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Sentinel
哨兵

An imprint of Penguin Random House LLC
企鹅兰登书屋有限责任公司的印记
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Copyright © 2024 by Abigail Shrier
版权所有 © 2024 Abigail Shrier

Penguin Random House supports copyright. Copyright fuels creativity, encourages diverse voices, promotes free speech, and creates a vibrant culture. Thank you for buying an authorized edition of this book and for complying with copyright laws by not reproducing, scanning, or distributing any part of it in any form without permission. You are supporting writers and allowing Penguin Random House to continue to publish books for every reader.
企鹅兰登书屋支持版权。版权激发了创造力,鼓励了不同的声音,促进了言论自由,并创造了一种充满活力的文化。感谢您购买本书的授权版本,并遵守版权法,未经许可不得以任何形式复制、扫描或分发本书的任何部分。您正在支持作家,并允许企鹅兰登书屋继续为每位读者出版书籍。

SENTINEL and colophon are registered trademarks of Penguin Random House LLC.
SENTINEL 和 colophon 是 Penguin Random House LLC 的注册商标。

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Shrier, Abigail, author.
美国国会图书馆出版编目数据名称:Shrier、Abigail、作者。

Title: Bad therapy : why the kids aren’t growing up / Abigail Shrier.
标题:糟糕的疗法为什么孩子们没有长大/阿比盖尔·施里尔。

Description: [New York] : Sentinel, 2024. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
描述: [纽约] : Sentinel, 2024.|包括参考书目和索引。

Identifiers: LCCN 2023046210 (print) | LCCN 2023046211 (ebook)
标识符:LCCN 2023046210(印刷品)、LCCN 2023046211(电子书)
|

ISBN 9780593542927 (hardcover) | ISBN 9780593542934 (ebook)
ISBN 9780593542927 (精装) ISBN 9780593542934 (电子书)

Subjects: LCSH: Child psychotherapy—Social aspects—United States. | Child mental health—United States. | Child rearing—United States.
主题:LCSH:儿童心理治疗——社会方面——美国。|儿童心理健康——美国。|育儿——美国。

Classification: LCC RJ504 .S538 2024 (print) | LCC RJ504 (ebook)
中图分类号: LCC RJ504 .S538 2024(打印)LCC RJ504(电子书)
|

DDC 618.92/8914—dc23/eng/20231107

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023046210 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023046211
LC 记录可在 https://lccn.loc.gov/2023046210 LC 电子书记录在 https://lccn.loc.gov/2023046211 上获得

Cover design: Pablo Delcan Cover photo illustration: Justin Metz
封面设计:Pablo Delcan 封面照片插图:Justin Metz

BOOK DESIGN BY CHRIS WELCH
克里斯·韦尔奇(CHRIS WELCH)的书籍设计

Some names and identifying characteristics have been changed to protect the privacy of the individuals involved.
一些名称和识别特征已被更改,以保护相关个人的隐私。

pid_prh_6.3_146236080_c0_r0

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To my mother and father and
对我的父母和

Zach. Always Zach. OceanofPDF.com
扎克。总是扎克。OceanofPDF.com

Sometimes love is not enough and the road gets tough
有时爱是不够的,道路变得艰难

I don’t know why
我不知道为什么

—Lana Del Rey
——拉娜·德尔·雷伊(Lana Del Rey)

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Contents
内容

Author’s Note
作者注

Introduction: We Just Wanted Happy Kids
简介:我们只是想要快乐的孩子

Part I
第一部分

Healers Can Harm
治疗师会伤害

Chapter 1 Iatrogenesis
第1章 医源性

Chapter 2 A Crisis in the Era of Therapy
第2章 治疗时代的危机

Chapter 3 Bad Therapy
第 3 章 糟糕的治疗

Part II
第二部分

Therapy Goes Airborne
治疗通过空气传播

Chapter 4 Social-Emotional Meddling
第4章 社会情感干预

Chapter 5 The Schools Are Filled with Shadows
第5章 学校布满了阴影

Chapter 6 Trauma Kings
第6章 创伤之王

Chapter 7 Hunting, Fishing, Mining: Mental Health Survey Mischief
第 7 章狩猎、捕鱼、采矿:心理健康调查恶作剧

Chapter 8 Full of Empathy and Mean as Hell
第8章 充满同理心和卑鄙

Chapter 9 The Road Paved by Gentle Parents
第九章 温柔的父母铺就的路

Chapter 10 Spare the Rod, Drug the Child
第10章 饶了杖子,给孩子下药

Part III
第三部分

Maybe There’s Nothing Wrong with Our Kids
也许我们的孩子没有错

Chapter 11 This Will Be Our Final Session
第11章 这将是我们的最后一节课

Chapter 12 Spoons Out
第12章 勺子出来

Acknowledgments Notes
致谢 注释

Select Bibliography
选择参考书目

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Author’s Note
作者注

Talk of a “youth mental health crisis” often conflates two distinct groups of young people. One suffers from profound mental illness. Disorders that, at their untreated worst, preclude productive work or stable relationships and exile the afflicted from the locus of normal life. Theirs is a crisis of neglect and undertreatment. These precious kids require medication and the care of psychiatrists. They are not the subject of this book.
谈论“青年心理健康危机”往往将两个截然不同的年轻人群体混为一谈。一个人患有严重的精神疾病。这种疾病在最坏的情况下,会妨碍生产性工作或稳定的人际关系,并将患者从正常生活的角度流放。他们的危机是被忽视和治疗不足的危机。这些宝贵的孩子需要药物治疗和精神科医生的护理。它们不是本书的主题。

This book is about a second, far larger cohort: the worriers; the fearful; the lonely, lost, and sad. College coeds who can’t apply for a job without three or ten calls to Mom. We tend not to call their problem “mental illness,” but nor would we say they are thriving. They go looking for diagnoses to explain the way they feel. They think they’ve found “it,” but the “it” is always shifting.
这本书是关于第二个更大的群体:忧虑者;可怕的;寂寞、迷茫、悲伤。大学男女同校,如果没有给妈妈打三到十个电话就无法申请工作。我们倾向于不称他们的问题为“精神疾病”,但我们也不会说他们正在蓬勃发展。他们去寻找诊断来解释他们的感受。他们认为他们已经找到了“它”,但“它”总是在变化。

We shower these kids with meds, therapy, mental health and “wellness” resources, even prophylactically. We rush to remedy a misdiagnosed condition with the wrong sort of cure.
我们给这些孩子提供药物、治疗、心理健康和“健康”资源,甚至是预防性的。我们急于用错误的治疗方法来补救误诊的疾病。

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Introduction: We Just Wanted Happy Kids
简介:我们只是想要快乐的孩子

M

y son returned home from sleepaway camp this summer with a stomachache. When it didn’t quickly abate, I took him to a pediatric urgent care clinic, where a doctor ruled out
今年夏天,Y 儿子因胃痛从露宿营地回到家中。当它没有迅速消退时,我带他去了儿科紧急护理诊所,医生排除了这种可能性

appendicitis. “Probably just dehydration,” came the verdict. But before the doctor cleared us to go home, he asked us to wait for the nurse, who had a few questions.
阑尾炎。“可能只是脱水,”判决来了。但是在医生允许我们回家之前,他让我们等护士,护士有几个问题。

In bustled a large man in black scrubs wielding a clipboard. “Would you mind giving us some privacy so that I can do our mental health screening?” he said. After a beat, I realized that the privacy the man wanted with my son was from me.
熙熙攘攘的人群中,一个身穿黑衣的大个子男人挥舞着写字板。“你介意给我们一些隐私,这样我就可以做我们的心理健康检查吗?”他说。过了一会儿,我意识到那个男人想要和我儿子的隐私来自我。

I asked to see his questionnaire, which turned out to be issued by the National Institute of Mental Health, a federal government agency. Here is the complete, unedited list of questions the nurse had planned to put to my twelve-year-old in private:
我要求看他的问卷,结果发现是由联邦政府机构国家心理健康研究所(National Institute of Mental Health)签发的。以下是护士计划私下向我十二岁的孩子提出的完整、未经编辑的问题清单:

In the past few weeks, have you wished you were dead?
在过去的几周里,你是否希望自己已经死了?

In the past few weeks, have you felt that you or your family would be better off if you were dead?
在过去的几周里,你有没有觉得如果你死了,你或你的家人会过得更好?

In the past week, have you been having thoughts about killing yourself?
在过去的一周里,你有没有想过自杀?

Have you ever tried to kill yourself? If yes, how? When?
你有没有试过自杀?如果是,如何?什么时候?

Are you having thoughts of killing yourself right now? If yes, please describe.[1]
你现在有自杀的念头吗?如果是,请说明。[1]

When the nurse asked me to leave the room, he wasn’t going off script. He was following a literal one. The “Script for Nursing Staff” directs nurses to inform parents: “We ask these questions in private, so I am going to ask you to step out of the room for a few minutes. If we have any concerns about your child’s safety, we will let you know.”[2]
当护士让我离开房间时,他并没有脱稿。他遵循的是字面意思。“护理人员脚本”指示护士通知父母:“我们私下问这些问题,所以我要请你走出房间几分钟。如果我们对您孩子的安全有任何担忧,我们会通知您。[2]

Driving my son home from the clinic, I was haunted by the following possibility: What if I had been just a little more trusting? Children often try to please adults by producing whatever answers the grown-ups seem to want. What if my son, alone in the room with that large man, had given him the “yes” the questions appeared to prompt? Would the staff have prevented me from taking my son home?
在开车送儿子从诊所回家的路上,我被以下可能性所困扰:如果我再信任一点会怎样?孩子们经常试图通过提供成年人似乎想要的任何答案来取悦成年人。如果我的儿子和那个大个子单独在房间里,给了他“是”的问题似乎提示了他怎么办?工作人员会阻止我带儿子回家吗?

And a child who was entertaining dark thoughts? Was this really the best way to help him? Separate him from his parents and present him with a series of escalating questions about killing himself?
还有一个孩子在娱乐黑暗的想法?这真的是帮助他的最好方法吗?将他与父母分开,并向他提出一系列关于自杀的不断升级的问题?

I hadn’t signed my son up for therapy. I hadn’t taken him for a neuropsychological evaluation. I had taken him to the pediatrician for a stomachache. There was no indication, no reason to even suspect, that my son had any mental illness. And the nurse didn’t wait for one. He knew he didn’t have to.
我没有给我的儿子报名接受治疗。我没有带他去做神经心理学评估。我带他去看儿科医生,因为肚子痛。没有任何迹象表明,甚至没有理由怀疑我儿子患有任何精神疾病。护士没有等到。他知道他不必这样做。

We parents have become so frantic, hypervigilant, and borderline obsessive about our kids’ mental health that we routinely allow all manner of mental health expert to evict us from the room. (“We will let you know.) We’ve been relying on them for decades to tell us how to raise well- adjusted kids. Maybe we were overcompensating for the fact that our own parents had assumed the opposite: that psychologists were the last people you should consult on how to raise normal kids.
我们父母对孩子的心理健康变得如此疯狂、高度警惕和近乎痴迷,以至于我们经常允许各种心理健康专家将我们赶出房间。(“我们会让你知道的”)几十年来,我们一直依靠他们来告诉我们如何培养适应良好的孩子。也许我们过度补偿了我们自己的父母假设相反的事实:心理学家是你最不应该咨询如何抚养正常孩子的人。

When we were little, my brother and I were spanked. Our feelings were
小时候,我和哥哥被打屁股。我们的感受是

seldom consulted when consequential decisions about our lives were made
在做出有关我们生活的重要决定时,很少征求意见

—where we would attend school, whether we would show up at synagogue for major holidays, what sort of clothes fit the place and occasion. If we didn’t particularly relish the food set out for dinner, no alternate menu was forthcoming. If we lacked some critical right of self-expression—some essential exploration of a repressed identity—it never occurred to either of us. It would be years before anyone in my generation would regard these perfectly average markers of an eighties childhood as vectors of emotional injury.
——我们在哪里上学,我们是否会在重大节日出现在犹太教堂,什么样的衣服适合这个地方和场合。如果我们不是特别喜欢晚餐的食物,就没有替代菜单了。如果我们缺乏某种批判性的自我表达权利——对被压抑的身份进行一些必要的探索——我们俩都从未想过。在我这一代人中,要想把这些八十年代童年的完全平均的标志看作是情感伤害的载体,还需要很多年。

But as millions of women and men my age entered adulthood, we commenced therapy.[3] We explored our childhoods and learned to see our parents as emotionally stunted.[4] Emotionally stunted parents expected too much, listened too little, and failed to discover their kids’ hidden pain. Emotionally stunted parents inflicted emotional injury.
但是,随着数以百万计与我同龄的女性和男性进入成年期,我们开始接受治疗[3],我们探索了我们的童年,并学会了将我们的父母视为情感发育迟缓的人。[4] 情感发育迟缓的父母期望太多,倾听得太少,未能发现孩子隐藏的痛苦。情感发育迟缓的父母造成了情感伤害。

We never doubted that we wanted kids of our own. We vowed that our child-rearing would reflect a greater psychological awareness. We resolved to listen better, inquire more, monitor our kids’ moods, accommodate their opinions when making a family decision, and, whenever possible, anticipate our kids’ distress. We would cherish our relationship with our kids. Tear down the barrier of authority past generations had erected between parent and child and instead see our children as teammates, mentees, buddies.
我们从不怀疑我们想要自己的孩子。我们发誓,我们的育儿将反映出更大的心理意识。我们决心更好地倾听,多询问,监控孩子的情绪,在做出家庭决定时适应他们的意见,并尽可能预测孩子的痛苦。我们会珍惜与孩子的关系。拆除过去几代人在父母和孩子之间建立的权威障碍,而是将我们的孩子视为队友、学员、伙伴。

More than anything, we wanted to raise “happy kids.” We looked to the wellness experts for help. We devoured their bestselling parenting books, which established the methods by which we would educate, correct, and even speak to our own children.
最重要的是,我们想培养“快乐的孩子”。我们向健康专家寻求帮助。我们吞噬了他们最畅销的育儿书籍,这些书籍确立了我们教育、纠正甚至与自己的孩子交谈的方法。

Guided by these experts, we adopted a therapeutic approach to parenting. We learned to offer our kids the reasons behind every rule and request. We never, ever spanked. We perfected the “time-out” and provided thorough explanation for any punishment (which we then rebranded as a “consequence” to remove any associated shame and make us feel less
在这些专家的指导下,我们采用了一种治疗方法来养育子女。我们学会了向孩子提供每个规则和要求背后的原因。我们从来没有打过屁股。我们完善了“暂停”,并为任何惩罚提供了彻底的解释(然后我们将其重新命名为“后果”,以消除任何相关的羞耻感并让我们感觉不那么好

authoritarian). Successful parenting became a function with a single coefficient: our kids’ happiness at any given instant. An ideal childhood meant no pain, no discomfort, no fights, no failure—and absolutely no hint of “trauma.”
威权主义)。成功的育儿变成了一个具有单一系数的函数:我们孩子在任何特定时刻的幸福。理想的童年意味着没有痛苦,没有不适,没有争吵,没有失败,绝对没有“创伤”的迹象。

But the more closely we tracked our kids’ feelings, the more difficult it became for us to ride out their momentary displeasure. The more closely we examined our kids, the more glaring their deviations from an endless array of benchmarks—academic, speech, social and emotional. Each now felt like catastrophe.
但是,我们越是密切地跟踪孩子的感受,我们就越难以摆脱他们一时的不满。我们越仔细地检查我们的孩子,他们就越明显地偏离了无穷无尽的基准——学业、言语、社交和情感。现在每个人都感觉像是一场灾难。

We rushed our kids back to the mental health professionals who had guided our parenting, this time for testing, diagnosis, counseling, and medication. We needed our kids and everyone around them to know: our kids weren’t shy, they had “social anxiety disorder” or “social phobia.” They weren’t poorly behaved, they had “oppositional defiant disorder.” They weren’t disruptive students, they had “ADHD.” It wasn’t our fault, and it wasn’t theirs. We would attack and finally eliminate the stigma surrounding these diagnoses. Rates at which our children received them soared.
我们赶紧把孩子送回指导我们育儿的心理健康专家那里,这次是为了测试、诊断、咨询和药物治疗。我们需要我们的孩子和他们周围的每个人都知道:我们的孩子并不害羞,他们有“社交焦虑症”或“社交恐惧症”。他们不是行为不端,而是有“对立违抗性障碍”。他们不是破坏性的学生,他们有“多动症”。这不是我们的错,也不是他们的错。我们将攻击并最终消除围绕这些诊断的耻辱感。我们的孩子接受它们的比率飙升。

In the course of writing my last book, Irreversible Damage, and for years after its publication, I spoke to hundreds of American parents. And during that time, I became acutely aware of just how much therapy kids were getting from actual therapists and their proxies in schools. How completely parents were relying on therapists and therapeutic methods to fix their kids. And how expert diagnoses often altered kids’ perceptions of themselves.
在写我的最后一本书《不可逆转的损害》的过程中,在这本书出版多年后,我与数百名美国父母进行了交谈。在那段时间里,我敏锐地意识到孩子们从真正的治疗师和他们在学校的代理人那里得到了多少治疗。父母完全依靠治疗师和治疗方法来修复他们的孩子。以及专家诊断如何经常改变孩子对自己的看法。

Schools, especially, jumped at the opportunity to adopt a therapeutic approach to education and announced themselves our “partners” in childrearing. School mental health staffs expanded: more psychologists, more counselors, more social workers. The new regime would diagnose and accommodate, not punish or reward. It directed kids in routinized habits of monitoring and sharing their bad feelings. It trained teachers to understand “trauma” as the root of student misbehavior and academic underperformance.
尤其是学校,抓住了这个机会,对教育采取治疗性方法,并宣布自己是我们在育儿方面的“合作伙伴”。学校心理健康人员扩大了:更多的心理学家,更多的辅导员,更多的社会工作者。新制度将诊断和适应,而不是惩罚或奖励。它引导孩子们养成监控和分享不良情绪的习惯。它培训教师将“创伤”理解为学生行为不端和学业成绩不佳的根源。

These efforts didn’t aim to produce the highest-achieving young people. But millions of us bought in, believing they would cultivate the happiest, most well-adjusted kids. Instead, with unprecedented help from mental health experts, we have raised the loneliest, most anxious, depressed, pessimistic, helpless, and fearful generation on record. Why?
这些努力的目的不是培养成就最高的年轻人。但是我们数以百万计的人接受了,相信他们会培养出最快乐、最适应的孩子。相反,在心理健康专家前所未有的帮助下,我们培养了有史以来最孤独、最焦虑、最沮丧、最悲观、最无助和最恐惧的一代。为什么?

How did the first generation to raise kids without spanking produce the first generation to declare they never wanted kids of their own?[5] How did kids raised so gently come to believe that they had experienced debilitating childhood trauma? How did kids who received far more psychotherapy than any previous generation plunge into a bottomless well of despair?[6]
第一代在不打屁股的情况下抚养孩子的人是如何让第一代人宣布他们从不想要自己的孩子?[5] 如此温柔地长大的孩子是如何相信他们经历过使人衰弱的童年创伤的?接受心理治疗的孩子比以往任何一代人都多得多,他们是如何陷入绝望的无底井的?[6]

The source of their problem is not reducible to Instagram or Snapchat. Bosses and teachers report—and young people agree—that members of the rising generation are utterly underprepared to accomplish basic tasks we expect all adults to dispatch: ask for a raise; show up for work during a period of national political strife; show up for work at all;[7] fulfill obligations they undertake without requiring extensive breaks to attend to their “mental health.”
他们问题的根源不能归结为Instagram或Snapchat。老板和老师报告说——年轻人也同意——新生代的成员完全没有准备好完成我们希望所有成年人都派遣的基本任务:要求加薪;在国家政治纷争时期上班;完全不上班;[7] 履行他们所承担的义务,而不需要大量的休息来照顾他们的“心理健康”。

It’s not unheard of for boys of sixteen or seventeen to put off getting a driver’s license on the grounds that driving is “scary.”[8] Or for college juniors to invite Mom along to their twenty-first birthday celebrations. They are leery of the risks and freedoms that are all but synonymous with growing up.
对于十六七岁的男孩来说,以驾驶“可怕”为由推迟考驾照的情况并非闻所未闻。[8]或者让大三学生邀请妈妈一起参加他们的二十一岁生日庆祝活动。他们对风险和自由持怀疑态度,而这些风险和自由几乎是成长的代名词。

These kids are lonely. They settle into emotional pain for reasons that seem, even to their parents, a little mysterious. Parents seek answers from mental health experts, and when our kids inevitably receive a diagnosis, they grasp it with pride and relief: a whole life, reduced to a single point.
这些孩子很孤独。他们陷入情感痛苦的原因,甚至对他们的父母来说,似乎有点神秘。父母向心理健康专家寻求答案,当我们的孩子不可避免地得到诊断时,他们会自豪而宽慰地抓住它:整个生命,减少到一个点。

No industry refuses the prospect of exponential growth, and mental health experts are no exception. By feeding normal kids with normal problems into an unending pipeline, the mental health industry is minting patients faster than it can cure them.
没有哪个行业会拒绝指数级增长的前景,心理健康专家也不例外。通过将有正常问题的正常孩子喂入无休止的管道,心理健康行业正在以比治愈患者更快的速度来培养患者。

These mental health interventions on behalf of our kids have largely backfired. Recasting personality variation as a chiaroscuro of dysfunction, the mental health experts trained kids to regard themselves as disordered.
这些代表我们孩子的心理健康干预在很大程度上适得其反。心理健康专家将人格变异重新塑造为功能障碍的明暗对比,训练孩子们将自己视为功能障碍。

The experts operate from the assumption that everyone requires therapy and that everyone is at least a little “broken.”
专家们的假设是,每个人都需要治疗,每个人都至少有点“破碎”。

They speak of “resilience” but what they mean is “accepting your trauma.” They dream of “destigmatizing mental illness” and sprinkle diagnostic labels like so much pixie dust. They talk of “wellness” while presiding over the downward spiral of the most unwell generation in recent history.
他们说“韧性”,但他们的意思是“接受你的创伤”。他们梦想着“消除精神疾病的污名化”,并像撒上那么多小精灵灰尘一样的诊断标签。他们一边谈论“健康”,一边主持着近代史上最不健康的一代的螺旋式下降。

With the charisma of cult leaders, therapeutic experts convinced millions of parents to see their children as challenged. They infused parenting with self-consciousness and fevered insecurity. They conscripted teachers into a therapeutic order of education, which meant treating every child as emotionally damaged. They pushed pediatricians to ask kids as young as eight—who had presented with nothing more than a stomachache—whether they felt their parents might be better off without them.[9] In the face of experts’ implacable self-assurance, schools were eager; pediatricians, willing; and parents, unresisting.
凭借邪教领袖的魅力,治疗专家说服了数百万父母将他们的孩子视为挑战。他们为养育子女注入了自我意识和狂热的不安全感。他们征召教师接受治疗性教育,这意味着将每个孩子都视为情感受损的孩子。他们敦促儿科医生询问年仅八岁的孩子 - 他们只表现出胃痛 - 他们是否觉得没有他们的父母可能会更好。[9]面对专家们无情的自信,学校急切地求助;儿科医生,愿意;和父母,不抗拒。

Maybe it’s time we offered a little resistance.
也许是时候我们提供一点抵抗了。

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Part I
第一部分

Healers Can Harm
治疗师会伤害

The best of doctors are destined for hell.
最好的医生注定要下地狱。

—The Mishnah
——密西拿

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Chapter 1
第 1 章

Iatrogenesis
• 医源性

I

n 2006, I packed up everything I owned and moved from Washington, DC, to Los Angeles to be closer to my then boyfriend. I had only ever visited California once, a few months earlier, when I had flown out to meet his parents. Outside of my boyfriend and his family, every single person who could identify my body in the event of an untimely demise
2006年,我收拾好所有的东西,从华盛顿特区搬到了洛杉矶,离我当时的男朋友更近。我只去过加利福尼亚一次,几个月前,当时我飞出去见他的父母。除了我的男朋友和他的家人之外,每一个在英年早逝的情况下都能辨认出我尸体的人

lived on the East Coast.
住在东海岸。

Then twenty-eight and having recently graduated from law school, I faced the unpleasantness of having become a lawyer. I was restless. My boyfriend had a business in Los Angeles. If I wanted things to work out with him, I needed to move.
那时我二十八岁,刚从法学院毕业,面临着成为一名律师的不愉快。我坐立不安。我男朋友在洛杉矶做生意。如果我想和他一起解决问题,我需要搬家。

But I also knew it was entirely possible that in this new life—his life—I would go crazy. My best friend, Vanessa, lived in DC. We’d both been hired by law firms, which meant long hours and an impossible time difference, as far as calls were concerned. I needed someone to listen to my worries and misgivings on my schedule. I needed a stand-in Vanessa, available every Thursday at six p.m. And for the first time in my life, I could afford one. I hired a therapist.
但我也知道,在这个新生命中——他的生活——我完全有可能发疯。我最好的朋友凡妮莎住在华盛顿特区。我们俩都受雇于律师事务所,就电话而言,这意味着工作时间长,时差不可能。我需要有人来倾听程表上的担忧和疑虑。我需要一个替身Vanessa,每周四下午六点有空。我有生以来第一次买得起。我聘请了一位治疗师。

Every week, for a “fifty-minute hour,” my therapist lent me her full attention. If I bored her with my repetition, she never complained. She was a pro. She never made me feel self-absorbed, even when I was. She let me vent. She let me cry. I often left her office feeling that some festering splinter of interpersonal interaction had been eased to the surface and plucked.
每周,在“五十分钟”的时间里,我的治疗师都会全神贯注地关注我。如果我的重复让她感到厌烦,她从不抱怨。她是专业人士。她从不让我感到自我陶醉,即使我是这样。她让我发泄。她让我哭了。我经常离开她的办公室,感觉人际交往中一些溃烂的碎片已经浮出水面并被拔掉了。

She helped me realize that I wasn’t so bad. Most things were someone else’s fault. Actually, many of the people around me were worse than I’d realized! Together, we diagnosed them freely. Who knew so many of my close relatives had narcissistic personality disorder? I found this solar plexus–level comforting. In quick order, my therapist became a really expensive friend, one who agreed with me about almost everything and liked to talk smack about people we (sort of) knew in common.
她帮助我意识到我并没有那么糟糕。大多数事情都是别人的错。事实上,我周围的许多人比我意识到的还要糟糕!我们一起自由地诊断它们。谁知道我的许多近亲患有自恋型人格障碍?我发现这个太阳神经丛水平令人欣慰。很快,我的治疗师就变成了一个非常昂贵的朋友,他几乎在所有事情上都同意我的观点,并且喜欢谈论我们(某种程度上)共同认识的人。

I had a great year. My boyfriend proposed marriage. I accepted. And then, a month before we were due to get married, my therapist dropped a bomb: “I’m not sure you two are ready to get married. We may need to do a little more work.”
我度过了美好的一年。我男朋友求婚了。我接受了。然后,在我们结婚前一个月,我的治疗师投下了一颗炸弹:“我不确定你们俩是否准备好结婚了。我们可能需要做更多的工作。

I felt the demoralizing shock of having walked into a plate-glass door.
我感受到了走进一扇平板玻璃门的令人沮丧的震惊。

My therapist was a formidable woman. She had at least fifteen years on me, a doctorate in psychology, and an apparently strong marriage of long duration. She dropped casual references to never missing Pilates. I once caught her at her spotless desk before our session, eating a protein bar she had carefully unwrapped, and marveled at her obvious self-mastery, the dignity she managed to bring to our silly modes of consumption. Maybe I should have been thrown into crisis by her pronouncement, but for whatever reason, I wasn’t. For all her training, she was still human and fallible. I had already moved across the country by myself, set up a new life, and by then I knew: I didn’t agree with her assessment, and I didn’t need her permission, either. I left her a voicemail expressing my gratitude for her help. But, I said, I would be taking some time off.
我的治疗师是一位令人敬畏的女人。她和我在一起至少十五年,拥有心理学博士学位,还有一段显然很牢固的婚姻。她放弃了从不错过普拉提的随意提及。有一次,在我们开会之前,我发现她在她一尘不染的办公桌前,吃着她小心翼翼地打开的蛋白质棒,并惊叹于她明显的自我控制能力,以及她设法为我们愚蠢的消费方式带来的尊严。也许我应该被她的声明抛入危机,但无论出于何种原因,我都没有。尽管她受过所有的训练,但她仍然是人,容易犯错。我已经独自搬到了全国各地,开始了新的生活,那时我知道:我不同意她的评价,我也不需要她的许可。我给她留了一封语音信箱,表达了我对她的帮助的感激之情。但是,我说,我会休息一段时间。

A few years later, happily married, I resumed therapy with her. Then I tried therapy with a psychoanalyst for a year or so. Every experience I’ve had with therapy has fallen along a continuum from enlightening to
几年后,我幸福地结婚了,我恢复了对她的治疗。然后我尝试了精神分析师的治疗一年左右。我所经历的每一次治疗经历都沿着从启蒙到

unsettling. Occasionally, it rose to the level of “fun.” Learning a little more about the workings of my own mind was at times helpful and often gratifying.
令人不安。偶尔,它会上升到“有趣”的水平。更多地了解我自己思想的运作方式有时是有帮助的,而且常常是令人满意的。

When I agreed with my therapist, I told her so. When I didn’t, we talked about that. And when I felt I needed to move on, I did. Which is to say: I was an adult in therapy. I had swum life’s choppy waters long enough to have gained some self-knowledge, some self-regard, and a sense of the accuracy of my own perceptions. I could pipe up with: “I think I gave you the wrong impression.” Or, “Maybe we’re placing a little too much blame on my mom?” Or even, “I’ve decided to terminate therapy.”
当我同意我的治疗师时,我告诉了她。当我不这样做时,我们谈论了这一点。当我觉得我需要继续前进时,我做到了。也就是说:我是一个接受治疗的成年人。我在生活中波涛汹涌的水域中游了足够长的时间,获得了一些自我认识,一些自尊,以及对自己感知的准确性的感觉。我可以说:“我想我给了你错误的印象。“或者,”也许我们把太多的责任归咎于我妈妈了?甚至,“我决定终止治疗。

Children and adolescents are not typically equipped to say these things. The power imbalance between child and therapist is too great. Children’s and adolescents’ sense of self is still developing. They cannot correct the interpretations or recommendations of a therapist. They cannot push back on a therapist’s view of their families or of themselves because they have no Archimedean point; too little of life has gathered under their feet.
儿童和青少年通常没有能力说这些话。孩子和治疗师之间的权力不平衡太大了。儿童和青少年的自我意识仍在发展中。他们无法纠正治疗师的解释或建议。他们不能因为没有阿基米德观点而推翻治疗师对家人或自己的看法;他们脚下聚集的生命太少了。

Nevertheless, parents my age have been signing up their kids and teens for therapy in astonishing numbers, even prophylactically. I talked to moms who hired therapists to help their kids adjust to preschool or to process the death of a beloved cat. One mom told me she put a therapist “on retainer” as soon as her two daughters reached middle school. “So they would have someone to talk to about all the things I never wanted to talk about with my mom.”
尽管如此,我这个年纪的父母一直在为他们的孩子和青少年报名接受治疗,数量惊人,甚至是预防性的。我和一些妈妈们谈过,她们聘请了治疗师来帮助他们的孩子适应学前班,或者处理一只心爱的猫的死亡。一位妈妈告诉我,她的两个女儿一上中学,她就让治疗师“保留”了。“所以他们会找人谈谈我从来不想和我妈妈谈论的所有事情。

A few moms told me, in roundabout verbiage, that they had hired a therapist to surveil their surly teen’s thoughts and feelings. The therapist doesn’t tell me what my daughter says exactly, the moms assured me, but she sort of lets me know everything’s okay. And occasionally, I gathered, the therapist relayed to Mom specific information gleaned from the little prisoner of war.
一些妈妈用迂回的措辞告诉我,她们已经聘请了一位治疗师来监视他们乖巧的青少年的想法和感受。治疗师没有告诉我女儿到底说了什么,妈妈们向我保证,但她让我知道一切都很好。偶尔,我收集,治疗师向妈妈转达从小战俘那里收集到的具体信息。

If the notion of “therapy” here seems vague, that’s largely to do with the experts. The American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry offers a tautology in place of a definition. What is “psychotherapy”? “A form of psychiatric treatment that involves therapeutic conversations and
如果这里的“治疗”概念看起来很模糊,那很大程度上与专家有关。美国儿童和青少年精神病学学会(American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry)提供了重言式来代替定义。什么是“心理治疗”?“一种涉及治疗性对话和

interactions between a therapist and a child or family.”[1] The American Psychological Association offers a similarly circular definition of psychotherapy: “any psychological service provided by a trained professional.”[2]
治疗师与孩子或家庭之间的互动。[1] 美国心理学会(American Psychological Association)对心理治疗给出了类似的循环定义:“由训练有素的专业人员提供的任何心理服务。[2]

What’s a “clock”? A device for measuring time. What’s “time”? Something measured by a clock. Any conversation a therapist has with a patient counts as “therapy.” But you get the idea: conversations about feelings and personal problems styled as medicine.
什么是“时钟”?一种用于测量时间的装置。什么是“时间”?用时钟测量的东西。治疗师与患者的任何对话都算作“治疗”。但你明白了:关于感情和个人问题的对话就像医学一样。

Parents often assume that therapy with a well-meaning professional can only help a child or adolescent’s emotional development. Big mistake. Like any intervention with the potential to help, therapy can harm.
父母通常认为,由善意的专业人士进行治疗只能帮助儿童或青少年的情绪发展。大错。与任何可能提供帮助的干预措施一样,治疗也会造成伤害。

Iatrogenesis: When the Healer Makes Things Worse
医源性:当治疗师使事情变得更糟时

Any time a patient arrives at a doctor’s office, she exposes herself to risk.[3] Some risks arise through physician incompetence. A patient goes in to have a kidney removed, and the doctor extracts the wrong one. (“Wrong-site surgery” happens more often than you might think.[4]) Or negligence: the surgeon loses track of a stray clamp or sponge in the patient’s abdomen, then sews her up.
每当病人到达医生办公室时,她都会将自己暴露在风险之中。[3] 一些风险是由于医生的无能而产生的。一个病人进去切除肾脏,医生取错了肾脏。(“错位手术”的发生频率比您想象的要高。[4]) 或疏忽:外科医生在患者腹部丢失了杂散的夹子或海绵,然后将她缝合起来。

Or he “nicks” an organ. Or the operation proceeds swimmingly, but the patient develops an opportunistic infection at the surgical site. Or an allergic reaction to the anesthesia. Or bedsores, from lying in recovery too long. Or everything goes according to plan, but the entire treatment was based on a misapprehension of the problem.
或者他“划伤”了一个器官。或者手术顺利进行,但患者在手术部位发生机会性感染。或对麻醉的过敏反应。或者褥疮,因为躺着恢复太久。或者一切都按计划进行,但整个治疗都是基于对问题的误解。

“Iatrogenesis” is the word for all of it. From the Greek, iatrogenesis literally means “originating with the healer” and refers to the phenomenon of a healer harming a patient in the course of treatment. Most often, it is not malpractice, though it can be. Much of iatrogenesis occurs not because a doctor is malicious or incompetent but because treatment exposes a patient to exogenous risks.
“医源性”是所有这一切的代名词。来自希腊语,医源性的字面意思是“起源于治疗师”,指的是治疗师在治疗过程中伤害患者的现象。大多数情况下,这不是渎职行为,尽管它可能是。许多医源性发生的不是因为医生恶意或无能,而是因为治疗使患者面临外源性风险。

Iatrogenesis is everywhere—because all interventions carry risk. When a sick patient submits to treatment, the risks are typically worth it. When a well patient does, the risks often outweigh the potential for further improvement.
医源性无处不在,因为所有干预措施都有风险。当病人接受治疗时,风险通常是值得的。当一个健康的病人这样做时,风险往往超过进一步改善的潜力。

And here, what I’m calling an “intervention” is any sort of advice or corrective you would typically give only to someone with a deficiency or incapacity. So, telling kids to “eat vegetables” or “get plenty of sleep” or “spend time with friends” may be advice, but it isn’t an intervention. We all need to do those things.
在这里,我所说的“干预”是你通常只给有缺陷或无行为能力的人的任何类型的建议或纠正。因此,告诉孩子“吃蔬菜”或“充足睡眠”或“与朋友共度时光”可能是建议,但这不是干预。我们都需要做这些事情。

With interventions, a good rule of thumb is: Don’t go in for an X-ray if you don’t need one. Don’t expose yourself to the germs of an ER just to say hello to your doctor friend. And—just maybe—don’t send your kid off to therapy unless she absolutely requires it. Everyone knows the first two; it’s the last one that may surprise you.
对于干预措施,一个好的经验法则是:如果你不需要X光检查,就不要去做X光检查。不要仅仅为了向你的医生朋友打招呼而让自己暴露在急诊室的细菌中。而且——也许——除非你的孩子绝对需要,否则不要送你的孩子去接受治疗。每个人都知道前两个;这是最后一个可能会让你感到惊讶的。

Psychotherapy Needs a Warning Label
心理治疗需要一个警告标签

For decades, the standard therapy proffered to victims of disaster—terrorist attack, combat,[5] severe burn injury—was the “psychological debriefing.”[6] A therapist would invite victims of a tragedy into a group session in which participants were encouraged to “process” their negative emotions, learned to recognize the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and discouraged from discontinuing therapy. Study after study has shown that this bare-bones process is sufficient to make PTSD symptoms worse.[7]
几十年来,为灾难受害者提供的标准疗法——恐怖袭击、战斗、[5]严重烧伤——是“心理汇报”。[6] 治疗师会邀请悲剧的受害者参加小组会议,鼓励参与者“处理”他们的负面情绪,学会识别创伤后应激障碍 (PTSD) 的症状,并劝阻他们停止治疗。一项又一项的研究表明,这种基本过程足以使创伤后应激障碍症状恶化[7]

Well-meaning therapists often act as though talking through your problems with a professional is good for everyone. That isn’t so.[8] Nor is it the case that as long as the therapist is following protocols, and has good intentions, the patient is bound to get better.
善意的治疗师经常表现得好像与专业人士讨论您的问题对每个人都有好处。事实并非如此。[8] 也不是说,只要治疗师遵循协议,并且有良好的意图,患者就一定会好转。

Any intervention potent enough to cure is also powerful enough to hurt. Therapy is no benign folk remedy. It can provide relief. It can also deliver unintended harm and does so in up to 20 percent of patients.[9]
任何足以治愈的干预措施也足以造成伤害。治疗不是良性的民间疗法。它可以提供缓解。它还可能造成意想不到的伤害,并且对多达20%的患者造成伤害。[9]

Therapy can lead a client to understand herself as sick and rearrange her self-understanding around a diagnosis.[10] Therapy can encourage family estrangement—coming to realize that it’s all Mom’s fault and you never want to see her again. Therapy can exacerbate marital stress, compromise a patient’s resilience, render a patient more traumatized, more depressed, and undermine her self-efficacy so she’s less able to turn her life around.[11] Therapy may lead a patient by degrees—sunk into a leather sofa, well- placed tissue box close at hand—to become overly dependent on her therapist.[12]
治疗可以使来访者了解自己生病了,并围绕诊断重新安排她的自我理解。[10] 治疗可以鼓励家庭疏远——意识到这都是妈妈的错,你再也不想见到她了。治疗会加剧婚姻压力,损害患者的复原力,使患者受到更多创伤,更加抑郁,并破坏她的自我效能感,从而使她无法改变自己的生活。[11] 治疗可能会在一定程度上导致患者——沉入真皮沙发,近在咫尺的纸巾盒中——变得过度依赖她的治疗师。[12]

This is true even for adults, who in general are much less easily led by other adults. These iatrogenic effects pose at least as great a risk, and likely much more, to children.
即使对于成年人来说也是如此,他们通常不太容易被其他成年人领导。这些医源性影响对儿童构成的风险至少同样大,甚至可能更大。

Police officers who responded to a plane crash and then underwent debriefing sessions exhibited more disaster-related hyperarousal symptoms eighteen months later than those who did not receive the treatment.[13] Burn victims exhibited more anxiety after therapy than those left untreated.[14] Breast cancer patients have left peer support groups feeling worse about their condition than those who opted out.[15] And counseling sessions for normal bereavement often make it harder, not easier, for mourners to recover from loss.[16] Some people who say they “just don’t want to talk about it” know better than the experts what will help them: spending time with family; exercising; putting one foot in front of the other; gradually adjusting to the loss.[17]
对飞机失事做出反应然后接受汇报会议的警察在18个月后表现出比未接受治疗的警察更多的与灾难有关的过度觉醒症状。[13] 烧伤患者在治疗后比未接受治疗的患者表现出更多的焦虑。[14] 乳腺癌患者离开同伴支持小组时对自己的病情感觉比选择退出的患者更糟。[15]而对正常丧亲之痛的咨询往往使哀悼者更难,而不是更容易从失去中恢复过来。[16] 有些人说他们“只是不想谈论它”,他们比专家更清楚什么会帮助他们:与家人共度时光;行使;将一只脚放在另一只脚前面;逐渐适应损失。[17]

When it comes to our psyches, we’re a lot more bespoke than mental health professionals often acknowledge or allow. And Tuesdays at four p.m. may not be when we’re ready to confront our woes with a hired expert. Reminiscing with a friend, cracking a joke with your spouse you wouldn’t dare make with anyone else, helping your cousin box up her apartment— without talking about your problems—often aids recovery far more than sitting around in a room full of sad people. Therapy can hijack our normal processes of resilience, interrupting our psyche’s ability to heal itself, in its own way, at its own time.
当谈到我们的心理时,我们比心理健康专家通常承认或允许的要定制得多。周二下午四点可能不是我们准备好与聘请专家一起面对困境的时候。和朋友一起回忆,和你的配偶开一个你不敢和别人开的玩笑,帮你的表妹收拾她的公寓——不谈论你的问题——往往比坐在一个满是悲伤的人的房间里更有助于康复。治疗可以劫持我们正常的复原力过程,打断我们心灵在自己的时间以自己的方式自愈的能力。

Think of it this way: group therapy for those who experienced loss or disaster forces the coping to hang out with the sad. This may make the relatively resilient sadder and prompt the sad to stew. The most dejected steer the ship to Planet Misery, with everyone else trapped inside.
可以这样想:对那些经历过损失或灾难的人进行团体治疗,迫使他们与悲伤的人一起出去玩。这可能会使相对有弹性的人更难过,并促使悲伤的人炖。最沮丧的人将飞船驶向苦难星球,其他人都被困在里面。

Individual therapy can intensify bad feelings, too. Psychiatrist Samantha Boardman wrote candidly about a patient who quit therapy after a few weeks of treatment. “All we do is talk about the bad stuff in my life,” the patient told Boardman. “I sit in your office and complain for 45 minutes straight. Even if I am having a good day, coming here makes me think about all the negative things.”[18] Reading that, I remembered saving up emotional injuries to report to my therapist so that we would have something to talk about at our session—injuries I might have just let go.
个体治疗也会加剧不良情绪。精神科医生萨曼莎·博德曼(Samantha Boardman)坦率地写了一篇关于一名患者在治疗几周后退出治疗的文章。“我们所做的只是谈论我生活中的坏事,”病人告诉博德曼。“我坐在你的办公室里,连续抱怨了45分钟。即使我今天过得很愉快,来到这里也会让我想到所有消极的事情。[18] 读到这里,我想起了把情感上的伤害存起来,向我的治疗师报告,这样我们就可以在会议中谈论一些事情——我可能已经放下了。

Interestingly, even when patients’ symptoms are made objectively worse by therapy, they tend to assume the therapy has helped.[19] We rely largely on how “purged” we feel when we leave a therapist’s office to justify our sense that the therapy is working. We rarely track objective markers, for example, the state of our career or relationships, before reaching a conclusion. Sometimes when our lives do improve, it’s not because the therapy worked but because the motivation that led us to start therapy also led us to make other positive changes: spend more time with friends and family, reconnect with people we haven’t heard from in a while, volunteer, eat better, exercise.
有趣的是,即使患者的症状客观上因治疗而恶化,他们也倾向于认为治疗有所帮助。[19] 我们很大程度上依赖于当我们离开治疗师的办公室时我们感到的“被清除”,以证明我们对治疗有效的感觉是合理的。在得出结论之前,我们很少跟踪客观标记,例如我们的职业或人际关系状态。有时,当我们的生活确实有所改善时,并不是因为治疗有效,而是因为促使我们开始治疗的动机也促使我们做出其他积极的改变:花更多的时间与朋友和家人在一起,与我们有一段时间没有消息的人重新联系,做志愿者,吃得更好,锻炼。

An embarrassing number of psychological interventions have little proven efficacy.[20] They have nonetheless been applied with great élan to children and adolescents.
令人尴尬的是,许多心理干预几乎没有被证实的有效性[20]尽管如此,它们仍被很好地应用于儿童和青少年。

D.A.R.E. to Say “Yes” to Drugs
D.A.R.E. 对毒品说“是”

Picture it: 1992. Blue eyeliner, Doc Martens, and acid-washed jeans shot out at the knees. Into your high school assembly room tromps a uniformed officer in clodhoppers, keys jangling at the edge of a stiff black belt, armed with a jeremiad about the dangers of drugs.
想象一下:1992年。蓝色眼线笔、Doc Martens和酸洗牛仔裤在膝盖处射出。走进你的高中礼堂,一个身穿制服的军官穿着长袍,钥匙在僵硬的黑带边缘叮叮当当,手里拿着一本关于毒品危害的杰里米。

This was the decades-long D.A.R.E. campaign, designed to raise awareness that drugs could ruin your life.[21] Utilizing therapeutic techniques designed by Carl Rogers, one of the most influential psychotherapists of the twentieth century, D.A.R.E. counselors led students in a kind of group therapy. They entered schools and prompted kids to talk about their personal problems, confess their drug use, and role-play refusing drugs from each other.[22]
这是长达数十年的D.A.R.E.运动,旨在提高人们对毒品可能毁掉你的生活的认识。[21] 利用二十世纪最有影响力的心理治疗师之一卡尔·罗杰斯(Carl Rogers)设计的治疗技术,D.A.R.E.辅导员带领学生进行一种团体治疗。他们进入学校,促使孩子们谈论他们的个人问题,承认他们的吸毒,并扮演拒绝对方吸毒的角色[22]

Turns out, you can lead a teen to D.A.R.E., but it might make him wink. The program flopped like Vanilla Ice in his parachute pants, humiliating everyone involved. Not only was the campaign entirely ineffective, but follow-up studies revealed that D.A.R.E. may have actually increased substance and alcohol use among teens.[23] Kewpie-faced Kirk Cameron pleaded, “You don’t have to try ’em to be cool,” but we sniffed a traitor, shilling for the Man. Kirk promised there were other avenues to cool, but teens who heard this message apparently figured drugs were quicker and more straightforward than most.[24] Participating in group therapy to discuss a problem you didn’t already have? That may be sufficient to introduce it.
事实证明,你可以把一个青少年带到D.A.R.E.,但这可能会让他眨眼。这个程序像降落伞裤里的香草冰一样失败了,羞辱了所有相关人员。这项运动不仅完全无效,而且后续研究表明,D.A.R.E.实际上可能增加了青少年的物质和酒精使用。[23]柯克·卡梅伦(Kirk Cameron)恳求说,“你不必尝试他们变得很酷,”但我们嗅到了一个叛徒,为这个人先令。 柯克承诺还有其他途径可以冷静下来,但听到这个消息的青少年显然认为毒品比大多数人更快、更直接。[24] 参加团体治疗来讨论您还没有的问题?这可能足以介绍它。

Wanting to Help Is Not the Same as Helping
想要帮助并不等同于帮助

Therapists almost always want to help, but sometimes they simply don’t. And while some therapies have shown success in circumscribed areas—like cognitive behavioral therapy has in treating phobias—those who study the efficacy of therapies often point out that the results across treatment types are not terribly impressive.[25]
治疗师几乎总是想提供帮助,但有时他们根本不想。虽然一些疗法在有限的领域取得了成功——比如认知行为疗法在治疗恐惧症方面的成功——但那些研究疗法疗效的人经常指出,各种治疗类型的结果并不是非常令人印象深刻。[25]

Mental health experts have a long, florid track record of plying patients with ghastly treatments, introducing novel problems into the patient pool they claim to heal. Fortunately, they’ve abandoned many of the grisliest purported treatments: insulin-induced comas, deliberate infliction of malaria, and of course frontal lobotomies—all employed, not in the Medieval Period, but in the last century.[26] Therapists induced an epidemic of the phony ailment neurasthenia at the start of the twentieth century. A
心理健康专家在为患者提供可怕的治疗方面有着悠久而辉煌的记录,将新问题引入他们声称可以治愈的患者群体中。幸运的是,他们已经放弃了许多最可怕的治疗方法:胰岛素引起的昏迷,故意造成疟疾,当然还有额叶切除术——所有这些都不是在中世纪时期,而是在上个世纪[26]治疗师在二十世纪初诱发了一种虚假疾病神经衰弱的流行。一个

century later, they were still ginning up ailments: recovered memory syndrome and multiple personality disorder.[27] Therapists fell for the fraud of widespread satanic ritual abuse, too.[28]
一个世纪后,他们仍在为疾病而烦恼:恢复记忆综合症和多重人格障碍[27]治疗师也因撒旦仪式滥用的欺诈而堕落。[28]

In the last decade, therapists promoted the gender dysphoria craze, which led to a 4,000 percent increase in diagnoses for teen girls.[29] A growing army of young women who regret their medical transitions, “detransitioners,” tell strikingly similar stories. Very often, when they trace their lives back to the junction where things sped dramatically off course, there stood a shrink playing railway signalman, flipping the switch.[30]
在过去的十年中,治疗师推动了性别焦虑的热潮,这导致少女的诊断增加了4000%。[29]越来越多的年轻女性对自己的医疗转型感到遗憾,即“变性者”,讲述了惊人相似的故事。很多时候,当他们把自己的生活追溯到事情急剧偏离轨道的路口时,有一个收缩的铁路信号员站着,拨动开关。[30]

This shouldn’t surprise us. The human brain is perhaps the world’s most complex and least understood organic structure. Fixing the problems of the human mind is incomparably more difficult than setting a broken bone. We can’t expect therapists to fail less often than medical doctors. But we can expect more transparency and humility than practitioners typically bring to discussions of therapy’s limitations.
这不应该让我们感到惊讶。人脑也许是世界上最复杂、最不为人所知的有机结构。解决人类心灵的问题比固定骨折要困难得多。我们不能指望治疗师比医生失败的次数少。但是,我们可以期待比从业者通常在讨论治疗局限性时带来的更多的透明度和谦逊性。

“In psychotherapy, psychologists help people of all ages live happier, healthier, and more productive lives,” declares the American Psychological Association.[31]
“在心理治疗中,心理学家帮助所有年龄段的人过上更快乐、更健康、更有成效的生活,”美国心理学会宣称。[31]

There is, alas, no proof that they accomplish any of that in aggregate.
唉,没有证据表明他们总体上完成了任何这些。

Wanting to help is just not the same as helping.
想要帮助并不等同于帮助。

Therapists Are a Little Touchy about Iatrogenesis
治疗师对医源性有点敏感

Iatrogenesis isn’t news to medical doctors who are professionally obligated[32] to admit their treatments may produce adverse effects.[33] But when I asked therapists point blank whether therapy carried risks, most minimized and many outright denied this.[34] They wanted both to promote therapy as an effective remedy for mental illness and to deny that it carries significant risks.
医源性对于有专业义务[32]承认他们的治疗可能产生不良反应的医生来说并不是什么新闻。[33] 但是,当我直截了当地问治疗师治疗是否具有风险时,大多数人都将其降到最低,许多人直接否认了这一点。[34]他们既希望将治疗推广为治疗精神疾病的有效疗法,又否认它具有重大风险。

Why don’t therapists typically admit that their methods can cause iatrogenic harm?
为什么治疗师通常不承认他们的方法会造成医源性伤害?

