措施和政策变化提供信息。
Historical context
历史背景
The history of discrimination against Asian Americans is long and complex. It began in earnest with the signing of the Chinese Exclusion Act on May 6th, 1882, which was the first U.S. law to restrict immigration based on race, spurred by a combination of economic panic, political agitation by labor unions, and racial prejudice. It was a direct response to the migration of Chinese laborers seeking better opportunities amid turmoil in China, who then became targets of violence and legislative discrimination in the U.S. This act not only restricted Chinese laborers but also set the tone for widespread anti-Asian sentiment, encapsulated by the slogan "Chinese Must Go" as depicted in figure 1 showing poster by Tacoma’s mayor Weisbash calling for the exclusion of Chinese (Li et al) . Additionally, this precedent of exclusion was extended to other Asian groups with various laws passed between 1907 and 1934 to exclude Japanese, Koreans, and Filipinos from immigration.
歧视亚裔美国人的历史悠久而复杂。它始于 1882 年 5 月 6 日签署的《排华法案》，这是美国第一部限制基于种族移民的法律，受到经济恐慌、工会政治煽动和种族偏见的共同刺激。这是对中国劳工在中国动荡中寻求更好机会的移民的直接回应，他们随后成为美国暴力和立法歧视的目标。这一行为不仅限制了华人劳工，还为广泛的反亚裔情绪定下了基调，如图 1 所示的口号“中国人必须走”，展示了塔科马市长 Weisbash 呼吁排除华人的海报（Li 等人）。此外，这种排斥先例扩展到其他亚洲群体，在 1907 年至 1934 年间通过了各种法律，将日本人、韩国人和菲律宾人排除在移民之外。
The "model minority" myth has emerged as a pervasive stereotype, casting Asian Americans as a monolithic group characterized by success in educational and professional endeavors, particularly in fields like math and science. This stereotype not only disregards the vast socioeconomic and cultural diversity within the Asian American community but also minimizes the reality of ongoing racism and discrimination they face (McGowan et al) . This myth also has divisive implications for race relations, as it is often weaponized to create rifts between Asian Americans and other minority groups. It suggests that Asian Americans have achieved success within the American system by adhering to its rules, thereby indirectly attributing the struggles of other racial groups to their failure to do the same . However, this narrative conveniently overlooks the systemic barriers and discrimination that continue to impact Asian Americans (McGowan et al). For instance, successful Asian Americans have consistently encountered obstacles in advancing to higher levels within the corporate hierarchy in the United States because despite Asians making up 6 percent of the U.S. population and 6.5 percent of the workforce in 2011, they only accounted for 2.4 percent of board members in Fortune 500 companies, with just 18 Asian Pacific Americans serving as CEOs (Li et al) . Additionally , from 2012 to 2016, the percentage of Asians on Fortune 500 company boards did rise from 2.1 to 3.1 percent, yet this figure remains disproportionately low compared to their presence in the general population (Li et al).
“模范少数族裔”神话已成为一种普遍的刻板印象，将亚裔美国人塑造成一个铁板一块的群体，其特征是在教育和专业努力方面取得成功，特别是在数学和科学等领域。这种刻板印象不仅忽视了亚裔美国人社区内巨大的社会经济和文化多样性，而且将他们面临的持续种族主义和歧视的现实最小化了（McGowan 等人）。 这个神话也对种族关系产生了分裂的影响，因为它经常被武器化，在亚裔美国人和其他少数群体之间制造裂痕。它表明，亚裔美国人通过遵守美国制度的规则在美国制度内取得了成功，从而间接地将其他种族群体的斗争归因于他们未能做到这一点。然而，这种叙述方便地忽视了继续影响亚裔美国人的系统性障碍和歧视（McGowan 等人）。例如，成功的亚裔美国人在美国公司层次结构中晋升到更高级别时一直遇到障碍，因为尽管亚裔在 2011 年占美国人口的 6% 和劳动力的 6.5%，但他们只占财富 500 强公司董事会成员的 2.4%，只有 18 名亚太裔美国人担任首席执行官（Li 等人）.此外，从 2012 年到 2016 年，亚裔在财富 500 强公司董事会中的比例确实从 2.1% 上升到 3.1%，但与他们在普通人群中的存在相比，这个数字仍然不成比例地低（Li 等人）。
Moreover, After World War II, the perception of Asian Americans began to shift as the Hart-Celler Act of 1965, which allowed a higher number of highly educated immigrants from East Asia, contributed to the "model minority" image. However, despite these positive stereotypes, Asian Americans continued to be treated as "perpetual foreigners" (
此外，二战后，随着 1965 年的哈特-塞勒法案（Hart-Celler Act）允许更多受过高等教育的东亚移民进入“模范少数族裔”形象，人们对亚裔美国人的看法开始发生变化。然而，尽管有这些积极的刻板印象，亚裔美国人仍然被视为“永久的外国人”（Hwang)