A group of researchers considered the question and concluded that, unlike the doctor, the “psychotherapist is the ‘producer’ of treatment,” and is “therefore responsible, if not liable, for all negative effects.”[35] The therapist often doesn’t want to acknowledge that the medicine isn’t working
一组研究人员考虑了这个问题,并得出结论,与医生不同,“心理治疗师是治疗的'生产者'”,并且“因此对所有负面影响负责,如果不是负责任的话。[35] 治疗师通常不想承认药物不起作用

—because she is the medicine. The admission is a little personal.
——因为她是药。入场有点个人化。

Shrinks are badly incentivized where iatrogenesis is concerned. A doctor may decide that a patient would no longer benefit from thyroid medication, discontinue it, and keep the patient. A therapist gets paid by the dose. Once she decides you don’t need therapy, she loses a customer.
在医源性方面,收缩受到不良激励。医生可能会决定患者不再从甲状腺药物中受益,停用甲状腺药物并保留患者。治疗师按剂量获得报酬。一旦她决定你不需要治疗,她就会失去一个客户。

Actually, it’s worse than that: it’s in therapists’ interest to treat the least sick for the longest period of time. Ask any therapist what it’s like to treat a bipolar or schizophrenic patient. Answer: extraordinarily difficult. (Many refuse to treat such patients for this reason.) But sit with a teenager once a week who has social anxiety? The family pays on time, the teen’s problems are small, nobody’s getting violent during your session. It’s little wonder why, having acquired such a patient, a therapist may be reluctant to surrender her.
实际上,情况比这更糟糕:在最长的时间内治疗病情最轻的人符合治疗师的利益。询问任何治疗师治疗双相情感障碍或精神分裂症患者是什么感觉。答:非常困难。(出于这个原因,许多人拒绝治疗这些患者。但是每周和有社交焦虑症的青少年坐在一起吗?家人按时付款,青少年的问题很小,在您的会议期间没有人变得暴力。难怪为什么在获得这样的病人后,治疗师可能不愿意放弃她。

Most therapists have no idea who has been made worse by their therapy because they make no effort to track side effects. The profession does not require it. Medical doctors (psychiatrists), who once dominated therapeutic practice, generally stopped offering psychotherapy in recent decades.[36] The medical authority they lent to therapy fell to those without medical training.
大多数治疗师不知道谁因他们的治疗而变得更糟,因为他们没有努力跟踪副作用。该行业不需要它。曾经主导治疗实践的医生(精神科医生)在近几十年来普遍停止提供心理治疗。[36]他们借给治疗的医疗权威落在了那些没有接受过医学培训的人身上。

And since the field of psychology lacks clear guidelines on what qualifies as a therapeutic “harm,”[37] it’s unclear how therapists would track damage done by therapy, even if they wanted to. As one group of researchers put it: “a divorce can be both positive and negative, and crying in therapy can reflect a painful experience and therapeutic event.”[38]
由于心理学领域缺乏明确的指导方针,什么才算是治疗性的“伤害”,[37]因此,即使治疗师愿意,也不清楚治疗师将如何跟踪治疗造成的损害。正如一组研究人员所说:“离婚既可以是积极的,也可以是消极的,在治疗中哭泣可以反映痛苦的经历和治疗事件。[38]

When iatrogenic risks go untallied, the harms pile up, threatening the well far more than the sick. It isn’t hard to see why: Suffer a gunshot wound, and your risk of picking up an opportunistic infection in the operating room is outweighed by the lifesaving treatment you require.
当医源性风险没有得到统计时,危害就会堆积起来,对健康的威胁远远超过对病人的威胁。原因不难看出:遭受枪伤,您在手术室中感染机会性感染的风险超过了您需要的挽救生命的治疗。

Suffer a scratch, and you have nothing to gain from surgery—nothing but risk.
遭受划伤,你从手术中没有任何好处——除了风险之外什么都没有。

What would we expect to find if we steeped a generally healthy population in a tea of unnecessary mental health treatments? Unprecedented iatrogenic effects. With that in mind, please meet the rising generation.
如果我们让一个普遍健康的人群沉浸在不必要的心理健康治疗中,我们会发现什么?史无前例的医源性作用。考虑到这一点,请认识一下正在崛起的一代。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 2
第 2 章

A Crisis in the Era of Therapy
治疗时代的危机

A

t sixteen, Nora[1] sits at the giggly edge of womanhood. Her hair, a cascade of dense brown curls. Her smile, all gums and braces, enlivens whenever she mentions her friends. She is always,
十六岁时,诺拉[1]坐在女人的边缘。她的头发,一连串浓密的棕色卷发。每当她提到她的朋友时,她的笑容,所有的牙龈和牙套都会活跃起来。她总是,

always connected to them, she tells me—on Snapchat, all day long, even during class. At her large private high school in Southern California, she sings in the school choir, is a cast member of every play, and is a top student.
她告诉我,她总是和他们保持联系——在Snapchat上,一整天,甚至在上课的时候。在她位于南加州的大型私立高中,她在学校合唱团唱歌,是每部戏剧的演员,并且是一名尖子生。

On a mild April afternoon, we sit on Adirondack chairs in her mother and stepfather’s backyard patio. Nora tosses her hair and recrosses her legs, bare in a flouncy skirt, testing the air with the notion that we are two adults
在四月一个温和的下午,我们坐在她母亲和继父后院露台的阿迪朗达克椅子上。诺拉甩了甩头发,重新交叉双腿,裸露在飘逸的裙子里,试探着空气,以为我们是两个成年人

—she, the cuter, more up-to-date model.
——她,更可爱、更现代的模特。

“I always have a friend who’s going through something super serious,” she tells me. “I don’t know why it’s always that way.”
“我总是有一个朋友正在经历一些非常严重的事情,”她告诉我。“我不知道为什么总是这样。”

That sounds normal enough for high school girls, so I ask: What are they going through? Anxiety, depression, she ticks off. Trouble with parents. Lots of self-harm.
对于高中女生来说,这听起来很正常,所以我问:她们正在经历什么?焦虑,抑郁,她勾选了。与父母的麻烦。很多自残。

Like what?
比如?

Scratching, cutting, anorexia, she rattles off. “Taking away basic needs. Like, one of my friends will be in the shower and turn it up too hot or too cold.”
抓挠、切割、厌食症,她嘎嘎作响。 “带走基本需求。比如,我的一个朋友在洗澡时会把它调得太热或太冷。

Okay. What else? “Trichotillomania.” “Excuse me?”
好。还有什么?“拔毛癖。”“对不起?”

“Pulling out your hair. That’s a big one.”
“拔掉你的头发。这是一个很大的问题。

Also known as “hair-pulling disorder,” this is the urge to pull out hair from the scalp, eyelashes, and eyebrows, emanating from an uncontrollable need to self-soothe. Dissociative identity disorder, gender dysphoria, autism spectrum disorder, and Tourette’s belong on her list of once-rare disorders that are, among this rising generation, suddenly not so rare at all.
也称为“拔毛症”,这是从头皮、睫毛和眉毛上拔出头发的冲动,源于无法控制的自我舒缓需求。分离性身份障碍、性别焦虑症、自闭症谱系障碍和妥瑞氏症都属于她曾经罕见的疾病清单,在这新兴的一代中,这些疾病突然变得不那么罕见了。

Nora is casually au fait with dozens of mental disorders, almost as if she keeps the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders by her bedside. (She doesn’t.)
诺拉随便便就对几十种精神障碍了如指掌,就好像她把《精神障碍诊断和统计手册》放在床边一样。(她没有。

Given how poorly so many seem to be faring, one might be inclined to suggest that these teens could really use some therapy. Actually, “a large majority” of Nora’s friends are already in therapy—many have been for years, she tells me. Several are on psychiatric medication.
鉴于许多人似乎过得很糟糕,人们可能倾向于建议这些青少年真的可以使用一些疗法。事实上,诺拉的“绝大多数”朋友已经在接受治疗——她告诉我,许多人已经接受治疗多年了。一些人正在服用精神科药物。

Does it seem to be helping?
它似乎有帮助吗?

“I’d say for some, yes. Others?” Nora shrugs. “My friend, I’m not going to say her name—since COVID-19 started, she just got a lot of anxiety. She’s been on medication for a few years now. She sees a therapist, and I have to say, she just seems to be getting worse.” Nora thinks it over. “She honestly seemed better before medication.”
“我想对一些人说,是的。其他人?诺拉耸耸肩。“我的朋友,我不会说她的名字——自从 COVID-19 开始以来,她就非常焦虑。她已经服药几年了。她去看了治疗师,我不得不说,她似乎越来越糟了。诺拉想了想。“老实说,她在服药前似乎好多了。”

I ask Nora what seems to be troubling her friends. Nora reiterates that they’re going through “really hard things,” but when I ask her what, she is vague: strained relationships with peers, breakups, disagreements with parents.
我问诺拉,她的朋友们似乎有什么烦恼。诺拉重申他们正在经历“非常艰难的事情”,但当我问她什么时,她含糊其辞:与同龄人的关系紧张、分手、与父母的分歧。

By the time I meet Nora, I’ve interviewed enough adolescents to know that she isn’t avoiding the question. Teenage communication today is more constant, largely digital, and, even among teen girls, far more superficial than it was a generation ago. Less baring of souls, more trading of memes.
当我见到诺拉时,我已经采访了足够多的青少年,知道她并没有回避这个问题。今天的青少年交流更加稳定,主要是数字化的,甚至在十几岁的女孩中,也比上一代人更加肤浅。少一些灵魂的裸露,更多的模因交易。

Even to their best friends, they communicate only this: that they are going through something bad and serious, something that will require their friends’ sympathy and indulgence.
即使是对他们最好的朋友,他们也只传达这一点:他们正在经历一些糟糕而严重的事情,需要他们朋友的同情和宽容。

Some of her friends complain their parents are “emotionally abusive,” but when I ask Nora why their therapists haven’t called Child Services, she seems unperturbed. Yes, she assumes they’re sort of exaggerating. To preserve the friendship, you suspend disbelief.
她的一些朋友抱怨他们的父母“在情感上虐待”,但当我问诺拉为什么他们的治疗师没有打电话给儿童服务时,她似乎并不为所动。是的,她认为他们有点夸大其词。为了保持友谊,你暂停了怀疑。

There’s something else. Nora drops her chin, embarrassed by what she’s about to confess: “I’ve noticed with a lot of people who’ll use their mental issues—it’s almost like a conversation piece. It’s almost like a trend.”
还有别的东西。诺拉垂下下巴,对她即将坦白的事情感到尴尬:“我注意到很多人会利用他们的精神问题——这几乎就像一个谈话片段。这几乎就像一种趋势。

I reassure her that she’s at least the twelfth adolescent to tell me this. She exhales.
我向她保证,她至少是第十二个告诉我这些的青少年。她呼出一口气。

What’s it like to have so many friends suffering with anxiety disorders and depression? Actually, she tells me, those who don’t have a diagnosis feel left out. “You’re expected to have these mental issues. And these things that are being normalized—these things are not normal,” she says. “I’m surrounded by it, so I think that in some ways, it has become our new normal. How is it possible, with all that around me, for it not also to be inflicted on me—for me not to be depressed about it?”
有这么多朋友患有焦虑症和抑郁症是什么感觉?实际上,她告诉我,那些没有被诊断出来的人会感到被排除在外。“你应该有这些精神问题。而这些正在正常化的事情——这些事情是不正常的,“她说。“我被它包围着,所以我认为在某些方面,它已经成为我们的新常态。在我周遭的这一切中,怎么可能不让它也加在我身上——我不为此感到沮丧呢?

I ask her why it’s depressing to have friends who are struggling. “I know three people who were committed to mental facilities long-term—one who committed suicide,” she says. All of them, high school students.
我问她,为什么有朋友在挣扎会很沮丧。“我认识三个长期被送进精神病院的人——一个自杀了,”她说。他们都是高中生。

Nora is faring a lot better than most of her peers and many of the young people I interviewed: she has a group of friends, a steady boyfriend, excels at school, and is planning for her future. She is on no psychiatric medication, and is not in therapy.
诺拉比她的大多数同龄人和我采访的许多年轻人要好得多:她有一群朋友,一个稳定的男朋友,在学校表现出色,并且正在规划自己的未来。她没有服用精神科药物,也没有接受治疗。

But she also casually bundles two sets of friends, as if they are one: those whose mental illness is so profound that it requires psychiatric commitment, and those who are seeking explanations for their unhappiness and discovering diagnoses. Like so many young people I talked to, she regards high school friends with “exam anxiety” or “social phobia” as existing on merely one end of a psychological continuum that terminates with the woman who shows up naked to Target.
但她也随便把两组朋友捆绑在一起,就好像他们是一体的:那些精神疾病严重到需要精神科承诺的人,以及那些正在为他们的不快乐寻求解释并发现诊断的人。像我交谈过的许多年轻人一样,她认为患有“考试焦虑症”或“社交恐惧症”的高中朋友只是存在于心理连续体的一端,这种心理连续体以裸体出现在塔吉特的女人身上结束。

They Need Therapy, You Say?
他们需要治疗,你说?

The mental health establishment has successfully sold a generation on the idea that vast numbers of them are sick. Less than half of Gen Zers believes their mental health is “good.”[2] They do not believe mental health is something that arises typically, in the normal course of a balanced life, but like a boxwood tree, requires constant tending by the gardener you hire to prune it.
精神卫生机构已经成功地向一代人推销了他们中的许多人生病的想法。不到一半的Z世代认为他们的心理健康“良好”。[2] 他们不相信心理健康是在平衡生活的正常过程中通常会出现的,但就像一棵黄杨树一样,需要你雇用的园丁不断照料来修剪它。

The rising generation has received more therapy than any prior generation. Nearly 40 percent of the rising generation has received treatment from a mental health professional—compared with 26 percent of Gen Xers.[3]
新生代接受的治疗比以往任何一代人都多。近40%的新生代接受过心理健康专家的治疗,而X世代的这一比例为26%。[3]

Forty-two percent of the rising generation currently has a mental health diagnosis, rendering “normal” increasingly abnormal.[4] One in six US children aged two to eight years old has a diagnosed mental, behavioral, or developmental disorder.[5] More than 10 percent of American kids have an ADHD diagnosis[6]—double the expected prevalence rate based on population surveys in other countries.[7] Nearly 10 percent of kids now have a diagnosed anxiety disorder.[8] Teens today so profoundly identify with these diagnoses, they display them in social media profiles, alongside a picture and family name.
目前,42%的新生代有心理健康诊断,这使得“正常”越来越不正常。[4] 六分之一的 2 至 8 岁美国儿童被诊断出患有精神、行为或发育障碍[5] 超过 10% 的美国儿童被诊断为 ADHD[6]——是其他国家人口调查预期患病率的两倍。[7] 现在有近 10% 的孩子被诊断出患有焦虑症[8] 今天的青少年非常认同这些诊断,他们会在社交媒体资料中显示它们,并附上图片和姓氏。

And if you ask mental health experts if young people, in aggregate, have undiagnosed mental health problems, they invariably answer in the affirmative. Meaning, according to experts, not having a mental health problem is increasingly anomalous.
如果你问心理健康专家,年轻人是否总体上有未确诊的心理健康问题,他们总是回答是肯定的。这意味着,根据专家的说法,没有心理健康问题越来越不正常。

We have plied members of the rising generation with more antianxiety and antidepressant medication than any prior. We’ve afforded them more mental health accommodations in school[9] and in sports.[10] They face less stigma[11] for receiving mental health treatments, and so much more emotional sensitivity[12] from adults in their lives.
我们为新生代的成员提供了比以往任何时候都多的抗焦虑和抗抑郁药物。我们在学校[9]和体育运动中为他们提供了更多的心理健康住宿。[10] 他们因接受心理健康治疗而面临的耻辱感较少[11],而成年人在生活中的情感敏感性要高得多[12]。

From the time they first lurched across the living room rug on unsteady legs, parents treated them to therapeutic parenting. (“I see you’re having some big feelings. How would you like to express that, Adam? Would you
从他们第一次双腿不稳地蹒跚在客厅地毯上时起,父母就对他们进行了治疗性养育。(“我看到你有一些很大的感觉。亚当,你想怎么表达呢?你会

like to stomp your feet? Or grit your teeth?”) Their teachers employed therapeutic methods of pedagogy (“Tell me about your drawing, Madison. What does it represent to you?”) and read them books about how to process their feelings.
喜欢跺脚吗?还是咬紧牙关?他们的老师采用了治疗性的教学方法(“告诉我你的画,麦迪逊。它对你来说代表什么?并给他们读关于如何处理他们的感受的书。

A decade ago, a writer for Slate noted that instead of using moral language to describe misbehavior, educated parents had begun employing therapeutic language.[13] A-list adolescent heroes from Huck Finn to Dylan McKay suddenly struck us as undiagnosed sufferers of “oppositional defiant disorder” or “conduct disorder.” Agency slunk out the back door.
十年前,《Slate》的一位撰稿人指出,受过教育的父母不再使用道德语言来描述不当行为,而是开始使用治疗性语言。[13]从哈克·芬恩(Huck Finn)到迪伦·麦凯(Dylan McKay)的一线青少年英雄突然让我们感到震惊,他们是未确诊的“对立违抗性障碍”或“品行障碍”患者。机构从后门溜了出去。

Suddenly, every shy kid had “social anxiety,” or “generalized anxiety disorder.” Every weird or awkward teen was “on the spectrum” or, at least, “spectrumy.” Loners had “depression.” Clumsy kids had “dyspraxia.”
突然之间,每个害羞的孩子都患上了“社交焦虑症”或“广泛性焦虑症”。每个奇怪或笨拙的青少年都是“在光谱上”,或者至少是“光谱”。孤独的人有“抑郁症”。笨拙的孩子有“运动障碍”。

Parents ceased to chide “picky eaters” and instead diagnosed and accommodated the “food avoidant.” (Formal diagnosis: “avoidant restrictive food intake disorder,” or ARFID.) If a kid whined about an itchy tag at the back of his shirt or complained that hallway noise kept him from getting restful sleep, his parents didn’t tell him to ignore it; they bought tag- free clothing of soft Pima cotton and appointed his room with a soft-sound machine to address his “sensory processing issues.” No chiding kids for messy handwriting (that was “dysgraphia”). No telling kids with the blues that it takes time to adjust to a new town or new school (they have “relocation depression”[14]). No reassuring them that it’s normal to miss their friends over the summer (“summer anxiety”[15]).
父母不再责备“挑食者”,而是诊断并适应“食物回避者”。(正式诊断:“回避型限制性食物摄入障碍”或ARFID。如果一个孩子抱怨衬衫后面有个发痒的标签,或者抱怨走廊的噪音让他无法安然入睡,他的父母并没有告诉他不要理会它;他们买了柔软的皮马棉的无标签衣服,并为他的房间配备了一台柔和的声音机器,以解决他的“感官处理问题”。不要因为乱七八糟的笔迹而责备孩子(那是“书写障碍”)。不要告诉忧郁症的孩子需要时间来适应新城镇或新学校(他们有“搬迁抑郁症”[14])。不能让他们放心,在夏天想念他们的朋友是正常的(“夏天焦虑”[15])。

We’ve all been swimming in therapeutic concepts so long we no longer note the presence of the water. It seems perfectly reasonable to talk about a child’s “trauma” from the death of a pet or the routine humiliation of being picked last for a sports team.
我们都在治疗概念中游泳,以至于我们不再注意到水的存在。谈论孩子因宠物死亡而遭受的“创伤”或被选为运动队最后一名的例行羞辱似乎是完全合理的。

In the course of a single month, three zeitgeist-epitomizing stories hit the news: The American Academy of Pediatrics, in 2022, reversed perhaps a century of standard protocol and declared that kids with active headlice should no longer be sent home from school; better to scatter bloodthirsty vermin across the entire student body than that anyone bear the emotional stigma of having been sent home.[16] The Washington Post’s “mental health
在短短一个月的时间里,三个具有时代精神缩影的故事登上了新闻:美国儿科学会在 2022 年推翻了大约一个世纪的标准协议,宣布患有活动性头虱的孩子不应再从学校送回家;最好将嗜血的害虫散布在整个学生群体中,而不是让任何人承受被送回家的情感耻辱。[16] 《华盛顿邮报》的“心理健康

professional” informed readers that having your name mispronounced is damaging to the psyche.[17] And New York University fired a storied organic chemistry professor, author of the field’s premier textbook, because holding premed students to the same standards (and grading scale) he’d employed for decades suddenly failed to make student well-being a priority.
专业“告诉读者,你的名字读错是对心灵的伤害。[17]纽约大学解雇了一位著名的有机化学教授,他是该领域首屈一指的教科书的作者,因为让医学预科生达到他几十年来一直采用的相同标准(和评分标准)突然未能将学生的福祉放在首位。

[18]

“Student Wellness Centers” have sprouted at our most prestigious universities. Our best athletes withdraw from competition to attend to their mental health; and young Hollywood starlets, Prince Harry, and a slew of Grammy winners proclaim the “work” they are doing in therapy against a continuous struggle with anxiety and depression. “Wellness” and “trauma” form the contrapuntal soundtrack against which the rising generation came of age.
“学生健康中心”在我们最负盛名的大学中如雨后春笋般涌现。我们最优秀的运动员退出比赛以关注他们的心理健康;年轻的好莱坞明星哈里王子和一大批格莱美奖得主宣布了他们在治疗中所做的“工作”,以应对与焦虑和抑郁的持续斗争。“健康”和“创伤”构成了新生代成长的对立配乐。

Seventy-five years of rapid expansion in mental health treatment and services has landed us here, marveling at the unprecedented psychological frailty of American youth.
75年来,精神卫生治疗和服务的快速扩张使我们来到这里,惊叹于美国年轻人前所未有的心理脆弱。

The Treatment-Prevalence Paradox
治疗-流行悖论

It began with the soldiers returning home from the Second World War.[19] On a scale previously unimagined, GIs had seen—and meted out—death and suffering. Many returned home shaky—some, shattered.
它始于从第二次世界大战中返回家园的士兵[19],在以前无法想象的规模上,美国大兵已经看到并遭受了死亡和苦难。许多人摇摇晃晃地回到家中,有些人摇摇晃晃。

Congress greenlit a dramatic expansion in preventive therapeutic services.[20] No longer content to treat the ill, therapists became determined to support the healthy.[21] Between 1946 and 1960, membership in the American Psychological Association quadrupled.[22] Then, from 1970 to 1995, the number of mental health professionals quadrupled again.[23] In the United States since 1986, nearly every decade has seen a doubling of expenditure on mental health over the one before.[24]
国会批准了预防性治疗服务的急剧扩张。[20] 治疗师不再满足于治疗病人,他们决心支持健康人[21] 1946 年至 1960 年间,美国心理学会的成员人数翻了两番。[22] 然后,从 1970 年到 1995 年,心理健康专业人员的数量再次翻了两番[23] 自 1986 年以来,在美国,几乎每十年在心理健康方面的支出就会比以前翻一番。[24]

There’s a paradox embedded in this tale of exponential expansion. More widely available treatment ought to abate the rate (and severity) of disease.
这个指数级扩张的故事中蕴含着一个悖论。更广泛可用的治疗方法应该可以降低疾病的发生率(和严重程度)。

Take breast cancer, pitiless killer of over forty thousand American women each year. As early detection and treatment for breast cancer improved since 1989, rates of death from breast cancer plummeted. Or maternal mortality: as antibiotics became more readily available, rates of maternal death in childbirth collapsed. Better and more widely available dental care has meant fewer toothless Americans. And as we developed immunizations and cures for childhood illness, child mortality rates nose- dived.
以乳腺癌为例,它每年无情地杀死超过四万名美国女性。自1989年以来,随着乳腺癌早期发现和治疗的改善,乳腺癌的死亡率直线下降。或孕产妇死亡率:随着抗生素的普及,分娩时的孕产妇死亡率急剧下降。更好、更广泛地获得牙科护理意味着更少的无牙美国人。随着我们开发了针对儿童疾病的免疫接种和治疗方法,儿童死亡率急剧下降。

And yet as treatments for anxiety and depression have become more sophisticated and more readily available, adolescent anxiety and depression have ballooned
然而,随着焦虑症和抑郁症的治疗方法变得越来越复杂,更容易获得,青少年的焦虑和抑郁已经激增
.

I’m not the only one to have found something fishy in the fact that more treatment has not resulted in less depression. A group of academic researchers recently noticed the same. They published a peer-reviewed paper titled “More Treatment but No Less Depression: The Treatment- Prevalence Paradox.[25] The authors note that treatment for major depression has become much more widely available (and, in their view, improved) since the 1980s worldwide. And yet in not a single Western country has this treatment made a dent in the incidence of major depressive disorder. Many countries saw an increase.
我不是唯一一个发现一些可疑之处的人,因为更多的治疗并没有减少抑郁症。一组学术研究人员最近也注意到了这一点。他们发表了一篇同行评议的论文,题为“更多的治疗,但更少的抑郁症:治疗 - 患病率悖论”[25]作者指出,自1980年代以来,重度抑郁症的治疗在世界范围内变得更加广泛(并且在他们看来,有所改善)。然而,在西方国家,没有一个西方国家通过这种治疗方法降低了重度抑郁症的发病率。许多国家都出现了增长。

“The increased availability of effective treatments should shorten depressive episodes, reduce relapses, and curtail recurrences. Combined, these treatment advances unequivocally should result in lower point- prevalence estimates of depression,” they write. “Have these reductions occurred? The empirical answer clearly is NO.”[26]
“有效治疗的增加应该会缩短抑郁发作,减少复发,并减少复发。综合起来,这些治疗的进步无疑应该导致抑郁症的患病率估计值降低,“他们写道。“这些减少是否发生了?经验答案显然是否定的。[26]

I checked with several of the paper’s authors. Two confirmed that the same might be said for anxiety. As treatment has become more widely available and dispersed, point-prevalence rates should go down.[27] They have not. And while the authors admit that there was likely more depression in the past than we realized, they argue that there is at least as much, and probably more, depression now.[28]
我咨询了这篇论文的几位作者。两人证实,焦虑症也可以这样说。随着治疗的普及和分散,点流行率应该会下降。[27] 他们没有。虽然作者承认过去的抑郁症可能比我们意识到的要多,但他们认为现在的抑郁症至少同样多,甚至可能更多[28]

After generations of increased intervention, that shouldn’t be the case. More access to antibiotics should spell fewer deaths from infection. And
经过几代人的干预,情况不应该是这样。更多的抗生素使用应该意味着更少的感染死亡。和

more generally available therapy should spell less depression.[29]
更普遍的治疗方法应该可以减少抑郁症。[29]

Instead, adolescent mental health has been in steady decline since the 1950s.[30] Between 1990 and 2007 (before any teens had smartphones), the number of mentally ill children rose thirty-five-fold.[31] And while overdiagnosis or the expansion of definitions of mental illness may partially account for this rapid change, it is hard to dismiss or contextualize away the startling rise in teen suicide: “Between 1950 and 1988, the proportion of adolescents aged between fifteen and nineteen who killed themselves quadrupled,” The New Yorker reported.[32] Mental illness became the leading cause of disability in children.
相反,自1950年代以来,青少年的心理健康状况一直在稳步下降[30],在1990年至2007年间(在青少年拥有智能手机之前),患有精神病的儿童人数增加了35倍。[31]虽然过度诊断或精神疾病定义的扩大可能部分解释了这种快速变化,但很难忽视或消除青少年自杀的惊人上升:“在1950年至1988年间,15至19岁的青少年自杀的比例翻了两番,”《纽约客》报道。[32] 精神疾病成为儿童残疾的主要原因。

Yes, the coincidence of these two trends—deteriorating mental health in an era of vastly expanded awareness, detection, diagnosis, and treatment of psychological disorders—may be just that: coincidence. It does not unveil a causal arrow. But it is peculiar. At the very least, it may provide a clue that many of the treatments and many of the helpers aren’t actually helping.
是的,这两种趋势的巧合——在一个对心理障碍的认识、检测、诊断和治疗大大扩展的时代,心理健康状况的恶化——可能就是巧合。它没有揭开因果箭头。但它很奇特。至少,它可能提供了一个线索,即许多治疗方法和许多助手实际上并没有帮助。

Therapists will insist that I’ve got things wrong end up. They are the lifeguards, not the sharks; it’s simply that the rising generation has been swimming in shark-infested water, meeting more formidable challenges than any prior generation.
治疗师会坚持认为我做错了事情。他们是救生员,而不是鲨鱼;只是新生代一直在鲨鱼出没的水中游泳,比上一代人都面临着更艰巨的挑战。

Karla Vermeulen, an associate professor of psychology at the State University of New York at New Paltz, told me that explicitly in our interview. And she says so in her book, where she writes: “No past American generation has faced the cumulative load of multiple simultaneous stressors today’s emerging adults grew up with”[33] (emphasis is hers).
纽约州立大学新帕尔茨分校(State University of New York at New Paltz)的心理学副教授卡拉·韦尔梅伦(Karla Vermeulen)在采访中明确地告诉我。她在她的书中是这样说的,她写道:“过去的美国一代人没有面临过今天新兴成年人成长过程中同时存在的多个压力源的累积负荷”[33](重点是她的)。

Therapists are helping young people, they insist. Young people today simply face more formidable challenges than did their predecessors. Therapists typically point to three: smartphones, COVID-19 lockdowns, and climate change.[34]
他们坚持认为,治疗师正在帮助年轻人。今天的年轻人面临着比他们的前辈更艰巨的挑战。治疗师通常指出三个:智能手机、COVID-19 封锁和气候变化。[34]

Is It the Smartphone, Dummy?
是智能手机,假人吗?

Tic disorders, gender dysphoria, anorexia, dissociative identity disorder, trichotillomania, cutting: the parade of horribles induced by smartphones could fill a psychiatric manual of its own. If smartphones were a boy who wanted to see your daughter, a generation ago, parents would have taken one look at him and said: No way am I letting that kid in the door. The smartphone and the rise of social media offer a compelling candidate for an environmental cause of poor adolescent mental health.[35]
抽动障碍、性别焦虑症、厌食症、分离性身份障碍、拔毛癖、切割:智能手机引发的可怕游行可以填满自己的精神病学手册。如果智能手机是一个想见你女儿的男孩,一代人以前,父母会看他一眼,然后说:我不可能让那个孩子进门。智能手机和社交媒体的兴起为青少年心理健康状况不佳的环境原因提供了一个令人信服的候选者。[35]

Eight years have slipped by since Twenge and Haidt[36] (and four years since yours truly[37]) first warned the public of the dangers of social media and smartphones to teens.[38] That ought to have provided our eager mental health experts with an obvious mandate: treat social media like cigarettes. Call to restrict smartphones from middle school and high school campuses. Urge companies to place a black-box warning on social media, if they were really feeling feisty.
自从特温格和海特[36](以及你的真正[37])首次警告公众社交媒体和智能手机对青少年的危险以来,已经过去了八年。[38] 这应该为我们热心的心理健康专家提供一个明显的任务:像对待香烟一样对待社交媒体。呼吁限制初中和高中校园的智能手机。敦促公司在社交媒体上放置黑匣子警告,如果他们真的感到生气。

They didn’t. None of the psychological organizations—not the American Psychiatric Association, the American Psychological Association, the National Association for School Psychologists, or the American School Counselor Association—issued any such call to arms. In the last decade, as the average age of a child getting a first smartphone dropped to age ten,[39] these organizations had little to say about it.
他们没有。没有一个心理学组织——美国精神病学协会、美国心理学会、全国学校心理学家协会或美国学校辅导员协会——发出任何这样的号召。在过去的十年中,随着孩子获得第一部智能手机的平均年龄下降到十岁,[39]这些组织对此几乎没有什么可说的。

They’ve been preoccupied with their own style and method of intervention. Because any parent can take away a phone, but only a psychologist can diagnose a child or refer for medication. The most important thing they could have done to help improve kids’ mental health was something that didn’t require their expertise.
他们一直专注于自己的风格和干预方法。因为任何父母都可以拿走手机,但只有心理学家才能诊断孩子或转诊药物。他们本可以做的最重要的事情来帮助改善孩子的心理健康,但这些事情不需要他们的专业知识。

In truth, the entire society has dropped the ball when it comes to kids and smartphones. Why have parents continued to supply these devices in ever greater numbers to younger and younger kids? Flip phones are useful in emergency; GPS devices and digital cameras are of higher quality and cheaper than ever before. Why do parents continue to gift $1,000 phones to kids knowing full well that they are linked to a rise in depression, anxiety,
事实上,当涉及到孩子和智能手机时,整个社会都已经放弃了。为什么父母继续向越来越年幼的孩子提供越来越多的这些设备?翻盖手机在紧急情况下很有用;GPS设备和数码相机比以往任何时候都更高质量,更便宜。为什么父母继续向孩子赠送 1,000 美元的手机,因为他们完全知道他们与抑郁、焦虑、

and self-harm? The most conscientious of parents at best require their kids to dock them in the kitchen and cease their scrolling at bedtime. That’s what counts as restricting a device that has been convincingly linked to shortened attention span, insomnia, severe anxiety, and depression.
和自残?最尽职尽责的父母充其量只是要求他们的孩子在厨房里停靠,并在睡前停止滚动。这就是限制与注意力缩短、失眠、严重焦虑和抑郁令人信服地联系在一起的设备。

When I asked parents why they would hand their children a device that puts kids at risk for a wide array of mental disorders, they invariably give one answer: That’s how they make plans with friends. I don’t want them to be the only one who doesn’t have one. Therapists typically discourage parents ever from taking away a teen’s smartphone, on the grounds that doing so will only sabotage the parent-child relationship.[40]
当我问父母为什么他们会给孩子一个让孩子面临各种精神障碍风险的设备时,他们总是给出一个答案:这就是他们与朋友制定计划的方式。我不希望他们是唯一一个没有的人。治疗师通常不鼓励父母拿走青少年的智能手机,理由是这样做只会破坏亲子关系。[40]

And while we’re asking questions, why did public middle and high schools, en masse, abandon all efforts to police their use even during class time?
当我们提出问题时,为什么公立初中和高中集体放弃了所有努力来监督它们的使用,即使在上课时间也是如此?

I spoke to one head of a private high school where students keep their phones with them all day long, even in class (now standard protocol at most high schools). It siphons their attention while they’re trying to learn, I said. It keeps them from getting to know each other. They don’t talk or make friends in the same way as they might if there were no phones present. And then there’s all the ways that social media sabotages their emotional well- being. Why would you allow this?
我与一所私立高中的一位校长交谈过,那里的学生整天随身携带手机,甚至在课堂上(现在是大多数高中的标准协议)。我说,这会在他们努力学习时吸引他们的注意力。这使他们无法相互了解。他们不会像没有手机那样说话或交朋友。然后是社交媒体破坏他们情绪健康的所有方式。你为什么允许这样做?

He nodded amiably until it was his turn to speak. “It keeps them calm,” he said.
他和蔼可亲地点了点头,直到轮到他说话。“这让他们保持冷静,”他说。

Nobody has made any serious effort to block teens’ smartphone use—not parents, not teachers, and definitely not mental health experts—because smartphones have become one more mental health accommodation we disburse to the young. We know it isn’t good for them. We know the long- term consequences run from dark to dire. We know the devices are addictive, sleep-depriving, and pathology-inducing. But for right now, they provide unbeatable palliative care—soothing as any blankie.
没有人认真努力阻止青少年使用智能手机——不是父母,不是老师,绝对不是心理健康专家——因为智能手机已经成为我们向年轻人支付的另一种心理健康设施。我们知道这对他们不利。我们知道长期后果从黑暗到可怕。我们知道这些设备会上瘾、剥夺睡眠和诱发病理。但就目前而言,他们提供无与伦比的姑息治疗——像任何毯子一样舒缓。

If mental health experts wanted to do what was best for adolescents, advising parents against giving young teens smartphones would be a no- brainer. They would say, as a doctor might: There’s no point in bringing your kid here if you’re going to let him keep smoking. They hold themselves
如果心理健康专家想为青少年做最好的事情,建议父母不要给青少年使用智能手机将是一件轻而易举的事。他们会像医生一样说:如果你要让你的孩子继续吸烟,那么把他带到这里是没有意义的。他们坚持自己

out as guardians of youth mental health; they ought to offer the most radical
作为青少年心理健康的守护者;他们应该提供最激进的

advice when it comes to smartphones and our young.
关于智能手机和我们的年轻人的建议。

Instead, mental health experts rush in the opposite direction, embracing smartphone use, dismissing smartphones’ impact on adolescent depression as exaggerated;[41] offering seminars to teens and their parents on “responsible social media use,” which is a little like drug counselors lecturing on the appropriate uses of ecstasy. Mental health experts arrive at schools to warn parents and teens of the “risks” of social media, always careful to weigh these against the many wonderful benefits, and then conclude: Have at it!
相反,心理健康专家冲向相反的方向,拥抱智能手机的使用,认为智能手机对青少年抑郁症的影响被夸大了;[41] 为青少年及其父母提供关于“负责任的社交媒体使用”的研讨会,这有点像药物顾问讲授摇头丸的适当用途。心理健康专家来到学校,警告父母和青少年社交媒体的“风险”,总是小心翼翼地权衡这些与许多美妙的好处,然后得出结论:尽情享受吧!

And for a generation that already struggles with in-person interaction, mental health experts now offer the ultimate morphine drip: therapy, embedded in the smartphone. Some have done away with both voice and video interactions, offering therapy by text message.
对于已经在面对面互动中苦苦挣扎的一代人来说,心理健康专家现在提供了终极吗啡滴注:嵌入智能手机的疗法。有些人已经取消了语音和视频互动,通过短信提供治疗。

If you want to improve a kid’s mental health, locking up her smartphone might be a start. At a minimum, smartphones take a teen further from the world of in-person friends and activity likely to bolster her sense of well- being. They are undoubtedly responsible for exacerbating a variety of social contagions, from tic disorders to gender dysphoria. But banish the smartphone and fix a generation? I’m not so sure.[42]
如果你想改善孩子的心理健康,锁定她的智能手机可能是一个开始。至少,智能手机会让青少年远离面对面的朋友和活动的世界,这可能会增强她的幸福感。毫无疑问,它们加剧了各种社会传染,从抽动障碍到性别焦虑。但是放逐智能手机并修复一代人?我不太确定。[42]

Youth mental health has been in decline, after all, for the last five or six decades.[43] And then there’s parents’ powerful reluctance to take away our kids’ smartphones. What accounts for this fecklessness, in the face of the obvious threat they pose? The very fact that we’ve been so long aware of their dangers and done absolutely nothing to curtail their ubiquity in adolescent hands requires its own explanation. That we persist in handing these devices to young teens and tweens is itself a symptom of a larger problem.
毕竟,在过去的五六十年里,青少年的心理健康状况一直在下降。[43] 然后是父母非常不愿意拿走我们孩子的智能手机。是什么导致了这种无能为力,面对他们构成的明显威胁?我们长期以来一直意识到它们的危险,却完全没有采取任何措施来减少它们在青少年手中的普遍存在,这一事实需要有自己的解释。我们坚持将这些设备交给青少年和青少年,这本身就是一个更大问题的征兆。

Didn’t Enjoy Your Solitary Confinement?
不喜欢你的单独监禁?

COVID-19 lockdowns sent numberless kids into punishing isolation. If our mental health experts anticipated the predictable mental health catastrophe of forcing kids into social solitude for over a year, they largely kept the insight to themselves. Not a single one of their major national professional organizations even opposed the lockdowns’ continuing into a second consecutive school year in the fall of 2020, when a further deepening of kids’ isolation might have been averted.[44]
COVID-19 封锁使无数孩子陷入惩罚性的隔离状态。如果我们的心理健康专家预料到迫使孩子陷入社交孤独一年多的可预测的心理健康灾难,他们在很大程度上将洞察力留给了自己。在2020年秋季,没有一个主要的国家专业组织甚至反对将封锁持续到连续第二个学年,届时可能会避免孩子们的孤立进一步加深。[44]

The mental health organizations are not shy about wading into public policy discussion: The American Psychological Association has railed against America’s history of systemic racism. “Our nation is in the midst of a racism pandemic,” said the APA’s CEO in his June 2020 congressional testimony, advocating changes to police tactics.[45]
心理健康组织并不羞于涉足公共政策讨论:美国心理学会(American Psychological Association)抨击了美国的系统性种族主义历史。“我们的国家正处于种族主义大流行之中,”APA首席执行官在2020年6月的国会证词中说,他主张改变警察的策略。[45]

In this vein, the APA has touted the mental health benefits of affirmative action,[46] and, in a splashy press release, announced its readiness “to help society respond to climate change.”[47] But against the pressing and pervasive threat of forced social isolation? Crickets.
本着这种精神,APA吹捧了平权行动对心理健康的益处,[46]并在一份引人注目的新闻稿中宣布准备“帮助社会应对气候变化”。[47]但是,面对强迫社会孤立的紧迫和普遍的威胁?蟋蟀。

How could the experts have missed a mental health calamity so obvious and foreseeable?
专家们怎么会错过如此明显和可预见的心理健康灾难?

Parents protested; they were largely ignored. The mental health–expert complex, with all its institutional heft, declined to offer so much as a public warning to policymakers about the impact on kids.[48] Perhaps they didn’t know the lockdowns would be devastating to the young people they were uniquely responsible to help. Whatever the reason for this colossal failure, there’s something perverse in their subsequent attempt to use the pandemic lockdowns to wave away the treatment-prevalence paradox, or—worse—to argue for their greater role in public policy development and the lives of American kids.
家长抗议;他们在很大程度上被忽视了。心理健康专家综合体及其所有机构影响力都拒绝向政策制定者提供关于对儿童影响的公开警告。[48] 也许他们不知道封锁会对他们唯一负责帮助的年轻人造成毁灭性打击。无论这一巨大失败的原因是什么,他们随后试图利用大流行的封锁来消除治疗流行悖论,或者更糟糕的是,主张他们在公共政策制定和美国儿童的生活中发挥更大的作用,这是不正当的。

In truth, before the novel coronavirus had escaped China’s borders in 2019, nearly a third of Americans between the ages of eighteen and thirty- five said they were experiencing a mental illness.[49] Hospital admissions for nonfatal self-harm were up 62 percent over the previous decade,[50] with
事实上,在2019年新型冠状病毒逃离中国边境之前,近三分之一的18至35岁的美国人表示他们患有精神疾病。[49] 在过去十年中,非致命性自残的住院人数增加了 62%,[50]

nearly 20 percent of girls ages twelve to seventeen reporting having had a major depressive episode in the previous year. Child suicide rates rose 150 percent over the previous decade.[51]
近20%的12至17岁女孩报告说,她们在前一年有过严重的抑郁发作。在过去十年中,儿童自杀率上升了150%。[51]

“Climate Anxiety”
“气候焦虑”

Karla Vermeulen wears her hair in a cool pixie cut cropped close to the scalp. The lenses of her square plastic glasses are the size and shape of two Post-its. At the base of her neck, a string of beaded earthenware completes the picture of a no-nonsense researcher. Indeed, Vermeulen outranks almost any American as a credentialed expert in adolescent mental health.
Karla Vermeulen 将她的头发剪成酷炫的小精灵剪裁,紧贴头皮。她的方形塑料眼镜的镜片有两张便利贴那么大,形状也差不多。在她的脖子根部,一串的陶器完成了一位严肃的研究人员的形象。事实上,Vermeulen几乎比任何美国人都更有资格成为青少年心理健康方面的专家。

Vermeulen trains therapists and writes books to guide them in the counseling of the rising generation. Her expertise is “disaster mental health”—which is to say, people in crisis. One might say: This is her moment.
Vermeulen培训治疗师并撰写书籍,以指导他们为新兴一代提供咨询。她的专长是“灾难心理健康”——也就是说,处于危机中的人们。有人可能会说:这是她的时刻。

When I learned she’d written a book, Generation Disaster: Coming of Age Post-9/11, I contacted her immediately. I had assumed a kindred spirit
当我得知她写了一本书《灾难一代:9/11后的成年》时,我立即联系了她。我以为是志同道合的人

—one who’d studied the same cohort that so completely fascinates me.
——一个研究过让我如此着迷的同一批人的人。

Young people are resilient and strong, she assured me. They are simply meeting more formidable challenges than any generation before them. “They’re dealing with all of these other stressors, but it’s all floating on this unstable surface of climate change,” she said.
她向我保证,年轻人是有韧性和坚强的。他们只是在迎接比他们之前任何一代人都更艰巨的挑战。“他们正在处理所有这些其他压力源,但这一切都漂浮在气候变化的不稳定表面上,”她说。

It turns out, Generation Disaster may be the most misleading title in the history of the printed word. By “generation disaster,” Vermeulen actually means: This generation is not a disaster—not by a longshot. If anything, everyone else is a disaster for being so overly critical of these magnificent, socially conscious young people.
事实证明,《一代灾难》可能是印刷文字史上最具误导性的标题。Vermeulen所说的“一代灾难”实际上意味着:这一代人不是一场灾难——不是一场灾难。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是其他人都是一场灾难,因为他们对这些伟大的、有社会意识的年轻人过于挑剔。

Like Vermeulen, many therapists are convinced that “climate anxiety” is a real and important category of mental health disorder. A cottage industry has arisen to treat it: “climate-aware therapy.” What with the polar ice caps melting, tropical disease raging, hurricanes and floods scheduled to land with Noahide vengeance, of course young people are depressed! Nature, the
像Vermeulen一样,许多治疗师都相信“气候焦虑”是心理健康障碍的一个真实而重要的类别。一种家庭手工业已经兴起来治疗它:“气候意识疗法”。随着极地冰盖融化,热带疾病肆虐,飓风和洪水计划登陆诺阿海德复仇,年轻人当然很沮丧!性质

medical journal The Lancet, and NPR all agree: depression is merely a rational response to the greenhouse gases’ smothering fug.
医学杂志《柳叶刀》(The Lancet)和美国国家公共广播电台(NPR)都同意:抑郁症只是对温室气体令人窒息的一种理性反应。

Atlantic editor Franklin Foer intimated the same in a piece about his fourteen-year-old daughter who suffers from anxiety. “I long to build a seawall that can protect her from her fears,” Foer writes of his decision to let his daughter skip school to attend a climate change protest inspired by activist Greta Thunberg. “But her example, and Thunberg’s doomsaying, have made me realize that my parental desire to calm is the stuff of childish fantasy; anxiety is the mature response. To protect our children, we need to embrace their despair.”[52]
《大西洋月刊》编辑富兰克林·福尔(Franklin Foer)在一篇关于他患有焦虑症的十四岁女儿的文章中也暗示了这一点。“我渴望建造一条海堤,保护她免受恐惧,”福尔写道,他决定让女儿逃学参加受活动家格蕾塔·桑伯格(Greta Thunberg)启发的气候变化抗议活动。“但她的榜样,以及桑伯格的末日预言,让我意识到,我父母对平静的渴望是幼稚的幻想;焦虑是成熟的反应。为了保护我们的孩子,我们需要拥抱他们的绝望。[52]

But is climate anxiety—dare I ask—rational? And is the best we can offer kids affirmation of their fears?
但是,我敢问,气候焦虑是理性的吗?我们能为孩子们提供对他们恐惧的肯定吗?

Actually, while there is little doubt the earth is warming, there’s a great deal of reason for environmental optimism; many environmental trends are going in the right direction.
实际上,虽然地球正在变暖,但有很多理由对环境持乐观态度。许多环境趋势正朝着正确的方向发展。

“Deaths from natural disaster have declined over 95 percent over the last century. Actual disasters themselves have gone down over the last twenty years. Disasters are measured strictly as deaths and damages from extreme weather events,” said Michael Shellenberger, a longtime environmental activist and author of several books on the environment. “We’re more resilient than ever.”
“在上个世纪,自然灾害造成的死亡人数下降了95%以上。在过去的二十年里,实际的灾难本身已经减少了。灾害严格按照极端天气事件造成的死亡和损失来衡量,“长期环保活动家、几本环境书籍的作者迈克尔·谢伦伯格(Michael Shellenberger)说。“我们比以往任何时候都更有弹性。”

The number of people who died from weather-related or climate-related disasters last year was 6,000 globally, he pointed out to me. To place that in perspective, 106,000 people will die this year (2023) from drug overdose and poisoning in the United States alone. As for carbon emissions, they slightly declined globally over the last decade.[53]
他向我指出,去年全球死于与天气或气候有关的灾害的人数为6000人。从这个角度来看,仅在美国,今年(2023 年)就有 106,000 人死于药物过量和中毒。至于碳排放量,在过去十年中,全球碳排放量略有下降。[53]

And yet people are telling surveyors that they feel far more environmental anxiety today, when most trends are going in the right direction, than they ever did in eras past. Where was the outburst of environmental anxiety when we were almost exclusively burning coal to generate electricity or blasting a hole in the ozone layer with CFCs? Or when a blanket of brown-yellow smog blocked Los Angelinos’ view of the nearby San Gabriel Mountains? All were known problems, but the mental
然而,人们告诉调查人员,当大多数趋势朝着正确的方向发展时,他们今天对环境的焦虑比过去任何时候都要多得多。当我们几乎完全燃烧煤炭发电或用氟氯化碳在臭氧层上炸开一个洞时,环境焦虑的爆发在哪里?或者当一层棕黄色的烟雾挡住了洛杉矶安吉利诺斯对附近圣盖博山脉的视线时?所有这些都是已知的问题,但精神问题

health diagnosis was nonexistent. That alone may have contained the spread of worry.
不存在健康诊断。仅此一项就可能遏制了担忧的蔓延。

Even for adults who are profoundly concerned about climate change, in other words, validating and reinforcing a child’s terror about human extinction via climate change is no rational imperative. It is, instead, a very specific choice that an adult makes for her own reasons.
换句话说,即使对于深切关注气候变化的成年人来说,验证和加强孩子对人类因气候变化而灭绝的恐惧也不是理性的当务之急。相反,这是一个成年人出于自己的原因做出的非常具体的选择。

“Embrace Their Despair”
“拥抱他们的绝望”

According to Foer and Vermeulen, a parent’s job is not to arrest a daughter’s fears by placing them in perspective.[54] Not to ply her with soothing pablum—something only dumb kids fall for, apparently—like the idea that the earth is going to be around for a long time. Not to remind her that for gazillions of years the human species has met and mastered every prior challenge, including brutal vicissitudes in climate. Don’t reassure her that there are brilliant and dedicated people working very hard to meet the changes brought on by a warming climate. Resist the urge to take the upper hand and let her know that one day, after she finishes her education, she can choose to be one of those scientists. Until then, she has other concerns. Like passing ninth-grade math.
根据 Foer 和 Vermeulen 的说法,父母的工作不是通过正确看待女儿的恐惧来阻止女儿的恐惧。[54]不要用舒缓的pablum来安慰她——显然,只有愚蠢的孩子才会爱上这种东西——就像地球将存在很长时间的想法一样。不要提醒她,多年来,人类已经迎接并掌握了之前的每一个挑战,包括残酷的气候变迁。不要向她保证,有才华横溢、敬业的人非常努力地工作,以应对气候变暖带来的变化。抵制占上风的冲动,让她知道有一天,在她完成学业后,她可以选择成为那些科学家中的一员。在那之前,她还有其他顾虑。就像通过九年级数学一样。

Vermeulen and Foer unwittingly help unlock a recent puzzle. While teen girls have seen a severe mental health decline, those who identify with liberal and left-leaning politics have suffered worst of all.[55] Liberal teen boys evince worse depression than conservative teen girls. That ought to suggest that most of what we’re seeing isn’t a mental illness crisis. It’s deeply connected to the values and worldview we’ve given our kids, the ways they’ve raised them, the influences around them.
Vermeulen 和 Foer 无意中帮助解开了最近的一个谜题。虽然十几岁的女孩的心理健康状况严重下降,但那些认同自由主义和左倾政治的人遭受的痛苦最严重。[55] 自由派的十几岁男孩比保守派的十几岁女孩表现出更严重的抑郁症。这应该表明,我们看到的大多数情况都不是精神疾病危机。它与我们赋予孩子的价值观和世界观、他们抚养他们的方式以及他们周围的影响密切相关。

So many progressive parents seem to believe their job is to scare the ever-living crap out of kids when it comes to climate change. Use the phrase “human extinction” at bedtime. As many bedtimes as you can.
如此多的进步父母似乎认为,当涉及到气候变化时,他们的工作就是吓唬孩子们。睡前使用“人类灭绝”一词。尽可能多的就寝时间。

I ask Vermeulen if it would ever be appropriate to say to a kid, Listen, you’re really exaggerating the threat of climate change right now. Let’s get
我问Vermeulen,对一个孩子说,听着,你现在真的夸大了气候变化的威胁是否合适。让我们开始吧

through the week.
整整一周。

Vermeulen becomes visibly stricken. “I would never tell someone they were exaggerating. That’s very invalidating and not helpful. That’s going to raise defenses and make them feel unheard.”[56]
Vermeulen明显受到打击。“我永远不会告诉别人他们在夸大其词。这是非常无效的,没有帮助。这将提高防御能力,让他们感到被忽视。[56]

But kids toss a lot of worries at their parents, sometimes just to see which ones bounce back. Parents who follow the therapists’ direction and embrace their children’s despair breathe life into the monster under the bed. In the small number of homes where parents are themselves wracked with apocalyptic fears, it shouldn’t surprise us that such fears also menace the child.
但是孩子们会把很多担忧抛给他们的父母,有时只是为了看看哪些会反弹。听从治疗师的指示并拥抱孩子绝望的父母为床下的怪物注入了生命。在少数家庭中,父母自己也被世界末日的恐惧所困扰,这种恐惧也威胁着孩子,这让我们感到惊讶。

Beth, the Psych Nurse: Stop Trying to Make Climate Anxiety Happen
心理护士贝丝:停止试图让气候焦虑发生

Now in her late thirties, Beth has been a psych nurse for over a decade at a medical clinic serving the students of three Boston-area universities. As alarmed as everyone seems to be about young people’s mental health, Beth tells me, it’s worse than we know. She routinely sees college kids who can’t bring themselves to call her office. They ask a college counselor—or even a parent—to schedule an appointment on their behalf.[57] They claim their “social anxiety” forbids this basic task. But Beth, who writes their prescriptions, tells me that isn’t it. They’ve just never been made to do anything on their own.
贝丝现在已经三十多岁了,她在一家医疗诊所担任了十多年的心理护士,为波士顿地区三所大学的学生提供服务。贝丝告诉我,尽管每个人似乎都对年轻人的心理健康感到震惊,但情况比我们所知道的还要糟糕。她经常看到无法给自己办公室打电话的大学生。他们要求大学辅导员——甚至是家长——代表他们安排约会。[57]他们声称他们的“社交焦虑”禁止了这项基本任务。但是为他们开处方的贝丝告诉我,事实并非如此。他们从来没有被要求自己做任何事情。

As an example, Beth recalled that one college co-ed brought her mom along to the appointment. The mom kept track of her daughter’s menstrual periods with an app on her phone.
举个例子,贝丝回忆说,一位大学男女同校的学生带着她的妈妈一起去赴约。这位妈妈用手机上的应用程序跟踪女儿的月经期。

I asked if the daughter was mentally impaired in some way. No, Beth said. She was just, well, managed. Never allowed to fall or fail, standing on two wobbly legs that have barely tested the ground. Then, thrust out from under the family awning for college, university life hits these kids like a hailstorm.
我问女儿是否在某种程度上有精神障碍。不,贝丝说。她只是,很好,管理得很好。从不被允许跌倒或失败,站在两条摇摇晃晃的腿上,几乎没有试过地面。然后,从家庭遮阳篷下推出大学,大学生活像冰雹一样袭击了这些孩子。

Many college-age young women, Beth says, are smoking marijuana several times a day, by themselves, just to mute their pain. She tells me this is new. The marijuana use isn’t social; it’s compulsive and medicinal.
贝丝说,许多大学年龄的年轻女性每天吸食大麻几次,只是为了减轻她们的痛苦。她告诉我这是新的。大麻的使用不是社交的;它是强迫性的和药用的。

I asked Beth how many of the thousands of students she treats mention climate change or systemic racism as a reason for their distress. She told me flatly—none. Not a single one. “I don’t think anyone ever. Like they might make some an offhanded joke about it?” Beth’s answer dovetailed with my work. In my scores of interviews with young people about their mental health, none gave climate change as a reason for their or their friends’ emotional struggles. All except one (a TikTok influencer) explicitly denied that climate change was an important source of young people’s distress.
我问贝丝,在她治疗的数千名学生中,有多少人提到气候变化或系统性种族主义是他们痛苦的原因。她斩钉截铁地告诉我——没有。没有一个。“我不认为有人。就像他们可能会随便开个玩笑一样?贝丝的回答与我的工作不谋而合。在我对年轻人的数十次关于他们心理健康的采访中,没有人将气候变化作为他们或他们朋友情绪挣扎的原因。除了一位(TikTok 影响者)外,所有人都明确否认气候变化是年轻人痛苦的重要来源。

So what reasons do they give for the pain they feel? Exam stress. Being overwhelmed by the work piling up. Total inability to reach the expectations set by professors who—unlike the public school teachers they had before—may actually fail them if their grades warrant it.
那么,他们为他们所感受到的痛苦提供了什么理由呢?考试压力。被堆积如山的工作压得喘不过气来。完全无法达到教授设定的期望,与他们以前的公立学校教师不同,如果他们的成绩允许的话,他们实际上可能会让他们失望。

A lot of their distress, Beth says, falls into the category of social interactions gone very bad—things they said or posted online that they later regret and can’t seem to stop reliving. The boy who dumps them or leaves their texts “on read.” They want to get over it. They believe they can’t.
贝丝说,他们的很多痛苦都属于社交互动变得非常糟糕的类别——他们在网上说过或发布过的事情,后来他们后悔了,似乎无法停止重温。抛弃他们或让他们的文本“阅读”的男孩。他们想克服它。他们认为他们做不到。

So why, then, do so many therapists and researchers and intellectuals insist that climate change is a primary cause of their distress? And why do young people tell researchers that climate change is a reason for their anxiety? Turns out, when young people are not in the throes of severe distress, they offer reasons that will seem rational to the adults around them and garner the sympathy and attention they want or need.[58]
那么,为什么这么多治疗师、研究人员和知识分子坚持认为气候变化是他们痛苦的主要原因呢?为什么年轻人告诉研究人员气候变化是他们焦虑的原因?事实证明,当年轻人没有陷入严重痛苦的阵痛时,他们会提供对周围成年人来说似乎合理的理由,并获得他们想要或需要的同情和关注。[58]

Researchers often graft onto the young whatever explanation seems most rational to them, based on their own political biases. For conservative researchers, the rise of fatherlessness, the decline of marriage, or decreased religious affiliation—all of which coincide with climbing rates of mental illness—might seem rational explanations. For liberal researchers, climate change, school shootings, systemic racism, economic inequality, and the politics of MAGA provide favored candidates.[59]
研究人员经常根据自己的政治偏见,将他们认为最合理的任何解释嫁接到年轻人身上。对于保守派研究人员来说,无父之人的增加、婚姻的减少或宗教信仰的减少——所有这些都与精神疾病发病率的攀升相吻合——似乎是合理的解释。对于自由派研究人员来说,气候变化、校园枪击案、系统性种族主义、经济不平等和 MAGA 的政治提供了青睐的候选人。[59]

So, yes, young people today are more worried about climate change than were previous generations, just as schoolkids in 1962 were more worried about nuclear war with Russia than schoolkids today. But there is no extant record of a rash of sixties kids, terrified as they were of nuclear apocalypse, failing to show up for school.[60] For that matter, how did American schoolchildren march off to school on December 8, 1941? And yet they did.
所以,是的,今天的年轻人比前几代人更担心气候变化,就像 1962 年的学童比今天的学童更担心与俄罗斯的核战争一样。但是,没有现存的记录表明,六十年代的孩子对核灾难感到恐惧,没有上学。[60] 就此而言,1941 年 12 月 8 日,美国学童是如何游行上学的?然而他们做到了。

[61]

But for therapists who continue to see “climate change” as rational grounds for serious mental disturbance, optimism is not an option. There is no bright side, and it does no good to point out to a young person claiming “climate anxiety” that she may be suffering an emotional parallax. With some notable exceptions, placing an adolescent’s worries into perspective is not what therapy does—nor even what it seeks to do. That wouldn’t be affirming the patient.
但对于那些继续将“气候变化”视为严重精神障碍的理性理由的治疗师来说,乐观不是一种选择。没有光明的一面,向一个声称“气候焦虑”的年轻人指出她可能正在遭受情绪视差是没有好处的。除了一些值得注意的例外,正确看待青少年的担忧并不是治疗的目的,甚至不是它想要做的事情。那不是对病人的肯定。

No. We. Can’t.
不。我们。不能。

The rising generation is strikingly different from those prior, according to academic psychologist and author of several books on Gen Z, Jean Twenge. It isn’t simply the rates of diagnosed mental illness that makes them so distinctive. They are far more obedient to authority, agreeable, and tied to Mom. More politically radical (more likely to favor far-left positions) and much less inclined to self-aggrandizement than, say, millennials. Actually, what seems to motivate a large portion of Gen Z, born between 1995 and 2012, is not hope or optimism or belief in themselves—it’s fear. They are arguably the most fearful generation on record.
根据学术心理学家和几本关于Z世代的书籍的作者Jean Twenge的说法,新兴的一代与之前的一代截然不同。不仅仅是被诊断出精神疾病的比率使它们如此独特。他们更服从权威,和蔼可亲,并与妈妈联系在一起。与千禧一代相比,他们在政治上更激进(更有可能支持极左立场),并且更不倾向于自我膨胀。实际上,在1995年至2012年之间出生的Z世代中,很大一部分人似乎不是希望、乐观或对自己的信念,而是恐惧。他们可以说是有记录以来最可怕的一代。

In April 2021, I met Twenge at her San Diego home to profile her for The Wall Street Journal. I wanted to learn more about a generation that had already started to seem awfully troubled. We sat on damp plastic chairs, ten feet apart, in her lush backyard while the pandemic raged around us.
2021 年 4 月,我在特温格位于圣地亚哥的家中见到了她,为《华尔街日报》介绍了她。我想更多地了解这一代人,他们已经开始陷入困境。我们坐在潮湿的塑料椅子上,相距十英尺,在她郁郁葱葱的后院里,大流行病在我们周围肆虐。

Gen Z, Twenge told me, is far less likely to date, obtain a driver’s license, hold down a job, or hang out with friends in person than millennials
特温格告诉我,与千禧一代相比,Z世代约会、获得驾照、保住工作或与朋友见面的可能性要小得多

were at the same age. In 2016, high school seniors spent up to an hour less per day hanging out with each other than those of the 1980s. They also engage in the least amount of sex (while arguably having it most available)
年龄相仿。2016 年,高中生每天花在彼此身上的时间比 1980 年代少一个小时。他们也从事最少的性行为(但可以说是最容易获得的)

[62] and report having the fewest romantic relationships or romantic encounters.[63] They are reluctant to cross the milestones at which previous generations eagerly launched themselves. As one young person said to me, expressing a sentiment I heard echoed by others, “I was very scared to start college. But I guess everyone was when they were my age?” Actually, I was there. No, we weren’t.
[62] 并报告恋爱关系或恋爱邂逅最少。[63]他们不愿意跨越前几代人急切地启动自己的里程碑。正如一位年轻人对我说的那样,表达了我听到其他人附和的情绪,“我非常害怕开始上大学。但我想每个人都在我这个年纪的时候?实际上,我在那里。不,我们不是。

They are also far more pessimistic than previous generations—much more pessimistic than millennials, especially. What are young people today so pessimistic about? I asked Twenge.
他们也比前几代人更加悲观,尤其是比千禧一代更加悲观。今天的年轻人为什么如此悲观?我问特温格。

“Everything,” she said. “At their own prospects, the prospects of the world. And you have to ask, what causes what? Is it because the world is so bad, that’s why they’re depressed? Or do they see the world as bad because they’re depressed? It could be either one.”
“一切,”她说。“在他们自己的前景,世界的前景。你要问,是什么原因造成的?是因为这个世界太糟糕了,所以他们才会抑郁吗?还是他们认为世界很糟糕,因为他们抑郁了?它可能是其中之一。

But there’s something else, too. In numbers never before seen, young people doubt they have the power to improve their circumstances.
但还有别的东西。在前所未有的数字中,年轻人怀疑他们是否有能力改善自己的处境。

“Locus of control” is the term psychologists use to refer to a person’s sense of agency. If you have an internal locus of control, you believe you have ability to improve your circumstances. If you have an external locus of control, you do not. Instead, you tend to attribute events to things outside of your control, like other people or bum luck.
“控制点”是心理学家用来指代一个人的代理感的术语。如果你有一个内部控制点,你相信你有能力改善你的环境。如果你有一个外部控制点,你就没有。相反,你倾向于将事件归咎于你无法控制的事情,比如其他人或运气不好。

The rising generation has moved toward an external locus of control, Twenge said. The generation standing at the very beginning of life’s journey also believes it can’t do anything to improve its lot.
Twenge说,正在崛起的一代已经走向了外部控制点。站在人生旅程最起点的一代人也认为他们无法做任何事情来改善自己的命运。

These profound feelings of helplessness, ineffectiveness, and dependency may be symptoms of the generation’s depression. Or all may be symptoms of a third cause, something therapy can’t cure but could worsen. But today’s mental health experts rarely consider that there is any problem facing today’s youth to which they are not the invariable solution. So, more therapy, then. How much more? Loads.
这些深深的无助感、无能感和依赖感可能是这一代人抑郁的症状。或者所有这些都可能是第三种原因的症状,治疗无法治愈,但可能会恶化。但是,今天的心理健康专家很少考虑当今年轻人面临的任何问题,而他们并不是不变的解决方案。所以,更多的治疗,那么。还有多少?负荷。

Becca: My Therapist Is Helping Me Prepare to Make Friends—in College
Becca:我的治疗师正在帮助我准备在大学里结交朋友

When we speak, Becca has just graduated from a large public high school in Santa Clarita, California. She doesn’t have a job or a plan to look for one. For now, she’s just trying to get into the right mindset before she heads off to university in the fall. She hopes to study—you guessed it—psychology. Her therapist is helping her prepare to make friends.
当我们说话时,贝卡刚刚从加利福尼亚州圣克拉丽塔的一所大型公立高中毕业。她没有工作,也没有找工作的计划。目前,她只是想在秋天上大学之前进入正确的心态。她希望学习——你猜对了——心理学。她的治疗师正在帮助她准备结交朋友。

“It’s kind of been a lifelong issue for me. I think it’s more of just putting myself out there,” Becca tells me. “And my therapist says, specifically, that I should be the one to reach out first. So I’ve been trying that and especially now that I’m going off to college. I don’t know my roommate situation yet, but I’m definitely going to try to talk to them and become closer. It’s kind of like a fresh start.”
“这对我来说是一个终生的问题。我认为这更像是把自己放在那里,“贝卡告诉我。“我的治疗师特别说,我应该是第一个伸出援手的人。所以我一直在努力,尤其是现在我要上大学了。我还不知道我的室友情况,但我肯定会尝试与他们交谈并变得更亲近。这有点像一个新的开始。

For generations, this mundane fact of life—needing to make new friends in a new place—was the sort of thing young adults simply resolved to do on their own. But Becca’s been in therapy since her parents divorced when she was six. You cannot convince her that she does not need a therapist to help her plan, rehearse, and revisit her attempts to make friends.
几代人以来,这种平凡的生活事实——需要在新的地方结交新朋友——是年轻人下定决心自己做的事情。但自从她六岁时父母离婚以来,贝卡一直在接受治疗。你无法说服她,她不需要治疗师来帮助她计划、排练和重新审视她结交朋友的尝试。

Perhaps unsurprisingly for someone so close to her therapist, Becca doesn’t know her current “best friends” all that well. Becca can’t tell me what religion most of her friends are or what their parents do for a living. Nor do they know very much about her. “With my friends, it’s mostly, we talk about boys and stuff like that. But with my therapist, I talk about deeper issues, like my anxiety. She gives me methods to help with it, like meditation and just sitting down and thinking about whether it’s really worth stressing over.”
对于与她的治疗师如此亲近的人来说,贝卡并不了解她现在的“最好的朋友”,这也许并不奇怪。贝卡无法告诉我她的大多数朋友都信什么宗教,或者他们的父母以什么为生。他们对她也不太了解。“和我的朋友一起,我们谈论男孩之类的东西。但是和我的治疗师一起,我谈论更深层次的问题,比如我的焦虑。她给了我一些方法来帮助我,比如冥想,坐下来思考是否真的值得强调。

Advice dispensed by a professional therapist is likely to be more mature and measured than that of another teenager. Parents who foot the bill certainly hope so, at any rate. But it’s hardly a clear win. Because your therapist won’t call you on your birthday every year for the next thirty.
专业治疗师给出的建议可能比另一位青少年的建议更成熟、更有分寸。无论如何,买单的父母当然希望如此。但这并不是一个明显的胜利。因为在接下来的三十年里,你的治疗师不会在你每年的生日那天给你打电话。

She won’t coerce you into humiliating yourself at a karaoke bar on your twenty-first birthday just because she loves you that much. She isn’t going to introduce you to a coworker or harangue her boyfriend into arranging a setup for you, just because she can’t stand to see you alone. Your therapist won’t hop on a train to attend your bachelorette just so she can toast your misadventures or stand beside you at your wedding, tearily clutching a fistful of peonies. She may promise to understand you, but let’s face it: your therapist will not be prized from her hourly billing to celebrate the birth of your child just because it feels so monumental that one of you had a baby.
她不会强迫你在二十一岁生日那天在卡拉OK酒吧羞辱自己,因为她那么爱你。她不会把你介绍给同事,也不会因为她无法忍受单独见到你而劝说她的男朋友为你安排一个布置。你的治疗师不会跳上火车去参加你的单身女郎,只是为了让她可以为你的不幸事件干杯,或者在你的婚礼上站在你身边,泪流满面地捧着一捧牡丹花。她可能会答应理解你,但让我们面对现实吧:你的治疗师不会因为你们中的一个人生了孩子而从她的小时账单中珍视来庆祝你孩子的出生。

No, they are the dividend stream of actual friendship. And so many hours logged bearing souls, piling into cars for road trips, narrowly avoiding accidents, and getting lost in bad neighborhoods—they are the invested capital. Therapists care about you in the practiced manner and to the precise extent any professional does a client—for the duration of a “fifty-minute hour,” so long as she takes your insurance or you remain cash-flow positive. ThesocialcriticChristopherLaschonceobservedthattherapy “simultaneously pronounces the patient unfit to manage his own life and delivers him into the hands of a specialist.”[64] And I couldn’t help thinking of Becca’s predicament when I read this from Lasch: “As therapeutic points of view and practice gain general acceptance, more and more people find themselvesdisqualified,ineffect,fromtheperformanceofadult responsibilitiesandbecomedependentonsomeformofmedical
不,它们是实际友谊的红利流。那么多时间记录在阳光下,堆积在汽车里进行公路旅行,勉强避免事故,在糟糕的社区迷路——他们是投资的资本。治疗师以实践的方式关心你,并精确地照顾你,就像任何专业人士对客户一样——在“五十分钟小时”的时间里,只要她接受你的保险,或者你保持现金流为正。社会评论家克里斯托弗·拉什(Christopher Lasch)曾经观察到,治疗“同时宣布患者不适合管理自己的生活,并将他交给专家。[64]当我从拉什那里读到这句话时,我不禁想起了贝卡的困境:“随着治疗观点和实践获得普遍接受,越来越多的人发现自己实际上失去了履行成人责任的资格,并变得依赖某种形式的医疗

authority.”[65]
权威。[65]

Therapy for Every Single Child?
每个孩子的治疗?

The rising generation has already received a lot of therapy. Thanks to artificial intelligence, the rain shower may soon become a flash flood. That’s what four different venture capitalists informed me: Big Tech is already revolutionizing mental health, creating apps that will soon have the capacity to provide therapy to every single child
新生代已经接受了很多治疗。多亏了人工智能,阵雨可能很快就会变成山洪暴发。这就是四位不同的风险投资家告诉我的:大型科技公司已经在彻底改变心理健康,他们开发的应用程序很快就会有能力为每个孩子提供治疗
.

Eager to meet my kids’ future therapist, I signed up for myala, a wellness tracker app “available to any student over the age of 16,” according to its website. My session began with a “check-in” to assess my current mental state.
我渴望见到我孩子未来的治疗师,我注册了myala,这是一款健康追踪应用程序,“任何16岁以上的学生都可以使用”,根据其网站。我的会议从“签到”开始,以评估我目前的精神状态。

Here are six of the first ten questions my therapist-bot asked me:
以下是我的治疗师机器人问我的前十个问题中的六个:

“How lonely do you feel?” “How supported do you feel?”
“你觉得有多孤独?”“你觉得支持程度如何?”

“How worried do you feel right now?”
“你现在有多担心?”

“How down do you feel right now?” “How often do you feel left out?” “How sad do you feel right now?”
“你现在情绪有多低落?”“你多久感到被冷落?”“你现在有多难过?”

You may be wondering, as I did: What fresh hell is being asked how sad you are, in six different ways, by a string of code incapable of caring if you were flogged in the street? This series of questions seemed enough to flatten the stuffing of just about anyone. I tried to abandon the survey. It didn’t let me.
你可能像我一样想知道:你被问到有多难过,以六种不同的方式,一串代码无法关心你是否在街上被鞭打?这一系列的问题似乎足以让几乎任何人的馅料变平。我试图放弃调查。它没有让我。

Turns out, if you’re not up for confessing to AI how lonely you feel, you’ll get a notification reminding you that you’ve failed at that, too.
事实证明,如果你不愿意向人工智能承认你感到多么孤独,你会收到一条通知,提醒你你也失败了。

Some of these apps facilitate therapy with an actual person. Some connect teens to therapists who conduct therapy over text, to avoid hassling them with an actual face-to-face conversation (Charlie Health) or to the numberless therapists who will Zoom. There are apps that match up the rudderless with every manner of life coach (BetterUp). Apps that allow little kids (“ages 0–14”) and their parents to track their moods (Little Otter). Many wellness apps have already dispensed with the human-therapist model, making the “therapy” free to any kid with access to an iPad. “Therapy without a therapist” is Big Tech’s solution for making therapy
其中一些应用程序有助于与真人一起进行治疗。有些人将青少年与通过文本进行治疗的治疗师联系起来,以避免用实际的面对面对话(Charlie Health)或将 Zoom 的无数治疗师来打扰他们。有些应用程序可以将无舵者与各种生活方式的教练(BetterUp)相匹配。允许小孩(“0-14 岁”)及其父母跟踪情绪的应用程序(小水獭)。许多健康应用程序已经取消了人类治疗师的模式,使任何可以使用iPad的孩子都可以免费进行“治疗”。“没有治疗师的治疗”是大型科技公司进行治疗的解决方案

scalable—able to meet the bottomless demand of a society obsessed with therapy. Integrating AI may soon cut human therapists out of the loop entirely. And the goal of nearly all of these applications is also mental health startup Talkspace’s motto and mission: “Therapy for All.” Every single child.[66]
可扩展 - 能够满足痴迷于治疗的社会的无底线需求。集成人工智能可能很快就会将人类治疗师完全排除在循环之外。几乎所有这些应用程序的目标也是心理健康初创公司Talkspace的座右铭和使命:“人人享有治疗”。每一个孩子。[66]

Over three billion dollars of capital investment poured into mental health tech startups[67] in just the fifteen months following the onset of COVID-
在 COVID 爆发后的短短 15 个月内,超过 30 亿美元的资本投资涌入心理健康科技初创公司[67]-

19. Therapy and its iatrogenic effects are being crop-dusted across the entire population.
19. 治疗及其医源性作用正在整个人群中播撒农作物。

The decks of promotional materials mental health start-ups show potential investors are unflinching: the poor mental health of the rising generation spells unimaginable business opportunity. They claim that one out of six of children in the United States “has an impairing mental health disorder.” Without embarrassment or apology, one internal pitch to investors refers to kids and young adults between sixteen and twenty-six as its “beachhead population.”[68]
心理健康初创企业的宣传材料表明,潜在投资者是坚定不移的:新生代的心理健康状况不佳,意味着难以想象的商机。他们声称,美国六分之一的儿童“患有损害心理健康障碍”。没有尴尬或道歉,一个内部投资者的推销将16至26岁的儿童和年轻人称为“滩头阵地人口”。[68]

Before we hand over the delicate psyches of every single child to their totalizing and indiscriminate mental health interventions, it’s worth scrutinizing the efforts already underway. At best, they have failed to relieve the conditions they claim to treat. But far more likely: the methods and treatments mental health experts champion and dispense are already making young people sicker, sadder, and more afraid to grow up.
在我们把每个孩子脆弱的心灵交给他们全面和不分青红皂白的心理健康干预之前,值得仔细检查已经在进行的努力。充其量,他们未能缓解他们声称要治疗的疾病。但更有可能的是:心理健康专家倡导和分配的方法和治疗方法已经使年轻人病得更重、更悲伤、更害怕长大。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 3
第 3 章

Bad Therapy
糟糕的治疗

W

hen he was two years old, Camilo Ortiz and his parents entered the United States illegally from Colombia. Unable to speak English, ineligible even for public assistance, they moved into
在他两岁的时候,卡米洛·奥尔蒂斯和他的父母从哥伦比亚非法进入美国。由于不会说英语,甚至没有资格获得公共援助,他们搬进了

a one-room basement apartment in Queens. Ortiz’s father devised a series of schemes to support the family—many of them illegal.
皇后区的一居室地下室公寓。奥尔蒂斯的父亲设计了一系列计划来养家糊口,其中许多都是非法的。

When Ortiz was eleven, his parents divorced. When Ortiz was seventeen, his father was caught ferrying $300,000 cash in the trunk of his car. His father was arrested, convicted, and imprisoned for money laundering.
奥尔蒂斯十一岁时,他的父母离婚了。奥尔蒂斯十七岁时,他的父亲被发现在他的汽车后备箱里运送了 300,000 美元的现金。他的父亲因洗钱被捕、定罪和监禁。

But Camilo Ortiz does not enter our story as a patient. He enters as a tenured professor and leading child and adolescent psychologist. And he has a divergent perspective on how psychotherapists ought to be treating troubled, anxious, and stressed-out kids.
但卡米洛·奥尔蒂斯(Camilo Ortiz)并没有以患者的身份进入我们的故事。他以终身教授和领先的儿童和青少年心理学家的身份进入。他对心理治疗师应该如何治疗陷入困境、焦虑和压力过大的孩子有不同的看法。

For one, Ortiz worries that a lot of therapy directed at kids is useless. “It’s just a pretty easy job to play with kids in your office, so the incentives are all wrong,” Ortiz told me. “I could make a great living if I just said, ‘Sure, bring your kid in, and I’ll play blocks with her and we’ll do play therapy.’ And that would not do a thing of good for them. And I could have a full caseload as long as I want.”
首先,奥尔蒂斯担心很多针对孩子的治疗是无用的。“在办公室里和孩子们一起玩是一件很容易的事,所以激励措施都是错误的,”奥尔蒂斯告诉我。“如果我说,'当然,把你的孩子带进来,我会和她一起玩积木,我们会做游戏治疗,我就可以过上好日子。这对他们没有好处。只要我愿意,我就可以处理满满的案件。

Although he gets several calls a week from parents pleading with him to see their young children in individual therapy, he turns them all down. For most problems, Ortiz says, individual therapy has almost no proven benefit for kids. “The evidence is pretty clear that parent-based approaches are more effective.” Meaning, a therapist should treat a kid’s anxiety by treating the kid’s parents. Parents often unwittingly transmit their own anxiety to their kids. And parents are in the best position to help a child deal with her worries on an ongoing basis.
尽管他每周都会接到几起父母的电话,恳求他去看他们的孩子接受个人治疗,但他都拒绝了。奥尔蒂斯说,对于大多数问题,个体治疗对孩子几乎没有任何好处。“证据很清楚,基于父母的方法更有效。意思是,治疗师应该通过治疗孩子的父母来治疗孩子的焦虑。父母经常在不知不觉中将自己的焦虑传递给孩子。父母最有能力帮助孩子持续处理她的担忧。

And yet numberless psychotherapists not only offer individual therapy to young kids, they practice techniques like “play therapy” that have shown scant evidence of benefiting kids. In fact, there’s very little evidence that individual (one-on-one) psychotherapy helps young kids at all.[1]
然而,不计其数的心理治疗师不仅为年幼的孩子提供个人治疗,他们还练习“游戏疗法”等技术,这些技术几乎没有证据表明对孩子有益。事實上,很少有證據表明個人(對一對一)心理治療對年幼的孩子有幫助。[1]

But why doesn’t individual therapy work for young kids? If it’s good for the goose—why not for the goslings? “Well, let’s take an anxious five-year- old,” Ortiz says. “Let’s say I’m the best therapist in the world and I teach her some amazing techniques for dealing with anxiety, on a Monday at four
但是,为什么个体治疗对年幼的孩子不起作用呢?如果它对鹅有好处,为什么不对小鹅有好处呢?“好吧,让我们带一个焦虑的五岁孩子,”奥尔蒂斯说。“假设我是世界上最好的治疗师,我在周一四点教她一些处理焦虑的惊人技巧

p.m. So we’re supposed to believe that on a Friday, when she’s dysregulated, and anxious, at age five, she’s going to remember what we talked about, and then be able to institute difficult techniques in a moment of dysregulation?” he asks rhetorically. “I can’t get adults to do that. It just doesn’t work with children.” It’s far more effective, Ortiz says, to teach the parents who spend many hours a day with their kids the best techniques for, say, getting a child over her fear of sleeping alone.
下午。所以我们应该相信,在星期五,当她五岁时失调和焦虑时,她会记住我们谈论的内容,然后能够在失调的时刻制定困难的技术?“他反问道。“我不能让成年人这样做。它只是不适用于儿童。奥尔蒂斯说,教那些每天花很多时间陪伴孩子的父母最好的技巧要有效得多,比如说,让孩子克服对独自睡觉的恐惧。

Also, the power imbalance between therapist and child in the intense context of individual therapy is simply too great, he tells me. Children are easily convinced of things. Think recovered-memory therapy, a dark episode in the history of psychiatry in which therapists inadvertently implanted false memories in child patients.
此外,他告诉我,在个体治疗的激烈背景下,治疗师和孩子之间的权力不平衡实在是太大了。孩子们很容易相信事情。想想恢复记忆疗法,这是精神病学史上的一个黑暗插曲,治疗师无意中在儿童患者身上植入了错误的记忆。

I met Ortiz at his Tudor revival in Forest Hills, Queens, where he lives
我在奥尔蒂斯的都铎王朝复兴中遇见了他,他住在皇后区森林山

with his son, elegant wife, and yappy dog, Pesto. (His daughter was already away at college.) Ortiz looks a little like he just stepped out of a Brooks
与他的儿子、优雅的妻子和雅皮狗 Pesto。(他的女儿已经上大学了。奥尔蒂斯看起来有点像他刚从布鲁克斯走出来

Brothers catalog. Tweedy and trim, he wears tortoiseshell glasses, slacks, and a half-zip mock neck sweater. His appearance suggests a boyhood poring over Latin declensions, boarding at Exeter, summers in Montauk. Not one mired in privation until a test score in elementary school won him a spot at the prestigious Hunter College High School. There, for the first time, he found himself surrounded “by only very smart kids who had high aspirations for educational attainment.” Their ambition was infectious, or at least instructive. He realized he had high ambitions for himself, too.
兄弟目录。他身材修身,戴着玳瑁色眼镜,穿着休闲裤和半拉链仿领毛衣。他的外表表明他童年时正在研究拉丁语变格,在埃克塞特寄宿,在蒙托克度过夏天。直到小学的考试成绩为他赢得了著名的亨特学院高中(Hunter College High School)的一席之地,他才陷入贫困。在那里,他第一次发现自己周围“只有非常聪明的孩子,他们对教育成就有很高的期望”。他们的雄心壮志是有感染力的,或者至少是有启发性的。他意识到自己也对自己有很高的抱负。

Today, Ortiz is a professor of clinical psychology at Long Island University, where he trains psychologists and conducts research into treatments for child and adolescent anxiety and depression. So what makes someone a good therapist for adolescents? For one thing, he said, a good therapist doesn’t treat therapy with a teen as an annuity. “If your therapist doesn’t talk to you about termination [of psychotherapy] during your first session, it’s probably not a good therapist.”
如今,奥尔蒂斯是长岛大学的临床心理学教授,在那里他培训心理学家并研究儿童和青少年焦虑和抑郁的治疗方法。那么,是什么让一个人成为青少年的好治疗师呢?他说,首先,一个好的治疗师不会把青少年的治疗当作年金。“如果你的治疗师在你第一次治疗期间没有和你谈论终止[心理治疗],那么它可能不是一个好的治疗师。

Ortiz absolutely believes in the ameliorative power of specific kinds of therapies, especially cognitive-behavioral and dialectical behavior therapies (known as CBT and DBT) for remediating specific ailments like tic disorders, affective disorders, and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Ortiz is a cognitive behavioral therapist, and he uses its methods to help families of kids who suffer with conditions like chronic bed-wetting. He has seen it improve the lives of his patients. But he has enough respect for the power of therapy to reject the idea that everyone should be in therapy, a notion Ortiz likens to a surgeon who ventures: Well, he looks healthy, but let’s open him up and see what we find.
奥尔蒂斯绝对相信特定种类的疗法的改善能力,尤其是认知行为和辩证行为疗法(称为CBT和DBT),用于治疗抽动障碍、情感障碍和强迫症等特定疾病。奥尔蒂斯是一名认知行为治疗师,他使用其方法来帮助患有慢性尿床等疾病的孩子的家庭。他已经看到它改善了患者的生活。但他对治疗的力量有足够的尊重,拒绝每个人都应该接受治疗的想法,奥尔蒂斯将这种想法比作冒险的外科医生:好吧,他看起来很健康,但让我们打开他,看看我们发现了什么。

Therapy, when it works for adults, gets its power from the patient’s buy- in. But a child or adolescent who enters therapy invariably does so because she was strong-armed by an adult. Sometimes, there is no buy-in at all. A therapist must then flatter or entertain the adolescent, avoiding the unpleasant toil that represents therapy at its best. And if the adolescent still isn’t convinced, matters may be made more explicit: Mom thinks whatever is wrong with you is serious enough to lay out $250 an hour.
当治疗对成年人有效时,它的力量来自患者的支持。但是,进入治疗的儿童或青少年总是这样做,因为她被成年人强力武装。有时,根本没有买进。然后,治疗师必须奉承或娱乐青少年,避免代表治疗最佳状态的不愉快的辛劳。如果青少年仍然不相信,事情可能会更明确:妈妈认为你有什么问题,足以每小时支付250美元。

However hard we work to “destigmatize” therapy, the message to any child patient is twofold: Your mother thinks there is something wrong with you and Your problem is above her pay grade. Almost necessarily, the presence of the intermediary will alter a parent’s relationship with her child, whether the parent realizes this or not.
无论我们多么努力地“消除”治疗的污名化,给任何儿童患者的信息都是双重的:你的母亲认为你有问题,你的问题超出了她的工资等级。几乎必然地,中间人的存在会改变父母与孩子的关系,无论父母是否意识到这一点。

For those tallying iatrogenic risks of one-on-one psychotherapy with children, that’s: demoralization (convincing a young person there’s something wrong with her) and undermining parental authority (Mom can’t handle your problems, so she’s hired someone who can—someone who has better judgment about you than she does). All for a process with doubtful chance of working.
对于那些计算与孩子进行一对一心理治疗的医源性风险的人来说,那就是:士气低落(让年轻人相信她有问题)和破坏父母的权威(妈妈无法处理你的问题,所以她雇用了一个可以处理的人——一个对你有更好判断力的人)。所有这些都是为了一个工作机会可疑的过程。

Ortiz discloses the risk of iatrogenesis in a waiver to his therapy clients because he wants them to be on the lookout for iatrogenic effects; he wants them to avoid harm. “I talk to my clients about the fact that in some percentage of cases, people get worse in therapy. It’s not a big percentage, but it can happen,” he said.
奥尔蒂斯在向他的治疗客户的豁免中披露了医源性发生的风险,因为他希望他们注意医源性影响;他希望他们避免受到伤害。“我和我的客户谈论这样一个事实,即在某些百分比的情况下,人们在治疗中变得更糟。这不是一个很大的比例,但它可能会发生,“他说。

This struck me as not only sensible but wise. After I interviewed Ortiz, any psychologist, psychiatrist, or therapist I came to trust needed first to take seriously the possibility that therapy can harm. Fortunately, I found my way to forty-five academic psychologists and fifteen psychiatrists, many with international reputations for excellence, all of whom freely acknowledged the possibility of iatrogenesis. (Several had authored books and papers on the subject.)
这让我感到不仅明智而且明智。在我采访了奥尔蒂斯之后,任何我信任的心理学家、精神病学家或治疗师都需要首先认真对待治疗可能造成伤害的可能性。幸运的是,我找到了四十五位学术心理学家和十五位精神病学家,其中许多人在国际上享有卓越的声誉,他们都坦率地承认医源性的可能性。(一些人撰写了有关该主题的书籍和论文。

What does bad therapy look like, I wondered. If a sadist wanted to induce anxiety, depression, a feeling of incapacity, or family estrangement, what sort of methods would she employ? How would a malevolent mastermind induct a generation into a tyranny of feelings?[2] Like this.
我想知道糟糕的治疗是什么样子的。如果一个虐待狂想引起焦虑、抑郁、无能感或家庭疏远,她会采用什么样的方法?一个恶毒的策划者将如何让一代人陷入感情的暴政?[2] 像这样。

Bad Therapy Step One: Teach Kids to Pay Close Attention to their Feelings
不良治疗第一步:教孩子密切关注自己的感受

Yulia Chentsova Dutton heads the Culture and Emotions Lab at Georgetown University. I traveled to DC to meet her in the hopes that she might shed light on why American kids, in particular, seemed to be struggling so mightily with emotional regulation.
尤利娅·钦佐娃·达顿(Yulia Chentsova Dutton)是乔治城大学文化与情感实验室的负责人。我前往华盛顿特区与她会面,希望她能阐明为什么美国孩子似乎在情绪调节方面如此挣扎。

“I am an emotions researcher,” the pixieish Soviet émigré said as we toured her lab. “Emotions are highly reactive to our attention to them. Certain kinds of attention to emotions, focus on emotions, can increase emotional distress. And I’m worried that when we try to help our young adults, help our children, what we do is throw oil into the fire.”
“我是一名情绪研究者,”当我们参观她的实验室时,这位小精灵般的苏联移民说。“情绪对我们的注意力有高度的反应。某些对情绪的关注,对情绪的关注,会增加情绪困扰。我担心,当我们试图帮助我们的年轻人,帮助我们的孩子时,我们所做的就是把油扔进火里。

In our three hours together, Chentsova Dutton reviewed with me her cross-cultural research comparing young people’s emotional responses to stressors in countries like Japan, Russia, and China. She also showed me the room in her lab where she fixes electrodes to subjects and observes them through a one-way window, while they watch a video designed to deliver psychological provocation. Not at all hard to imagine why she likes her job. A rich emotional vocabulary can help children describe their feelings.
在我们在一起的三个小时里,Chentsova Dutton 和我一起回顾了她的跨文化研究,比较了日本、俄罗斯和中国等国家年轻人对压力源的情绪反应。她还向我展示了她实验室的房间,在那里她将电极固定在受试者身上,并通过单向窗观察他们,同时他们观看旨在传递心理挑衅的视频。不难想象她为什么喜欢她的工作。丰富的情感词汇可以帮助孩子描述他们的感受。

But many of our therapeutic interventions with children, she says, go far beyond supplying one. “We are basically telling them that this deeply imperfect signal”—that is, what they are feeling—“is always valid, is always important to track, pay attention, and then use to guide your behavior, use it to guide how you act in a situation.”
但她说,我们对儿童的许多治疗干预措施远远超出了提供一种治疗。“我们基本上是在告诉他们,这个非常不完美的信号”——也就是他们的感受——“总是有效的,总是很重要的,可以跟踪、注意,然后用它来指导你的行为,用它来指导你在这种情况下的行为。

Placing undue importance on your emotions is a little like stepping onto a swivel chair to reach something on a high shelf. Emotions are likely to skitter out from under you, casters and all. Worse, attending to our feelings often causes them to intensify. Leading kids to focus on their emotions can encourage them to be more emotional.
过分重视自己的情绪有点像踩到转椅去拿高架子上的东西。情绪很可能会从你、施法者和所有人的身下掠过。更糟糕的是,关注我们的感受往往会导致它们加剧。引导孩子专注于自己的情绪可以鼓励他们更加情绪化。

It troubles Chentsova Dutton that so much therapeutic intervention with kids proceeds from the conceit that children should attribute great import to their feelings. Emotions are not only unstable, they’re also highly
让Chentsova Dutton感到困扰的是,对孩子们的如此多的治疗干预都源于一种自负,即孩子们应该把他们的感受归因于极大的重要性。情绪不仅不稳定,而且高度

manipulable, she said, hinting that she could make me feel all kinds of things if she really wanted to. Asking someone a series of leading questions, or making certain statements to them, can reliably provoke certain emotional responses. (“It’s just so easy,” she said.)
可操纵,她说,暗示如果她真的愿意,她可以让我感受到各种各样的东西。向某人提出一系列引导性问题,或对他们做出某些陈述,可以可靠地引起某些情绪反应。(“这太容易了,”她说。

In an individualistic society like ours, we incline toward the erroneous belief that feelings accurately signal who we are in the moment. But in fact, “feelings are responsive to so many cues, and because of that, so often are off.”
在像我们这样的个人主义社会中,我们倾向于错误地认为感觉准确地表明了我们当下的身份。但事实上,“感觉对如此多的线索有反应,正因为如此,所以经常是关闭的。

The anger you feel does not necessarily indicate that you are in the right or that someone treated you unfairly. You may feel envious of a friend, even though you would not actually want what he has. You may feel loved by someone who mistreats you or resent someone who’s only treated you kindly. Feelings fool us all the time.
你感到愤怒并不一定表明你是对的,或者有人不公平地对待你。你可能会嫉妒一个朋友,即使你实际上并不想要他所拥有的。你可能会被一个虐待你的人所爱,或者怨恨一个只善待你的人。感情无时无刻不在欺骗着我们。

Adults should be telling kids how imperfect and unreliable their emotions can be, Chentsova Dutton says. Very often, kids should be skeptical that their feelings reflect an accurate picture of the world and even ignore their feelings entirely. (Gasp!) You read that right: a healthy emotional life involves a certain amount of daily repression
大人应该告诉孩子们他们的情绪是多么不完美和不可靠,Chentsova Dutton说。很多时候,孩子们应该怀疑他们的感受是否反映了世界的准确画面,甚至完全忽略了他们的感受。(倒吸一口凉气!你没看错:健康的情感生活需要一定程度的日常压抑
.