黄）. The post-war era saw a rise in college-aged Asian Americans engaging in social and political movements, leading to the Asian American Movement of the late 1960s to mid-1970s movement which was characterized by anti-war and anti-imperialist activism, a rejection of the Vietnam War, and a call for solidarity among Asian ethnicities and with other minority groups in the U.S " (
.战后时代，大学适龄的亚裔美国人参与社会和政治运动的人数增加，导致了 1960 年代末至 1970 年代中期的亚裔美国人运动，该运动的特点是反战和反帝国主义激进主义，拒绝越南战争，并呼吁亚裔和美国其他少数族裔团结一致。Hwang
黄. It was a period that produced community service programs, art, poetry, and music, and heightened the political and racial consciousness of Asian Americans. Nevertheless, the decline of the Asian American Movement may have affected the visibility and political influence of Asian Americans, potentially contributing to the current state of hate crimes against the community. Additionally, t
.这是一个产生社区服务项目、艺术、诗歌和音乐的时期，并提高了亚裔美国人的政治和种族意识。尽管如此，亚裔美国人运动的衰落可能影响了亚裔美国人的知名度和政治影响力，可能导致目前针对社区的仇恨犯罪状况。此外，the Yellow Power movement, which paralleled the Black Power movement, was an also crucial chapter in Asian American activism, peaking from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. It promoted anti-war and anti-imperialist activism, significantly opposing the Vietnam War, and advocated for solidarity among all Asian ethnicities as well as with other oppressed groups in the U.S (
与黑人权力运动平行的黄权运动也是亚裔美国人激进主义的重要篇章，从 1960 年代末到 1970 年代中期达到顶峰。它提倡反战和反帝国主义活动，强烈反对越南战争，并倡导所有亚洲种族以及美国其他受压迫群体的团结。Wei)
Wei）. This movement's decline might have had implications for Asian Americans, potentially reducing their visibility and undermining the unity and momentum needed to effectively combat hate crimes. The end of this collective activism could have left a void, making the community more vulnerable to the resurgence of discrimination and violence.
.这场运动的衰落可能对亚裔美国人产生影响，可能会降低他们的知名度，并破坏有效打击仇恨犯罪所需的团结和势头。这种集体行动主义的结束可能会留下一个空白，使社区更容易受到歧视和暴力卷土重来的影响。Therefore, the Asian American experience has been shaped by a series of legislative actions, social movements, and stereotypes, each leaving an indelible mark on the collective memory and socio-political status of the community. The repercussions of these events continue to resonate today, manifesting in the identity, belonging, and the enduring struggle against racial discrimination.
因此，亚裔美国人的经历受到一系列立法行动、社会运动和刻板印象的影响，每一项都在社区的集体记忆和社会政治地位上留下了不可磨灭的印记。这些事件的影响在今天继续引起共鸣，体现在身份、归属感和反对种族歧视的持久斗争中。
Current policies
现行政策
The Department of Justice, recognizing the surge in hate crimes during the COVID-19 pandemic, including a significant uptick against Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander communities, issued new guidance aimed at raising awareness and improving prevention and response to such crimes. Despite the introduction of the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, the response has been a patchwork of measures rather than a cohesive strategy. Sims et al. assert that the act, passed to address the stark rise in anti-Asian hate crimes during the pandemic, appears to have fallen short of its goals with the surge hate crimes has been linked to sentiments that falsely associate Asian Americans with the origin and spread of the COVID 19 virus (figure 2). Despite the passing of the Act, early 2021 saw a continued rise in hate crimes in major U.S. cities, raising concerns about the Act's effectiveness with a 400% increase in hate crimes against Asian Americans in New York City—a state targeted by the bill—indicating that the measures may be insufficient. Furthermore, the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, intended to protect Asian Americans, has been met with skepticism due to historical precedents (Sims et al) . For instance, the violent police response to Filipino immigrants at the International Hotel in 1977 and the deaths of Angelo Quinto and Christian Hall at the hands of law enforcement serve as poignant examples of why the AAPI community may distrust increased policing (Sims et al). Additionally , the underreporting of hate crimes, further worsened by language barriers and these incidents of mistrust, suggests a disconnect between the legislative intent and the Asian American community needs.
司法部认识到 COVID-19 大流行期间仇恨犯罪激增，包括针对亚裔美国人、夏威夷原住民和太平洋岛民社区的显着增加，发布了新的指导方针，旨在提高认识并改善对此类犯罪的预防和应对。尽管出台了《COVID-19 仇恨犯罪法》，但应对措施一直是各种措施的拼凑，而不是一个有凝聚力的战略。Sims 等人断言，该法案的通过是为了解决大流行期间反亚裔仇恨犯罪的急剧上升，但似乎没有达到其目标，仇恨犯罪激增与错误地将亚裔美国人与 COVID 19 病毒的起源和传播联系起来的情绪有关（图 2）。尽管该法案获得通过，但 2021 年初美国主要城市的仇恨犯罪持续上升，引发了对该法案有效性的担忧，纽约市（该法案针对的州）针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪增加了 400%，这表明这些措施可能不足。此外，由于历史先例，旨在保护亚裔美国人的 COVID-19 仇恨犯罪法案受到了怀疑（Sims 等人）。例如，1977 年警察在国际酒店对菲律宾移民的暴力反应以及 Angelo Quinto 和 Christian Hall 死于执法人员之手，这些都是 AAPI 社区可能不信任加强警务的尖锐例子（Sims 等人）。此外，仇恨犯罪的漏报，加上语言障碍和这些不信任事件的进一步恶化，表明立法意图与亚裔美国人社区的需求之间存在脱节。
Moreover, modern manifestations of hate crimes have significantly affected the mental health of the Asian American community, with an 89 percent escalation in such crimes from 2019 to 2021 (
此外，仇恨犯罪的现代表现形式严重影响了亚裔美国人社区的心理健康，从 2019 年到 2021 年，此类犯罪增加了 89%（Li
李). The stress and anxiety stemming from these incidents leads to increased vigilance and mental health issues such as anxiety and post-traumatic stress, which in turn can negatively affect physical health and well-being. Discrimination can discourage healthy behaviors and promote unhealthy coping mechanisms like substance use. According to Lee et al ., there is a strong association between racial discrimination and an increase in depression, anxiety, non-suicidal self-injury, binge drinking, and suicidal ideation among Asian American and Pacific Islander university students. For instance, approximately 40% of Asian American adults reported visible discomfort from others since the pandemic's start, signaling a deep impact on societal interactions and individual mental wellbeing (Lee et al). Hence , these incidents of discrimination and violence are not simply isolated events but part of a broader context of xenophobia that perceives Asian Americans as perpetual foreigners. Additionally , the surge in hate crimes against Asian Americans, documented by entities like the Stop AAPI Hate reporting center, underlines the pervasive nature of this issue, with a nearly 150% increase in such crimes across major U.S. cities in 2020(Lee et al). This ongoing discrimination fosters a climate of fear and anxiety, leading to heightened vigilance and mental health challenges, which can deter engagement in healthy behaviors and prompt reliance on harmful coping mechanisms.