How is a child supposed to get through a day of school if she’s never learned to put aside her hurt feelings and concentrate on the lessons in front of her? How will she ever be a good friend if her own feelings are always, at every instant, front and center? How will she ever hope to function at work?
如果一个孩子从来没有学会放下受伤的感觉,专注于眼前的课程,她应该如何度过一天的学校?如果她自己的感情总是每时每刻都处于前沿和中心位置,她怎么会成为好朋友呢?她将如何希望在工作中发挥作用?

She can’t. She won’t. They aren’t.
她不能。她不会。但事实并非如此。

But isn’t it a good idea to inquire regularly about kids’ feelings? Therapists, teachers, and parents in America all seem to proceed under the belief that checking in is a little like sticking a thermometer outside your front door: harmless and occasionally helpful.
但是,定期询问孩子的感受不是一个好主意吗?美国的治疗师、老师和家长似乎都认为,签到有点像把温度计贴在前门外:无害,偶尔有帮助。

Michael Linden, a professor of psychiatry at the Charité University Hospital in Berlin, thinks this is a terrible practice. “Asking somebody ‘how are you feeling?’ is inducing negative feelings. You shouldn’t do that.”
柏林夏里特大学医院的精神病学教授迈克尔·林登(Michael Linden)认为这是一种可怕的做法。“问别人'你感觉如何?'会引起负面情绪。你不应该那样做。

Why? I asked. If all you’re doing is asking, each morning, How are we feeling today, Brayden?, isn’t the child as free to provide a positive answer
为什么?我问。如果你所做的只是每天早上问,我们今天感觉如何,布雷登?,孩子难道不能自由地提供肯定的答案吗?

as a negative one?
作为负面的?

That isn’t true, Linden shot back. “Nobody feels great,” he said. “Never, never ever. Sit in the bus and look at the people opposite from you. They don’t look happy. Happiness is not the emotion of the day.”
那不是真的,林登回击了。“没有人感觉很好,”他说。“永远,永远。坐在公共汽车上,看着对面的人。他们看起来并不开心。幸福不是一天的情绪。

Linden is a world-renowned expert in the iatrogenic effects of therapy.
Linden是世界知名的医源性治疗效果专家。

After I had read one of his papers on psychotherapy’s more reckless adventures, we arranged to meet over Zoom. Handsome and cheery, he apparently loves poking fun at Americans—which, I’ve learned, is something German and Northern European academics find almost irresistible. Linden has a full head of neat gray hair, a broad smile, and a sporting air of disagreeableness.
在我读完他的一篇关于心理治疗更鲁莽的冒险的论文后,我们安排通过Zoom见面。他英俊开朗,显然喜欢取笑美国人——据我所知,这是德国和北欧学者几乎无法抗拒的事情。林登有一头整齐的白发,灿烂的笑容,以及一种令人不快的运动气息。

If you track a person’s emotions over the course of a day or even a week, Linden told me, happiness is actually a very rare emotion, statistically speaking. Of our sixty-thousand wakeful seconds each day, only a tiny percentage are spent in a state we would call “happy.” Most of the time we are simply “okay” or “fine,” trying to ignore some minor discomfort: feeling a little tired, run down, upset, stressed out, irritated, allergic, or in pain. Regularly prompting someone to reflect on their current state will—if they are being honest—elicit a raft of negative responses.
林登告诉我,如果你在一天甚至一周内跟踪一个人的情绪,从统计学上讲,幸福实际上是一种非常罕见的情绪。在我们每天六万秒的清醒时间中,只有一小部分是在我们称之为“快乐”的状态中度过的。大多数时候,我们只是“没事”或“没事”,试图忽略一些轻微的不适:感觉有点累、疲惫、心烦意乱、压力过大、烦躁、过敏或疼痛。定期促使某人反思他们当前的状态——如果他们是诚实的——会引起大量负面反应。

Linden saw my surprise, so he asked me to consider how I was feeling right then, during our interview. I was inclined to say “good,” but he jumped in: “You don’t feel happy in this moment. You are concentrating on the interview.”
林登看出了我的惊讶,所以他让我考虑一下我当时在采访中的感受。我本想说“好”,但他插话说:“你现在不觉得快乐。你正专心致志地进行面试。

He was right. It was five a.m. in California when we spoke, and I am, to put it mildly, not a morning person. I was acutely aware that the three sleeping children one floor above me might, at any moment, wake and interrupt the interview. I disliked how tired I looked on my webcam. Having allotted every spare minute to sleep, I had run out of time to apply makeup. I hadn’t downed my morning coffee.
他是对的。我们交谈的时候是加利福尼亚的凌晨五点,委婉地说,我不是一个早起的人。我敏锐地意识到,在我上面一层的三个熟睡的孩子随时可能醒来并打断采访。我不喜欢我在网络摄像头上看起来很疲惫。我把每一分钟的空闲时间都用来睡觉,我已经没有时间化妆了。我早上的咖啡还没喝完。

Linden looked relaxed in his merino wool sweater, but I was pale and exhausted, straining to seem sharper than I felt, struggling to catch his
林登穿着他的美利奴羊毛毛衣看起来很放松,但我脸色苍白,筋疲力尽,努力让自己看起来比我感觉的更敏锐,努力抓住他的

meaning through the sharp pickets of his accent. So not “happy,” exactly, no. Linden was spot-on. Being more aware of, and precise about, my current feelings elicited primarily negative introspection.
意思是通过他口音的尖锐纠察队。所以不是“快乐”,确切地说,不是。林登说得很对。更加了解和精确地了解我目前的感受,主要引发了消极的内省。

I thought back to Nora’s friends and wondered which of them would be helped by paying closer attention to their feelings. Not those who were struggling with profound mental illness. Certainly not those who, according to Nora, were leaning into their diagnoses, exaggerating their symptoms.
我回想起诺拉的朋友们,想知道他们中的哪些人会通过密切关注他们的感受而得到帮助。不是那些正在与严重的精神疾病作斗争的人。根据诺拉的说法,当然不是那些倾向于他们的诊断,夸大他们的症状的人。

But there’s an even bigger problem with asking kids, over and over, to reflect on their feelings, Linden told me. It has to do with psychological orientation.
但是,一遍又一遍地要求孩子们反思他们的感受还有一个更大的问题,林登告诉我。这与心理取向有关。

Psychologists have studied the states of mind that tend to make us more successful, whatever the challenge. There are at least two we can adopt: “action orientation” and “state orientation.”[3] Adopting an action orientation means focusing on the task ahead with no thought to your current emotional or physical state. A state orientation means you’re thinking principally about yourself: how prepared you feel in that moment, the worry you feel over a text left unanswered, the light prickling at the back of your throat, that crick blossoming in your neck. Adopting an action orientation, it turns out, makes it much more likely that you accomplish the task.
心理学家研究了无论面临什么挑战,都能使我们更成功的心理状态。我们至少可以采用两种方法:“行动导向”和“状态导向”。[3] 采取行动导向意味着专注于未来的任务,而不考虑你目前的情绪或身体状态。状态取向意味着你主要考虑的是你自己:你在那一刻的准备程度,你对未得到答复的文本感到担忧,喉咙后部的刺痛,脖子上绽放的蟋蟀声。事实证明,采用行动导向可以使您更有可能完成任务。

Our best coaches know this instinctively. Consider the way they motivate a team before the game: We can do this! they say. Wiggins, you’re gonna cover number eleven like you’re his shadow. Tyler, watch the penalties. Defense—you’re gonna put relentless pressure on their QB, I want to see hurries and sacks. Offense, head up, stay composed, nice clean blocks. Focus, focus, focus on the task ahead!
我们最好的教练本能地知道这一点。想想他们在比赛前激励球队的方式:我们能做到!他们说。威金斯,你要掩护11号位,就像你是他的影子一样。泰勒,看点球。防守——你会对他们的QB施加无情的压力,我想看到匆忙和麻袋。进攻,抬起头来,保持镇定,干净利落的盖帽。专注,专注,专注前方的任务!

They do not say: Let’s take a moment to hear how each of you is feeling. Tyler, we’ll start with you. Still bummed about your parents’ divorce? If you want to win—if you want to accomplish anything—among the worst things you can do is attend to your disappointments, discomforts, and painful relationships right now. No winning head coach asks his players to consider their feelings at halftime because thinking about yourself shatters your ability to get things done.
他们不会说:让我们花点时间听听你们每个人的感受。泰勒,我们从你开始。还在为父母的离婚而苦恼吗?如果你想赢——如果你想完成任何事情——你能做的最糟糕的事情之一就是现在关注你的失望、不适和痛苦的人际关系。没有一个获胜的主教练会要求他的球员在中场休息时考虑他们的感受,因为考虑自己会破坏你完成任务的能力。

“State orientation keeps you from being successful in anything,” Linden said.
“国家取向使你无法在任何事情上取得成功,”林登说。

I asked Linden what he would expect to see in a society where kids were constantly encouraged to heed their feelings.
我问林登,在一个不断鼓励孩子们注意自己感受的社会中,他希望看到什么。

“If you start your day by asking yourself whether you are happy, the result can only be that you’re not happy. And then you think you need help to become happy. And then you go to a psychotherapist and he’ll make you really unhappy in the end.”
“如果你通过问自己是否快乐来开始新的一天,结果只能是你不快乐。然后你认为你需要帮助才能变得快乐。然后你去看心理治疗师,他最终会让你非常不开心。

But why can’t the answer always be “I’m happy”?
但为什么答案不能总是“我很高兴”呢?

Because it will never be true, Linden says. And time spent answering this question only pushes us further from any tangible goal and the satisfaction of having completed one.
因为这永远不会是真的,林登说。花在回答这个问题上的时间只会让我们离任何有形的目标和完成目标的满足感更远。

Bad Therapy Step Two: Induce Rumination
不良疗法第二步:诱导反刍

We all have a friend who has spent way, way too much time obsessing over her ex. That’s rumination, a style of thinking characterized by brooding on past injuries and personal problems. Venting may produce relief, but rehashing the same hurt can become pathological.[4] It is also one of the most significant iatrogenic risks of therapy.
我们都有一个朋友,她花了太多时间痴迷于她的前任。这就是反刍,一种思维方式,其特点是沉思过去的伤病和个人问题。发泄可能会产生缓解,但重复同样的伤害可能会变得病态。[4] 它也是治疗中最重要的医源性风险之一。

Leif Kennair, a world-renowned expert in the treatment of anxiety, depression, and obsessive-compulsive disorder, studies disorders of rumination. A professor of personality psychology at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Kennair has also written a book (sadly, in Norwegian) rigorously detailing the ways therapy can become counterproductive.
莱夫·肯奈尔 (Leif Kennair) 是治疗焦虑症、抑郁症和强迫症的世界知名专家,研究反刍障碍。作为挪威科技大学(Norwegian University of Science and Technology)的人格心理学教授,肯奈尔还写了一本书(可悲的是,是用挪威语写的),详细描述了治疗可能适得其反的方式。

“Trying to get the patient to consider their past and how it went wrong, and what could have gone better and how should it be different, what can happen, what’s the most likely outcome and so on—a lot of these different interventions are actually worry- and rumination-increasing interventions,” he told me over Zoom. Instead, when patients present with depression or generalized anxiety disorder, therapists “should be doing worry and
“试图让患者考虑他们的过去,它是如何出错的,什么可以做得更好,应该如何不同,会发生什么,最有可能的结果是什么等等——很多这些不同的干预措施实际上是增加担忧和反刍的干预措施,”他在Zoom上告诉我。相反,当患者出现抑郁症或广泛性焦虑症时,治疗师“应该担心和

rumination discontinuing interventions.”[5] Meaning, a good therapist should do what cognitive behavioral therapists do: prove to a patient that rumination is an unproductive mode of thought and train them to stop.
反刍停止干预。[5] 意思是,一个好的治疗师应该做认知行为治疗师所做的事情:向患者证明反刍是一种无益的思维模式,并训练他们停止。

By the time I spoke to Kennair, several therapists had assured me that there was no proof that young people today were more depressed than were prior generations. I asked Kennair how we could be sure that young people weren’t simply more “open” about their poor mental health?
当我与肯奈尔交谈时,几位治疗师向我保证,没有证据表明今天的年轻人比前几代人更抑郁。我问肯奈尔,我们如何才能确保年轻人不会对他们糟糕的心理健康状况更加“开放”?

Kennair’s response was elegant and astonishing: being overly prone to talking about your emotional pain is itself a symptom of depression. “If you do this”—habitually give voice to your negative thoughts or personal problems—“you’re co-ruminating at least. But I believe they are ruminating more. And rumination is the major predictor for depression.”
肯奈尔的回答优雅而令人惊讶:过于倾向于谈论你的情绪痛苦本身就是抑郁症的症状。“如果你这样做”——习惯性地表达你的消极想法或个人问题——“你至少在共同反刍。但我相信他们正在思考更多。反刍是抑郁症的主要预测因素。

Bad Therapy Step Three: Make “Happiness” a Goal but Reward Emotional Suffering
糟糕的治疗第三步:把“幸福”作为目标,但奖励情感上的痛苦

Hang around families with young children for an afternoon, and you’ll hear parents check that their kids are enjoying their ice cream, excited about school the next day, that they had fun at the park. In so many ways, we signal to kids: your happiness is the ultimate goal; it’s what we’re all livin’ for.[6]
在有小孩的家庭周围闲逛一个下午,你会听到父母检查他们的孩子是否正在享用他们的冰淇淋,对第二天的学校感到兴奋,他们在公园里玩得很开心。在很多方面,我们向孩子们发出信号:你的幸福是最终目标;这就是我们赖以生存的目的[6]

According to the best research, we have it all backward. If we wanted our kids to be happy, the last thing we would do is to communicate that happiness is the goal. The more vigorously you hunt happiness, the more likely you are to be disappointed.[7] This is true irrespective of the objective conditions of your life.
根据最好的研究,我们完全落后了。如果我们想让孩子快乐,我们要做的最后一件事就是传达幸福是目标。你越是积极地追求幸福,你就越有可能失望。[7] 不管你生活的客观条件如何,这都是事实。

“We know that chasing positivity for yourself is actually associated with low psychological function—that it’s associated with more depressive symptoms,” Chentsova Dutton told me. “We know that people who are really strongly desiring to be happy are not particularly happy and that the desire to be happy serves as a vulnerability factor.”
“我们知道,为自己追求积极性实际上与低下心理功能有关——它与更多的抑郁症状有关,”Chentsova Dutton告诉我。“我们知道,那些真正强烈渴望快乐的人并不是特别快乐,而快乐的渴望是一个脆弱的因素。

Consider your grandparents. My grandmother, who grew up poor, took genuine delight in life’s peculiar deliverances: a scoop of chocolate ice cream; a simple family birthday party with an unsightly homemade cake; tchotchkes with Hebrew lettering turning up in a remote country antique shop. Each produced in her the spasmodic glee of someone who never expected that her own life would be filled with happiness.
想想你的祖父母。我的祖母出身贫寒,她对生活中奇特的解脱感到由衷的喜悦:一勺巧克力冰淇淋;一个简单的家庭生日派对,有一个难看的自制蛋糕;带有希伯来字母的 tchotchkes 出现在一家偏远的乡村古董店。每一种都使她产生了一种痉挛的喜悦,她从未想过自己的生活会充满幸福。

By insisting that happiness be their goal, we place kids in a crucible. On the one hand, “chasing positivity” tends to make them more depressed. Then feeling depressed gets socially rewarded, Chentsova Dutton said. So, kids are naturally “amplifying their signal of how much they suffer.”
通过坚持幸福是他们的目标,我们把孩子们放在一个坩埚里。一方面,“追逐积极性”往往会让他们更加沮丧。然后感到沮丧会得到社会回报,Chentsova Dutton说。因此,孩子们自然而然地“放大了他们遭受多少痛苦的信号”。

Cody, a senior at a public high school in Brooklyn, told me the same. A generation ago, kids might have identified with what Cody calls their “strengths”: the jock, the popular kid, the math team member, the beauty queen. But today, that’s verboten. “Identifying with your strengths now isn’t seen as too cool because some people may manipulate you into thinking that you’re privileged because of it.”
布鲁克林一所公立高中的大四学生科迪也对我说了同样的话。一代人以前,孩子们可能已经认同科迪所说的他们的“优势”:运动员、受欢迎的孩子、数学团队成员、选美皇后。但今天,这就是 verboten。“现在认同自己的优势并不被视为太酷,因为有些人可能会操纵你,让你认为你因此而享有特权。

What’s wrong with identifying with your struggles? “Well, I see that they don’t try to solve it.”
认同你的挣扎有什么错?“嗯,我看到他们没有试图解决这个问题。”

Cody took pains to explain that he wasn’t talking about the severely depressed—just the average kid. Once they get the validation from other students for their mental health crises, “they don’t break out of that rut,” he said.
科迪煞费苦心地解释说,他不是在谈论严重抑郁症的人,而只是在谈论普通的孩子。他说,一旦他们从其他学生那里得到心理健康危机的认可,“他们就不会摆脱这种陈规陋习。

Bad Therapy Step Four: Affirm and Accommodate Kids’ Worries
不良治疗第四步:肯定和适应孩子的担忧

All Mason will eat is buttered noodles. Harper is afraid of dogs. Would you mind crating your dog during our visit? Or, from the therapist: Sounds like your kiddo has testing anxiety. I’ll write her a note, so that the school gives her untimed tests. Sound familiar?
梅森吃的只是黄油面条。哈珀害怕狗。在我们访问期间,您介意将您的狗关在笼子里吗?或者,来自治疗师:听起来你的孩子有考试焦虑症。我会给她写一张纸条,这样学校就会给她不定时的考试。听起来很熟悉?

Therapists aren’t the only ones who affirm and accommodate children’s anxiety. Parents do this all the time. But therapists do so while purporting to
治疗师并不是唯一肯定和适应儿童焦虑的人。父母总是这样做。但治疗师在这样做的同时声称

treat it. “Therapists can inadvertently project the message that clients need to be very worried about anxiety-producing stimuli,” Ortiz told me. “We have found that therapists who are themselves anxious people tend to be over-protective in their interventions with clients.”
对待它。“治疗师可能会无意中传达出这样的信息,即客户需要非常担心产生焦虑的刺激,”奥尔蒂斯告诉我。“我们发现,本身就是焦虑症患者的治疗师在对客户的干预中往往会过度保护。

It may bring a child short-term relief for a therapist to agree that dogs can be scary and brainstorm strategies for avoiding the chocolate lab next door. But this may also reify the worry, intimating that coming across a dog is like encountering a mountain lion: an emergency worthy of full-blown evasive action. So, yes, therapists can reinforce a child’s or adolescent’s outsized fears. Therapists can make kids’ anxiety worse.
它可能会给孩子带来短期的解脱,让治疗师同意狗可能很可怕,并集思广益,避开隔壁的巧克力实验室。但这也可能加剧了这种担忧,暗示遇到狗就像遇到美洲狮一样:一种值得采取全面规避行动的紧急情况。所以,是的,治疗师可以强化儿童或青少年的过度恐惧。治疗师可以使孩子的焦虑变得更糟。

A core tenet of therapies like CBT is that a kid’s extreme aversion to, say, dirt may be based on the false belief that dirt is harmful. The best way to demolish this maladaptive belief is for your kid to have direct and repeated contact with precisely the thing she is afraid of.[8] If your kid is afraid of dogs, you prompt her to pet a dog.[9] For a germophobic patient with obsessive-compulsive disorder who is washing his hands a hundred times a day, the therapist might insist the patient touch a toilet and, eventually, stick his hand into a messy toilet bowl. Ortiz once led a patient to do this and then wipe his hand on a pillow and sleep on it.
像CBT这样的疗法的一个核心原则是,孩子对污垢的极度厌恶可能是基于污垢有害的错误信念。消除这种适应不良信念的最好方法是让您的孩子与她害怕的事物进行直接和反复的接触。[8] 如果你的孩子害怕狗,你提示她抚摸一只狗。[9] 对于每天洗手一百次的强迫症恐惧症患者,治疗师可能会坚持让患者触摸马桶,并最终将手伸入凌乱的马桶中。奥尔蒂斯曾经带领一个病人这样做,然后在枕头上擦手,然后睡在上面。

“Once they can do these pretty outrageous kinds of exposures, then the regular fears that they typically worry about don’t seem so big. Touching your own door handle once you’ve stuck your hand into a toilet bowl pales by comparison.”
“一旦他们能够进行这些非常离谱的曝光,那么他们通常担心的常规恐惧似乎就不会那么大了。相比之下,一旦你把手伸进马桶里,触摸自己的门把手就显得苍白无力了。

“Exposure therapy” is CBT’s escalating method of encouraging patients to confront things that make them uncomfortable. It is among the few therapies with an evidentiary track record of benefits. Although a great many therapists claim to use CBT methods, a fraction of them are trained in its rigors or practicing its evidence-based methods.[10]
“暴露疗法”是CBT鼓励患者面对让他们不舒服的事情的升级方法。它是为数不多的具有明显益处记录的疗法之一。尽管许多治疗师声称使用CBT方法,但其中一小部分人接受过严格的培训或实践其循证方法。[10]

School psychologists and counselors so often do the opposite: solidify a child’s worry through affirmation and accommodation.[11] They intervene with the teacher, ostensibly on a child’s behalf, to lighten the homework load or to provide tailored assignments if the standard curriculum seems to cause too much stress. None of this encourages the development of a child’s
学校的心理学家和辅导员经常反其道而行之:通过肯定和迁就来巩固孩子的担忧。[11]他们表面上代表孩子与老师进行干预,以减轻家庭作业负担,或者在标准课程似乎造成太大压力时提供量身定制的作业。这些都不能促进孩子的发展

natural resources for coping with her worries or overcoming stressful situations.
应对她的担忧或克服压力情况的自然资源。

Accommodation deprives children of the opportunity to vault a challenge and renders them “actually less capable,” Ortiz said. Force a kid to sleep in a house beset by the normal sounds of snoring siblings, whistling of winds, or creaking of joists, and eventually she will sleep. She’ll realize, more importantly, that she can.
奥尔蒂斯说,住宿剥夺了孩子们挑战的机会,使他们“实际上能力下降”。强迫一个孩子睡在被兄弟姐妹打鼾、风啸声或托梁吱吱作响的正常声音所困扰的房子里,最终她会睡着。更重要的是,她会意识到她可以。

We all need practice sitting with discomfort, Ortiz emphasized— emotional as well as physical. If we get the necessary practice, we become better at tolerating it. If we don’t, we may become worse at it. And yet so many adults are intent on deleting all irritation and inconvenience from children’s lives as if they were toxins.
奥尔蒂斯强调,我们都需要练习坐着不舒服——无论是情感上的还是身体上的。如果我们得到必要的练习,我们就会更好地容忍它。如果我们不这样做,我们可能会变得更糟。然而,如此多的成年人一心想把所有烦恼和不便从儿童的生活中抹去,就好像它们是毒素一样。

I asked neuropsychologist and author Rita Eichenstein why we’re seeing so many phobias and so much anxiety among kids today. “There’s sensory deprivation. The minute the kid goes home from the hospital, they’re in a car seat, facing backwards,” she said. “The pristine nursery. That’s all quiet now. They’re all using sound machines. They’re not getting dirty. They’re not outside in the dirt. They’re not getting that normal chaos.”
我问神经心理学家和作家丽塔·艾兴斯坦(Rita Eichenstein),为什么我们今天在孩子们中看到如此多的恐惧症和焦虑症。“有感官剥夺。孩子从医院回家的那一刻,他们坐在汽车座椅上,面朝后,“她说。“原始的托儿所。现在一切都很安静。他们都在使用发声机。他们没有变脏。他们不在外面的泥土里。他们没有得到那种正常的混乱。

Banishing normal chaos from a child’s world is precisely the opposite of what you would do if you wanted to produce an adult capable of enjoying life’s intrinsic bittersweetness, the small pleasures you might never notice if your life were a theme park, all cotton-candy jingles and frictionless rides.
从孩子的世界里驱逐正常的混乱,与如果你想培养一个能够享受生活中内在苦乐参半的成年人,如果你的生活是一个主题公园,你可能永远不会注意到的小乐趣,所有的棉花糖叮当声和无摩擦的游乐设施,你所做的恰恰相反。

[12] And yet, consider how we proceed. We beg doctors to give our kids antianxiety medications, teachers to give them untimed tests. We purchase plastic visors so bathwater never runs over our toddlers’ eyes, and carefully remove sesame seeds from their hamburger buns.[13] We aren’t just driving ourselves insane. We’re making our kids more fearful and less tolerant of the world.
[12] 然而,请考虑我们如何进行。我们恳求医生给我们的孩子服用抗焦虑药物,老师给他们不定时的检查。我们购买塑料面罩,这样洗澡水就不会流过幼儿的眼睛,并小心翼翼地去除汉堡包上的芝麻。[13] 我们不只是把自己逼疯了。我们正在让我们的孩子更加恐惧,对世界的容忍度降低。

Bad Therapy Step Five: Monitor, Monitor, Monitor
不良治疗第五步:监测,监测,再监测

In decades past, parents primarily fretted over physical dangers to kids: stranger danger, crossing the street, and the like. But as parenting took a therapeutic turn, and we began to worry about emotional damage, we realized we could never look away. After all, a kid who breaks an arm lets out a scream. But a child who’s been traumatized by teasing makes no sound. We required much more intel, round the clock. We needed adult eyes on our kids: therapists, school psychologists, and counselors ready to conduct infrared thermal imaging of our kids’ emotional lives. We expected them to monitor and report back to us.
在过去的几十年里,父母主要担心孩子的身体危险:陌生人的危险、过马路等等。但随着养育子女的治疗转向,我们开始担心情感上的伤害,我们意识到我们永远无法移开视线。毕竟,一个断了胳膊的孩子会发出尖叫声。但是,一个因戏弄而受到创伤的孩子不会发出声音。我们需要更多的情报,昼夜不停地。我们需要成年人的眼睛来观察我们的孩子:治疗师、学校心理学家和辅导员,随时准备对我们孩子的情感生活进行红外热成像。我们希望他们能够监控并向我们报告。

“Kids today are always under the situation of an observer,” said Peter Gray, a professor of psychology at Boston College and author of the classic introductory textbook on psychology. “At home, the parents are watching them. At school, they’re being observed by teachers. Out of school, they’re in adult-directed activities. They have almost no privacy.”
“今天的孩子们总是处于观察者的境地,”波士顿学院(Boston College)心理学教授、经典心理学入门教科书的作者彼得·格雷(Peter Gray)说。“在家里,父母在看着他们。在学校里,他们被老师观察。在校外,他们参加成人指导的活动。他们几乎没有隐私。

It took only a moment’s reflection to realize this was true and a dramatic departure from the experience of previous generations. At school, my kids have “recess monitors,” teachers who involve themselves in every disagreement at playtime and warn kids whenever the monkey bars might be slick with rain. On the bus, “bus monitors.” After school, so many kids I know head to scheduled activities—bouldering or ukulele or jiujitsu— presided over by an adult.
只需片刻的思考,就意识到这是真的,并且与前几代人的经历截然不同。在学校里,我的孩子有“课间监视器”,老师们在玩耍时参与到每一个分歧中,并在猴子栏杆可能被雨淋湿时警告孩子们。在公共汽车上,“公共汽车监视器”。放学后,我认识的很多孩子都会去参加由成年人主持的预定活动——抱石、尤克里里或柔术。

One might be inclined to think this an improvement over letting kids tromp around the world unsupervised. Adults generally model better behavior than kids do. Parents give better advice than friends. Teachers are likely to insist on fair rules and curb bullying. And all of them will ensure that no kids experiment sexually or with drugs. More monitoring is better, isn’t it?
人们可能倾向于认为这比让孩子们在无人监督的情况下在世界各地踩踏是一种进步。成年人通常比孩子表现出更好的行为。父母比朋友给出更好的建议。教师可能会坚持公平的规则并遏制欺凌行为。所有这些都将确保没有孩子进行性实验或吸毒。监控越多越好,不是吗?

Actually, Gray said, adding monitoring to a child’s life is functionally equivalent to adding anxiety. “When psychologists do research where they
实际上,格雷说,在孩子的生活中增加监控在功能上等同于增加焦虑。“当心理学家在他们的地方进行研究时

want to add an element of stress, and they want to compare people doing something under stress versus no stress, how do they add stress? They simply add an observer,” Gray said. “If you’re watched by somebody who seems to be assessing your performance, that’s a stress condition.”
想要增加压力的元素,他们想比较人们在压力下做某事与没有压力的人,他们是如何增加压力的?他们只是增加了一个观察员,“格雷说。“如果你被一个似乎在评估你表现的人监视着你,那是一种压力状况。

In the last generation, we came to think of unsupervised time as dangerous—a host site for childhood trauma, bullying, and abuse. Better that a recess monitor establish clear rules for schoolyard kickball and insist that everyone play fairly than a kid ever feel left out. Better to hire bus monitors than risk some kid taking another’s lunch money. Better that parents track their teens’ whereabouts with an app than ever wonder where they are—or trust them to get home safely. But this incessant monitoring has infested childhood with stress.
在上一代人中,我们开始认为无人监督的时间是危险的——童年创伤、欺凌和虐待的宿主。最好是课间监督员为校园踢球制定明确的规则,并坚持每个人都公平地比赛,而不是让孩子感到被冷落。最好是雇公共汽车监视器,而不是冒着某个孩子拿走另一个孩子的午餐钱的风险。最好是父母用应用程序跟踪青少年的行踪,而不是想知道他们在哪里,或者相信他们能安全回家。但这种无休止的监控给童年带来了压力。

True, teens can’t engage in sexual activity if they’re being watched. But they can’t engage in intimacy, either, Gray pointed out. Put another way, a supervised “playdate” is no play at all—not if you’re referring to the evolutionary activity that confers vast psychosocial benefits and teaches us to get along with other humans.
诚然,如果青少年被监视,他们就不能从事性活动。但他们也不能进行亲密关系,格雷指出。換句話說,受監督的「遊戲約會」根本不是遊戲——如果你指的是進化活動,它帶來了巨大的社會心理利益,並教導我們與其他人相處。

Real play, of the developmentally beneficial sort, involves risk, negotiation, and privacy from adults:[14] the fort or treehouse built to block adults’ view. Instead, Gray warns, we are living through a “play deprivation experiment” in which teachers and parents and therapists endlessly instruct children on feelings and emotions—but rarely afford them the space or privacy to develop the capacities that are the subject of their endless preaching. “We have removed the things that are joyful to children, and we have substituted things that are anxiety-provoking, and they would be anxiety-provoking for you and me too,” he said.
真正的游戏,对发展有益的那种,涉及风险、谈判和成年人的隐私:[14]建造堡垒或树屋来阻挡成年人的视线。相反,格雷警告说,我们正经历着一个“游戏剥夺实验”,在这个实验中,老师、父母和治疗师无休止地指导孩子们的感受和情绪,但很少给他们空间或隐私来发展他们无休止的说教的主题。“我们去掉了让孩子们快乐的东西,我们用那些令人焦虑的东西代替了,它们对你和我来说也会令人焦虑,”他说。

Things that are joyful to children: danger, discovery, dirt. Games whose rules they invented with that ridiculous cast of characters they call friends. Their hearts aren’t fooled by Mom’s carefully arranged simulacra: the hypoallergenic, nontoxic “slime” she begs all the kids to make with her from a kit that arrived from Amazon. Isn’t this fun? It’s so gross! Right, girls?! Harmless enough, but it doesn’t help a kid blow off steam or test her limits or negotiate relationships with peers. It doesn’t help her learn about
让孩子们快乐的事情:危险、发现、污垢。他们用他们称之为朋友的荒谬角色发明了规则的游戏。他们的心并没有被妈妈精心安排的拟像所迷惑:她恳求所有的孩子用从亚马逊运来的工具包制作低过敏性、无毒的“粘液”。这不是很有趣吗?太恶心了!对吧,女孩们?!足够无害,但它并不能帮助孩子发泄情绪或测试她的极限或与同龄人协商关系。这无助于她了解

herself and, in the process, discover what sorts of activities or people she might one day come to love.
她自己,并在这个过程中发现她有一天可能会爱上什么样的活动或人。

Bad Therapy Step Six: Dispense Diagnoses Liberally
不良治疗第六步:自由分配诊断

Your five-year-old son wanders around his kindergarten classroom distracting other kids. The teacher complains: he can’t sit through her scintillating lessons on the two sounds made by the letter e. When the teacher invites all the kids to sit with her on the rug for a song, he stares out the window, watching a squirrel dance along a branch. She’d like you to take him to be evaluated.
你五岁的儿子在幼儿园教室里徘徊,分散其他孩子的注意力。老师抱怨说:他不能坐下来听她关于字母e发出的两个声音的闪烁课程。当老师邀请所有的孩子和她一起坐在地毯上唱歌时,他盯着窗外,看着一只松鼠在树枝上跳舞。她希望你带他去接受评估。

And so you do. It’s a good school, and you want the teacher and the administration to like you. You take him to a pediatrician, who tells you it sounds like ADHD. You feel relief. At least you finally know what’s wrong. Commence the interventions, which will transform your son into the attentive student the teacher wants him to be.
所以你做到了。这是一所好学校,你希望老师和行政部门喜欢你。你带他去看儿科医生,他告诉你这听起来像是多动症。你感到如释重负。至少你终于知道出了什么问题。开始干预,这将使你的儿子变成老师希望他成为的专心学生。

But obtaining a diagnosis for your kid is not a neutral act. It’s not nothing for a kid to grow up believing there’s something wrong with his brain. Even mental health professionals are more likely to interpret ordinary patient behavior as pathological if they are briefed on the patient’s diagnosis.[15]
但是,为您的孩子获得诊断并不是一种中立的行为。对于一个孩子来说,长大后相信他的大脑有问题并不算什么。即使是心理健康专业人员,如果他们被告知患者的诊断,他们也更有可能将普通患者的行为解释为病态行为。[15]

“A diagnosis is saying that a person does not only have a problem, but is sick,” Dr. Linden said. “One of the side effects that we see is that people learn how difficult their situation is. They didn’t think that before. It’s demoralization.”
“诊断是说一个人不仅有问题,而且生病了,”林登博士说。“我们看到的副作用之一是人们了解到他们的处境有多困难。他们以前不这么认为。这是士气低落。

Nor does our noble societal quest to destigmatize mental illness inoculate an adolescent against the determinism that befalls him—the awareness of a limitation—once the diagnosis is made. Even if Mom has dressed it in happy talk, he gets the gist. He’s been pronounced learning disabled by an occupational therapist and neurodivergent by a neuropsychologist. He no longer has the option to stop being lazy. His sense
我们崇高的社会追求,即消除精神疾病的污名化,也没有使青少年在诊断后对降临在他身上的决定论——对局限性的认识——接种疫苗。即使妈妈用愉快的谈话来打扮它,他也明白了要点。他被职业治疗师宣布为学习障碍,被神经心理学家宣布为神经发散。他不再有停止懒惰的选择。他的感觉

of efficacy, diminished. A doctor’s official pronouncement means he cannot improve his circumstances on his own. Only science can fix him.[16]
的功效,减弱。医生的官方声明意味着他无法靠自己改善自己的情况。只有科学才能解决他。[16]

Identifying a significant problem is often the right thing to do. Friends who suffered with dyslexia for years have told me that discovering the name for their problem (and the corollary: that no, they weren’t stupid) delivered cascading relief. But I’ve also talked to parents who went diagnosis shopping—in one case, for a perfectly normal preschooler who wouldn’t listen to his mother. Sometimes, the boy would lash out or hit her. It took him forever to put on his shoes. Several neuropsychologists conducted evaluations and decided he was “within normal range.” But the parents kept searching, believing there must be some name for the child’s recalcitrance. They never suspected that, by purchasing a diagnosis, they might also be saddling their son with a new, negative understanding of himself.
识别重大问题通常是正确的做法。患有阅读障碍多年的朋友告诉我,发现他们问题的名称(以及推论:不,他们并不愚蠢)带来了一连串的缓解。但我也和那些去诊断购物的父母谈过——在一个案例中,一个完全正常的学龄前儿童不会听他妈妈的话。有时,男孩会猛烈抨击或殴打她。他花了很长时间才穿上鞋子。几位神经心理学家进行了评估,认为他“在正常范围内”。但父母一直在寻找,认为孩子的顽固一定有什么名字。他们从未怀疑过,通过购买诊断,他们也可能让儿子对自己产生新的负面理解。

Bad Therapy Step Seven: Drug ’Em
不良疗法第七步:药物

First comes diagnose, then comes medicate. But if Lexapro, Ritalin, and Adderall were the solution, the decline in youth mental health would have ended decades ago.[17]
首先是诊断,然后是药物治疗。但是,如果Lexapro,Ritalin和Adderall是解决方案,那么青少年心理健康的下降将在几十年前结束。[17]

Altering your child’s brain chemistry is about as profound a decision as you’ll ever make as a parent. But for many child psychiatrists and far too many pediatricians, it involves little more than a pro forma signature and tearing off a sheet gummed to a prescription pad.[18]
改变孩子的大脑化学反应与您作为父母所做的决定一样意义深远。但对于许多儿童精神科医生和太多的儿科医生来说,它只涉及一个形式签名和撕下一张粘在处方垫上的纸。[18]

Steven Hollon holds a named professorship in psychology at Vanderbilt University, where he studies the etiology and treatment of depression. “You want to be very careful starting children and adolescents on antidepressants,” he told me. He’s even more adamant about antianxiety medicines like Xanax and Klonopin. “Anything that makes you feel better within thirty minutes is going to be at least psychologically and physiologically addictive, and it probably is going to be both.”
史蒂文·霍隆(Steven Hollon)在范德比尔特大学(Vanderbilt University)担任心理学教授,在那里他研究抑郁症的病因和治疗。“你要非常小心地让儿童和青少年开始服用抗抑郁药,”他告诉我。他甚至更加坚持使用Xanax和Klonopin等抗焦虑药物。“任何让你在三十分钟内感觉好些的东西至少在心理上和生理上都会上瘾,而且很可能是两者兼而有之。

I asked Hollon if, absent a severe psychological crisis, we should be interrupting adolescent development by introducing antidepressants. “Evolutionary biologists would say no. An evolutionary biologist would say it’s part of life. You learn to deal with grief, you learn to deal with loss,” he said. We need to develop those capacities for our own survival. “The things you can learn to do—sometimes they hurt a little bit, it’s scary at times. But the things you can learn to do, you’re better off learning to do those things than relying on a chemical substance.”
我问霍隆,如果没有严重的心理危机,我们是否应该通过引入抗抑郁药来中断青少年的发展。“进化生物学家会说不。进化生物学家会说这是生命的一部分。你学会了处理悲伤,你学会了处理损失,“他说。为了我们自己的生存,我们需要发展这些能力。“你可以学会做的事情——有时它们会有点痛,有时很可怕。但是你可以学会做的事情,你最好学会做这些事情,而不是依赖化学物质。

With children and adolescents, there’s far less proof of antidepressants’ efficacy than for adult patients.[19] The evidence base is far smaller than it is for adults.[20] And kids are, by definition, a moving target, undergoing changes so rapidly that doctors run the risk of medicating for circumstances soon to be in the rearview mirror.
对于儿童和青少年,抗抑郁药疗效的证据远少于成人患者。[19] 证据基础远小于成人。[20]根据定义,儿童是一个移动的目标,变化如此之快,以至于医生冒着为即将出现在后视镜中的情况进行药物治疗的风险。

There are the meds’ morbid side effects, imposed on a teen who is already struggling: weight gain, sleeplessness, diminished sex drive, nausea, fatigue, jitteriness, risk of addiction,[21] and, of course, a sometimes-brutal withdrawal.[22] Suicidality remains a side effect of antidepressants for reasons that are not well understood.[23]
这些药物的病态副作用强加给已经在苦苦挣扎的青少年:体重增加、失眠、减退、恶心、疲劳、紧张、成瘾风险,[21]当然,有时还有残酷的戒断。[22] 自杀仍然是抗抑郁药的副作用,原因尚不清楚。[23]

But possibly the grimmest risk of antidepressants, antianxiety meds, and stimulants is the primary effect of the drugs themselves: placing a young person in a medicated state while he’s still getting used to the feel and fit of his own skin. Making him feel less like himself, blocking him from ever feeling the thrill of unmediated cognitive sharpness, the sting of righteous fury, an animal urge to spot an opportunity—a romance, a position, a place on the team—and leap for it. Compelling him to play remote spectator in his own life.
但是,抗抑郁药、抗焦虑药和兴奋剂最可怕的风险可能是药物本身的主要作用:让一个年轻人处于药物状态,而他仍然习惯于自己皮肤的感觉和贴合度。让他感觉自己不那么像自己,阻止他感受到无中介的认知敏锐的快感,正义愤怒的刺痛,一种动物般的冲动,想要发现一个机会——一个浪漫、一个职位、一个位置——并跃跃欲试。迫使他在自己的生活中扮演远程旁观者。

Many adults, accustomed to popping a Xanax to get through a rough patch, are tempted to extend that same accommodation to their suffering teen. But the impact of starting a child on psychotropic medication is incomparably different. Every experience of a child’s life—so many “firsts”—will now be mediated by this chemical chaperone: every triumph, every pang of desire and remorse. When you start a child on meds, you risk numbing him to life at the very moment he’s learning to calibrate risks and
许多成年人习惯于弹出 Xanax 来度过艰难的时期,他们很想将同样的住宿扩展到他们受苦的青少年身上。但是,让孩子开始服用精神药物的影响是无与伦比的。孩子生命中的每一次经历——如此多的“第一次”——现在都将由这个化学伴侣来调解:每一次胜利,每一次渴望和悔恨的痛苦。当你让孩子开始服药时,你就有可能在他学习校准风险的那一刻让他麻木。

handle life’s ups and downs. When you anesthetize a child to the vicissitudes of success and failure and love and loss and disappointment when he’s meeting these for the first time, you’re depriving him of the emotional musculature he’ll need as an adult. Once on meds, he’s likely to believe that he can’t handle life at full strength—and thanks to an adolescence spent on them, he may even be right.
处理生活的起起落落。当你让一个孩子第一次遇到成功、失败、爱、失落和失望的沧桑时,你就剥夺了他成年后需要的情感肌肉组织。一旦服用药物,他可能会认为自己无法全力以赴地应对生活——而且由于在药物上度过了青春期,他甚至可能是对的。

If you can relieve your child’s anxiety, depression, or hyperactivity without starting her on meds, it’s worth turning your life upside down to do so.
如果你能缓解孩子的焦虑、抑郁或多动症,而不让她开始服药,那么值得为此颠倒你的生活。

Bad Therapy Step Eight: Encourage Kids to Share Their “Trauma”
不良治疗第八步:鼓励孩子分享他们的“创伤”

“Really good trauma-informed work does not mean that you get people to talk about it,” physician and mental health specialist Richard Byng told me. “Quite the opposite.”
“真正好的创伤知情工作并不意味着你让人们谈论它,”医生和心理健康专家理查德·宾告诉我。“恰恰相反。”

Byng helps ex-convicts in Plymouth, England, habituate to life on the outside. Many of these former prisoners endured unspeakable abuse as children and young adults. And yet, Byng says, the solution for them often includes not talking about their traumas.
Byng帮助英国普利茅斯的前罪犯适应外面的生活。这些前囚犯中的许多人在儿童和青年时期遭受了难以形容的虐待。然而,Byng说,对他们来说,解决方案往往包括不谈论他们的创伤。

One of the most significant failings of psychotherapy, Byng says, is its refusal to acknowledge that not everyone is helped by talking about their problems. Many patients, he says, are harmed by it.
Byng说,心理治疗最重大的失败之一是它拒绝承认并不是每个人都能通过谈论自己的问题得到帮助。他说,许多患者都受到伤害。

“If you know that someone’s been traumatized, what I tend to do is just acknowledge it very lightly,” Byng told me. “Very lightly just acknowledge that, yeah, part of why you’re like this is because some bad stuff’s happened. And we’ll put it aside. But I’m trying to talk about what’s going on in the present.”
“如果你知道有人受到创伤,我倾向于做的就是非常轻松地承认它,”Byng告诉我。“非常轻描淡写地承认,是的,你之所以会这样,部分原因是因为发生了一些不好的事情。我们会把它放在一边。但我试图谈论现在正在发生的事情。

Not every kid who’s experienced serious adversity will be helped by “sharing” their traumas? The act of talking about your past pain does not necessarily relieve it? Discussing a traumatic experience, even with a
不是每个经历过严重逆境的孩子都会通过“分享”他们的创伤而得到帮助吗?谈论你过去的痛苦并不一定能缓解它?讨论创伤经历,即使有

trained therapist, can sometimes increase suffering? This is my shocked face.
训练有素的治疗师,有时会增加痛苦吗?这是我震惊的表情。

Therapists would better serve patients if they adopted a humbler approach, Byng says—one that “acknowledges that some people don’t want to talk about things. That acknowledges that some people will just need to go off and be on their own, but also that some need support and that it’s hard to know what people need and what’s going to be helpful.”
Byng说,如果治疗师采取一种更谦逊的方法,他们会更好地为患者服务——一种“承认有些人不想谈论事情的方法。这承认有些人只需要离开并独自一人,但也有些人需要支持,并且很难知道人们需要什么以及什么会有所帮助。

But many teachers, counselors, and therapists today presume the opposite: Kids cannot possibly get on with their lives until they have thoroughly examined and disgorged their pain. In the Academy Award– winning film Good Will Hunting, the protagonist (played by Matt Damon) can escape his traumatic past and get the girl only after he has thoroughly explored his history of child abuse with his therapist (played by Robin Williams). In packed theaters across the country, hearts swelled, tears rained down, and the American mind renewed its faith in the curative miracle of talk therapy. Outside of Hollywood, rehashing sad memories often creates more problems than it solves.
但今天,许多教师、辅导员和治疗师的假设恰恰相反:孩子们在彻底检查和消除痛苦之前,不可能继续他们的生活。在奥斯卡获奖电影《善意狩猎》中,主角(马特·达蒙饰)只有在与他的治疗师(罗宾·威廉姆斯饰)彻底探索了他虐待儿童的历史后,才能摆脱他创伤的过去并得到这个女孩。在全国各地座无虚席的影院里,人们的心涌动,泪水如雨点般落下,美国人的心灵重新燃起了对谈话疗法的治愈奇迹的信心。在好莱坞之外,重温悲伤的记忆往往会带来比解决更多的问题。

There are therapies, like dialectical behavior therapy, that take a better approach than the model that insists that you can only be cured if you are compelled to “talk about it.” This better approach, in Byng’s view, involves “accepting you’ve been harmed and acknowledging that only you can make a difference,” without pressing people to talk about their pain. But he admits “that’s quite difficult to pull off.”
有些疗法,如辩证行为疗法,比坚持认为只有当你被迫“谈论它”时才能被治愈的模型更好。在Byng看来,这种更好的方法包括“接受你受到的伤害,并承认只有你才能有所作为”,而不是强迫人们谈论他们的痛苦。但他承认,“这很难实现。

And yet it’s often what’s best for patients. A dose of repression again appears to be a fairly useful psychological tool for getting on with life— even for the significantly traumatized among us.
然而,这往往是对患者最好的。一剂压抑似乎再次成为一种相当有用的心理工具,可以继续生活——即使对于我们中间受到严重创伤的人来说也是如此。

Rarely do we grant kids that allowance. Instead, we demand that they locate any dark feelings and share them. We may already be seeing the fruits: a generation of kids who can never ignore any pain, no matter how trivial.
我们很少给孩子这种津贴。相反,我们要求他们找到任何黑暗的感觉并分享它们。我们可能已经看到了果实:一代孩子永远不会忽视任何痛苦,无论多么微不足道。

Bad Therapy Step Nine: Encourage Young Adults to Break Contact with “Toxic” Family
不良疗法第九步:鼓励年轻人与“有毒”家庭断绝联系

Clinical psychologist and author Joshua Coleman has devoted his entire practice to a phenomenon known as “family estrangement”: adult children cutting off their parents, refusing to speak to them, even barring them from seeing the grandkids. A large-scale national survey confirms a recent increase in this phenomenon: almost 30 percent of Americans eighteen and older had cut off a family member.[24]
临床心理学家和作家约书亚·科尔曼(Joshua Coleman)将他的整个实践都致力于一种被称为“家庭疏远”的现象:成年子女切断父母的联系,拒绝与他们交谈,甚至禁止他们见孙子孙女。一项大规模的全国性调查证实了这种现象最近有所增加:近 30% 的 18 岁及以上的美国人与家庭成员断绝关系[24]

Are the ostracized parents typically abusive? No, Coleman said; in general, he doesn’t believe they are. From his own practice, Coleman has observed that adults who were abused as children very often blame themselves for the abuse. “Often, they’re more interested in salvaging whatever they can of parental love.”
被排斥的父母通常有虐待行为吗?不,科尔曼说;总的来说,他不相信他们是。从他自己的实践中,科尔曼观察到,小时候被虐待的成年人经常把虐待归咎于自己。“通常,他们更感兴趣的是尽其所能挽救父母的爱。

So what gives? Why do so many young people today seem to have a hair-trigger for yeeting the ’rents? I don’t care how annoying she is, you don’t cancel Mom just because her needling gets under your skin. (You hang up on her, wait five minutes, call back, act as if nothing happened, and casually ask her to pick up your sons from soccer practice.)
那么是什么原因呢?为什么今天有这么多年轻人似乎对“房租”大喊大叫?我不在乎她有多烦人,你不会因为她的针刺在你的皮肤下而取消妈妈。(你挂断了她的电话,等了五分钟,回了电话,装作什么都没发生一样,随便让她去接你的儿子去踢足球。

When parents confront the adult children who’ve cut them off, Coleman tells me, the most typical explanation they give is: “ ‘Well, my therapist said, you emotionally abused me or you’re emotionally incestuous. Or you have a narcissistic personality disorder.’ The parents, of course, respond defensively, and that just feels like proof positive to the adult child.”
科尔曼告诉我,当父母面对那些与他们断绝关系的成年子女时,他们给出的最典型的解释是:“'好吧,我的治疗师说,你在情感上虐待了我,或者你在情感上。或者你有自恋型人格障碍。当然,父母会做出防御性的反应,这对成年子女来说就像是积极的证明。

Coleman added, “I’ve wanted to write an article for the longest time with a title something like, ‘Your Biggest Threat to Your Relationship with Your Child Isn’t Parenting. It’s the Therapist They’re Going to See at Some Point.’
科尔曼补充道:“我想写一篇文章,标题是'你与孩子关系的最大威胁不是养育子女。这是他们在某个时候会见到的治疗师。”

One of the most damaging ideas to leach into the cultural bloodstream, according to Coleman, is that all unhappiness in adults is traceable to childhood trauma. Therapists have made endless mischief from this baseless and unfalsifiable assertion.
根据科尔曼的说法,渗透到文化血液中最具破坏性的想法之一是,成年人的所有不快乐都可以追溯到童年创伤。治疗师从这种毫无根据和不可证伪的断言中制造了无休止的恶作剧。

This is precisely how therapy often encourages young people to look at their lives. If your career isn’t going well, if you’re having trouble in relationships, if you’re dissatisfied with your life, commence the hunt for hidden childhood traumas. And since parents are ultimately responsible for your childhood, any unearthed “childhood trauma” inevitably reads as an indictment of parents.
这正是治疗经常鼓励年轻人审视自己生活的方式。如果你的事业不顺利,如果你在人际关系中遇到麻烦,如果你对自己的生活不满意,那就开始寻找隐藏的童年创伤。由于父母对你的童年负有最终责任,任何被挖掘出来的“童年创伤”都不可避免地被解读为对父母的控诉。

Family estrangement is a major iatrogenic risk of therapy not only because it typically produces so much desperate, chronic distraught to the cut-off parents. It also strips the adult child of a major source of stability and support—and for generations after. Estrangement means grandchildren raised without the benefit of loving grandparents who pick them up from school or temper their parents’ foul moods. Worse, it leaves those grandkids with the impression that they descend from terrible people. People so twisted and irredeemable, Mom won’t let them in the house. Even the homeless guy outside Walgreens gets a wave and a dollar every once and a while. But the people I come from? They must have done something unforgivable.
家庭疏远是治疗的主要医源性风险,不仅因为它通常会给断绝的父母带来如此多的绝望、慢性心烦意乱。它还剥夺了成年子女以及后代稳定和支持的主要来源。疏远意味着孙子孙女在没有慈爱的祖父母从学校接他们或缓和父母的不良情绪的情况下长大。更糟糕的是,它给那些孙子孙女留下了他们来自可怕人的后裔的印象。人们如此扭曲和不可救药,妈妈不让他们进屋。即使是沃尔格林外面的无家可归者,每隔一段时间就会得到一波和一美元。但是我来自那些人呢?他们一定做了什么不可饶恕的事情。

Children learn that all relationships are expendable—even within the parent-child dyad. Mom cut off her own parents. There’s just no good reason to believe she wouldn’t do the same to me if I did something to upset her, too.
孩子们知道所有的关系都是可以消耗的——即使在亲子二元组中也是如此。妈妈切断了自己的父母。没有充分的理由相信,如果我也做了一些让她不高兴的事情,她不会对我做同样的事情。

Bad Therapy Step Ten: Create Treatment Dependency
不良治疗第十步:创建治疗依赖性

Therapists can do harm to someone’s agency and belief in themselves, Dr. Byng told me. Treatment dependency is a common iatrogenic risk of therapy. “I think that’s probably the simplest explanation of the problem: that we’re just teaching people that they’re not adequate humans.”
治疗师可能会伤害某人的能动性和对自己的信念,Byng博士告诉我。治疗依赖性是治疗的常见医源性风险。“我认为这可能是对这个问题最简单的解释:我们只是在教人们他们不是足够的人。

A patient inducted into the habit of consulting with the therapist may become convinced she cannot ever act without the express approval of an authority figure. A young person trained by adults to seek approval before
养成咨询治疗师习惯的患者可能会确信,如果没有权威人士的明确批准,她永远无法采取行动。一个年轻人,受过成年人的训练,在之前寻求认可

undertaking small risks won’t feel capable of meeting the challenges we consider intrinsic to adulthood—making a new friend, grappling with a breakup, choosing a college major
承担小风险不会让人觉得有能力应对我们认为成年后固有的挑战——结交新朋友、应对分手、选择大学专业
.

My friend Evelyn runs a major lab at one of America’s premier biomedical research institutions. Each year for the last fifteen, she reviews hundreds of applicants to hire a select few recent college graduates for a year of research. The candidates hail from the nation’s top universities, where they typically aced all of their premed requirements. Some have been published in academic journals. Suffice it to say, these kids are no slouches. Whatever the struggles of their generation, Evelyn’s hires represent the crème de la crème of having their shit together.
我的朋友伊芙琳(Evelyn)在美国首屈一指的生物医学研究机构之一经营着一个大型实验室。在过去的十五年里,她每年都会审查数百名申请者,以雇用少数应届大学毕业生进行为期一年的研究。候选人来自美国顶尖大学,他们通常在那里满足了所有医学预科要求。部分论文已发表在学术期刊上。我只想说,这些孩子不是懒惰的。无论他们这一代人的挣扎如何,Evelyn 的员工都代表了将他们的事情放在一起的精华。

Last year, when I called Evelyn for her birthday and mentioned the topic of my book, she grew suddenly animated. In the last decade, she’s observed a marked change in young adults.
去年,当我打电话给伊芙琳过生日,并提到我的书的主题时,她突然变得活跃起来。在过去的十年中,她观察到年轻人发生了显着变化。

“They are very afraid. They’re afraid to be wrong. They’re afraid to crystallize an idea in the lab and then test it. They’re afraid not to be ‘amazing.’ She sounded frustrated. “It’s almost like they’d rather not start than find out that they’re not amazing. The amount of fear—” She stopped for a moment to consider her own, younger children. “That’s what I don’t want to raise.”
“他们非常害怕。他们害怕犯错。他们害怕在实验室里把一个想法具体化,然后进行测试。他们害怕不“了不起”。“她听起来很沮丧。这几乎就像他们宁愿不开始也不愿发现自己并不惊人。恐惧的程度——“她停了一会儿,想着自己年幼的孩子。“这是我不想提起的。”

I ask her how she knows it is fear that constrains them and not, say, inexperience or prudence. She knows it’s fear, she says—because they tell her. “A huge percent of my mentorship conversations with them are about their psychological state and their experience in the lab and how they’re doing emotionally.” They regularly update her on their mental health, expecting she’ll want to know. She does not know precisely how they came to this idea—that providing mental health updates is an important part of cellular research—but she’s learned to roll with it.
我问她,她怎么知道是恐惧限制了他们,而不是缺乏经验或谨慎。她说,她知道这是恐惧,因为他们告诉她。“我与他们进行的指导对话中有很大一部分是关于他们的心理状态和他们在实验室的经历以及他们的情绪表现。”他们定期向她通报他们的心理健康情况,希望她想知道。她不知道他们是如何得出这个想法的——提供心理健康更新是细胞研究的重要组成部分——但她已经学会了顺其自然。

When Evelyn was in high school, she was running her own experiments at the National Institute for Health, under the supervision of a cell biologist. Now, she can’t get college grads with far better academic grounding to do the same. “They could do any research they wanted,” she says. “I would love it if they would run their own experiments.” Though they have the
当伊芙琳上高中时,她在一位细胞生物学家的监督下,在美国国立卫生研究院进行自己的实验。现在,她无法让学术基础要好得多的大学毕业生也这样做。“他们可以做任何他们想做的研究,”她说。“如果他们能进行自己的实验,我会很高兴的。虽然他们有

foundational scientific knowledge to succeed in medicine, she says, they lack all traces of gumption. Compared with the young people she hired a decade ago, “they have no agency,” she says.
她说,要想在医学上取得成功,他们缺乏所有进取心的痕迹。她说,与她十年前雇用的年轻人相比,“他们没有能动性”。

I can hear in her voice a surge of exasperation. “I said to one of them, ‘Are you here to hand me the syringe of saline when I ask for it? Is that really what you want to be here for? You can have resources: go do some science.’
我能从她的声音中听出一股恼怒。“我对其中一人说,'当我要盐水注射器时,你是来递给我的吗?这真的是你想来这里的目的吗?你可以有资源:去做一些科学研究。”

She sounds harsh, but she really isn’t. She’s gentle and kind and nurturing. She absolutely loves to kindle scientific curiosity and is possessed of ample reserves of patience. She suggested to one intern that he design his own experiment and run it. His response? ‘I’m working up to it. First, I want to get my skills together.’ I mean, what’s ‘working up to it’?” she says. “Six months later, you’re going to do an experiment?”
她听起来很刺耳,但她真的不是。她温柔善良,有教养。她非常喜欢点燃科学的好奇心,并拥有充足的耐心储备。她向一位实习生建议他自己设计实验并运行它。他的回应是什么?“'我正在努力。首先,我想把我的技能结合起来。我的意思是,什么是'努力'?“她说。“六个月后,你要做一个实验吗?”

“It sounds as if they’re childlike?” I venture.
“听起来好像他们像孩子一样?”我冒险。

“Yes!” she says. “They are ‘in training.’ They are ‘getting ready.’ They’re saying ‘I’m getting these skills. I’m going to launch—I promise,’ she says. “The level at which they are satisfied with what they are producing is very low.” Meaning, they hold themselves to the standard of a much younger, much less accomplished student.
“是的!”“他们正在'训练中'。他们正在“做好准备”。他们说,'我正在学习这些技能。我要发射了——我保证,'“她说。他们对自己生产的产品的满意程度非常低。这意味着,他们以一个更年轻、成就更差的学生的标准来要求自己。

What Evelyn describes is precisely what “treatment dependency” looks like. Leery of trusting herself, a patient will develop an “external locus of control” and be reluctant to attempt the sort of reckless chance from which romantic adventure and professional success might otherwise be born.
Evelyn所描述的正是“治疗依赖”的样子。由于对自己的信心不足,患者会发展出一种“外部控制点”,并且不愿意尝试那种鲁莽的机会,否则浪漫冒险和职业成功可能会从中诞生。

Emotional Hypochondriacs
情绪疑病症

Bad therapy encourages hyperfocus on one’s emotional states, which in turn makes symptoms worse. This reminded me of a few people I’ve encountered who seemed to suffer from hypochondriasis. The girl on the soccer team who almost never made it onto the field but was always nursing a mysterious sports injury, arriving at school with a soft cast or neck brace or crutches, tenderness no X-ray could explain. Or the young social justice
糟糕的治疗会鼓励过度关注一个人的情绪状态,这反过来又会使症状恶化。这让我想起了我遇到的一些人,他们似乎患有疑病症。足球队的女孩几乎从未上场过,但总是在护理一种神秘的运动损伤,带着柔软的石膏或颈托或拐杖来到学校,X光片无法解释的压痛。或者年轻的社会正义

activist I interviewed who was on disability and kept rescheduling our conversations for “migraines” or Lyme disease or a litany of other, always- changing frailties.
我采访了一位身患残疾的活动家,他不断重新安排我们的谈话,以应对“偏头痛”或莱姆病或一连串其他不断变化的弱点。

Was it possible that mental health experts were turning young people into emotional hypochondriacs? For that matter, what is hypochondriasis?
心理健康专家有没有可能把年轻人变成情绪疑病症患者?就此而言,什么是疑病症?

According to Arthur Barsky, Harvard Medical School psychiatry professor and world expert in hypochondriasis (now known as somatic symptom disorder or illness anxiety disorder), hypochondriasis is an anxiety disorder. Hypochondriacs have anxiety about their health and physical symptoms.
根据哈佛医学院精神病学教授、疑病症(现称为躯体症状障碍或疾病焦虑症)世界专家亚瑟·巴尔斯基(Arthur Barsky)的说法,疑病症是一种焦虑症。疑病症患者对自己的健康和身体症状感到焦虑。

Hypochondriacs are not wimps, and they are not imagining their pain. But nor do they necessarily have more pain than other people. They are simply overly attentive to the normal pains we all feel.
疑病症患者不是懦夫,他们也没有想象自己的痛苦。但他们也不一定比其他人更痛苦。他们只是过分关注我们所有人感受到的正常痛苦。

“The hypochondriac interprets his normal bodily sensations unrealistically, believing they are a sign of disease,”[25] Barsky wrote in his book, Worried Sick. That hyperfocus—a kind of anxiety about the body—is enough to amplify physical symptoms.
“疑病症患者不切实际地解释他的正常身体感觉,认为它们是疾病的征兆,”[25]巴尔斯基在他的书中写道, 担心生病.这种过度聚焦——一种对身体的焦虑——足以放大身体症状。

“Women are terrified of breast cancer. They will examine their breast so frequently, that it starts to get tender. And they say, ‘Well, Jesus! It must be inflamed,’ ” Barsky told me. “What they’re doing is actually making it worse.” The most effective treatments for hypochondriasis, Dr. Barsky said, are behavioral modifications that force the sufferer to stop mentally and physically attending to her pain.
“女性害怕乳腺癌。他们会如此频繁地检查自己的乳房,以至于它开始变软。他们说,'哦,耶稣!它一定是发炎了,'“巴尔斯基告诉我。他们的所作所为实际上是让情况变得更糟。巴尔斯基博士说,治疗疑病症最有效的方法是改变行为,迫使患者在精神上和身体上停止关注她的疼痛。

I asked Barsky which hypochondriacs are most resistant to treatment.
我问巴尔斯基,哪些疑病症患者对治疗最有抵抗力。

Those who have turned their distress into what he calls an “organizing principle.” They join online groups devoted to their mysterious illnesses, stop going to work and rearrange their social lives as a shrine to their symptoms. They require nothing short of a rescue mission: something to shift their focus from themselves and tear them from this self-destructive mental loop.
那些把他们的痛苦变成他所谓的“组织原则”的人。他们加入了致力于他们神秘疾病的在线小组,停止上班并重新安排他们的社交生活,作为他们症状的圣地。他们需要的就是救援任务:将他们的注意力从自己身上转移开来,将他们从这种自我毁灭的心理循环中解脱出来。

Bad therapy does precisely the opposite. It engenders intensive focus on feelings, amplifies emotional dysregulation, increases a sense of
糟糕的治疗恰恰相反。它使人强烈关注感受,放大情绪失调,增加一种

hopelessness, of incapacity and a paralytic helplessness against a rising sea of feelings.
绝望、无能和麻痹的无助,对抗不断上升的感情之海。

And far from confinement to the psychoanalyst’s couch, bad therapy is today practiced on almost every kid—by therapists and just as often by nontherapists. The epicenter of bad therapy in your children’s life is, most likely, their school.
远非被限制在精神分析师的沙发上,今天几乎每个孩子都接受了糟糕的治疗——治疗师和非治疗师也经常这样做。您孩子生活中不良治疗的中心很可能是他们的学校。

OceanofPDF.com

Part II
第二部分

Therapy Goes Airborne
治疗通过空气传播

I can’t think of a content area that needs more social-emotional learning than mathematics.
我想不出还有什么内容领域比数学更需要社会情感学习。

—Ricky Robertson, educational consultant
—Ricky Robertson,教育顾问

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 4
第 4 章

Social-Emotional Meddling
社会情感干预

T

he first time anyone suggested my then seven-year-old daughter had “a lot of anxiety,” I was not at the pediatrician, but at a parent- teacher conference. “She’s looking at the clock a lot at the end of
他第一次有人建议我当时七岁的女儿“非常焦虑”,我不是在儿科医生那里,而是在家长会上。“她经常看时钟

the day,” the assistant teacher piped up. “She seems to have a lot of anxiety about missing the bus. We thought you should know.”
那天,“助教说。“她似乎对错过公共汽车感到非常焦虑。我们以为你应该知道。

It seems unlikely that any teacher a generation ago would have scrutinized a second grader’s clock-checking at the end of a nine-hour school day, much less have sprung this banal observation like a magician’s reveal, at parent-teacher conferences.
在一代人之前,似乎任何老师都不太可能在九小时的上学日结束时仔细检查二年级学生的时钟检查,更不用说在家长会上像魔术师的揭示一样提出这种平庸的观察了。

I knew that this was the first year my daughter was taking the bus without her older brothers, so there was no one to alert the driver if she failed to board on time. But also, her grandfather hates to be late; her father hates to be late; I hate to be late. Worrying over punctuality is very much within the norm of our family. And yet, a teacher who had met my daughter only a few months before informed me that this was grounds for concern, airily implying that I ought to get her tested.
我知道这是我女儿第一次在没有哥哥的情况下乘坐公共汽车,所以如果她没有准时上车,没有人提醒司机。而且,她的祖父讨厌迟到;她的父亲讨厌迟到;我讨厌迟到。担心守时是我们家庭的常态。然而,一位几个月前才见过我女儿的老师告诉我,这是令人担忧的理由,轻描淡写地暗示我应该让她接受检查。

Most American kids today are not in therapy. But the vast majority are in school, where therapists and non-therapists diagnose kids liberally.
今天,大多数美国孩子都没有接受治疗。但绝大多数人在学校里,治疗师和非治疗师对孩子进行自由诊断。

According to a survey of physicians in the Washington, DC, area, teachers were most likely to be the first to suggest an ADHD diagnosis in children.[1] Probably for this reason, one of the premier nonprofits devoted to adolescent mental health, the Child Mind Institute, provides an online “symptom checker” specifically to help a parent or teacher inform herself about “possible diagnoses.”[2]
根据对华盛顿特区医生的调查,教师最有可能是第一个建议儿童诊断为多动症的人。[1] 可能出于这个原因,致力于青少年心理健康的主要非营利组织之一,儿童心理研究所,提供了一个在线“症状检查器”,专门帮助父母或老师了解“可能的诊断”。[2]

I began to wonder what else schools were doing in the name of improving kids’ “mental health.” I was in luck. Each year, the state of California sponsors a three-day public school teachers’ conference to showcase its vast array of emotional and behavioral services. Immediately, I registered.
我开始怀疑学校还以改善孩子的“心理健康”的名义做了什么。我很幸运。每年,加利福尼亚州都会赞助为期三天的公立学校教师会议,以展示其广泛的情感和行为服务。我立即注册了。

That is how, in July of 2022, I came to join more than two thousand public school teachers at the Anaheim Convention Center, right next to Disneyland.[3] Ankle tattoos winked over fresh pedicures, Anne Taylor cardigans abounded, and the occasional mohawk sliced indoor air cool enough to crisp celery.
就这样,在 2022 年 7 月,我来到迪斯尼乐园旁边的阿纳海姆会议中心与两千多名公立学校教师一起。[3]脚踝纹身在新鲜的修脚上眨眼,安妮·泰勒(Anne Taylor)的开衫比比皆是,偶尔的莫霍克切片室内空气凉爽到足以酥脆的芹菜。

We talked “brain science” based on a YouTube video many of us had seen.[4] It explained that the brain is like a hand, with the thumb folded into the palm. “Our amygdala is really important in serious situations,” said the voiceover. This sounded right. We felt like neuroscientists.
我们根据我们许多人看过的YouTube视频谈论了“脑科学”。[4]它解释说,大脑就像一只手,拇指折叠成手掌。“我们的杏仁核在严重的情况下非常重要,”画外音说。这听起来是对的。我们觉得自己像神经科学家。

We lamented the burdens placed upon school counselors, now part of an expanded psychology staff, which oversees every public school the way diversity officers dominate a university. We were leery of these new bosses, but we had to admit, they had a big job to do. Our kiddos were bonkers. (The word we were careful to use was “dysregulated.”) Counselors now routinely monitored the social-emotional quality of our teaching, sniffed out emotional disturbance in our students, and decided what assignments to nix or grades to adjust upward.
我们对学校辅导员的负担感到遗憾,他们现在是扩大的心理学人员的一部分,他们监督每所公立学校,就像多元化官员主导一所大学一样。我们对这些新老板持怀疑态度,但我们不得不承认,他们有很大的工作要做。我们的孩子很疯狂。(我们小心翼翼地使用这个词是“失调”。辅导员现在定期监控我们教学的社会情感质量,嗅出学生的情绪障碍,并决定要取消哪些作业或向上调整成绩。

We talked about the need to give kids “brain breaks,” the salvific power of “Mindfulness Minutes,” and the importance of ending each day with an “optimistic closure.” Our purview was the “whole child,” meaning we were expected to evaluate and track kids’ “social and emotional” abilities in addition to academic ones. Our mandate: “trauma-informed education.” We
我们谈到了让孩子们“大脑休息”的必要性,“正念分钟”的救赎力量,以及以“乐观的结束”结束每一天的重要性。我们的职权范围是“整个孩子”,这意味着除了学业能力外,我们还应该评估和跟踪孩子的“社交和情感”能力。我们的任务是:“创伤知情教育”。我们

pledged to treat every kid as if she had experienced some debilitating trauma.
承诺对待每个孩子,就好像她经历了一些使人衰弱的创伤一样。

Subsequent interviews with dozens of teachers, school counselors, and parents across the country banished all doubt: Therapists weren’t the only ones practicing bad therapy on kids. Bad therapy had gone airborne. For more than a decade, teachers, counselors, and school psychologists have all been playing shrink, introducing the iatrogenic risks of therapy to schoolkids, a vast and captive population.[5]
随后对全国数十名教师、学校辅导员和家长的采访消除了所有疑虑:治疗师并不是唯一对孩子进行不良治疗的人。糟糕的治疗已经传播到空气中。十多年来,教师、辅导员和学校心理学家都在努力缩小规模,向学龄儿童(一个庞大而被俘虏的人群)介绍治疗的医源性风险。[5]

“Emotions Check-Ins”: Constantly Taking Every Kid’s Emotional Temperature
“情绪签到”:不断测量每个孩子的情绪温度

Forget the Pledge of Allegiance. Today’s teachers are more likely to inaugurate the school day with an “emotions check-in.”
忘记效忠誓言。今天的教师更有可能以“情绪签到”来开始上学日。

Ask kids: “How are you feeling today? Are you daisy bright, happy and friendly?” school counselor Natalie Sedano advised our assembled conference room of teachers. “Or am I a ladybug? Will I fly away if we get too close?”
问孩子:“你今天感觉怎么样?你是雏菊,聪明,快乐和友好吗?“学校辅导员娜塔莉·塞达诺(Natalie Sedano)建议我们聚集在一起的教师会议室。“还是我是瓢虫?如果我们靠得太近,我会飞走吗?

This prompted great excitement in the audience, and teachers jumped up to share their own “emotions check-ins.” One teacher shared a wellness check-in she learned from a teacher training. Every day, she asks her kids if they feel it’s a “bones” or “no bones” kind of a day, borrowing the verbiage from a viral TikTok video in which a pug owner shares the mood of his thirteen-year-old pug, Noodle. If Noodle sits upright, it’s a bones day! If he collapses, it’s a no-bones day.
这引起了观众的极大兴奋,老师们跳起来分享他们自己的“情绪签到”。一位老师分享了她从教师培训中学到的健康检查。每天,她都会问她的孩子们,他们是否觉得这是“有骨头”或“没有骨头”的一天,借用了一段病毒式传播的 TikTok 视频中的措辞,其中一位哈巴狗主人分享了他 13 岁的哈巴狗 Noodle 的心情。如果面条坐直了,那就是骨头日!如果他倒下了,那将是无骨的一天。

“That is so fun!” Sedano enthused. “Love it! Thank you!”
“太好玩了!”Sedano兴奋地说道。“喜欢它!谢谢!

No one betrayed a worry that having kids peg their day as “no bones” at the very start might tend to lock a kid into feeling it was a “bad day” all day long. (I tried to goad a few of my table companions to consider that maybe all this feelings focus was a little much; no dice.)
没有人担心让孩子们在一开始就把他们的一天定为“没有骨头”,可能会让孩子整天觉得这是“糟糕的一天”。(我试着劝说我的几位同桌,让他们考虑一下,也许所有这些感觉的焦点都有点多了,没有骰子。

But I couldn’t help remembering what I’d learned from Kennair and Linden. They would have said that this unceasing attention to feelings was
但我不禁想起了我从肯奈尔和林登那里学到的东西。他们会说,这种对感情的不断关注是

likely to undermine kids’ emotional stability.
可能会破坏孩子的情绪稳定性。

If we wanted to help kids with emotional regulation, I asked Kennair, what would we communicate instead? “I think I’d say: worry less. Ruminate less,” Kennair said. “Try to verbalize everything you feel less. Try to self-monitor and be mindful of everything you do—less.
如果我们想帮助孩子们调节情绪,我问肯奈尔,我们会传达什么?“我想我会说:少担心。少反刍,“肯奈尔说。“试着用语言表达你感觉不那么好的所有事情。试着自我监控,注意你所做的一切——少一点。

But there’s another problem posed by emotions check-ins: They tend to induce a state orientation in kids, potentially sabotaging kids’ abilities to complete the tasks in front of them at school.[6]
但情绪检查还带来了另一个问题:它们往往会诱发孩子的状态取向,可能会破坏孩子在学校完成面前任务的能力。[6]

“If you want to, let’s say, climb a mountain, if you start asking yourself after two steps, ‘How do I feel?,’ you’ll stay at the bottom,” Linden said.
“如果你想,比方说,爬一座山,如果你在两步后开始问自己,'我感觉如何?',你就会留在底部,”林登说。

Many psychological studies back this up.[7] An individual is more likely to complete a difficult task if she adopts a task orientation—a focus on the job ahead. If she’s thinking about herself, she’s less likely to complete it.
许多心理学研究都支持这一点。[7] 如果一个人采用任务导向——专注于未来的工作,她更有可能完成一项艰巨的任务。如果她在考虑自己,她就不太可能完成它。

We were only at the very beginning of the school day, and already things were looking grim. But I resolved to give these mental health experts a chance. After all, they were only trying to help.
我们才刚刚开始上学,情况已经很严峻了。但我决定给这些心理健康专家一个机会。毕竟,他们只是想帮忙。

The School Psychologist Would Love to Talk to You
学校心理学家很想和你谈谈

Few schools today believe that they can get by without a full psych staff, typically comprising a school psychologist, team of school counselors, and handful of social workers. Student outbursts that might once have earned a kid detention, suspension, or a trip to the principal now prompt a scheduled visit with a counselor or school psychologist.
今天,很少有学校相信,如果没有完整的心理工作人员,他们就可以度过难关,通常由学校心理学家、学校辅导员团队和少数社会工作者组成。曾经可能让孩子被拘留、停学或去见校长的学生爆发,现在促使他们定期访问辅导员或学校心理学家。

In 2022, California announced a plan to hire an additional ten thousand counselors in order to address young people’s poor mental health.[8] A recent California bill, likely to pass, allocated $50 million for the hiring of additional squadrons of social workers and mental health professionals in public schools.[9] Meaning, however much in-school therapy kids have already received, they likely will soon be getting much more.
2022 年,加州宣布了一项计划,将额外雇用一万名辅导员,以解决年轻人心理健康状况不佳的问题。[8]加州最近的一项法案可能会通过,拨款5000万美元用于在公立学校雇用更多的社会工作者和心理健康专业人员。[9] 这意味着,无论孩子们已经接受了多少校内治疗,他们可能很快就会得到更多。

California school psychologist Michael Giambona provides individual therapy sessions to his middle school students during the school day. He also routinely runs interference with kids’ teachers on kids’ behalf.
加州学校心理学家迈克尔·詹博纳(Michael Giambona)在上学期间为他的中学生提供个人治疗课程。他还经常代表孩子干扰孩子的老师。

“My teachers have special training in working with individuals with behavior needs and mental health needs,” he told me. “So they know how to handle situations. And we meet weekly, and we talk about what’s going on with each student and how we can approach them and support them when they need it.”
“我的老师在与有行为需求和心理健康需求的人一起工作方面接受过特殊培训,”他告诉我。“所以他们知道如何处理情况。我们每周都会开会,讨论每个学生的情况,以及我们如何接近他们并在他们需要时为他们提供支持。

That all sounded promising—adults trained to address kids’ specific disorders and prepared to tailor the classroom experience accordingly.
这一切听起来都很有希望——成年人接受过解决孩子特定疾病的培训,并准备相应地调整课堂体验。

But there’s a problem with in-school therapy, an ethical compromise, which arguably corrupts its very heart. In a remarkably underregulated profession, therapists still have a few ethical bright lines. And among the clearest is—or was—the prohibition on “dual relationships.”
但是校内治疗存在一个问题,一种道德妥协,可以说是败坏了它的心脏。在一个监管严重不足的职业中,治疗师仍然有一些道德上的明线。其中最明确的是——或者曾经是——禁止“双重关系”。

As psychologist and author Lori Gottlieb explains, “The relationship in the therapy room needs to be its own, distinct and apart,”[10] she writes. “To avoid an ethical breach known as a dual relationship, I can’t treat or receive treatment from any person in my orbit—not a parent of a kid in my son’s class, not the sister of coworkers, not a friend’s mom, not my neighbor.”
正如心理学家兼作家洛里·戈特利布(Lori Gottlieb)所解释的那样,“治疗室中的关系需要是独立的、独特的和独立的,”[10]她写道。“为了避免被称为双重关系的道德违规行为,我不能治疗或接受我轨道上的任何人的治疗——不是我儿子班上孩子的父母,不是同事的妹妹,不是朋友的妈妈,不是我的邻居。

This ethical guardrail exists to protect a patient from exploitation. A patient may reveal her deepest secrets and vulnerabilities to her therapist. Anyone possessing this much knowledge of a patient’s private life may be tempted to exert undue power. And so the profession makes “dual relationships” off limits.
这种道德护栏的存在是为了保护患者免受剥削。患者可能会向她的治疗师透露她最深的秘密和脆弱性。任何对病人的私生活有如此多了解的人都可能受到诱惑,施加不适当的权力。因此,该行业禁止“双重关系”。

Except that school counselors, school psychologists, and social workers enjoy a dual relationship with every kid who comes to see them. They know all a kid’s best friends; they may even treat a few of them with therapy. They know a kid’s parents and their friends’ parents. They know the boy a girl has a crush on, what romantically transpired between them, and how the relationship ended. They know a kid’s teammates and coaches and the teacher who’s giving him a hard time. And they report, not to a kid’s parents, but to the school administration. It’s a wonder we allow these in- school relationships at all.
除了学校辅导员、学校心理学家和社会工作者与每个来看他们的孩子都享有双重关系。他们认识所有孩子最好的朋友;他们甚至可能通过治疗来治疗其中的一些人。他们认识孩子的父母和他们朋友的父母。他们知道女孩暗恋的男孩,他们之间发生了什么浪漫的事情,以及这段关系是如何结束的。他们认识孩子的队友和教练,以及给他带来困难的老师。他们不是向孩子的父母报告,而是向学校行政部门报告。我们允许这些校内关系真是太神奇了。

The American Counseling Association appears to have noticed the obvious problem. In 2006, it revised the ACA Code of Ethics. While still prohibiting sexual relationships with current clients, it decided that “nonsexual” dual relationships were no longer prohibited—especially those that “could be beneficial to the client.”[11]
美国咨询协会(American Counseling Association)似乎已经注意到了这个明显的问题。2006年,它修订了ACA道德准则。虽然仍然禁止与现有客户发生性关系,但它决定不再禁止“非性”双重关系,尤其是那些“可能对客户有利”的关系。[11]

As school counselors and psychologists came to see themselves as students’ “advocates,” they slipped into a dual relationship with their students: part therapist; part academic intermediary; part parenting coach.
当学校辅导员和心理学家开始将自己视为学生的“拥护者”时,他们与学生陷入了双重关系:部分治疗师;部分学术中介;部分育儿教练。

[12] Today, school counselors and psychologists commonly evaluate, diagnose, and treat students with individual therapy; meet with their friends; intervene with their teachers; and pass them in the lunchroom. A teen who has just spent a tear-soaked hour telling the school counselor her deepest secrets might reasonably be fearful of upsetting anyone with that much power over her life.
[12] 今天,学校辅导员和心理学家通常通过个体治疗来评估、诊断和治疗学生;与朋友见面;与老师进行干预;并在午餐室传递它们。一个刚刚花了一个小时泪流满面的青少年告诉学校辅导员她最深的秘密,她可能会有理由害怕惹恼任何对她的生活有如此大权力的人。

But are school counselors and social workers exerting undue influence over kids?
但是,学校辅导员和社会工作者是否对孩子施加了不当影响?

Over the past two years, so inundated have I been with parents’ stories of school counselors encouraging a child to try on a variant gender identity, even changing the child’s name without telling the parents, that I’ve almost wondered if there are any good school counselors. One parent I interviewed told me that her son’s high school counselor had given him the address of a local LGBTQ youth shelter where he might seek asylum and attempt to legally liberate himself from loving parents.
在过去的两年里,我被父母的故事淹没了,学校辅导员鼓励孩子尝试不同的性别认同,甚至在不告诉父母的情况下更改孩子的名字,我几乎想知道是否有任何好的学校辅导员。我采访的一位家长告诉我,她儿子的高中辅导员给了他当地一个LGBTQ青年庇护所的地址,他可以在那里寻求庇护,并试图从爱的父母手中合法地解放自己。

There are good school counselors; I interviewed several. But the power structure’s all wrong. Grant a leader the powers of a monarch, and he may gift his subjects freedom—but what’s to tether him to his promises? That’s placing a whole lot of trust in an individual counselor’s conscience.
有好的学校辅导员;我采访了几个人。但权力结构全错了。赋予领袖君主的权力,他可以给予他的臣民自由——但有什么可以束缚他遵守他的诺言呢?这是对个人辅导员的良心的信任。

You might respond at this point: Fortunately, my child has never been to see the school counselor. But more likely, you don’t know. In California, Illinois, Washington, Colorado, Florida, and Maryland, minors twelve or thirteen and up are statutorily entitled to access mental health care without parental permission. Schools are not only under no obligation to inform
在这一点上,你可能会回答:幸运的是,我的孩子从来没有去看过学校的辅导员。但更有可能的是,你不知道。在加利福尼亚州、伊利诺伊州、华盛顿州、科罗拉多州、佛罗里达州和马里兰州,12 岁或 13 岁及以上的未成年人依法有权在未经父母许可的情况下获得心理健康护理。学校不仅没有义务通知

parents that their kids are meeting regularly with a school counselor, they may even be barred from doing so.[13]
父母他们的孩子定期与学校辅导员会面,他们甚至可能被禁止这样做。[13]

As long as a parent has not specifically forbidden it, a school counselor may be able to conduct a therapy session with a minor child without parental consent.[14] School counselors are encouraged to make “judgment calls” about what information, gleaned in sessions with minor children, they may keep secret from the children’s parents.[15]
只要父母没有明确禁止,学校辅导员就可以在未经父母同意的情况下对未成年子女进行治疗。[14] 鼓励学校辅导员对在与未成年子女的会议中收集到的信息进行“判断”,他们可以对孩子的父母保密。[15]

Even in states that require parents to be notified of their kids’ in-school therapy, school social workers remain free to meet informally with a child and inquire about her sexual orientation, gender identity, or parents’ divorce; such conversations often do not count as “therapy.”[16]
即使在要求父母被告知孩子在校接受治疗的州,学校社会工作者仍然可以自由地与孩子非正式会面并询问她的性取向、性别认同或父母离婚情况;这样的对话通常不算作“治疗”。[16]

The Group Therapy Behemoth: Social- Emotional Learning
团体治疗庞然大物:社会情感学习

Ever since her school adopted social-emotional learning in 2021, Ms. Julie[17] routinely began the day by directing her Salt Lake City fifth graders to sit in one of the plastic chairs she’d arranged in a circle. How is each of you feeling this morning? she would ask, performing a more intensive version of the “emotions check-in.” One day, she cut to the chase: What is something that is making you really sad right now?
自从她的学校在 2021 年采用社交情感学习以来,朱莉女士[17] 例行公事地开始新的一天,指导她在盐湖城的五年级学生坐在她安排成一圈的塑料椅子上。你们每个人今天早上感觉如何?她会问,执行更密集的“情绪签到”版本。有一天,她切入正题:现在让你真正难过的事情是什么?

When it was his turn to speak, one boy began mumbling about his father’s new girlfriend. Then things fell apart. “All of a sudden, he just started bawling. And he was like, ‘I think that my dad hates me. And he yells at me all the time,’ ” said Laura, a mom of one of the other students.
轮到他说话时,一个男孩开始嘟囔着他父亲的新女友。然后事情就分崩离析了。“突然间,他开始大吼大叫。他说,'我想我爸爸讨厌我。他总是对我大喊大叫,'“劳拉说,她是另一名学生的妈妈。

Another girl announced her parents had divorced and burst into tears. Another said she was worried about the man her mother was dating.
另一个女孩宣布她的父母离婚了,并泪流满面。另一个人说,她担心她母亲正在约会的男人。

Within minutes, half of the kids were sobbing. It was time for the math lesson; no one wanted to do it. It was just so sad, thinking that the boy’s dad hated him. What if their dads hated them, too?
几分钟之内,一半的孩子都在抽泣。现在是上数学课的时候了;没有人愿意这样做。真是太难过了,以为男孩的爸爸讨厌他。如果他们的父亲也讨厌他们怎么办?