).这些事件产生的压力和焦虑导致警惕性和心理健康问题，例如焦虑和创伤后压力，这反过来会对身体健康和福祉产生负面影响。歧视会阻碍健康的行为，并促进不健康的应对机制，如药物使用。根据 Lee 等人的说法，种族歧视与亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民大学生抑郁、焦虑、非自杀性自残、酗酒和自杀意念的增加之间存在很强的关联。例如，大约 40% 的亚裔美国成年人报告说，自大流行开始以来，其他人明显感到不适，这表明对社会互动和个人心理健康产生了深远影响（Lee 等人）。因此，这些歧视和暴力事件不仅仅是孤立的事件，而是更广泛的仇外心理背景的一部分，这种仇外心理将亚裔美国人视为永远的外国人。此外，Stop AAPI Hate 报告中心等实体记录的针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪激增，凸显了这个问题的普遍性，2020 年美国主要城市的此类犯罪增加了近 150%（Lee 等人）。这种持续的歧视滋生了恐惧和焦虑的气氛，导致警惕性和心理健康挑战，这可能会阻止人们参与健康的行为，并促使人们依赖有害的应对机制。
Recommendations
建议
Addressing hate crimes against Asian Americans requires an approach focusing on enhancing legal frameworks, community support, education, and data collection. First , the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act aims to make reporting hate crimes more accessible and directs the Department of Justice to focus on hate crimes related to the pandemic, signifying a critical step in acknowledging and combating such crimes. Additionally, the law also fills a data gap by improving the collection of hate crime statistics through the National Incident-Based Reporting System, which provides detailed information on each incident (Yamawaki et al) . However, advocacy groups like Gay Asian & Pacific Islander Men of New York (GAPIMNY) indicate that the law will only work by emphasizing the importance of community-centered approaches and meaningful investment in Asian American communities. Furthermore, educational initiatives to dismantle stereotypes, increase resources for mental health support in Asian American communities, and foster greater collaboration between law enforcement and community organizations are crucial to build trust and encourage reporting (Yamawaki et al). Additionally, it is crucial to expand cultural competency training for law enforcement and service providers to understand the specific needs of Asian American communities (Yamawaki et al). Lastly, there should be greater advocacy for federal and state-level legislation that addresses not only the punishment but also the prevention of hate crimes through education, community engagement, and support for victims.
解决针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪需要一种方法，重点是加强法律框架、社区支持、教育和数据收集。首先，《COVID-19 仇恨犯罪法》旨在使举报仇恨犯罪更容易获得，并指示司法部专注于与大流行病相关的仇恨犯罪，这标志着承认和打击此类犯罪迈出了关键一步。此外，该法律还通过国家基于事件的报告系统改进仇恨犯罪统计数据的收集来填补数据空白，该系统提供有关每个事件的详细信息（Yamawaki 等人）。 然而，像纽约同性恋亚洲和太平洋岛民男性（GAPIMNY）这样的倡导团体表示，只有强调以社区为中心的方法和对亚裔美国人社区进行有意义投资的重要性，法律才会发挥作用。此外，消除刻板印象、增加亚裔美国人社区心理健康支持资源以及促进执法部门和社区组织之间加强合作的教育举措对于建立信任和鼓励报告至关重要（Yamawaki 等人）。此外，扩大对执法人员和服务提供者的文化能力培训以了解亚裔美国人社区的具体需求（Yamawaki 等人）也至关重要。最后，应该加大对联邦和州级立法的倡导力度，这些立法不仅要解决惩罚问题，还要通过教育、社区参与和对受害者的支持来预防仇恨犯罪。
Conclusion
结论
The recent upsurge in hate crimes against Asian Americans has necessitated a robust and comprehensive response. The enactment of the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act marks a significant step towards addressing these crimes, with improvements in hate crime reporting and support for affected communities. However, it's clear that legislation alone is not sufficient. A holistic approach that includes educational programs, mental health support, enhanced data collection, and community engagement is imperative. It is through such a multifaceted strategy, encompassing legal, social, and cultural measures, that the deep-seated issues of racism and xenophobia can be effectively combated, ensuring the safety and well-being of Asian American communities.
最近针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪激增，需要采取强有力和全面的应对措施。《COVID-19 仇恨犯罪法》的颁布标志着朝着解决这些犯罪迈出了重要一步，改进了仇恨犯罪报告和对受影响社区的支持。然而，很明显，仅靠立法是不够的。必须采取包括教育计划、心理健康支持、增强数据收集和社区参与在内的整体方法。正是通过这样一个多方面的战略，包括法律、社会和文化措施，才能有效地打击根深蒂固的种族主义和仇外心理问题，确保亚裔美国人社区的安全和福祉。