“It just kind of set the tone for the rest of the day,” Laura said. “Everyone just was feeling really sad and down for a really long time. It was hard for
“它只是为当天剩下的时间定下了基调,”劳拉说。“每个人都感到非常难过和沮丧了很长一段时间。这很难

them to kind of come out of that.”
他们从中走出来。

A second mom at the school confirmed to me that word spread throughout the school about the AA meeting–style breakdown. Except that this AA meeting featured elementary school kids who then ran to tell their friends what everyone else had shared.
学校的第二位妈妈向我证实,关于AA会议式崩溃的消息传遍了整个学校。除了这次 AA 会议的特色是小学生,然后他们跑去告诉他们的朋友其他人分享了什么。

Thanks to social-emotional learning, scenes of emotional melee have become increasingly common in American classrooms. In 2013, the New York Times reported on a near identical scene that took place after a California teacher conducted a similar social-emotional learning session with his kindergarteners.[18]
由于社会情感学习,情感混战的场景在美国课堂上变得越来越普遍。2013年,《纽约时报》报道了一个几乎相同的场景,该场景发生在加州一位老师与他的幼儿园孩子进行类似的社会情感学习课程之后。[18]

“With children especially, whatever you focus on is what will grow,” Laura said. “And I feel like with [social-emotional learning], they’re watering the weeds, instead of watering the flowers.”
“尤其是对于孩子来说,无论你关注什么,都会成长,”劳拉说。“我觉得在[社会情感学习]中,他们是在给杂草浇水,而不是给花朵浇水。

Advocates of social-emotional learning claim that nearly all kids today have suffered serious traumatic experiences that leave them unable to learn. They also insist that having an educator host a class-wide trauma swap before lunch will help such kids heal. Neither claim is well-founded. But the predictable result is precisely what Ms. Julie saw: otherwise happy kids are brought low and a child seriously struggling has his private pain publicly exposed by someone in no position to remedy it.
社会情感学习的倡导者声称,今天几乎所有的孩子都遭受了严重的创伤经历,使他们无法学习。他们还坚持认为,让教育工作者在午餐前主持全班范围的创伤交换将有助于这些孩子康复。这两种说法都没有充分的根据。但可以预见的结果恰恰是朱莉女士所看到的:否则快乐的孩子就会被贬低,一个严重挣扎的孩子会被一个没有能力补救的人公开暴露出来。

When I first heard the term “social-emotional learning,” I assumed a
当我第一次听到“社会情感学习”这个词时,我以为一个

hokey but necessary call for kids to get a grip. Or maybe it was the new name for what they used to call “character education”: treat people kindly, disagree respectfully, don’t be a jackass. Proponents insist it arrives at those things, albeit through the somewhat circuitous route of mental health.
曲棍球,但必要的呼吁孩子们抓住。或者,也许这是他们过去所谓的“品格教育”的新名称:善待他人,尊重不同意见,不要做一个混蛋。支持者坚持认为,它到达了这些事情,尽管是通过一些迂回的心理健康途径。

Sometimes described by enthusiasts as “a way of life,”[19] social- emotional learning is the curricular juggernaut that devours billions in education spending each year and upward of 8 percent of teacher time.[20] (Many teachers say they try to ensure that social-emotional learning happens all day long.)[21] Through prompts and exercises, social-emotional learning (SEL) pushes kids toward a series of personal reflections, aimed at
有时被爱好者描述为“一种生活方式”[19],社会情感学习是一门课程,每年吞噬数十亿美元的教育支出,占教师时间的8%以上。[20](许多教师说,他们试图确保社会情感学习整天都在进行。[21] 通过提示和练习,社会情感学习 (SEL) 推动孩子们进行一系列个人反思,旨在

teaching them “self-awareness,” “social awareness,” “relationship skills,” “self-management,” and “responsible decision-making.”[22] (At least one variant, “transformative SEL,” embeds kids’ soul-searching in straight-up Marxism, according to a bracingly honest admission by a California town’s department of education.[23])
教他们“自我意识”、“社会意识”、“人际关系技巧”、“自我管理”和“负责任的决策”。[22](至少有一种变体,“变革性SEL”,将孩子们的反省嵌入到直截了当的马克思主义中,根据加州一个城镇的教育部的诚实承认。23])

Seventh-grade teacher Kendria Jones’s “deep commitment” to social- emotional learning means sharing her own upbringing at the hands of a drug-addicted mother.[24] She tells her eleven- and twelve-year-old students what it’s like to be a single mom after the death of her son’s father. “I’m very vulnerable with them,” she told Education Week.
七年级教师肯德里亚·琼斯(Kendria Jones)对社会情感学习的“深刻承诺”意味着分享她自己在吸毒成瘾的母亲手中的成长经历[24],她告诉她十一岁和十二岁的学生在儿子的父亲去世后成为单身母亲的感觉。“我和他们在一起非常脆弱,”她告诉《教育周刊》。

Interestingly, were Jones an actual therapist, such self-disclosure would be considered unethical. Anytime a therapist might be inclined to share her personal history in order to gratify her own need, she must abstain in order to prioritize the client’s needs.[25] And here’s where things get tricky: teachers aren’t actually trained in psychotherapy, and they aren’t bound by its ethical guidelines, either. Setting up an “emotional sharing” session may sound good, but typically, therapists perform this function under ethical guidelines so that they don’t inadvertently exploit or betray their patients.
有趣的是,如果琼斯是一名真正的治疗师,这种自我披露将被认为是不道德的。任何时候治疗师可能倾向于分享她的个人历史以满足她自己的需求,她必须弃权以优先考虑客户的需求。[25] 这就是事情变得棘手的地方:教师实际上没有接受过心理治疗的培训,他们也不受其道德准则的约束。设置“情感分享”会议可能听起来不错,但通常情况下,治疗师在道德准则下执行此功能,以免无意中利用或背叛患者。

Sometimes when a kid plunks himself down on the rug for morning circle, he is in no mood to exhibit a painful experience no matter how much it might expand the class’s emotional horizons to hear that Austin walked in on his parents having sex. This leaves teacher-therapists with a problem: How to get kids to dish about their emotional lives when they don’t want to?
有时,当一个孩子在早上的圈子里把自己扑倒在地毯上时,他没有心情表现出痛苦的经历,无论听到奥斯汀走进他的父母做爱可能会扩大班级的情感视野。这给教师治疗师留下了一个问题:如何让孩子们在不想的时候谈论他们的情感生活?

One presenter at the conference, Amelia Azzam, a regional mental health coordinator for Orange County Public Schools, told a story that seemed to answer this quandary. She knew of a teaching assistant who trailed a seventh grader to lunch. She “goes out to lunch where this young student sits, and she always says ‘hi’ to him. And she has casual interactions with him.” And one day, he told her that his dad was getting out of jail. “Nobody else knew that,” Azzam said.
会议的一位演讲者,奥兰治县公立学校的区域心理健康协调员阿米莉亚·阿扎姆(Amelia Azzam)讲述了一个似乎回答了这个难题的故事。她认识一位助教,他跟着一个七年级学生去吃午饭。她“出去吃午饭,这个年轻的学生坐在那里,她总是和他打招呼。她和他有一些随意的互动。有一天,他告诉她,他爸爸要出狱了。“没有人知道这一点,”阿扎姆说。

Good therapists know that it may be counterproductive to push a kid to share his trauma at school. Good therapists are trained specifically to avoid
好的治疗师知道,强迫孩子在学校分享他的创伤可能会适得其反。好的治疗师经过专门培训,以避免

encouraging rumination. But school staff who play therapist rarely seem aware that they might be encouraging rumination as they stalk a kid at lunch, waiting to see if he’ll open up about his father’s incarceration minutes before a history test.
鼓励反刍。但是,扮演治疗师的学校工作人员似乎很少意识到,当他们在午餐时跟踪一个孩子时,他们可能会鼓励反刍,等着看他是否会在历史测试前几分钟公开他父亲被监禁的事情。

“Sometimes people who don’t talk, who don’t share—that’s not resilience,” educational consultant Ricky Robertson told the audience of teachers. “That’s emotional amputation.”
“有时候,那些不说话、不分享的人——这不是韧性,”教育顾问里奇·罗伯逊(Ricky Robertson)告诉老师们。“那是情感截肢。”

Sarah: School Staff That Play Therapist with My Kids Are Playing with Fire
莎拉:和我的孩子一起玩治疗师的学校工作人员在玩火

Sarah is a teacher married to a doctor, raising three kids she and her wife adopted out of foster care. All three kids suffered sexual and physical abuse before the state removed them from the home of their biological mother. Each has a significant learning disability.
莎拉是一名教师,嫁给了一名医生,抚养着她和妻子从寄养家庭收养的三个孩子。在州政府将他们从亲生母亲的家中带走之前,这三个孩子都遭受了性虐待和身体虐待。每个人都有严重的学习障碍。

One of their daughter’s first memories is of eating kitty litter from the box. Describing what he saw when he removed the kids from their biological parents’ home, “the detective cried on the stand,” Sarah told me.
他们女儿的第一个记忆是吃盒子里的猫砂。莎拉告诉我,当他把孩子从亲生父母的家中带走时,他看到了什么,“侦探在看台上哭了。

Sarah and her wife pay for qualified therapists to work with each kid on an ongoing basis. A source of constant heartache to Sarah is that she must send them to public school, where so many teachers and counselors are eager to play amateur therapist.
莎拉和她的妻子花钱请合格的治疗师,让他们持续地与每个孩子一起工作。让莎拉不断心痛的一个原因是,她必须把他们送到公立学校,那里有那么多老师和辅导员都渴望扮演业余治疗师。

“My kids don’t need to be ashamed about their background. They didn’t do anything wrong,” she said, her voice like an overtightened guitar string. But teachers who engage kids in social-emotional lessons “don’t understand the ramifications of the words that they use that can make a child feel less than, in just a simple assignment, whether it’s social-emotional or not. By trying to do the right thing, they actually hurt my kid.”
“我的孩子不需要为他们的背景感到羞耻。他们没有做错任何事,“她说,她的声音就像一根过度收紧的吉他弦。但是,让孩子参加社交情感课程的老师“不了解他们使用的词语的后果,这些词语会让孩子感觉不如在一个简单的作业中,无论它是否是社交情感。通过试图做正确的事情,他们实际上伤害了我的孩子。

“How do they hurt your kid?”
“他们怎么伤害你的孩子?”

“Because they don’t understand the gravity of what her situation is.”
“因为他们不了解她处境的严重性。

When teachers casually pry into Sarah’s kids’ past pain for the benefit of class “unity” and empathy development, it puts at risk all the work her
当老师为了班级的“团结”和同理心的发展而随意窥探莎拉的孩子过去的痛苦时,她的所有工作都处于危险之中

children have done in actual therapy to cope with the memories of their early childhood and cordon them off, for the length of a school day. “It’s not right,” Sarah said, referring to teachers’ constant invitations that kids share their traumatic experiences.
孩子们在实际的治疗中已经做了应对他们童年早期的记忆,并在上学期间将他们封锁起来。“这是不对的,”莎拉说,指的是老师不断邀请孩子们分享他们的创伤经历。

To justify the need for this “trauma-informed care”—and the full- court press to persuade kids to divulge their traumas—several educators offered me the example of a student whose father died that morning. Would that be a good day to insist that Hayley take her algebra test? No, it would not. The only way for a teacher to know whether to postpone the algebra test is by prompting an entire class of kids to take turns sharing their trauma.
为了证明这种“创伤知情护理”的必要性——以及全场媒体说服孩子们透露他们的创伤——几位教育工作者向我举了一个例子,一个学生的父亲在那天早上去世了。那天是坚持让海莉参加代数考试的好日子吗?不,它不会。老师知道是否推迟代数考试的唯一方法是促使整个班级的孩子轮流分享他们的创伤。

One wonders how educators get away with a pretext so transparent. But succeed they do. For more than a decade, they have been quietly increasing and expanding their interventions, transforming every school into an outpatient mental health clinic, staffed largely by those with no real training in mental health.
人们想知道教育工作者是如何以如此透明的借口逃脱的。但他们确实成功了。十多年来,他们一直在悄悄地增加和扩大他们的干预措施,将每所学校都变成一个门诊心理健康诊所,工作人员主要由那些没有接受过真正心理健康培训的人组成。

I asked Christine, a public school teacher and administrator for two decades in Oregon, why teachers are being told to assume that on any given day, one of their students may have suffered a catastrophic loss. Wouldn’t that be a little like greeting each kid, every morning, with an armful of bandages—assuming one of them had just survived a head-on collision?
我问克里斯汀,在俄勒冈州担任了二十年的公立学校教师和行政人员,为什么老师们被告知要假设在任何一天,他们的一个学生可能遭受了灾难性的损失。这难道不有点像每天早上用一大堆绷带问候每个孩子——假设其中一个孩子刚刚在正面碰撞中幸存下来?

“Oh, no, you’re preaching to the choir,” Christine said. “I think you should recognize kids come in from different places, and they may have had an argument with their parents before school. But that doesn’t invalidate their opportunity to learn.”
“哦,不,你是在向唱诗班讲道,”克里斯汀说。“我认为你应该认识到孩子们来自不同的地方,他们可能在上学前与父母发生过争吵。但这并不意味着他们学习的机会无效。

In a prior era, educators widely believed that the best thing you could do for a disadvantaged kid was to maintain high expectations for his conduct. Teach him that whatever chaos exists at home does not diminish the order that the grown-ups will establish at school. Encourage him to take refuge in the reliable expectations with which his teacher will greet him each day. And—especially when he has given you no indication that he needs any special exception made for him—do him the honor of assuming he’s capable of delivering.
在以前的时代,教育工作者普遍认为,你能为一个弱势孩子做的最好的事情就是对他的行为保持很高的期望。告诉他,无论家里存在什么混乱,都不会削弱大人在学校建立的秩序。鼓励他相信老师每天会以可靠的期望迎接他。而且——尤其是当他没有给你任何迹象表明他需要为他准备任何特殊的例外时——让他有幸假设他有能力交付。

For those ticking off bad therapy steps, schools are racking up quite a few: inducing state orientation with emotions check-ins. Encouraging kids to focus on their feelings, which can cause bad feelings to perseverate. Treating kids with in-school therapy, which can introduce all kinds of iatrogenesis, especially where it does not abide an ethical “dual relationship” boundary.
对于那些勾选了糟糕的治疗步骤的人来说,学校正在积累相当多的措施:通过情绪检查来诱导状态取向。鼓励孩子专注于自己的感受,这可能会导致不良情绪持续存在。用校内治疗来治疗孩子,这可能会引入各种医源性,尤其是在它不遵守道德“双重关系”界限的情况下。

It gets worse from there.
从那里开始变得更糟。

Social-Emotional Learning: Teaching Resilience by Treating Every Kid as Irreparably Broken
社会情感学习:通过将每个孩子都视为不可挽回的破碎来教授复原力

Social-emotional exercises typically invite kids to marinate in a time when they were sad, scared, or vulnerable. One of the most popular social- emotional curricula, Second Step, for instance, instructs eighth graders to divulge the following:
社交情感练习通常会邀请孩子们在他们悲伤、害怕或脆弱的时候腌制。例如,最受欢迎的社会情感课程之一,第二步,指导八年级学生透露以下内容:

“Have you ever stayed overnight in the hospital?” “Has someone close to you died?”
“你有没有在医院过夜?”“你身边的人死了吗?”

“Have you ever lost a championship game or important competition?” “Do you attend religious services?”
“你有没有输过冠军赛或重要的比赛?”“你参加宗教仪式吗?”

“Have you ever worried about the safety of a loved one?” “Have you ever been really embarrassed?”
“你有没有担心过亲人的安全?”“你有没有感到尴尬?”

“Have you ever changed schools?” “Have you ever been teased?”[26]
“你换过学校吗?”“你被戏弄过吗?”[26]

Lest you think that teachers might be sated with a simple “yes or no,” the exercise directs: “For every ‘yes’ answer, follow up with the question ‘What was/is it like?’ How did it make you feel?
为了避免你认为教师可能会满足于一个简单的“是或否”,练习指示:“对于每个'是'的答案,跟进一个问题'过去/现在是什么样子?“你感觉如何?

Although kids are asked to involve their parents in the assignment, many parents would naturally respond: Why on earth is this the school’s business? Parents know that many school employees are mandatory reporters, for whom Child Services is but a phone call away. It’s reasonable to assume that some parents will refuse to help, and the kid will complete the assignment on her own.
虽然孩子们被要求让父母参与作业,但许多家长自然会回答:为什么这是学校的事?家长们知道,许多学校员工都是强制性报告者,对他们来说,儿童服务部只是一个电话。可以合理地假设一些父母会拒绝帮助,孩子会自己完成作业。

Whatever children divulge, teachers can easily store. Companies like Panorama Education provide the software that allows teachers to record their own observations of students’ social and emotional capacities and whatever they may have learned from the regular, unofficial group therapy sessions. In this way, an incident once confessed may follow a child for the rest of her academic life. As in, “I’m just meeting you now, in the eleventh grade, but it says here—” [click, click] “you and a cousin engaged in inappropriate touching in kindergarten. Would you like to talk about it?”
无论孩子们透露什么,老师都可以很容易地存储。像Panorama Education这样的公司提供了一种软件,允许教师记录他们自己对学生社交和情感能力的观察,以及他们从定期的、非官方的团体治疗课程中学到的任何内容。这样一来,一个事件一旦被承认,可能会伴随一个孩子度过她的余生。例如,“我现在刚认识你,在十一年级,但它在这里说——”[咔嚓,咔嚓]“你和一个表弟在幼儿园进行了不恰当的触摸。你想谈谈吗?

SEL Should Be the Goal of Every Class—Yes, Even Math Class
SEL 应该是每个班级的目标——是的,甚至是数学课

Kids cannot possibly learn until their social-emotional needs are met. And kids’ social-emotional needs clearly are not being met. Ergo, “social- emotional” learning must be injected into every single subject.[27]
在满足他们的社交情感需求之前,孩子们不可能学习。孩子们的社交情感需求显然没有得到满足。因此,“社会情感”学习必须注入到每个科目中[27]

Giambona recited the theory for me, which was becoming increasingly familiar: If these kids are having panic attacks in class, they can’t learn. “It doesn’t matter if you’re teaching them great writing skills or you’re teaching them about World War II—they’re not going to access it,” he said.
Giambona为我背诵了越来越熟悉的理论:如果这些孩子在课堂上惊恐发作,他们就无法学习。“不管你是教他们出色的写作技巧,还是教他们二战的知识,他们都不会接触到它,”他说。

True, if a kid’s mid-emotional meltdown, it may be hard for him to concentrate on algebra. But for all emotional vicissitudes that don’t quite reach fugue state, couldn’t To Kill a Mockingbird provide a worthy distraction?
诚然,如果一个孩子处于情绪崩溃的中期,他可能很难集中精力学习代数。但是,对于所有没有完全达到神游状态的情感沧桑,《杀死一只知更鸟》难道不能提供一个值得分散注意力的东西吗?

Social-emotional learning enthusiasts happily disrupt math or English or history because, to the true believers, education is merely a vehicle for their social-emotional lessons—the corn chip that carries the guac straight to a kid’s mouth. “I can’t think of a content area that needs more social- emotional learning than mathematics,” Robertson told our assembled conference room.
社交情感学习爱好者乐于破坏数学、英语或历史,因为对于真正的信徒来说,教育只是他们社交情感课程的载体——将番石榴弹直接送到孩子嘴里的玉米片。“我想不出一个内容领域比数学更需要社会情感学习,”罗伯逊告诉我们组装的会议室。

But how would a teacher manage to make social-emotional learning the goal of a math class? To discover the answer, I sat through a presentation titled “Embedding SEL in Math.”
但是,教师如何设法将社交情感学习作为数学课的目标呢?为了找到答案,我参加了一场名为“在数学中嵌入 SEL”的演讲。

Our mock lesson commenced with—you guessed it—discussion of our feelings about math. “Anxiety!” more than one teacher volunteered. The presenters showed us a series of kindergarten-level “math problems” that prompted us to look at a bunch of shapes and asked: “Which one doesn’t belong?” At the end, they revealed the correct answer: They all belong. No wrong answers! Everyone wins! See, that wasn’t hard.
我们的模拟课从讨论我们对数学的感受开始——你猜对了。 “焦虑!”不止一位老师自告奋勇。主持人向我们展示了一系列幼儿园级别的“数学问题”,促使我们看一堆形状并问:“哪一个不属于?最后,他们揭晓了正确答案:他们都属于。没有错误的答案!每个人都赢了!看,这并不难。

I began to wonder whether this wasn’t some sort of ploy by the Chinese Communist Party to obliterate American mathematical competence. I turned to the high school math teacher next to me and asked her how she could possibly incorporate this sort of approach into Algebra II. She stared back at me, a frozen rictus pinned to the corners of her mouth. She seemed to think Big Brother was watching us.
我开始怀疑这是否是中国共产党抹杀美国数学能力的某种伎俩。我转向旁边的高中数学老师,问她怎么可能将这种方法融入代数II中。她回头盯着我,嘴角挂着冰冷的红晕。她似乎以为老大哥在看着我们。

The only feeling apparently never affirmed in social-emotional learning is mistrust of emotional conversation in place of learning. A decent number of kids actually show up hoping to learn some geometry and not burn their limited instructional time on conversations about their mental health with the math teacher. But from every angle, such children could only be made to feel errant and alone.
在社会情感学习中,唯一显然从未被肯定的感觉是不信任情感对话而不是学习。实际上,相当多的孩子希望学习一些几何学,而不是将有限的教学时间浪费在与数学老师谈论他们的心理健康上。但无论从哪个角度看,这样的孩子都只能感到错误和孤独。

In the minds of social-emotional learning advocates, healthy kids are those who share their pain during geometry. That is how a teacher knows they are emotionally regulated. They are willing to cry for the benefit of the class.
在社会情感学习倡导者的心目中,健康的孩子是那些在几何学中分担痛苦的孩子。这就是老师知道他们在情绪上受到调节的方式。他们愿意为班级的利益而哭泣。

Teaching Kids How to Be a Friend (and Other Useless Meddling)
教孩子如何成为朋友(以及其他无用的干涉)

Many social-emotional lessons purport to teach kids how to be friends. One lesson for fourth graders includes tips for parents: “Talk with your child about your views on friendship.”[28] And “If your child has a fight with a friend or claims not to like a friend anymore, discuss what happened.” The authors may think kids are basket cases, but they believe parents are imbeciles.
许多社交情感课程旨在教孩子们如何成为朋友。四年级学生的一堂课包括给父母的提示:“和你的孩子谈谈你对友谊的看法。[28] “如果你的孩子和朋友吵架或声称不再喜欢朋友了,请讨论发生了什么。作者可能认为孩子是篮子,但他们认为父母是低能儿。

The materials even include a script for parents to offer their kids. “Say: ‘I’m sorry. Will you be my friend again?’ Say: ‘I really like you and want you to be my friend again.’ Say, ‘I’m sorry your feelings were hurt.’
这些材料甚至包括一个剧本,供父母提供给他们的孩子。“说:'对不起。你会再次成为我的朋友吗?说:“我真的很喜欢你,希望你再次成为我的朋友。说,'对不起,你的感情受到了伤害。”

The problem? It’s not at all clear that making friends is the kind of skill human beings can learn from a lecture or handout.
问题是什么?目前尚不清楚交朋友是人类可以从讲座或讲义中学到的技能。

“There’s at least two different brain systems for learning,” Georgetown University psychologist and neuroscientist Abigail Marsh told me. “There’s semantic learning, for example, learning information out of books that then becomes part of your sort of explicit memory.” The study of, say, the American Civil War is a good example of this kind of learning—best done through reading about it (not starting one).
“至少有两种不同的学习大脑系统,”乔治城大学心理学家和神经科学家阿比盖尔·马什(Abigail Marsh)告诉我。“例如,语义学习,从书本中学习信息,然后成为你外显记忆的一部分。比如说,对美国南北战争的研究就是这种学习的一个很好的例子——最好通过阅读它(而不是开始)来完成。

Explicit and implicit learning represent different neural processes.[29] Explicit or semantic learning works for applying the quadratic equation: it is intentional, rules-based, requires conscious effort to master, and it typically fades if it is not routinely engaged or tested.[30]
显式学习和内隐学习代表不同的神经过程。[29] 显式或语义学习适用于应用二次方程:它是有意的、基于规则的,需要有意识地努力掌握,如果不定期参与或测试,它通常会消失。[30]

Implicit learning involves different neural processes and is acquired principally by doing: zipping up your pants or buttoning them, hitting a ball, and brushing your teeth are of this sort. They aren’t typically learned through a book, the memory of how to do them stays with us even without testing, and when we perform them, we don’t consult the steps involved at all.
内隐学习涉及不同的神经过程,主要是通过做来获得的:拉上裤子的拉链或扣子、打球和刷牙都属于这种方式。它们通常不是通过书本学习的,即使没有测试,如何做它们的记忆也会留在我们身边,当我们执行它们时,我们根本不会参考所涉及的步骤。

Long before human beings could solve the quadratic equation, the survival of our species has depended on our being awfully good at forming
早在人类能够解决二次方程之前,我们物种的生存就取决于我们非常擅长形成

friendships. Parents may have provided a small amount of guidance, often in the form of morality tales—just as schools once did, long before educators thought friendship-making required a poky lady at the front of the class pushing a social-emotional curriculum.
友谊。父母可能提供了少量的指导,通常是以道德故事的形式——就像学校曾经做过的那样,早在教育工作者认为建立友谊需要一位站在班级前面推动社会情感课程的时髦女士之前。

Kids of every previous generation made friends without explicit instruction. Why does this area of a child’s life suddenly require the oversight of the school counselor? Interpersonal skills are principally acquired through the real-life theater of trial and error, Kennair told me. Emotional regulation is learned that way, too. You get a bad grade on a test. You throw a fit and cry. Classmates shoot you weird looks and shy away from you. The next time, you study harder, or learn to take the disappointment in stride.
上一代的孩子在没有明确指导的情况下结交了朋友。为什么孩子生活的这个领域突然需要学校辅导员的监督?肯奈尔告诉我,人际交往能力主要是通过现实生活中的试错获得的。情绪调节也是这样习得的。你在考试中得了不好的成绩。你大发雷霆,哭了。同学们向你投来奇怪的眼神,回避你。下一次,你会更加努力地学习,或者学会从容应对失望。

You can’t learn emotional regulation from a lecture, Kennair said. You learn how to handle the disappointment of not making the basketball team by not making the basketball team. Not from classroom instruction.
你不能从讲座中学习情绪调节,肯奈尔说。你学会了如何通过不组建篮球队来处理没有组建篮球队的失望。不是来自课堂教学。

Social-emotional learning exercises often assume that by discussing a hypothetical disappointment, kids can skip the painful experience and arrive straight at maturity and social competence. But there is no way to gain friendship skills except by attempting to make a friend. There is no real way to learn to overcome failure except by struggling and, eventually, managing to do it.
社交情感学习练习通常假设,通过讨论假设的失望,孩子们可以跳过痛苦的经历,直接达到成熟和社交能力。但是,除了尝试交朋友之外,没有办法获得友谊技能。没有真正的方法可以学会克服失败,除非通过奋斗并最终设法做到。

A Sneak Attack on Parental Authority
对父母权威的偷袭

One social-emotional learning lesson makes plain what so many others merely imply: Teens should spy on their parents and report back to their teachers. No, really.
一堂社会情感学习课清楚地表明了许多其他课程所暗示的:青少年应该监视他们的父母并向他们的老师报告。不,真的。

In a Second Step exercise titled “Homework: I Spy . . .” seventh graders are encouraged to play a game that might as well be called Hero of the Soviet Union. “You are a private investigator,” it prompts. “You have been hired by an unnamed source to ‘spy’ on your family. The source wants to find out all the various feelings that one or more of your family members
在题为“家庭作业:我间谍......”的第二步练习中。鼓励七年级学生玩一个可以称为苏联英雄的游戏。“你是一名私家侦探,”它提示道。“你被一个不愿透露姓名的消息来源雇用来'监视'你的家人。消息来源想找出您的一个或多个家庭成员的所有各种感受

have while doing activities at home. You won’t be able to talk to your family (you don’t want to blow your cover!) so you’ll have to use your keen skills of observation.”[31]
在家做活动时有。你将无法与你的家人交谈(你不想揭穿你的掩护!),所以你必须使用你敏锐的观察能力。[31]

Go ahead, rub your eyes and read that one again.
来吧,揉揉眼睛,再读一遍。

The exercise continues: “Start with one person. Write down what you observe about his or her facial expressions, body language, tone of voice, and what he or she says. Then guess based on these clues what he or she might have been feeling. Then try the same activity with another family member.”
练习继续:“从一个人开始。写下你对他或她的面部表情、肢体语言、语气以及他或她所说的话的观察。然后根据这些线索猜测他或她可能有什么感受。然后与另一个家庭成员尝试相同的活动。

But the writers of Second Step were not born yesterday. Think they’d just leave this smoking gun lying around for any skeptical journalist to expose? The exercise concludes, rather coyly: “When you’ve completed the sheet, show it to an adult in your family and see if he or she can guess who you were spying on.”
但《第二步》的作者不是昨天出生的。你以为他们会把这把冒烟的枪放在身边,让任何持怀疑态度的记者揭露吗?练习的结尾相当腼腆:“当你完成这张纸后,把它拿给你家里的成年人看,看看他或她是否能猜到你在监视谁。

Like any seventh grader is dumb enough to tell mom he was spying on her, writing down her private comments for the benefit of the school counselor. That would only lead to a “disagreement with an adult family member,” which the materials ask kids to report on in the very next lesson.
就像任何七年级学生一样,愚蠢到告诉妈妈他在监视她,为了学校辅导员的利益写下她的私人评论。这只会导致“与成年家庭成员的分歧”,这些材料要求孩子们在下一节课中报告。

[32]

Many of the social-emotional exercises ask students to consider typical conflicts they might have with their own parents. In one example, the father of an eighth grader, Willa, “has a rule that he needs to know where she is and that she has to ask permission before she goes anywhere. Willa thinks that since she’s in eighth grade, she doesn’t have to do this anymore. Her dad should trust her more.”[33]
许多社会情感练习要求学生考虑他们可能与父母发生的典型冲突。在一个例子中,一个八年级学生的父亲威拉“有一条规则,他需要知道她在哪里,而且她去任何地方之前都必须征得她的许可。薇拉认为,既然她已经上八年级了,她就不必再这样做了。她爸爸应该更信任她。[33]

There’s a lesson in which Mom and Grandma disagree on how much screen time a child should get,[34] a lesson in which an “adult director” of an after-school activity (an obvious stand-in for Mom) insists that a child complete homework before joining the fun,[35] and a lesson in which a mom insists that her teen daughter may not wear jeans to a wedding.[36]
有一堂课,妈妈和奶奶在孩子应该有多少屏幕时间上存在分歧[34],一堂课,课后活动的“成人导演”(显然是妈妈的替身)坚持要求孩子在加入娱乐之前完成家庭作业,[35]还有一堂课,妈妈坚持要求她十几岁的女儿不能穿牛仔裤参加婚礼。[36]

Kids are encouraged to dish about their families, evaluate the parent’s rule in each case, and pass judgment on its reasonableness. The school counselor floats above it all like a high priestess and asks, in so many ways:
鼓励孩子们谈论他们的家庭,评估父母在每种情况下的规则,并对其合理性做出判断。学校辅导员像大祭司一样漂浮在这一切之上,并以多种方式问道:

How does that make you feel? Do we think parents are right in this instance?
这让你感觉如何?在这种情况下,我们认为父母是对的吗?

The best “social-emotional” result, we’re told, is a compromise, the “win-win” scenario in which parent and teen each meet the other halfway: How about jeans and a fancy top? Rarely, if ever, do the lessons contemplate that a parent’s rule should simply be followed. The conceit is that parents and children exist on equal footing (though, of course, the school counselor presides over both).
我们被告知,最好的“社会情感”结果是妥协,即父母和青少年在中途相遇的“双赢”场景:牛仔裤和花哨的上衣怎么样?这些课程很少(如果有的话)考虑应该简单地遵守父母的规则。自负的是父母和孩子是平等存在的(当然,学校辅导员主持两者)。

Never do the materials seem to consider that undermining a child’s relationship even with imperfect parents creates psychological damage all its own. How is a child supposed to feel secure after you’ve undermined her faith that her parents know what’s best or have her best interests at heart?
这些材料似乎从未考虑过,即使与不完美的父母一起破坏孩子的关系,也会造成心理伤害。在你破坏了她的信念之后,一个孩子应该如何感到安全,她的父母知道什么是最好的,或者把她的最大利益放在心上?

The casual denigration of parents to their children turns out to be a signal feature of social-emotional learning. Mom and Dad are only “caregivers,” service providers, and incompetent[37] ones at that, who might even be harmful to their kids’ mental health. They present the obstacles to children’s flourishing, like “parent negativity.”[38] “Yet parents and caregivers with positive intentions don’t always know where to start—or how to help— when it comes to social-emotional learning,” notes Panorama Education.
父母对孩子的随意诋毁被证明是社会情感学习的一个信号特征。爸爸妈妈只是“照顾者”、服务提供者,而且是无能的[37],他们甚至可能对孩子的心理健康有害。它们为孩子的成长带来了障碍,比如“父母的消极情绪”。[38] “然而,在社交情感学习方面,具有积极意图的父母和照顾者并不总是知道从哪里开始或如何提供帮助,”Panorama Education 指出。

This isn’t merely teachers’ lounge banter, public servants blowing off steam while abusing the communal microwave with a Tupperware of tuna casserole. It’s why they’re always sending out “tips” to parents on how to talk to our kids about the news or even life events. It’s the reason they’ve created an entire social-emotional “at home” lessons component—for parents to practice with kids. All predicated on the belief, to borrow the language of one lesson, that parents are often “roadblocks” to kids’ flourishing.[39]
这不仅仅是教师在休息室的玩笑,公务员在滥用公共微波炉和特百惠金枪鱼砂锅时发泄情绪。这就是为什么他们总是向父母发送“提示”,告诉他们如何与我们的孩子谈论新闻甚至生活事件。这就是为什么他们创建了一个完整的社交情感“在家”课程组件的原因——让父母与孩子一起练习。借用一堂课的语言,所有这些都基于这样一种信念,即父母往往是孩子茁壮成长的“障碍”。[39]

A Second Step exercise for middle schoolers, for instance, includes this example: “Vera wants to join an elite superpower squad.” Can you identify roadblocks she might face? “Internal roadblocks” include “self-doubt.” “External roadblocks” include “other students say she’s not good enough” and “my parents tell me I can’t practice at home.”[40]
例如,针对中学生的第二步练习包括以下示例:“维拉想加入一支精英超级大国小队。你能找出她可能面临的障碍吗?“内部障碍”包括“自我怀疑”。“外部障碍”包括“其他学生说她不够好”和“我的父母告诉我我不能在家练习”。[40]

Likely for this reason, schools have increasingly encircled themselves in a zone of secrecy. Try asking your kid’s school for their social-emotional workbook; notice how hard it is to obtain a copy of one. One teacher told me that counselors at her middle school were encouraging kids to stop by the counseling center for informal therapy sessions never logged or reported to parents.
可能正是因为这个原因,学校越来越多地将自己包围在保密区。试着向你孩子的学校索要他们的社交情感工作簿;请注意,获得一份副本是多么困难。一位老师告诉我,她所在中学的辅导员鼓励孩子们去咨询中心参加非正式的治疗课程,但从未记录或向家长报告。

I asked Elizabeth, a middle school science teacher in Grants Pass, Oregon, whether she had ever seen teachers or counselors report loving, good parents to social services based on social-emotional discussions with kids? “Yes,” she said, without hesitation. “Counselors do. Administrators do.”
我问俄勒冈州格兰茨帕斯的中学科学老师伊丽莎白,她是否见过老师或辅导员根据与孩子的社会情感讨论向社会服务机构报告充满爱心、好父母的情况?“是的,”她毫不犹豫地说。“辅导员会,行政人员会。”

Social-emotional learning turns out to be a lot like the Holy Roman Empire. Neither social, nor good for emotional health, nor something that can be learned. It seemed certain that schools would continue teaching it for decades.
事实证明,社会情感学习很像神圣罗马帝国。既不社交,也不利于情绪健康,也不是可以学习的东西。似乎可以肯定的是,学校会继续教授它几十年。

I thought back to the wrenching scene from Ms. Julie’s class and the boy who headed home that day, excruciatingly exposed. Perhaps kids treated him with sympathy or even pity after that. But is that what he wanted?
我回想起朱莉女士上课时那令人痛苦的场景,以及那天回家的那个男孩,极度暴露。也许在那之后,孩子们对他表示同情甚至怜悯。但这就是他想要的吗?

Social-emotional learning enthusiasts would argue that the entire class benefited from the hands-on lesson in sensitivity and kindness. But notice what else happened that day: in the name of “social-emotional learning,” educators took the boy’s private pain and repurposed it as a “teachable moment.”
社交情感学习爱好者会争辩说,整个班级都受益于敏感和善良的实践课程。但请注意那天还发生了什么:教育工作者以“社会情感学习”的名义,将男孩的私人痛苦重新利用为“可教的时刻”。

I wondered when it would occur to that boy, if it hadn’t already, that he had been used.
我想知道那个男孩什么时候会想到,如果它还没有,他已经被利用了。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 5
第 5 章

The Schools Are Filled with Shadows
学校里到处都是阴影

W

hen my twin sons were in the fifth grade, one came home from school with an announcement: “Mr. Bryan hates me.”
我的双胞胎儿子上五年级时,一个放学回家时宣布:“布莱恩先生讨厌我。

“Who?”
“谁?”

“The assistant teacher. He only cares about Isaac. If Isaac raises his hand, Mr. Bryan tells the teacher to call on him. If Isaac has a question, he answers it. If I have a question, Mr. Bryan just completely ignores me.”
“助教。他只关心以撒。如果艾萨克举手,布莱恩先生就会让老师叫他。如果艾萨克有问题,他会回答。如果我有问题,布莱恩先生完全不理我。

Although the school had sent out lists of the assistant teachers, I’d never heard of “Mr. Bryan.” I assured my son that there was no way an assistant teacher cared only about one student. He must be imagining things.
虽然学校已经派出了助教名单,但我从未听说过“布莱恩先生”。我向儿子保证,助教不可能只关心一个学生。他一定是在想象事情。

But my son hadn’t had a bad interaction with an assistant teacher. He’d seen a shadow. Our school was full of them.
但我儿子和助教的互动并不差。他看到了一个影子。我们学校到处都是他们。

In private schools, they are called “shadows,” but in public schools you’ll hear them called “ed techs,” “paraprofessionals,” or “parapros.” Part body man, part special ed teacher, shadows are hired privately by parents or supplied by public schools to stick closely to one particular kid, ostensibly to smooth the kid’s acclimation to class.[1]
在私立学校,他们被称为“影子”,但在公立学校,你会听到他们被称为“教育技术人员”、“辅助专业人员”或“辅助专业人员”。影子既是身体人,又是特殊教育老师,由父母私下雇用或由公立学校提供,以密切联系某个特定的孩子,表面上是为了让孩子顺利适应课堂[1]。

More than a decade ago, shadows made it mercifully possible for kids with autism or severe learning disabilities to remain in a classroom with neurotypical kids and avoid the stigma of being sent out to “Special Ed.”[2] They still do this—only they now provide the service to children with a far broader set of behavioral needs.
十多年前,阴影使患有自闭症或严重学习障碍的孩子有可能与神经典型孩子一起留在教室里,并避免被送去“特殊教育”的耻辱。[2] 他们仍然这样做——只是他们现在为具有更广泛的行为需求的儿童提供服务。

Today, public schools assign shadows to follow kids with problems ranging from mild learning disabilities to violent tendencies, and private schools advise affluent parents to hire shadows to trail neurotypical kids for almost any reason. To help a kid make friends on the playground, to soothe a kid wriggling in his seat, to help a kid succeed and have fun at school. Do you think now might be a good time to raise your hand? Why don’t you share your snack with Paige? How about complimenting Ella’s doll? That’s enough hugging—Sebastian might not like to be touched.
今天,公立学校会指派影子来跟踪有轻度学习障碍和暴力倾向等问题的孩子,私立学校建议富裕的父母以几乎任何理由雇用影子来跟踪神经典型的孩子。帮助孩子在操场上结交朋友,安抚在座位上扭动的孩子,帮助孩子在学校取得成功并玩得开心。你认为现在可能是举手的好时机吗?你为什么不和佩奇分享你的零食?赞美艾拉的娃娃怎么样?拥抱已经足够了——塞巴斯蒂安可能不喜欢被触摸。

More monitoring, more dependence on an adult, less practice handling themselves, less inducement to believe that they can. But is there also less stigma? While a lot of teachers gaslight the class about which adult is a kid’s “shadow” (Mr. Bryan is our new assistant teacher!), many of the elementary school kids I talked to seem to figure it out anyway. He’s the guy in the Star Trek T-shirt loping behind Brayden on the way to the monkey bars.
更多的监控,更多的对成年人的依赖,更少的练习处理自己,更少的诱因相信他们可以。但是,耻辱感是否也减少了?虽然很多老师在课堂上都说哪个成年人是孩子的“影子”(布莱恩先生是我们的新助理老师!),但与我交谈过的许多小学生似乎都想通了。他就是那个穿着《星际迷航》T恤的家伙,在去猴子酒吧的路上跟在布雷登身后。

If hiring an actual shadow exceeds your school’s budget, the school psychologist will often recommend handing a kid a fidget toy as an alternative means of soothing him. The theory apparently proceeds as follows: All kids possess a finite number of fidgets. If a kid has a surplus, he can siphon some with a toy, leaving him with a smaller, more manageable quantity of fidgets.
如果雇用一个真正的影子超出了学校的预算,学校心理学家通常会建议给孩子一个坐立不安的玩具,作为安抚他的另一种方式。该理论显然是这样的:所有的孩子都拥有有限数量的坐立不安。如果一个孩子有多余的东西,他可以用玩具吸一些,让他的坐立不安的数量更少,更容易管理。

That killer reasoning notwithstanding, I needed to see these things for myself. I bought about a dozen and piled them on my desk or affixed them to my desk chair. The prickly inflated rubber seat cushion that allows a squirmy kid to bounce in place. The giant rubber band that straps onto chair legs—sort of a mouth harp for your feet. The fluorescent accordion tubes that let out a hilarious groan when you expand and contract them. The cubes with clickers and buttons on each side, to depress and roll, and flip back and
尽管有这种杀手锏,但我需要亲眼看看这些事情。我买了十几个,把它们堆在我的桌子上,或者贴在我的办公桌椅上。带刺的充气橡胶座垫,让蠕动的孩子在原地弹跳。绑在椅子腿上的巨型橡皮筋——有点像脚上的口琴。荧光手风琴管,当你膨胀和收缩它们时,会发出滑稽的呻吟声。立方体的每一侧都有答题器和按钮,可以按下和滚动,然后向后翻转和

forth. The rubbery prickle balls that look like sea anemones. The Gumby fingers, if Gumby had had fingers and not merely green paddles.
第四。看起来像海葵的橡胶刺球。Gumby 的手指,如果 Gumby 有手指而不仅仅是绿色的桨的话。

“You’re doing it all wrong,” my son said when he saw me turning these over on my desk, depressing the buttons and moving the levers a few at a time. “You’re using it like a middle-aged woman.”
“你做错了,”我儿子说,当他看到我在桌子上翻来覆去,按下按钮,一次移动几个杠杆时。“你像个中年妇女一样使用它。”

I asked him to show me how the kids use them in class. He took the dodecahedron and began to rub it manically, turning it over, his head leaning over the project as if it were powered by his concentration. He looked like a boy participating in one of those Rubik’s Cube competitions, where geniuses from Asia spin the jumbled cube together in a matter of seconds.
我请他向我展示孩子们在课堂上如何使用它们。他拿起十二面体,开始狂躁地揉搓它,把它翻过来,他的头靠在这个项目上,仿佛它是由他的注意力驱动的。他看起来像一个参加魔方比赛的男孩,来自亚洲的天才在几秒钟内将混乱的魔方旋转在一起。

How does anyone pay attention in this environment? I asked my kids. Stupid question. They don’t.
在这种环境下,人们如何关注?我问我的孩子们。愚蠢的问题。他们没有。

When researchers put fidget toys to the test to see whether they improved attention in kids, they found that when fidget spinners were used, there was an initial decrease in activity level, followed by poorer attention overall for the kids who used them.[3] Dr. Ortiz summarized the findings for me: “Probably a waste of money, and maybe the effect is the exact opposite of what adults are looking for.”
当研究人员对指尖玩具进行测试以查看它们是否能提高孩子的注意力时,他们发现当使用指尖陀螺时,活动水平最初会下降,随后使用它们的孩子的整体注意力会较差。[3] 奥尔蒂斯博士为我总结了这些发现:“可能是浪费钱,也许效果与成年人所寻找的完全相反。

It felt as though we’d hit upon a theme for many of the mental health accommodations at school: unhelpful at best; destructive at worst. And now, thanks to experts, ubiquitous.
感觉好像我们遇到了学校许多心理健康住宿的主题:充其量是无益的;在最坏的情况下是破坏性的。而现在,多亏了专家,无处不在。

Accommodation and Avoidance
迁就与回避

The theory of academic accommodation is simple and humane: Does it really make sense to require a kid with dyslexia to complete the verbal section of an SAT exam in the same time as a kid without dyslexia? Or, worse, to hold him back when he fails to meet grade-level expectations for reading comprehension?
学术适应的理论简单而人性化:要求有阅读障碍的孩子与没有阅读障碍的孩子同时完成 SAT 考试的口头部分真的有意义吗?或者,更糟糕的是,当他未能达到年级对阅读理解的期望时,阻止他?

Those exigencies once formed the bulk of academic accommodations. They are now the tail on the elephant.[4] School counselors—students’ in-
这些紧急情况曾经构成了学术住宿的大部分。他们现在是大象的尾巴。[4] 学校辅导员——学生在

school “advocates”—lobby teachers to excuse lateness or absence, forgive missed classwork, allow a student to take walks around the school in the middle of class, ratchet grades upward, reduce or eliminate homework requirements, offer oral exams in place of written ones, and provide preferential seating to students who lack even an official diagnosis.
学校的“倡导者”——游说老师原谅迟到或缺勤,原谅错过的课堂作业,允许学生在课堂上在学校周围散步,提高成绩,减少或取消家庭作业要求,提供口试代替笔试,并为甚至没有官方诊断的学生提供优先座位。

Sheryl, a high school English teacher in the Wisconsin public school system, told me that she is no longer permitted to lower a student’s grade for handing in an assignment late. Her principal requires her to accept any homework from students, as long as it’s submitted by the end of the semester—and sometimes, by the end of the year. “I had a multitude of kids trying to turn in 18 weeks’ worth of work right before the semester ended,” she said.
威斯康星州公立学校系统的高中英语老师谢丽尔(Sheryl)告诉我,她不再被允许因学生迟交作业而降低成绩。她的校长要求她接受学生的任何家庭作业,只要在学期结束前提交,有时甚至在年底之前提交。“在学期结束前,我有很多孩子试图交出18周的工作,”她说。

But doesn’t that create an unconscionable pileup of work for a teacher to grade? Yes, it does. She once dreamed of becoming a teacher. Now, at thirty-one, she’s already making plans to quit.
但是,这难道不会给老师的评分造成不合情理的堆积吗?是的,确实如此。她曾经梦想成为一名教师。现在,三十一岁的她已经计划辞职了。

The psychological justifications for requesting these accommodations are often vague. “ ‘I was having a rough day and dealing with my gender identity’—this happens all the time,” said David, a public high school orchestra teacher, explaining how accommodations have been abused. A quick meeting with a counselor is sufficient to purchase two extra weeks to hand in an assignment or obtain any other academic dispensation.
要求这些便利的心理理由往往含糊不清。“'我度过了艰难的一天,处理了我的性别认同'——这种情况一直都在发生,”公立高中管弦乐队老师大卫说,他解释了住宿是如何被滥用的。与辅导员的快速会面足以购买额外的两周时间来提交作业或获得任何其他学术豁免。

David is a handsome thirtysomething, earnest and excitable as a youth pastor. His hair is high-and-tight auburn, with a neatly trimmed beard to match. He speaks openly of his own closeted confusion as a gay high school student. But he’s very grateful that his teachers never allowed his emotional turmoil to become an excuse for failing to master the violin.
大卫是一个英俊的三十多岁,作为一个青年牧师,他认真而兴奋。他的头发是高而紧的赤褐色,胡须修剪得整整齐齐。他公开谈论自己作为一名同性恋高中生的封闭困惑。但他非常感激他的老师从未让他的情绪动荡成为未能掌握小提琴的借口。

Lowering expectations for perfectly able kids who claim vague mental distress, he says, is doing them harm. “One of my seniors, she’ll come in, like, ‘I just can’t play today. I’m having a really tough, tough Mental Health Day.’ And I mean, if I had said that to any of my orchestra directors, it would have been like, ‘I’m sorry, get your instrument. We’re having rehearsal. I’m sorry that you’re having an issue right now. The violin, or viola, or whatever you play will help you.’
他说,降低对那些声称有模糊精神困扰的完全有能力的孩子的期望,正在对他们造成伤害。“我的一个前辈,她会进来,说,'我今天不能打球。我度过了一个非常艰难的心理健康日。我的意思是,如果我对我的任何管弦乐队指挥说这句话,我会说,'对不起,拿起你的乐器。我们正在排练。很抱歉您现在遇到了问题。小提琴,中提琴,或者你弹奏的任何东西都会对你有所帮助。”

David believes helping his students perfect an instrument is far better for their sense of well-being and their feeling of accomplishment than whatever else might be achieved by allowing them to avoid hard work. But once a school counselor gets involved, he says, any “accommodation” demanded, no matter how unreasonable or unnecessary, becomes nearly impossible for a teacher to oppose.
大卫认为,帮助他的学生完善乐器对他们的幸福感和成就感要好得多,而不是让他们避免艰苦的工作。但是,他说,一旦学校辅导员介入,任何要求的“通融”,无论多么不合理或不必要的,教师几乎不可能反对。

On the advice of her son’s high school counselor, Angela, a member of a television production crew, let her highly intelligent but anxious son, Jayden, obtain an accommodation so that he could take untimed tests for his last three years of high school. The counselor was kind and Jayden seemed to need the extra time for math tests. But instead of spurring him to work harder, or easing his emotional burden, the accommodation seemed to erode his will to try.
在她儿子的高中辅导员的建议下,电视制作组成员安吉拉让她非常聪明但焦虑的儿子杰登获得了住宿,以便他可以在高中最后三年参加不定时的考试。辅导员很友善,杰登似乎需要额外的时间进行数学测试。但是,这种适应并没有激励他更加努力地工作,也没有减轻他的情感负担,反而削弱了他尝试的意志。

“I really regret it because he used it as a crutch. Like, ‘Oh, I can’t turn the paper in on time because I have a 504 [right to accommodation for a disability],’ Angela said. “We thought we were helping, and I realized all these things are not helpful.”
“我真的很后悔,因为他把它当作拐杖。比如,'哦,我不能按时上交论文,因为我有 504 [残疾人住宿权],'“安吉拉说。我们以为我们在帮忙,但我意识到所有这些事情都没有帮助。

Restorative Justice: A Friendly Powwow with the School Bully
恢复性司法:与校园欺凌者的友好战俘

In 2021, Stephanie’s twelve-year-old son, Oscar, began seventh grade at 75 Morton, a Manhattan public middle school that turned out to be a lot like juvie. Oscar avoided drinking water during the day; he was terrified of the bathroom. “Guys would go into the bathroom and have fights and write all kinds of nasty stuff on the bathrooms,” Stephanie told me. “There was poop on the floor.”
2021 年,斯蒂芬妮 12 岁的儿子奥斯卡在曼哈顿公立中学莫顿 75 号开始上七年级,结果很像 juvie。奥斯卡白天不喝水;他害怕浴室。“男人们会走进浴室,打架,在浴室里写下各种令人讨厌的东西,”斯蒂芬妮告诉我。“地板上有便便。”

School violence erupted so often that year that the students started a Snapchat group named “75 Morton Fights” to catalogue the brawls.[5]
那一年,校园暴力事件爆发得如此频繁,以至于学生们成立了一个名为“75 Morton Fights”的 Snapchat 群组,对斗殴事件进行分类。[5]

“There were these really violent fights. I’m not talking about girls slapping another girl. I’m talking about three girls grabbing another girl by
“有这些非常暴力的战斗。我不是在谈论女孩打另一个女孩。我说的是三个女孩抓住另一个女孩

the hair, pulling her down on the ground, kicking her in the head and the ribs and face-punching,” she said.
头发,把她拉倒在地上,踢她的头,肋骨和拳打脚踢,“她说。

One boy slammed Oscar’s head with a metal locker door three times. The third time, it cut his cheek. Had the wound been a centimeter north, he might have lost use of his eye.
一个男孩用金属储物柜门砸了奥斯卡的头三次。第三次,它割伤了他的脸颊。如果伤口在北边一厘米处,他可能已经失去了眼睛。

None of Oscar’s bullies was even suspended, according to Stephanie, and by then I knew why: “restorative justice.”[6]
据斯蒂芬妮说,奥斯卡的恶霸甚至没有一个被停职,那时我知道了原因:“恢复性司法”。[6]

In 2014, President Obama issued a Dear Colleague Letter threatening schools with loss of funding if they continued to suspend and expel a disproportionate number of minority kids. This presented schools with a quandary: How do you maintain order without punishment? The Dear Colleague Letter spelled out the solution: “restorative practices, counseling, and structured systems of positive interventions.”[7] Violent kids were rebranded as kids in pain. Schools stopped suspending or expelling them. And a newly invigorated era of mental health in public schools was born.
2014年,奥巴马总统发表了一封“亲爱的同事信”,威胁学校,如果学校继续停学和开除不成比例的少数族裔儿童,学校将失去资金。这给学校带来了一个难题:如何在不受到惩罚的情况下维持秩序?亲爱的同事信阐明了解决方案:“恢复性实践、咨询和结构化的积极干预系统。[7]暴力的孩子被重新命名为痛苦的孩子。学校停止停学或开除他们。一个新生的公立学校心理健康时代诞生了。

“Restorative justice” is the official name for schools’ therapeutic approach that reimagines all bad behavior as a cry for help. Its central practice is the restorative circle, a ritual of obscure Native American origin in which a teacher directs students in conflict to sit in a circle of their peers and take turns sharing their pain. To signify whose turn it is to talk, they pass around a “talking piece” or totem, which consists of anything from a gemstone to a popsicle stick with googly eyes. (So much for the reverent tribute to Native Americans.)
“恢复性司法”是学校治疗方法的正式名称,它将所有不良行为重新想象为寻求帮助的呼声。它的核心实践是恢复性圈子,这是一种起源于美国原住民的晦涩仪式,在这种仪式中,老师指导处于冲突中的学生坐在同龄人的圈子里,轮流分享他们的痛苦。为了表示轮到谁说话,他们传递一个“会说话的碎片”或图腾,它由从宝石到带有粘稠眼睛的冰棒棒的任何东西组成。(对美洲原住民的虔诚致敬就到此为止。

Because this is quasi-therapy, teachers often explicitly call for secrecy from those “outside the circle” (i.e., parents). “What is shared in a circle stays in a circle,” one teacher advises others to tell their students, on the education blog Edutopia. “There is no sharing beyond the classroom of anybody else’s story. Protect each other’s story.”[8]
因为这是准治疗,老师经常明确要求对“圈子外”的人(即父母)保密。“在一个圈子里分享的东西会留在一个圈子里,”一位老师在教育博客Edutopia上建议其他人告诉他们的学生。“在课堂之外,没有其他人的故事可以分享。保护彼此的故事。[8]

But what if actual bullying occurs? What if one kid slams another kid’s head repeatedly into a locker? Bully and victim are brought together in a restorative circle to confront each other and share their pain for the benefit of the class.
但是,如果发生实际的欺凌怎么办?如果一个孩子反复将另一个孩子的头撞到储物柜里怎么办?欺凌者和受害者被聚集在一个恢复性的圈子里,为了班级的利益而相互对抗并分担他们的痛苦。

California public elementary school teacher Ray Shelton believes restorative circles are abusive. “It puts a lot of the responsibility on the victim. Because they have to face the person who hurt them and talk with them and deal with them when they may not want to,” he said. “It just revictimizes them, you know?” The offender is compelled to apologize in front of the class. But the victim is pressed not only to accept the apology but to offer one of her own—for whatever she may have done to provoke her attacker.
加州公立小学教师雷·谢尔顿(Ray Shelton)认为,恢复性圈子是虐待性的。“它把很多责任放在了受害者身上。因为他们必须面对伤害他们的人,与他们交谈,并在他们可能不想的时候与他们打交道,“他说。“这只会让他们再次受害,你知道吗?”冒犯者被迫在全班同学面前道歉。但受害者不仅要接受道歉,还要提供自己的道歉——无论她做了什么来激怒她的攻击者。

Worst of all, it does not seem to curb violence. In 2021, a six-foot-tall seventh grader in Chattanooga threw another kid through a plate-glass window and received only an in-school suspension—“essentially a time- out,” according to Rhyen Staley, who was then a middle school teacher at the school. Later that year, the student threatened to stab another kid and was only, finally, suspended after screaming repeatedly at another seventh grader that he was going to “fucking kill her.”
最糟糕的是,它似乎并没有遏制暴力。2021 年,查塔努加一名六英尺高的七年级学生将另一名孩子扔进平板玻璃窗,只收到了校内停学——据当时担任该校中学教师的 Rhyen Staley 说,“基本上是暂停”。那年晚些时候,这名学生威胁要刺伤另一个孩子,最后在对另一名七年级学生反复尖叫说他要“他妈的杀了她”后才被停学。

Several teachers told me that thanks to restorative justice, public schools no longer hold back or expel kids in any but the most extreme circumstances. Until they commit egregious acts of criminality, violent kids are kept in school and assigned shadows, under the therapeutic ethos: treat, don’t punish. Nikolas Cruz, a student at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School, had committed violent and menacing acts for years. He was assigned a shadow—his mom.[9] “The Parkland shooter” later took seventeen lives.
几位老师告诉我,多亏了恢复性司法,公立学校不再在最极端的情况下阻止或开除孩子。在他们犯下令人震惊的犯罪行为之前,暴力的孩子被关在学校里,并被分配阴影,在治疗精神下:治疗,不要惩罚。尼古拉斯·克鲁兹(Nikolas Cruz)是玛乔丽·斯通曼·道格拉斯高中(Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School)的学生,多年来一直犯下暴力和威胁行为。他被分配了一个影子——他的妈妈。[9]“帕克兰枪手”后来夺走了十七条生命。

Every teacher I spoke to confirmed that the approach is failing. Therapeutic techniques are no substitute for a system that punishes violence.
与我交谈过的每一位老师都证实,这种方法是失败的。治疗技术不能替代惩罚暴力的制度。

“The problem is people are afraid to speak out against it, especially those on the inside,” Staley said. “One, because they take it on faith that it’s going to work, they just need to give it more time. And then the other thing is, they’re afraid to lose their jobs by speaking out against it.” Staley told me he has left teaching, partially in response to the chaos he was forced to mutely observe.
“问题是人们不敢公开反对它,尤其是那些在内部的人,”Staley说。“第一,因为他们相信它会起作用,所以他们只需要给它更多的时间。另一件事是,他们害怕因为公开反对而失去工作。Staley告诉我,他已经离开了教学工作,部分原因是为了应对他被迫默默观察的混乱。

A RAND meta-analysis showed that schools that implemented restorative justice fell apart. At the middle school level, academic outcomes worsened in schools with restorative practices. There was no reduction in incidents of violence or weapons violations, no fewer suspensions for male students, nor even reduction in arrests at these schools. “This, of course, raises the question of whether restorative practices can be effective in curbing the most violent behavior, at least within a two-year implementation period,” the authors wrote.[10] A question the terror- stricken, nonviolent students at school would presumably like to see answered.
兰德公司的一项荟萃分析显示,实施恢复性司法的学校分崩离析。在中学阶段,采用恢复性做法的学校的学业成绩恶化。这些学校的暴力或武器违规事件没有减少,男学生停学的情况没有减少,逮捕的人数也没有减少。“当然,这提出了一个问题,即恢复性做法是否能有效遏制最暴力的行为,至少在两年的实施期内,”作者写道。[10]在学校里受到恐怖袭击的非暴力学生可能希望看到这个问题得到答案。

“Restorative justice destroys and ruins schools,” Wisconsin middle school teacher Daniel Buck told me. “Because if kids know that they can get away with something without a consequence, they’re going to do it.”[11]
“恢复性司法摧毁并毁掉了学校,”威斯康星州中学教师丹尼尔·巴克(Daniel Buck)告诉我。“因为如果孩子们知道他们可以逃脱某些事情而没有后果,他们就会去做。[11]

Delinquency is up. Chaos reigns. The system that elevated emotional harm to physical harm wound up excusing physical harm in the name of emotional well-being.
拖欠率上升。混沌盛行。将情感伤害提升为身体伤害的系统最终以情绪健康的名义为身体伤害开脱。

Therapeutic Anarchy
治疗性无政府状态

Kelly spent seven years as a public middle and high school counselor in upstate New York until 2021, when she decided she couldn’t take the bedlam anymore. Students slammed doors in her face and catcalled her in the hallways. Students walked out of class to roam the school whenever the mood struck. Provided they claimed their mental health required this, all disruptive behavior was excused or explicitly welcomed.
凯利在纽约州北部担任了七年的公立初中和高中辅导员,直到 2021 年,她决定再也无法忍受这种混乱了。学生们当着她的面砰地一声关上了门,在走廊里叫她。每当情绪来袭时,学生们就会走出教室在学校里闲逛。只要他们声称自己的心理健康需要这样做,所有破坏性行为都会被原谅或明确欢迎。

Kelly protested, but as she soon learned, she was an outlier. Academic accommodations like “anytime passes” allowed any student claiming to be “in crisis” to trade class for a session with the counselor. Students exploited a system that seemed to regard them as incapacitated. “They would use it during their least favorite class,” Kelly said.
凯莉抗议,但她很快发现,她是个异类。像“随时通行证”这样的学术便利允许任何声称“处于危机中”的学生与辅导员交换课程。学生们利用了一个似乎认为他们无能为力的系统。“他们会在他们最不喜欢的课程中使用它,”凯利说。

Schools across the country are reporting far worse behavioral outbreaks in recent years. “Ask anyone who has worked in some of America’s failing
近年来,全国各地的学校都报告了更严重的行为爆发。“问问任何在美国失败中工作过的人

public schools and nearly all of them will tell you the same thing: The biggest problem isn’t the quality of the teachers,” one teacher wrote in the New York Post in 2018. “It’s the behavior of the kids: angry, disruptive, disrespectful kids whose behavior is out of control.”[12] Every public school teacher I interviewed said the same: kids’ behavior has deteriorated over the last decade.
公立学校和几乎所有的学校都会告诉你同样的事情:最大的问题不是教师的素质,“一位教师在2018年的《纽约邮报》上写道。这是孩子们的行为:愤怒、破坏性、不尊重的孩子,他们的行为失控了。[12]我采访的每一位公立学校老师都说了同样的话:在过去的十年里,孩子们的行为已经恶化了。

Christine, who oversees social-emotional programming in high schools in Oregon, said that rates of student dysregulation have exploded since at least 2016. “Kids having utter meltdowns, tantrums, screaming, yelling, throwing things, crying, threatening to kill themselves, cursing at teachers, just general bad behavior,” she recounted.
负责俄勒冈州高中社会情感节目的克里斯汀说,至少自2016年以来,学生失调的比率呈爆炸式增长。“孩子们彻底崩溃,发脾气,尖叫,大喊大叫,扔东西,哭泣,威胁要自杀,咒骂老师,只是一般的不良行为,”她回忆道。

Teachers I talked to all noted a rise in tantrums, violence, screaming in a teacher’s face, throwing objects around the classroom, slamming doors, catcalling, all in the last decade. Kids seem to exercise no control over their behavior, teachers told me. And a large part of the problem, they said, is a school regime that demands no self-discipline from students, believing such expectation unreasonable if not unevolved.
与我交谈过的老师都注意到,在过去十年中,发脾气、暴力、当着老师的面尖叫、在教室里扔东西、砰的一声关上门、叫猫的现象都在增加。老师告诉我,孩子们似乎无法控制自己的行为。他们说,问题的很大一部分是学校制度不要求学生自律,认为这种期望是不合理的,如果不是未经进化的话。

“If I stop them and try to correct some intonation, they’ll just throw the bow on the ground as a fourteen- or fifteen-year-old having a temper tantrum,” David, the high school orchestra teacher said. “They throw temper tantrums a lot.”
“如果我阻止他们并试图纠正一些语调,他们就会像一个十四五岁的孩子发脾气一样把弓扔在地上,”高中管弦乐队老师大卫说。“他们经常发脾气。”

But how did he know that the students acting out weren’t simply in need of meds? Most of them are already on antidepressants, he told me. He knows this because they discuss their meds openly and also because their medications are sometimes listed on internal files shared with teachers.
但是他怎么知道那些表现出来的学生不仅仅是需要药物呢?他告诉我,他们中的大多数人已经在服用抗抑郁药。他知道这一点,因为他们公开讨论他们的药物,也因为他们的药物有时会列在与老师共享的内部文件中。

Because his music classes draw from all four grades of high school, David regularly has over a hundred students per year. In contrast to the students he taught a decade ago, he says, far more students today are either emotionally unpredictable or zombified. “It’s like you’re talking to a potted plant most of the time.”
因为他的音乐课来自高中的所有四个年级,所以大卫每年经常有超过一百名学生。他说,与他十年前教过的学生相比,今天更多的学生要么情绪不可预测,要么被僵尸化。“这就像你大部分时间都在和盆栽植物说话。”

Kids, at best, seem unhelped by the therapies and meds and accommodations showered upon them. They can’t or won’t control their emotional outbursts. They can’t or won’t get their homework in on time. In
充其量,孩子们似乎对治疗、药物和住宿没有帮助。他们不能或不会控制自己的情绪爆发。他们不能或不会按时完成作业。在

greater numbers than teachers ever remember seeing, they can’t or won’t do
比老师记得看到的更多的数字,他们不能或不会做

for themselves.
为了他们自己。

David offers me two recent examples to prove his point. At his students’ first concert of the year, a succession of boys approached him with their clip-on ties in hand, unsure how to fasten them. They weren’t asking how to tie a Windsor knot, he wanted me to know. They wanted him to affix their clip-on ties. “One of the moms looked at me. She’d seen me doing this all day long, and she’s just like, ‘These kids are helpless.’ They’re literally fifteen and sixteen years old. And it’s like you’re dealing with an eight- or nine-year-old.”
大卫给我举了两个最近的例子来证明他的观点。在他学生今年的第一场音乐会上,一连串的男孩手里拿着夹式领带走近他,不知道如何系上领带。他们不是在问如何打温莎结,而是想让我知道。他们希望他系上他们的夹子领带。“其中一位妈妈看着我。她看到我整天都在做这件事,她只是说,'这些孩子很无助。他们真的是十五六岁。这就像你在和一个八九岁的孩子打交道。

At another recent competition, David was stuck in meetings, so he told his high school students to get themselves lunch. One sixteen-year-old boy came to him and told him he didn’t know how. “There’s a Chipotle right across the street,” David said. The boy had money with him. But he didn’t know how to procure lunch for himself. He had made it sixteen years without ever having entered a shop alone and bought himself a sandwich.
在最近的另一场比赛中,大卫被困在会议中,所以他告诉他的高中生给自己吃午饭。一个十六岁的男孩来找他,告诉他他不知道怎么做。“街对面有一家Chipotle,”大卫说。这个男孩有钱。但他不知道如何为自己采购午餐。他已经十六年没有一个人进过商店了,给自己买了一个三明治。

The Grand Justification: Childhood Trauma
伟大的理由:童年创伤

After educational consultant Ricky Robertson used the word “trauma” a half dozen times in one conference breakout session of the three-day conference I attended, I whispered to my seatmate that we should start a drinking game. Luckily, we didn’t have booze or the game would have ended with two fatalities. Over the course of the hour, Robertson would use the word “trauma” 105 times.
在我参加的为期三天的会议的一次分组会议中,教育顾问瑞奇·罗伯逊(Ricky Robertson)在一次会议分组会议上使用了六次“创伤”这个词后,我悄悄地对我的座位伙伴说,我们应该开始一场饮酒游戏。幸运的是,我们没有喝酒,否则比赛就会以两人死亡而告终。在一个小时的时间里,罗伯逊使用了105次“创伤”这个词。

Part diagnosis, part MacGuffin, no concept was more often invoked at the public-school teachers conference than the notion that all these kids had experienced an “adverse childhood experience” or “ACE,” colloquially known as “their trauma.”[13] In the minds and imaginations of many of today’s educators, the best way to help disadvantaged kids is by assuming that all kids have suffered harm and treating them en masse with blanket
部分是诊断,部分是麦格芬,在公立学校教师会议上,没有比所有这些孩子都经历过“不良童年经历”或“ACE”(俗称“他们的创伤”)的概念更经常被引用的概念了。[13] 在当今许多教育工作者的思想和想象中,帮助弱势儿童的最好方法是假设所有孩子都遭受了伤害,并用毯子集体对待他们

mental health interventions, as if therapy were fluoride to be dumped in the drinking water.
心理健康干预,就好像治疗是要倒在饮用水中的氟化物一样。

The idea that it is even possible to count a kid’s adverse childhood experiences to determine her damage originates with a famous study, which purports to show that children with four or more of the following childhood circumstances tend to have below-average physical and mental health outcomes later in life.[14] The ACEs are:
甚至可以计算孩子的不良童年经历来确定她的伤害的想法起源于一项著名的研究,该研究旨在表明,具有以下四种或更多童年情况的儿童在以后的生活中往往具有低于平均水平的身心健康结果。[14] ACE是:

Physical abuse
身体虐待

Sexual abuse
性虐待

Emotional abuse
情感虐待

Physical neglect
身体忽视

Emotional neglect
情感忽视

Mental illness
精神疾病

Divorce or parental breakup
离婚或父母分手

Substance abuse in the home
家庭中的药物滥用

Violence against mother
对母亲的暴力

Incarcerated household member[15]
被监禁的家庭成员[15]

The ACE study argues that these factors are common, interrelated, and have a cumulative detrimental impact on mental and physical health outcomes. If you grew up with a drug-addicted mom who suffered from mental illness and sexually abused you, you might be more likely to suffer addiction or homelessness, chronic illness, or fall prey to domestic violence or suicide. The study suggests that, on average, as ACE scores rise in a population, the concentration of inflammatory markers in the population’s blood also rises. The challenge and utility for public health researchers
ACE研究认为,这些因素是共同的、相互关联的,并且对身心健康结果有累积的不利影响。如果你和一位吸毒成瘾的母亲一起长大,她患有精神疾病并对你进行性虐待,你可能更有可能上瘾或无家可归、慢性病,或成为家庭暴力或自杀的牺牲品。该研究表明,平均而言,随着人群中ACE评分的上升,人群血液中炎症标志物的浓度也会上升。公共卫生研究人员面临的挑战和效用

became obvious: lower the ACE scores from one generation to the next and watch all sorts of public health problems dissipate.
变得显而易见:将ACE分数从一代降低到下一代,然后看着各种公共卫生问题消失。

Harvard Medical School psychiatry professor Dr. Harrison Pope, in a telephone interview, called the ACE study of childhood trauma “a classic example of a methodologically flawed study.”
哈佛医学院精神病学教授哈里森·波普(Harrison Pope)博士在接受电话采访时称,ACE对儿童创伤的研究是“方法论上有缺陷的研究的典型例子”。

If you want to find out whether trauma causes some pathology, there is a rigorous way to proceed: prospectively. You find children who have suffered trauma and document the trauma on the spot. Then you send in researchers blinded to which group suffered actual, documented traumatic experiences to check in with the subjects ten or twenty years later and note if the subjects demonstrate a larger incidence of illness and psychopathology than similarly situated people who have not suffered trauma.
如果你想找出创伤是否会导致某种病理,有一种严格的方法可以进行:前瞻性。你找到遭受创伤的孩子,并当场记录下创伤。然后,你派出研究人员,对哪个群体遭受了实际的、有记录的创伤经历视而不见,在十年或二十年后与受试者进行检查,并注意受试者是否比没有遭受创伤的类似情况的人表现出更大的疾病和精神病理学发病率。

But if you proceed retrospectively, as the ACE study does, if you only select adults and ask about their history of trauma, the group you survey is very likely to be selected in a biased fashion. Adults who know they are suffering in the present are motivated to find explanations in their past and are highly suggestible to whichever ones the researcher finds interesting. With any group of people suffering from psychopathology, there are also likely to be a great many confounding variables—factors other than trauma that may have caused the current problem. Confounding variables include genetics, for instance, and all the influences that an alcoholic parent might unwittingly let in the door (like bad adults).
但是,如果你像ACE研究那样进行回顾性研究,如果你只选择成年人并询问他们的创伤史,那么你调查的群体很可能是以有偏见的方式被选中的。知道自己现在正在遭受痛苦的成年人有动力去寻找过去的解释,并且对研究人员认为有趣的任何解释都具有高度的暗示性。对于任何患有精神病理学的人群,也可能存在许多混杂变量——除了创伤之外,其他因素可能导致当前的问题。例如,混杂变量包括遗传学,以及酗酒的父母可能在不知不觉中让门进来的所有影响(比如坏成年人)。

But even if the ACE study did show that populations that had experienced various kinds of trauma in childhood, on average, tended to manifest various health risks as adults—that isn’t primarily how the study has been used. The ACE study—which has been cited more than thirty-two thousand times since it was published in 1998 in more than 150 journals— has taken on a life of its own. It is routinely used as a diagnostic screener with individual children, as if one could simply count up a child’s ACEs and predict her future maladies.
但是,即使ACE的研究确实表明,平均而言,在童年时期经历过各种创伤的人群在成年后往往会表现出各种健康风险,但这并不是该研究的主要使用方式。ACE研究自1998年在150多种期刊上发表以来,已被引用超过32000次,已经有了自己的生命。它通常被用作个别儿童的诊断筛查器,就好像人们可以简单地计算孩子的ACE并预测她未来的疾病一样。

One of the authors of the original study, Robert Anda, recently worried aloud that his study was being misused. The ACE categories are “crude”
原始研究的作者之一罗伯特·安达(Robert Anda)最近大声担心他的研究被滥用。ACE类别是“粗糙的”

measures, never intended to apply to assessments of individual risk, Anda said in a lecture. Researchers citing the study often fail to consider the variability of human response to stressors experienced in childhood. Some kids will weather difficult circumstances just fine.
安达在一次演讲中说,这些措施从未打算适用于个人风险的评估。引用这项研究的研究人员往往没有考虑到人类对童年时期经历的压力源的反应的可变性。有些孩子会很好地度过困难的环境。

“It’s not appropriate to apply that average risk from a big epidemiologic study to an individual person because it’s an average of that wide scatterplot of actual exposure to the biologic of adversity,” he said. “Unlike recognized public health screening measures, such as blood pressure or lipid levels that use measurement reference standards and cut points or thresholds for clinical decision making, the ACE score is not a standardized measure of childhood exposure to the biology of stress.”[16]
“将大型流行病学研究的平均风险应用于个人是不合适的,因为它是实际暴露于逆境生物学的广泛散点图的平均值,”他说。“与公认的公共卫生筛查措施不同,例如使用测量参考标准和临床决策的切点或阈值的血压或血脂水平,ACE评分不是儿童暴露于压力生物学的标准化衡量标准。[16]

The ACE categories include having an “incarcerated household member.” Across a population, that may be one valid indicator of elevated risk for future health problems. But it cannot apply at the individual level because it does not distinguish, for instance, between these two cases: one in which a child’s single mother and sole caregiver is thrown in jail for dealing heroin; and another in which a child’s Uncle Marv, who lives with the family, is imprisoned for Medicaid fraud. On the individual level, there are dramatic prospective differences in likely outcomes of those two kids. One is placed in foster care, knowing his mother is a drug dealer. The other thinks of wacky Uncle Marv and shakes his head.
ACE 类别包括拥有“被监禁的家庭成员”。在整个人群中,这可能是未来健康问题风险升高的一个有效指标。但是,它不能适用于个人层面,因为它没有区分以下两种情况:一种是儿童的单身母亲和唯一照料者因贩卖海洛因而被关进监狱;另一种情况是儿童的单身母亲和唯一照料者因贩卖海洛因而被关进监狱;一种是儿童的单身母亲和唯一照料者因贩卖海洛因而被关进监狱;一种是儿童的单身母亲和唯一照料者因贩卖海洛因而被关进监狱;一种是儿童的单亲母亲和唯一照料者因贩卖海洛因而被关进监狱;一种是儿童的单亲母亲和唯一照另一个孩子与家人住在一起的叔叔马夫因医疗补助欺诈而入狱。在个人层面上,这两个孩子的可能结果存在显着的预期差异。其中一人被寄养,因为他知道他的母亲是一名毒贩。另一个人想到古怪的马夫叔叔,摇了摇头。

The danger of conflating the two scenarios, which occurs when schools attempt to apply ACEs as a screening tool for individuals, is—you guessed it—iatrogenesis. Schools are likely to overestimate the risk faced by an individual. “If you overestimate risk, you may refer people to treatment and services that they don’t need that not only may waste their time but may have some risk involved,” Anda told his audience.
当学校试图将ACE作为个人筛查工具时,将这两种情况混为一谈的危险是——你猜对了——医源性。学校可能会高估个人面临的风险。“如果你高估了风险,你可能会将人们转介给他们不需要的治疗和服务,这不仅可能浪费他们的时间,而且可能涉及一些风险,”安达告诉他的听众。

The scandalous misuse of the concept of ACEs by the educational establishment to dial down expectations of millions of American kids, in fact, proceeds from an earlier choice by the study’s authors. The name “ACE” itself is a giant red herring. Anda claims it is a “measure to show how adversity accumulates to increase risk” in a population. In fact, it does nothing of the kind.
事实上,教育机构滥用ACE概念来降低数百万美国儿童的期望的可耻行为,源于该研究作者的早期选择。“ACE”这个名字本身就是一条巨大的红鲱鱼。安达声称,这是一项“显示逆境如何积累以增加人口风险的措施”。事实上,它什么也没做。

The study does not show that immigrants to America, whose lives are full of “adversity,” are more likely to saddle their kids with mental and physical illness long term. Of course they are not. That’s because most ACEs of the original study are not simply measures of adversity, at least not as the word is commonly used; they’re measures of dysfunction.
该研究并未表明,生活充满“逆境”的美国移民更有可能长期背负他们的孩子患有精神和身体疾病。当然不是。这是因为原始研究的大多数ACE不仅仅是逆境的衡量标准,至少不是通常使用的这个词;它们是功能障碍的衡量标准。

Poverty, the struggle to gain employment, the stress of working several jobs at once, of never fully understanding the society you inhabit; the unresolved longing for your home culture, mother tongue, and family of origin—they are adversity. The pain of never fitting in at school, wearing all the wrong clothes, bearing the burden of your family’s high expectations; the guilt of how much they’ve struggled so that you can live in America: that’s adversity. And none of it accumulates to produce poor long-term outcomes. (There is good reason to believe that it may even produce better outcomes for children.)
贫穷,为获得工作而奋斗,同时从事几份工作的压力,永远无法完全了解你所居住的社会;对家乡文化、母语和原生家庭的未解决的渴望——它们是逆境。永远不适应学校,穿错衣服,背负着家人高期望的重担的痛苦;他们为了在美国生活而奋斗了多少的内疚:这就是逆境。而且这些都没有累积起来产生不良的长期结果。(有充分的理由相信它甚至可能为儿童带来更好的结果。

The difference between adversity and what I’m calling dysfunction matters. A child whose mother is addicted to heroin is not merely emotionally abused or neglected. He isn’t merely someone whose mother was often late picking him up from school, too tired at night to ask about his day.
逆境和我所说的功能障碍之间的区别很重要。母亲对海洛因上瘾的孩子不仅仅是在情感上受到虐待或忽视。他不仅仅是一个母亲经常很晚才从学校接他,晚上太累了,无法询问他的一天。

A child whose mother is a heroin addict or regularly beaten by a boyfriend knows that every time his mother is late to pick him up at school may signal that she is somewhere dead or dying. And he may be right. Even the most minor inconsistencies on his mother’s part may foretell worse things to come: relapse, criminality, the chance that she will soon abandon him. Every time his mother stumbles through the door, she ushers in the menace of whatever or whomever she might have brought home.
一个母亲是海洛因成瘾者或经常被男朋友殴打的孩子知道,每次他的母亲在学校接他迟到都可能表明她已经死了或垂死在某个地方。他可能是对的。即使是他母亲最轻微的矛盾,也可能预示着更糟糕的事情即将到来:复发、犯罪、她很快就会抛弃他的可能性。每当他的母亲跌跌撞撞地进门时,她都会迎来她可能带回家的任何东西或任何人的威胁。

Perhaps children who have suffered what the original researchers called “ACEs” need special care. Some of them may find it difficult to shake the torment that trails them to school. The question, for such kids, might not be whether they should receive mental health support but what kind.
也许遭受最初研究人员称之为“ACEs”的儿童需要特别照顾。他们中的一些人可能会发现很难摆脱阻碍他们上学的折磨。对于这些孩子来说,问题可能不是他们是否应该接受心理健康支持,而是应该接受什么样的支持。

That is far from the majority of kids, and it is dangerous to conflate those who have suffered years of sexual abuse or been intentionally starved or burnt by the parents who are supposed to love them with those who have
这与大多数孩子相去甚远,将那些遭受多年性虐待或被本应爱他们的父母故意挨饿或烧死的人与那些已经爱过他们的人混为一谈是危险的

faced “adversity.” Growing up with a stepfather who beats or rapes you is nothing like feeling the pressure to take a job after school because your parents are struggling to pay the bills. It’s nothing at all like getting up early to prepare lunches for your younger siblings because your father, a good man who works three jobs, isn’t yet home from the night shift. It’s not even like losing a loving father to cancer. If your parents beat you or sexually molest you, as far as your upbringing goes, their presence in your life introduces danger, uncertainty, and emotional torment of the severest and most unpredictable sort. That is vastly and qualitatively different from the pain of losing a loving father whose memory and example you cherish still.
面对“逆境”。与殴打或强奸你的继父一起长大,这与放学后因为父母难以支付账单而感到放学后找工作的压力完全不同。这完全不像早起为弟弟妹妹准备午餐,因为你的父亲,一个打三份工的好男人,还没有下夜班回家。这甚至不像因癌症而失去慈爱的父亲。如果你的父母殴打你或性骚扰你,就你的成长而言,他们在你生活中的存在会带来危险、不确定性和最严重、最不可预测的情感折磨。这与失去一位慈爱的父亲的痛苦有着巨大的不同,你仍然珍惜他的记忆和榜样。

Educators add to the list of ACEs freely, whenever the mood (or convenient political cause) strikes, and assume the same long-term poor health consequences. Over the course of the three-day conference, I heard about “the generational and historical trauma of colonization,” the trauma of “kids that are immigrants or refugees” and have had to take on adult- level responsibilities for their families; the trauma of pollution, climate change, and of course the “historical trauma” of being born black in America.
每当情绪(或方便的政治原因)来袭时,教育工作者就可以自由地添加到ACE名单中,并承担相同的长期不良健康后果。在为期三天的会议中,我听说了“殖民化的代际和历史创伤”,“移民或难民的孩子”的创伤,他们不得不为家庭承担成人层面的责任;污染、气候变化的创伤,当然还有在美国出生的黑人的“历史创伤”。

“Fifty percent of kids in a typical US classroom have experienced two ACEs. That’s not including the pandemic,” Robertson intoned to the assembled room of teachers.
“在典型的美国教室里,50%的孩子经历过两次ACE。这还不包括大流行,“罗伯逊对着聚集在一起的教师们说。

“Everything’s ‘trauma,’ ” Christine, the Oregon public school teacher told me. “The trauma of having to wake up every day and be black and know that there’s white supremacy out there—that’s ‘trauma,’ ” she says skeptically. She ticks off a few traumas that educators are supposed to hunt for. “The trauma of knowing that your parents are stressed about maybe not having a house, the trauma of a divorce, of suicide, of not feeling like you have your gender identity recognized.”
“一切都是'创伤',”俄勒冈州公立学校的老师克里斯汀告诉我。每天醒来,成为黑人,知道那里有白人至上主义的创伤——这就是'创伤',“她怀疑地说。她勾选了一些教育工作者应该寻找的创伤。“知道你的父母可能因为没有房子而感到压力的创伤,离婚、自杀的创伤,以及你的性别认同没有得到认可的创伤。”

Christine is black. She does not believe that having grown up black in America renders a child the victim of psychological trauma. But her view apparently sets her in opposition to the white counselors in her public school.
克里斯汀是黑人。她不相信在美国长大的黑人会让孩子成为心理创伤的受害者。但她的观点显然使她与公立学校的白人辅导员对立。

“I think we are destroying our children by telling them they can’t get over whatever hurts. And I’m not saying that there isn’t racism. I’m not saying that there aren’t people who do really bad things and are horrible. But what I’m saying is that it’s not serving our children to say that they’re constant victims,” she said.
“我认为我们正在摧毁我们的孩子,告诉他们他们无法克服任何伤害。我并不是说没有种族主义。我并不是说没有人做非常糟糕的事情并且很可怕。但我要说的是,说他们一直是受害者对我们的孩子没有好处,“她说。

And yet Christine believes that’s precisely the message educators deliver through their “trauma-informed” and “social-emotional” interventions. “You’re basically saying that everyone who’s black is stupid, overly traumatized, has no ability to be successful. It’s insane on a level where I don’t even recognize the people I work with half the time. But I also recognize that all of us who are like, ‘This is crazy,’ are fearful to say anything.”
然而,克里斯汀认为,这正是教育工作者通过他们的“创伤知情”和“社会情感”干预所传达的信息。“你基本上是在说,每个黑人都是愚蠢的,过度创伤,没有成功的能力。这在某种程度上是疯狂的,我甚至有一半的时间都认不出和我一起工作的人。但我也认识到,我们所有人都害怕说'这太疯狂了',不敢说什么。

Kids from Troubled Backgrounds Have the Most to Lose from Accommodation
来自困境背景的孩子在住宿中损失最大

Psychologist and writer Rob Henderson spent much of his childhood in foster care. Today, he writes eloquently about children who have suffered the most abject circumstances. What they need is also the thing so few adults in their lives are willing to supply: high expectations. “People think that if a young guy comes from a disorderly or deprived environment, he should be held to low standards. This is misguided. He should be held to high standards. Otherwise, he will sink to the level of his environment,” Henderson writes.[17]
心理学家兼作家罗伯·亨德森(Rob Henderson)童年的大部分时间都在寄养中度过。今天,他雄辩地写下了遭受最悲惨境遇的儿童。他们需要的也是他们生活中很少有成年人愿意提供的东西:高期望。“人们认为,如果一个年轻人来自一个无序或被剥夺的环境,他应该被要求保持低标准。这是错误的。他应该被要求达到高标准。否则,他会沉沦到他所处环境的水平,“亨德森写道。[17]

He marshals a number of peer-reviewed psychological studies to show that “young men will only do what’s expected of them.” Those from stable, affluent families require less external pressure to motivate them. Those who’ve lived through troubled circumstances need more. In fact, Henderson suggests that they would be much better served by getting an education than being swaddled in excuses and opportunities to avoid obtaining one.
他整理了一些同行评议的心理学研究,以表明“年轻人只会做对他们的期望”。那些来自稳定、富裕家庭的人需要较少的外部压力来激励他们。那些经历过困难环境的人需要更多。事实上,亨德森认为,接受教育比被襁褓中的借口和机会所束缚以逃避接受教育要好得多。

There is no good reason to believe that most kids are traumatized. The best research indicates the opposite: even among victims of heartbreaking
没有充分的理由相信大多数孩子都受到创伤。最好的研究表明恰恰相反:即使在令人心碎的受害者中也是如此

circumstances,resilienceisthenorm.[18]Disturbingeventsarebest understood as “potentially traumatic,” meaning they may leave no lasting psychological imprint at all, and certainly not necessarily a negative one.[19] Without clear evidence to the contrary, the best working assumption wouldbethatachild whocomestoschool fromless-than-ideal circumstancescanregulateheremotions,cancompletehermath assignments, can meet high expectations. And when in doubt, treating her
[18]令人不安的事件最好被理解为“潜在的创伤”,这意味着它们可能根本不会留下持久的心理印记,当然也不一定是负面的。[19] 如果没有相反的明确证据,最好的工作假设是,一个从不理想的环境中来到学校的孩子可以调节她的情绪,可以完成她的数学作业,可以满足很高的期望,当有疑问时,对待她

as though she can may be more likely to encourage the result that she will.
好像她可能更有可能鼓励她会的结果。

Educators are careful to toss out mention of “resilience,” but the picture they paint is of irremediable psychological frailty. When they do talk about “resilience,” they most often talk about “helping kids build resilience.” But resilience is not typically something that experts help you build—it’s a process that occurs on its own, through the normal course of facing life’s challenges and surmounting them.
教育工作者小心翼翼地抛弃了“复原力”的提法,但他们描绘的画面是无法弥补的心理脆弱。当他们谈论“韧性”时,他们最常谈论的是“帮助孩子建立韧性”。但是,韧性通常不是专家帮助你建立的东西——它是一个自行发生的过程,通过面对生活挑战和克服挑战的正常过程。

The same is true of emotional regulation. You fail, you are cut from the team. And lo and behold, you’re still alive! Ready to face another challenge, perhaps by preparing harder next time. Or choosing a different path entirely
情绪调节也是如此。你失败了,你就被从团队中剔除。瞧,你还活着!准备好迎接另一个挑战,也许下次会更加努力地准备。或者选择一条完全不同的道路

—one better suited to your tastes and talents.
——更适合您的品味和才能。

As for a culture of victimhood? “That’s an anti-resilience culture,” Kennair told me. By treating kids as if they bear an incipient defect, educators are very likely doing real harm. It’s no wonder so many kids feel powerless to make positive changes in their lives. They’ve been told, over and over, by educators: You can’t
至于受害者文化?“这是一种反弹性文化,”肯奈尔告诉我。通过把孩子当作一个初期的缺陷来对待,教育工作者很可能会造成真正的伤害。难怪这么多孩子感到无能为力,无法在生活中做出积极的改变。教育工作者一遍又一遍地告诉他们:你不能
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Chapter 6
第 6 章

Trauma Kings
• 创伤之王

M

y maternal grandmother—the most optimistic, can-do woman I’ve known—entered the world a matricide. In 1927, her mother died giving birth to her, a fact two of her less forbearing older
我的外祖母——我所认识的最乐观、最能干的女人——以杀母者的身份进入了这个世界。1927年,她的母亲在生下她时去世了,事实上,她比她大两个

siblings rarely let her forget. For the first few years of her life, a series of indifferent cousins in DC and Philadelphia were called upon to nurse and house her. Never given enough milk, my grandmother’s teeth grew in gray. Scanty nutrition stunted her growth.
兄弟姐妹很少让她忘记。在她生命的最初几年,华盛顿特区和费城的一系列冷漠的表亲被要求照顾和安置她。由于没有喝足够的奶,我祖母的牙齿长成了灰色。营养匮乏阻碍了她的成长。

Her widowed father could not raise her, though stories varied as to why. Whispers followed her, in Yiddish, that a relative molested her while she lived in his home. Others claimed that her father—a Russian immigrant, bereft, undereducated and overwhelmed—simply liked the racetrack too much.
她寡居的父亲无法抚养她,尽管关于原因的说法各不相同。她用意第绪语窃窃私语,说一个亲戚在她住在他家里时猥亵了她。其他人则声称,她的父亲——一个俄罗斯移民,丧亲,受教育程度低,不知所措——只是太喜欢赛马场了。

When my grandmother turned six, she had her first real stroke of good luck. Her eldest sister, Clayre, met a boy. At eighteen, Sammy’s shoulders spanned a doorway, the top of his head closing in on the transom. He had not much more than a third-grade education. But in 1930s America, that mattered less than size of his hands, the strength of his arms, the fierceness of his hunger for work. He’d been supporting his own family since he was
当我的祖母六岁时,她第一次有了真正的好运气。她的大姐克莱尔遇到了一个男孩。十八岁时,萨米的肩膀跨过一扇门,头顶紧贴着横梁。他只受过三年级的教育。但在 1930 年代的美国,这比他手的大小、手臂的力量和对工作的强烈渴望更重要。他从小就一直在养家糊口

eight; two more hardly seemed like an imposition. Clayre married Sammy, and they took my grandmother in and raised her.
八;另外两个似乎不像是强加的。克莱尔娶了萨米,他们收留了我的祖母,抚养她长大。

When she was sixteen, my grandmother attended a Saturday night slumber party with some girls from her high school class. Sunday morning, the girls took a bus to the East Potomac public pool for a swim. A terrible headache followed my grandmother home. Within hours, the pain had spread to her neck. When my grandmother couldn’t touch her chin to her chest, Clayre summoned the family doctor, who confirmed a diagnosis of spinobulbar polio. He ordered my grandmother into isolation at Gallinger Hospital.[1] Clayre burned all of my grandmother’s clothes.
十六岁那年,我的祖母和她高中班上的一些女孩一起参加了一个周六晚上的睡衣派对。星期天早上,女孩们乘坐公共汽车前往东波托马克公共游泳池游泳。一阵剧烈的头痛跟着我的祖母回家了。几个小时之内,疼痛已经蔓延到她的脖子。当我的祖母无法将下巴碰到胸口时,克莱尔叫来了家庭医生,他确认了脊髓延髓脊髓灰质炎的诊断。他命令我的祖母在加林格医院隔离。[1]克莱尔烧掉了我祖母所有的衣服。

Around the time Sammy’s giant feet stomped the beachhead at Normandy, my grandmother turned seventeen in an iron lung, straining to breathe and unable to swallow. Family visits were mimed through a hallway window: a wave, a smile, a blown kiss. The dreaded illness lasted a year until, one day, my grandmother’s tongue and pharynx enlivened enough to negotiate a teaspoon of water. Nurses crowded her bedside to witness her first sips.
大约在萨米的巨脚踩踏诺曼底滩头阵地的时候,我的祖母十七岁时患上了铁肺,呼吸困难,无法吞咽。家人的探访是通过走廊的窗户模仿的:一个挥手,一个微笑,一个吹吻。这种可怕的疾病持续了一年,直到有一天,我祖母的舌头和咽部活跃到足以喝一茶匙水。护士们挤在她的床边,目睹她喝了第一口。

If she mourned the loss of an entire year of high school, my grandmother never mentioned it. Her unpublished memoir records the day she left the hospital on a stretcher. “I remember how beautiful the sky looked, and the white floating clouds and the pure smell of fresh air as they put me into the ambulance, and I headed home.”
如果她为失去一整年的高中而哀悼,我的祖母从来没有提到过。她未出版的回忆录记录了她乘坐担架离开医院的那一天。“我记得天空看起来多么美丽,白色的浮云和新鲜空气的纯净气味,他们把我送上救护车,我回家了。

During her junior year at George Washington University, my grandmother met Buddy, a Jewish boy from Virginia who had spent the war teaching better-sighted, less mathematically inclined Army Air Corps cadets what they needed to know. They married, and together she and Buddy raised three kids. Over the years, they housed a series of down-on-their-luck relatives and foster kids with whom she had good reason to identify. She completed law school at night and became one of the first female judges in Maryland history.[2] And until the last year of her life, at ninety-four, her sharp mind softened with age, she held fast to a feeling that would not leave her: every day alive was a miracle.
在乔治华盛顿大学读大三时,我的祖母遇到了巴迪,一个来自弗吉尼亚州的犹太男孩,他在战争期间教了视力更好、数学倾向较差的陆军航空队学员他们需要知道的东西。他们结婚了,她和巴迪一起抚养了三个孩子。多年来,他们收容了一系列倒霉的亲戚和寄养孩子,她有充分的理由认同他们。她在晚上完成了法学院的学业,成为马里兰州历史上最早的女法官之一[2]直到她生命的最后一年,九十四岁,她敏锐的头脑随着年龄的增长而软化,她坚持着一种不会离开她的感觉:活着的每一天都是一个奇迹。

But in this respect, my grandmother was not remarkable. You likely know people of that Greatest Generation who emerged from similar privations and believed the same. My motherless grandmother endured poverty, polio, and world war. And yet it would have never occurred to her to respond to a survey in the way an apparently typical American young man born in 1990 recently did. “I’ve grown up in the 21st century, where disasters happen every 20 minutes.”[3]
但在这方面,我的祖母并不了不起。你可能认识那一代最伟大的人,他们从类似的贫困中走出来,并相信同样的信念。我没有母亲的祖母忍受着贫困、小儿麻痹症和世界大战。然而,她从未想过会像一个1990年出生的典型美国年轻人那样回答一项调查。“我在21世纪长大,每20分钟就会发生一次灾难。[3]

Or another young man responding to the same survey, born in 1999, who somehow managed to drag himself out of bed to offer this sunny thought: “We have no future and no hope. We are the end of history.”
或者另一位1999年出生的年轻人以某种方式设法将自己从床上拖起来,提出了这个阳光明媚的想法:“我们没有未来,也没有希望。我们是历史的终结。

We know precisely how my grandmother’s generation thought about the war and political turmoil of their age because they kept diaries, wrote letters, and contributed to magazines like Seventeen, an upstart publication at the time. A surf of 1940s-era issues of Seventeen reveals a generation of “teenagers”—a word that had only just come into existence—lusty and headstrong and critical of the generation that had led them into economic hardship and war.
我们确切地知道我祖母那一代人是如何看待他们那个时代的战争和政治动荡的,因为他们写日记、写信,并为当时的新兴刊物《十七岁》等杂志撰稿。翻阅1940年代的《十七岁》杂志,揭示了一代“青少年”——这个词刚刚出现——好色、任性,对导致他们陷入经济困难和战争的那一代人持批评态度。

They decry their parents’ and teachers’ racial prejudice and religious intolerance. They are full of cheek, convinced they could—and would— bring a far better world into existence than the one their parents had given them. (“We couldn’t do any worse than they have, anyway,” wrote one teen girl in a letter printed in the magazine.)[4] If patriotic hopefuls was merely a part they played, then America’s young method actors managed at last to convince themselves.
他们谴责父母和老师的种族偏见和宗教不宽容。他们满脸厚颜,相信自己能够——而且会——带来一个比他们父母给他们的世界更好的世界。(“无论如何,我们不能做得比他们更糟糕,”一名十几岁的女孩在杂志上刊登的一封信中写道。[4]如果爱国的希望者只是他们所扮演的角色,那么美国的年轻方法演员终于说服了自己。

Most American generations endured national hardships. But there was no rash of suicides among young southerners during the Civil War nor during Reconstruction. None among teens during the Great Depression, though they did see suicide among the adults of the time.[5] Nor was there a rash of suicide among young adults following Pearl Harbor, when so many of them were sent off to war. Not during the Cuban Missile Crisis, when the world might actually have blinked out like a Zenith TV on the fritz, nor during the endless waves of disillusionment that accompanied the Vietnam War. The Boomers who fancy themselves having confronted some of the ugliest
大多数美国几代人都忍受着国家的苦难。但是,在南北战争期间和重建期间,年轻的南方人中没有发生自杀事件。在大萧条期间,青少年中没有一个人,尽管他们确实看到当时的成年人自杀。[5]珍珠港事件后,年轻人中也没有出现一连串的自杀事件,当时他们中的许多人被派往战场。不是在古巴导弹危机期间,当时世界实际上可能像弗里茨上的真力时电视一样眨眼,也不是在伴随越南战争的无休止的幻灭浪潮中。婴儿潮一代认为自己遇到了一些最丑陋的人

chapters in American history—segregation, Vietnam, Watergate—are usually the first to acknowledge that they could, and did, initiate a positive change.
美国历史上的章节——种族隔离、越南战争、水门事件——通常是第一个承认它们能够而且确实引发了积极变化的篇章。

The majority of those who watched the towers fall on 9/11 did not develop post-traumatic stress disorder.[6] This was true even among those who lost family members to that barbarous act of mass murder. Resilience and trauma researcher George Bonnano of Columbia University conducted a series of studies to learn from those who witnessed the 9/11 attacks or lost loved ones in it. His research team found that after the initial shock of the attack, the most common pattern evinced by those who lost loved ones or directly witnessed the attack was: “a stable trajectory of healthy functioning across time.”[7] Resilience, in other words.
大多数在 9/11 上目睹塔楼倒塌的人并没有患上创伤后应激障碍[6],即使在那些因大规模屠杀的野蛮行为而失去家人的人中也是如此。哥伦比亚大学的复原力和创伤研究员乔治·博纳诺(George Bonnano)进行了一系列研究,向那些目睹9/11袭击或失去亲人的人学习。他的研究小组发现,在袭击的最初冲击之后,那些失去亲人或直接目睹袭击的人所表现出的最常见的模式是:“随着时间的推移,健康运作的稳定轨迹。[7] 换句话说,弹性。

For thousands of years, we expected most people who suffered even colossal misfortune to bounce back. Researchers confirm that the vast majority of those who suffer even severe hardship, left to their own devices, will be able to do just this:[8] pull themselves up, get back on the horse, try again. Some even posit that we can be made better off—stronger, smarter, more determined, more grateful—by the thousand natural shocks of a bumpy childhood.
几千年来,我们期望大多数遭受巨大不幸的人都能反弹。研究人員證實,絕大多數遭受嚴重困難的人,任其自生自灭,都能做到這樣做:[8]振作起來,重新上馬,再試一次。有些人甚至认为,我们可以通过坎坷童年的数千种自然冲击而变得更好——更坚强、更聪明、更坚定、更感恩。

Then something changed. We surrendered our faith in the native human ability to surmount hardship—and told our kids that they could not possibly recover, let alone emerge stronger. “I think one big problem with the field of academic psychology is that it has become limited to the privileged and the wealthy,” Camilo Ortiz said. Very few mental health experts have ever been poor, much less weathered forced migration or the incarceration of parents,[9] as Ortiz did. It’s easy for them to exaggerate the degree to which minor upsets scar adolescents’ psyches.
然后事情发生了变化。我们放弃了对人类克服困难的能力的信念,并告诉我们的孩子,他们不可能康复,更不用说变得更强大了。“我认为学术心理学领域的一个大问题是,它已经变得仅限于特权阶层和富人,”卡米洛·奥尔蒂斯说。很少有心理健康专家像奥尔蒂斯那样贫穷,更不用说经受住强迫移民或父母监禁了[9]。他们很容易夸大轻微的不安对青少年心理的伤害程度。

Therapists nevertheless grabbed the reins of the culture and breathed life into a specter that haunts us still: “childhood trauma.”
尽管如此,治疗师还是抓住了文化的缰绳,为一个仍然困扰着我们的幽灵注入了活力:“童年创伤”。

A Bunch of Broken Toys
一堆破玩具

Today, school counselors and psychologists would invite a motherless girl like my grandmother into their offices, inquire about her family life, and ensure that all of her teachers knew she’d been through something very hard. They would hunt for minute signs that she wasn’t coping, and because she was a bright girl, she would catch their meaning: she was damaged. Because she had no mother, because her family was poor, because they were immigrants, because she had survived abuse and a nearly fatal illness, adults would be watching her for signs of trouble. Their expectations for what she could handle, what she might achieve, would be dialed way down. In the parlance of today’s school counselors, she was at least a “four ACEs kid,” clobbered by four adverse childhood experiences, which should spell all kinds of physical and behavioral problems.
今天,学校的辅导员和心理学家会邀请像我祖母这样没有母亲的女孩到他们的办公室,询问她的家庭生活,并确保她所有的老师都知道她经历了一些非常艰难的事情。他们会寻找她没有应对的微小迹象,因为她是一个聪明的女孩,她会明白他们的意思:她受到了伤害。因为她没有母亲,因为她的家庭很穷,因为他们是移民,因为她在虐待和几乎致命的疾病中幸存下来,大人们会关注她是否有麻烦的迹象。他们对她能处理什么,她可能取得什么成就的期望,都会被大大降低。用今天学校辅导员的话来说,她至少是一个“四个ACE的孩子”,被四个不良的童年经历所困扰,这应该意味着各种身体和行为问题。

No one today would dare punish a girl with my grandmother’s biography for bad behavior or dock her grade if she failed to complete an assignment. Hadn’t she been through enough? Just coping would be a miraculous achievement for this traumatized young lady. If their eyes didn’t broadcast this message, surely her regular check-ins with the school counselor would.
今天,没有人敢因为一个有我祖母传记的女孩的不良行为而惩罚她,或者如果她没有完成作业,她的成绩就会被扣除。她受够了吗?对于这位饱受创伤的年轻女士来说,仅仅应对就是一个奇迹般的成就。如果他们的眼睛没有广播这个信息,她肯定会定期与学校辅导员联系。

We are, as a culture, enthralled by the notion of childhood trauma—wary of inflicting it, eager to spot it. Books that insist we all have hidden trauma from our childhoods live on bestseller lists. They do not budge.
作为一种文化,我们被童年创伤的概念所吸引——对造成它保持警惕,渴望发现它。那些坚持认为我们都有童年时期隐藏的创伤的书出现在畅销书排行榜上。他们不会让步。

And what a relief it is to discover our own! So that’s why I’m needy; why I can’t get to work on time; why I struggle to maintain relationships. It lets us off the hook. It isn’t that we overlooked significant character flaws in romantic partners or that we’ve furnished our lives with accoutrements of chaos—drugs, social media, and porn. No, the source of our unhappiness is our childhood trauma, akin to a disease—another undeserved impairment. Trauma hangs above our heads like a low ceiling. How much can we possibly grow? We can’t. Nor can we throw open the door and step out of the cramped space; trauma has nailed our shoes to the floor.
发现我们自己的是多么的解脱!所以这就是我有需要的原因;为什么我不能按时上班;为什么我努力维持人际关系。它让我们摆脱了困境。这并不是说我们忽视了浪漫伴侣的重大性格缺陷,也不是说我们用混乱的装备来装饰我们的生活——毒品、社交媒体和色情。不,我们不快乐的根源是我们的童年创伤,类似于一种疾病——另一种不应有的损害。创伤像低矮的天花板一样悬在我们头顶上。我们能增长多少?我们不能。我们也不能推开门,走出狭窄的空间;创伤把我们的鞋子钉在了地板上。

The great Israeli sociologist Eva Illouz notes that the trauma narrative is plotted backward—from present adult dissatisfaction to the epiphany of a
伟大的以色列社会学家伊娃·伊洛兹(Eva Illouz)指出,创伤叙事是向后策划的——从现在的成人不满到顿悟

childhood spent in a dysfunctional family. “What is a dysfunctional family? A family where one’s needs are not met. And how does one know that one’s needs were not met in childhood? Simply by looking at one’s present situation,” Illouz writes. “The nature of the tautology is obvious: any present predicament points to a past injury.[10]
童年在一个功能失调的家庭中度过。“什么是功能失调的家庭?一个家庭的需求得不到满足。一个人怎么知道自己的需求在童年时期没有得到满足?只要看看一个人的现状,“伊洛兹写道。“重言式的本质是显而易见的:任何当前的困境都指向过去的伤害”[10]

Like fortunes told by readers of palms and tarot cards, the childhood trauma explanation for adult dissatisfaction is unfalsifiable. (It can never be disproved.) How do we know we didn’t fail in our jobs or relationships because of the unresolved pain of having been spanked by Dad or screamed at by Mom or bullied in junior high? We don’t. We can never know. The idea is slippery, it evades serious judgment, and because it both seems to explain all of our troubles and lets us off the hook for fixing them, it slides down so easily.
就像手掌和塔罗牌的读者算命一样,童年创伤对成人不满的解释是不可证伪的。(它永远无法被反驳。我们怎么知道我们在工作或人际关系中没有失败,因为初中被爸爸打屁股、被妈妈尖叫或被欺负的未解决的痛苦?我们没有。我们永远无法知道。这个想法很滑稽,它逃避了严肃的判断,而且因为它似乎既解释了我们所有的麻烦,又让我们摆脱了解决它们的困境,所以它很容易滑落。

High Priest of the Church of Trauma
创伤教会的大祭司

Bessel van der Kolk has been called “the world’s most famous living psychiatrist.”[11] His canonical book, The Body Keeps the Score, has sold three million copies and dominated the New York Times bestseller list for hundreds of weeks, like an Olympic athlete competing in a high school sport. Virtually everywhere I went while researching this book, I met people who told me that the book had changed their lives.[12] From van der Kolk they learned that their bodies stored the trauma of their childhoods, frozen in perpetuity like a spear-toting caveman at the Museum of Natural History. Van der Kolk, who still hosts trauma workshops, has become a guru to millions. Silky gray hair complements a seductive insistence that he keenly feels your pain. A Northern European accent brings to mind—if not Freud, precisely—someone ambiguously serious about matters of the mind. Van der Kolk even spent a few years at Harvard as an associate professor of psychiatry before he lost his affiliation with Harvard Medical School and
贝塞尔·范德科尔克被称为“世界上最著名的在世精神病学家”。[11]他的经典著作《身体保持分数》已售出300万册,并在《纽约时报》畅销书排行榜上占据了数百周的主导地位,就像一个参加高中运动的奥林匹克运动员一样。在研究这本书的过程中,几乎每到一处,我都会遇到一些人,他们告诉我这本书改变了他们的生活。[12]他们从范德科尔克那里了解到,他们的身体储存了他们童年的创伤,像自然历史博物馆里一个拿着长矛的穴居人一样永久冻结。范德科尔克(Van der Kolk)仍然主持创伤研讨会,他已成为数百万人的导师。柔滑的白发与诱人的坚持相得益彰,他敏锐地感受到了你的痛苦。北欧口音让人想起——如果不是弗洛伊德的话,准确地说——一个对心灵问题非常认真的人。范德科尔克甚至在哈佛大学担任了几年的精神病学副教授,然后他失去了与哈佛医学院的联系。

transferred to Boston University.[13]
转入波士顿大学[13]

All of that would suggest that his theory about childhood trauma—which he terms “the hidden epidemic”—ought to be taken very, very seriously. The catch? According to several of the greatest academic psychologists and psychiatrists alive today, van der Kolk’s theory amounts to a bill of goods.
所有这些都表明,他关于童年创伤的理论——他称之为“隐藏的流行病”——应该非常非常认真地对待。有什么收获?根据当今几位最伟大的学术心理学家和精神病学家的说法,范德科尔克的理论相当于一张商品清单。

Does the Body Keep the Score? Literally, No.
身体会保持分数吗?从字面上看,没有。

Figuratively? Also, No.
比喻地?另外,没有。

Van der Kolk published his mega-seller in 2014, but it’s based on an idea first articulated by van der Kolk in a 1994 paper of the same name.[14] The “memory” of “trauma”—he argues—is “encoded in the viscera, in heartbreaking and gut-wrenching emotions, in autoimmune disorders and skeletal/muscular problems.”[15] Traumatic memory can be stored anywhere
范德科尔克在2014年出版了他的超级畅销书,但它是基于范德科尔克在1994年的一篇同名论文中首次阐述的想法。[14]他认为,“创伤”的“记忆”被“编码在内脏中,在令人心碎和痛苦的情绪中,在自身免疫性疾病和骨骼/肌肉问题中。[15] 创伤记忆可以存储在任何地方

—in the brain’s hippocampus, which assails us with worry; in the shoulder that aches; in the white blood cells that fail to turn up. Autoimmune disorders, anxiety, depression, ADHD, asthma, migraine headaches, fibromyalgia, even cancer can all proceed from childhood trauma, according to van der Kolk.[16]
——在大脑的海马体中,它让我们忧心忡忡;在肩膀上疼痛;在未能出现的白细胞中。根据van der Kolk的说法,自身免疫性疾病,焦虑,抑郁,多动症,哮喘,偏头痛,纤维肌痛,甚至癌症都可能源于童年创伤。[16]

In 1994, van der Kolk invited eight subjects who claimed to be haunted by memories of traumatic events into his lab. He prompted them to recall the experiences while each lay inside a PET scanner that tracked brain activity. He expected bright spots in the amygdala, which is activated by intense emotion. But according to van der Kolk, their amygdalae seemed to go into overdrive, as if their bodies were faced with a present threat. He also noticed a decrease in activity in the Broca’s area of the left brain, a speech center.[17]
1994年,范德科尔克邀请了八名声称被创伤事件记忆困扰的受试者进入他的实验室。他提示他们回忆这些经历,而每个人都躺在跟踪大脑活动的PET扫描仪中。他预计杏仁核中的亮点是由强烈的情绪激活的。但根据范德科尔克的说法,他们的杏仁核似乎进入了超速状态,就好像他们的身体面临着当前的威胁。他还注意到左脑布罗卡区域(一个语言中枢)的活动减少[17]

“When something reminds traumatized people of the past, their right brain reacts as if the traumatic event were happening in the present,” he surmised. “But because their left brain is not working well, they may not be aware that they are reexperiencing and reenacting the past—they are just furious, terrified, enraged, ashamed or frozen.”[18]
“当某些事情让受过创伤的人想起过去时,他们的右脑会做出反应,就好像创伤事件发生在当下一样,”他推测道。“但是因为他们的左脑工作不好,他们可能没有意识到他们正在重新体验和重演过去——他们只是愤怒、恐惧、愤怒、羞愧或冻结。[18]

From these studies, a narrative was born. Any of us could be thrown into this “fight-or-flight” state by “body memories” that we can’t always access or articulate. And if we found ourselves suddenly enraged or terrified for reasons we couldn’t explain, we now knew why: trauma memory.
从这些研究中,一种叙述诞生了。我们任何人都可能被“身体记忆”抛入这种“战斗或逃跑”状态,我们无法总是访问或表达。如果我们发现自己突然因为无法解释的原因而感到愤怒或恐惧,我们现在知道了原因:创伤记忆。

“What has happened cannot be undone,” van der Kolk writes. All you can do is work with a therapist to unearth and revisit your trauma. “What can be dealt with are the imprints of the trauma on body, mind and soul; the crushing sensations in your chest that you may label as anxiety or depression; the fear of losing control; always being on alert for danger or rejection; the self-loathing; the nightmares and flashbacks; the fog that keeps you from staying on task and from engaging fully in what you are doing; being unable to fully open your heart to another human being.”
“已经发生的事情无法挽回,”范德科尔克写道。你所能做的就是与治疗师合作,挖掘并重新审视你的创伤。“可以处理的是创伤对身体、思想和灵魂的印记;胸部的压抑感,您可能将其标记为焦虑或抑郁;害怕失去控制;时刻警惕危险或拒绝;自我厌恶;噩梦和闪回;迷雾使你无法继续完成任务,无法全身心地投入到你正在做的事情中;无法向另一个人完全敞开心扉。

In a time when so many people feel lost and dissatisfied with their lot, van der Kolk comes along and offers secular absolution: It’s not your fault. Trauma made you this way.
在这么多人对自己的命运感到迷茫和不满的时候,范德科尔克出现了,并提供了世俗的赦免:这不是你的错。创伤使你变成这样。

Can’t concentrate? Trauma! Trouble forming relationships? Trauma! Tightness in your chest? Trauma! Cancer, substance abuse, sexual promiscuity, stroke, irritable bowel syndrome? Trauma, trauma, trauma, trauma![19]
无法集中注意力?外伤!难以建立关系?外伤!胸闷?外伤!癌症、药物滥用、性滥交、中风、肠易激综合征?创伤,创伤,创伤,创伤![19]

Van der Kolk bases many of his claims on studies of combat soldiers who suffered PTSD. Captivated by his idea that we’re all damaged, people who have never seen any combat (or, really, any brutal experience) discover their hidden traumas, reasoning backward from a disappointing adult life to the parent who failed them.
范德科尔克的许多主张都基于对患有创伤后应激障碍的战斗士兵的研究。那些从未见过任何战斗(或者说,任何残酷的经历)的人被他的观点所吸引,他们发现了他们隐藏的创伤,从令人失望的成年生活到让他们失望的父母倒推。

He relays the story of a twenty-six-year-old man named Mark who found himself unable to connect emotionally to others and deeply suspicious of any woman who showed interest in him. In a group therapy role-play session led by van der Kolk, Mark revealed that at the age of thirteen he’d overheard his father having phone sex with his aunt. Years later, after Mark’s mother died, Mark’s father married the aunt. Mark was invited to neither the funeral nor the wedding. Suddenly, the memory had become vivid to Mark: “You asshole, you hypocrite, you ruined my life,” Mark screamed at the participant standing-in for his father.
他讲述了一个名叫马克的二十六岁男子的故事,他发现自己无法与他人建立情感联系,并且对任何对他感兴趣的女人都深表怀疑。在范德科尔克(van der Kolk)领导的团体治疗角色扮演课程中,马克透露,在十三岁时,他无意中听到父亲与阿姨进行电话性爱。多年后,马克的母亲去世后,马克的父亲娶了这位阿姨。马克既没有被邀请参加葬礼,也没有被邀请参加婚礼。突然间,马克的记忆变得生动起来:“你这个混蛋,你这个伪君子,你毁了我的生活,”马克对着替他父亲的参与者尖叫。

“Secrets like these become inner toxins—realities you are not allowed to acknowledge to yourself or to others but that nevertheless become the template of your life,” van der Kolk writes, mingling the language of biology (“toxins”) with that of emotions.[20]
“像这样的秘密变成了内在的毒素——你不被允许向自己或他人承认的现实,但它们仍然会成为你生活的模板,”范德科尔克写道,将生物学语言(“毒素”)与情感语言混合在一起。[20]

Many Americans will recognize the notion that forgotten or buried childhood experiences can produce devastating “inner toxins” that must be drained by recovering the lost memory under psychotherapy or hypnosis. According to van der Kolk, there is a “wealth of evidence that trauma can be forgotten and resurface years later.”[21] The idea once wore slightly different clothes and traveled under a more discreet name: “repressed memory.”
许多美国人会认识到,被遗忘或埋葬的童年经历会产生毁灭性的“内毒素”,必须通过心理治疗或催眠来恢复失去的记忆来排出这些毒素。根据范德科尔克的说法,“有大量证据表明,创伤可以被遗忘并在多年后重新浮出水面。[21]这个想法曾经穿着略有不同的衣服,并以一个更谨慎的名字旅行:“被压抑的记忆”。

The Most Serious Catastrophe Since the Lobotomy
自脑叶切除术以来最严重的灾难

Harvard University psychology professor Richard McNally has called repressed memory therapy “arguably the most serious catastrophe to strike the mental health field since the lobotomy era.”[22] The repressed memory scandal of the 1990s resulted in false accusations and high-profile convictions, later overturned.[23] It represented perhaps the most notorious rash of therapist-led iatrogenesis in twentieth-century America. At its center stood a psychiatrist named Bessel van der Kolk.
哈佛大学心理学教授理查德·麦克纳利(Richard McNally)称压抑记忆疗法“可以说是自脑叶切除术时代以来袭击心理健康领域的最严重的灾难”。[22]1990年代被压抑的记忆丑闻导致了虚假指控和高调的定罪,后来被推翻。[23] 它可能代表了二十世纪美国最臭名昭著的由治疗师主导的医源性皮疹。它的中心站着一位名叫贝塞尔·范德科尔克的精神病医生。

In the 1990s, van der Kolk was both a chief architect and major proponent of the idea that our bodies hold onto buried memories of trauma, which require a therapist to unearth. He traveled the country testifying for the prosecution in repressed memory cases,[24] facing off against memory experts like Elizabeth Loftus and Harrison Pope, who insisted that the whole idea wasn’t good science. “Van der Kolk’s testimony was crucial to putting innocent people in prison,” wrote Mark Pendergrast, a science journalist who has covered the false memory scandal extensively.[25] Van der Kolk’s 1994 paper, also titled “The Body Keeps the Score,” supplied scholarly heft to these prosecutions. To this day, van der Kolk has never
在 1990 年代,范德科尔克既是首席建筑师,也是我们的身体保留着埋藏的创伤记忆这一观点的主要支持者,这需要治疗师来挖掘。他周游全国,在被压抑的记忆案件中为检方作证,[24]与伊丽莎白·洛夫图斯(Elizabeth Loftus)和哈里森·波普(Harrison Pope)等记忆专家对峙,后者坚持认为整个想法不是好的科学。“范德科尔克的证词对于将无辜的人关进监狱至关重要,”科学记者马克·彭德格拉斯特(Mark Pendergrast)写道,他广泛报道了虚假记忆丑闻[25] 范德科尔克 1994 年的论文,也题为“身体保持分数”,为这些起诉提供了学术上的分量。直到今天,范德科尔克从未

disavowed the theory; an entire section of his book is dedicated to the “Science of Repressed Memory.”[26]
否定了这一理论;他的书中有一整节专门讨论“被压抑的记忆科学”。[26]

Harvard professor of psychiatry Harrison Pope has long been among the most prominent and vociferous critics of van der Kolk’s theory of repressed memory. Following a pummeling by the likes of Pope, McNally, and Johns Hopkins psychiatrist Paul McHugh, the theory “has practically vanished among scientists writing in the peer-reviewed literature,” Pope told me in our email correspondence. But the idea has made a powerful resurgence in the popular imagination, thanks in part to its promotion by therapists transfixed by the notion of childhood trauma.
哈佛大学精神病学教授哈里森·波普(Harrison Pope)长期以来一直是范德科尔克压抑记忆理论最著名和最激烈的批评者之一。在波普、麦克纳利和约翰霍普金斯大学精神病学家保罗·麦克休(Paul McHugh)等人的抨击下,该理论“在同行评议文献中写作的科学家中几乎消失了,”波普在我们的电子邮件中告诉我。但这个想法在大众的想象中强势复苏,部分原因在于被童年创伤概念所震惊的治疗师的推广。

I asked McNally if he was surprised to see van der Kolk’s book spend more than 150 weeks on the New York Times bestseller list, where it sits like a Delphic oracle convincing trusting readers that their brains, bodies, and lives lie in tatters because of repressed childhood trauma.
我问麦克纳利,看到范德科尔克的书在《纽约时报》畅销书排行榜上停留了150多个星期,他是否感到惊讶,它就像一个德尔菲神谕,让相信的读者相信,他们的大脑、身体和生活因为被压抑的童年创伤而变得支离破碎。

“I thought the memory wars were over. You know, we won,” McNally told me candidly. “God, here we go again.”
“我以为记忆战争已经结束了。你知道,我们赢了,“麦克纳利坦率地告诉我。“上帝,我们又来了。”

Trauma Salesmen
创伤推销员

Gabor Maté is a family physician turned trauma guru who charged the public $33.09 to watch a livestream of his therapy session with Prince Harry. In a recent bestselling book, The Myth of Normal, Maté reveals, like a secret too long withheld, that we are all damaged goods. And we all need help—the help of therapists.
加博尔·马特(Gabor Maté)是一名家庭医生,后来成为创伤大师,他向公众收取了33.09美元的费用,以观看他与哈里王子的治疗过程的现场直播。在最近的一本畅销书《正常的神话》(The Myth of Normal)中,马特揭示了一个被隐瞒了太久的秘密,我们都是被损坏的物品。我们都需要帮助——治疗师的帮助。

“An event is traumatizing, or retraumatizing, only if it renders one diminished, which is to say psychically (or physically) more limited than before in a way that persists,” Maté writes. Trauma creates a disconnect from our bodies. If you find yourself with a “diminished capacity to feel or think or trust or assert yourself”; if you find that holding your pain and sorrow leads you to need to “escape habitually into work or compulsiveself soothing or self-stimulating”; if you feel “compelled either to aggrandize yourself or to efface yourself for the sake of gaining acceptance”; if you
“一个事件是创伤性的,或者说是再创伤性的,只有当它使一个人变得虚弱时,也就是说,在心理上(或身体上)比以前更有限,而且这种方式会持续下去,”马特写道。创伤会造成与我们身体的脱节。如果你发现自己“感觉、思考、信任或主张自己的能力减弱”;如果你发现憋着痛苦和悲伤导致你需要“习惯性地逃避工作或强迫性地自我安慰或自我刺激”;如果你觉得“为了获得认可而不得不夸大自己或抹杀自己”;如果你

struggle to “experience gratitude for the beauty and wonder of life”; this “might well represent trauma’s shadow on your psyche, the presence of an unhealed emotional world, no matter the size of the t.[27] (I’ll bet you can guess what the t stands for.)
努力“体验对生命的美丽和奇迹的感激之情”;这“很可能代表了创伤在你心灵上的阴影,一个未治愈的情感世界的存在,无论T的大小如何。[27] (我敢打赌你能猜到t代表什么。

Note that this list describes just about any of us at times, which is why the conclusion that no one is normal should be unsurprising. Maté offers the classic anything-and-its-opposite symptoms checklists (e.g., the need to self-aggrandize or self-efface), with the result that virtually anyone can stumble into diagnosis and decide: I must have suffered childhood trauma.
请注意,这份清单有时几乎描述了我们中的任何人,这就是为什么没有人是正常的结论应该不足为奇。Maté提供了经典的相反症状清单(例如,需要自我夸大或自我贬低),结果几乎任何人都可以偶然诊断并决定:我一定遭受了童年创伤。

Almost anything, according to Maté, may be a symptom of body- and mind-wrecking trauma. Even niceness. “Time after time it was the ‘nice’ people, the ones who compulsively put others’ expectations and needs ahead of their own and who repressed their so-called negative emotions, who showed up with chronic illness in my family practice, or who came under my care at the hospital palliative ward I directed,”[28] Maté writes. “It struck me that these patients had a higher likelihood of cancer and poorer prognoses. The reason, I believe, is straightforward: repression disarms one’s ability to protect oneself from stress.”[29]
根据马特的说法,几乎任何事情都可能是身体和精神毁灭创伤的症状。甚至很好。“一次又一次地是'好人',那些强迫性地将他人的期望和需求置于自己的期望和需求之上的人,压抑他们所谓的负面情绪的人,在我的家庭诊所中出现慢性病的人,或者在我指导的医院姑息治疗病房接受我的照顾,”[28]马特写道。“令我震惊的是,这些患者患癌症的可能性更高,预后更差。我相信,原因很简单:压抑会剥夺一个人保护自己免受压力的能力。[29]

Gabor Maté’s observation that his nice patients had more cancer (and worse prognoses) is certainly arresting, if macabre. Whether there’s any statistical validity to it is a different story. It’s plausible that people who compulsively put others’ needs ahead of their own might also fail to make time for routine mammograms and colonoscopies or tend to neglect the onset of cancer symptoms. But Maté thinks he’s found a different cause: repression.
加博尔·马特(Gabor Maté)观察到他的好病人患上了更多的癌症(以及更糟糕的预后),这当然是令人震惊的,如果令人毛骨悚然的话。它是否有任何统计有效性是另一回事。强迫性地将他人的需求置于自己的需求之上的人也可能无法腾出时间进行常规乳房X光检查和结肠镜检查,或者倾向于忽视癌症症状的发作。但马特认为他找到了另一个原因:镇压。

In fact, Maté goes much further. Not only do we carry the trauma we personally experienced, but we harbor the trauma our parents or ancestors did as well. “Trauma is in most cases multigenerational,” Maté writes. “The chain of transmission goes from parent to child, stretching from the past into the future. We pass on to our offspring what we haven’t resolved in ourselves.”[30]
事实上,Maté走得更远。我们不仅背负着我们亲身经历的创伤,而且我们也怀有我们的父母或祖先所经历的创伤。“在大多数情况下,创伤是多代人的,”马特写道。“传播链从父母到孩子,从过去延伸到未来。我们把我们自己没有解决的事情传给我们的后代。[30]

“Normal” has always been a null set, Maté tells us. Even he is damaged. A decade ago, Maté’s colleague and comrade, van der Kolk, told him so at a
“正常”一直是一个空集合,Maté告诉我们。甚至他也受到了伤害。十年前,马特的同事兼战友范德科尔克(van der Kolk)在一次

work conference. Over lunch, van der Kolk peered into Maté’s eyes and said: “Gabor, you don’t need to drag Auschwitz around with you everywhere you go.”
工作会议。吃午饭时,范德科尔克凝视着马特的眼睛说:“加博尔,你不需要拖着奥斯威辛到处走。

It’s a revelatory moment for Maté, who survived the Holocaust as an infant in the care of a stranger and then with an aunt until his parents could recover him. “In that instant, Bessel saw me. Despite all my positive engagements with life, despite the love and joy and immense good fortune that have also been my portion, that self-directed hopelessness was an ever- lurking shadow, ready to obliterate the light whenever I experienced a setback or discouragement, and even in innocent, unguarded moments.”[31] Apparently, van der Kolk is allowed to tell even Holocaust survivors to “get over it” when it comes to their trauma. No one else is.
对于马特来说,这是一个启示性的时刻,他在大屠杀中幸存下来,在陌生人的照顾下,然后与一位阿姨在一起,直到他的父母能够找回他。“在那一瞬间,贝塞尔看到了我。尽管我积极地参与生活,尽管爱、喜悦和巨大的好运也是我的一部分,但这种自我导向的绝望是一个永远潜伏的阴影,每当我遇到挫折或气馁时,甚至在天真、毫无防备的时刻,随时准备抹去光明。[31]显然,范德科尔克甚至被允许告诉大屠杀幸存者在谈到他们的创伤时“克服它”。没有其他人是。

This idea of “trauma’s shadow on your psyche” has profoundly changed the practice of psychotherapy, education, and how we raise our own children. With their palette of science-ish suggestions and compelling metaphors, Maté and van der Kolk have painted for us a world whose every surface is tinged with trauma’s hues. And the notion that every one of us carries the damage of even our ancestors’ childhoods has become an indelible feature of our societal self-portrait.
这种“创伤在你心灵上的阴影”的想法深刻地改变了心理治疗、教育以及我们如何抚养自己的孩子。Maté 和 van der Kolk 用他们的科学建议和引人入胜的隐喻为我们描绘了一个每个表面都带有创伤色彩的世界。我们每个人都背负着我们祖先童年的伤害,这种观念已经成为我们社会自画像中不可磨灭的特征。

Several of the academic psychologists I spoke to think this view is wholly misguided. They wanted me to know that this theory runs contrary to the best research. In fact, their work showed that the opposite was true: resilience—not permanent traumatic response—is the norm. Even for kids subjected to desperate hardship—poverty, alcoholism in the family, family instability, and parental mental illness—studies showed that in all but the most persistently dire circumstances, they typically demonstrate resilience.
与我交谈过的几位学术心理学家认为这种观点完全是错误的。他们想让我知道,这个理论与最好的研究背道而驰。事实上,他们的工作表明,事实恰恰相反:复原力——而不是永久性的创伤反应——是常态。即使对于遭受绝望困难的孩子——贫困、家庭酗酒、家庭不稳定和父母患有精神疾病——研究表明,除了最持久的可怕情况外,他们通常都表现出韧性。

[32]

“Memories are not stored ‘in the body’ [that is, in muscle tissue], and the notion of ‘body memories’ is foreign to the cognitive neuroscience of memory,” McNally has written, in a paper refuting van der Kolk.[33] When you’ve experienced a potentially traumatic event, you’re particularly likely to remember it explicitly. There’s no evidence that even survivors of the
“记忆不是存储在'身体'(即肌肉组织中)的,'身体记忆'的概念对于记忆的认知神经科学来说是陌生的,”麦克纳利在一篇反驳范德科尔克的论文中写道。[33] 当你经历过一个潜在的创伤事件时,你特别有可能明确地记住它。没有证据表明,即使是幸存者

worst traumas hold memories implicitly or that those memories can be stored outside of the central nervous system.[34]
最严重的创伤隐含地保留记忆,或者这些记忆可以存储在中枢神经系统之外。[34]

The idea that we carry in our bodies the trauma of our younger selves— much less the trauma of our ancestors—may be a PR campaign in search of a product. Academic psychologist Martin Seligman, winner of the APA Award for Lifetime Contributions to Psychology, has reviewed and summarized the studies on childhood trauma this way: “The major traumas of childhood may have some influence on adult personality, but the influence is barely detectable. . . . There is no justification, according to these studies, for blaming your adult depression, anxiety, bad marriage, drug use, sexual problems, unemployment, beating up your children, alcoholism or anger on what happened to you as a child.”[35]
我们的身体里带着年轻自我的创伤——更不用说我们祖先的创伤了——的想法可能是一场寻找产品的公关活动。学术心理学家马丁·塞利格曼(Martin Seligman)是APA心理学终身贡献奖的获得者,他这样回顾和总结了关于童年创伤的研究:“童年的重大创伤可能对成人人格产生一些影响,但这种影响几乎无法察觉。根据这些研究,没有理由将你的成年抑郁症、焦虑症、糟糕的婚姻、吸毒、性问题、失业、殴打你的孩子、酗酒或愤怒归咎于你小时候发生的事情。[35]

Meanwhile, many of my own friends were utterly convinced by the idea of which I was becoming increasingly suspicious: that our bodies are invisibly tattooed with trauma. That any harsh word we uttered or punishment we gave our children—any moment when we allowed them to feel in doubt of our approval—would leave lasting emotional scars. And, most dubiously, that children are helped by teachers who treat them as if they were recent survivors of the trenches at Verdun.
与此同时,我自己的许多朋友都完全相信我越来越怀疑的想法:我们的身体在无形中纹上了创伤。我们说出的任何严厉的话语或我们给孩子的惩罚——任何我们允许他们怀疑我们认可的时刻——都会留下持久的情感伤痕。而且,最令人怀疑的是,孩子们得到了老师的帮助,他们把他们当作凡尔登战壕的幸存者。

Elementary School Kids Are Not Combat Vets
小学生不是战斗兽医

In 2001, van der Kolk helped found the National Child Traumatic Stress Network, which now has more than 150 centers nationwide. The network created trauma-informed programs in schools, juvenile justice systems, and child welfare agencies and helped bring “trauma-sensitive teachers” into the classroom.[36]
2001 年,van der Kolk 帮助建立了国家儿童创伤应激网络,该网络目前在全国拥有 150 多个中心。该网络在学校、少年司法系统和儿童福利机构创建了创伤知情计划,并帮助将“创伤敏感教师”带入课堂。[36]

Van der Kolk’s Network taught a generation of teachers to reason from brain scans of PTSD sufferers to children with adverse childhood experiences. “Our goal in all these efforts is to translate brain science into everyday practice,”[37] he wrote.
范德科尔克的网络教会了一代教师从创伤后应激障碍患者的脑部扫描到有不良童年经历的儿童进行推理。“我们在所有这些努力中的目标是将脑科学转化为日常实践,”[37]他写道。

But it doesn’t work. According to James McGaugh, distinguished emeritus professor of neurobiology at the University of California, Irvine, it is a mistake to reason from PTSD victims, who suffered a traumatic occurrence, to kids who grow up in terrible circumstances. The two are entirely different phenomena, from a neuroscientific perspective. “He mixes up the conditions occurring during the formation of an emotional experience with that of sustained trauma over a long period of time,” McGaugh told me, about van der Kolk.
但这行不通。根据加州大学欧文分校(University of California, Irvine)杰出的神经生物学名誉教授詹姆斯·麦高(James McGaugh)的说法,从遭受创伤的创伤后应激障碍受害者到在可怕环境中长大的孩子进行推理是错误的。从神经科学的角度来看,这两者是完全不同的现象。“他把情绪体验形成过程中发生的情况与长期持续创伤的情况混为一谈,”麦高告诉我,关于范德科尔克。

As far as the brain is concerned, there is a world of difference between suffering a sudden shock—seeing your unit decimated by an IED—and the grinding torment of growing up with an alcoholic father. We may call them both “trauma,” but from a neurobiological perspective, they are entirely disparate kinds of events.
就大脑而言,遭受突然的电击——看到你的单位被简易爆炸装置摧毁——和与酗酒的父亲一起长大的痛苦折磨之间存在着天壤之别。我们可以称它们为“创伤”,但从神经生物学的角度来看,它们是完全不同的事件。

“It’s a very different thing to talk about a trauma over a long period of time, let’s say a rejected child,” McGaugh said. And it’s a mistake, if not dishonest, to make neuroscientific claims about kids who suffered a bad childhood based on our work with soldiers who survived a discrete and sudden shock.
“在很长一段时间内谈论创伤是一件非常不同的事情,比如说一个被拒绝的孩子,”麦高说。如果不是不诚实的话,根据我们对在离散和突然的冲击中幸存下来的士兵的工作,对遭受糟糕童年的孩子做出神经科学的主张是一个错误。

Brain scans of soldiers and accident victims with PTSD do not necessarily tell us anything about the brains of kids who have suffered neglect or ongoing abuse by a parent. It’s a mistake to extrapolate from one to the other. Kids who have suffered neglect or ongoing abuse need help and support. Conflating them with combat vets does not bring them any closer to getting it.
对患有创伤后应激障碍的士兵和事故受害者进行脑部扫描并不一定能告诉我们任何关于遭受父母忽视或持续虐待的孩子的大脑的信息。从一个推断到另一个是错误的。遭受忽视或持续虐待的孩子需要帮助和支持。将他们与战斗兽医混为一谈并不能使他们更接近得到它。

Brain Studies Don’t Prove Trauma Permanently Alters Your Brain
大脑研究并不能证明创伤会永久改变你的大脑

People are complicated—the brain, endlessly so. And every psychiatrist I spoke to emphasized to me that we really don’t know very much about how the brain works. True, a child who’s been sexually assaulted and beaten and has an incarcerated parent may be more likely to suffer a heart attack or fall
人是复杂的——大脑,无穷无尽。与我交谈过的每一位精神科医生都向我强调,我们真的不太了解大脑是如何工作的。诚然,遭受性侵犯和殴打并且父母被监禁的孩子可能更容易心脏病发作或跌倒

prey to addiction as an adult. The essential question is: Why? We don’t have any proof that traumatic experiences cause heart disease or addiction. Both cardiovascular disease and drug addiction may be produced by the unhealthy behaviors a child adopted while she was young.
成年后成瘾的牺牲品。根本问题是:为什么?我们没有任何证据表明创伤经历会导致心脏病或成瘾。心血管疾病和吸毒成瘾都可能是由孩子年轻时采取的不健康行为引起的。

As Dr. Pope explained to me in our telephone interview, van der Kolk’s reasoning—including the impressive-seeming brain studies on which it is based—suffers from fatal methodological flaws. Van der Kolk’s PET studies purport to show areas of brain difference (and damage) proceeding from childhood trauma. Like the ACEs study, van der Kolk’s PET studies are riven by selection bias, information bias, and confounding variables.
正如波普博士在电话采访中向我解释的那样,范德科尔克的推理——包括它所依据的看似令人印象深刻的大脑研究——存在致命的方法论缺陷。Van der Kolk 的 PET 研究旨在显示童年创伤导致的大脑差异(和损伤)区域。与ACEs研究一样,van der Kolk的PET研究也受到选择偏倚、信息偏倚和混杂变量的影响。

Selection bias occurs when a certain type of subject is over-included in a study. A patient suffering a current psychopathology who also survived childhood sexual abuse might be more likely to end up in a study exploring the connection between the two. That study may find a stronger relationship between those two variables than is warranted, simply based on the subjects included.
当某种类型的受试者被过度纳入研究中时,就会发生选择偏倚。患有当前精神病理学的患者也在童年性虐待中幸存下来,可能更有可能最终参与一项探索两者之间联系的研究。该研究可能会发现这两个变量之间的关系比仅基于所包含的主题更强。

Dr. Pope offered this devastating, if quirky, analogy. In the nineteenth century, many doctors believed that excessive masturbation could cause mental illness, perhaps even insanity. Suppose, Pope says, we are contemporary psych researchers sent via time machine to the nineteenth century, along with access to today’s tools. On our journey, we recruit twenty adults who have been diagnosed by their old-timey physicians as suffering from “masturbation-induced mental illness.” We put our subjects through a battery of modern tests and compare the results to those of twenty adults who have no mental illness at all. What are we likely to find? According to Pope, the patients with “masturbation-induced illness” will likely have diminished capacities for attention and short-term memory. “They may show neuroendocrine abnormalities, such as higher cortisol levels, or changes in other hormones from the pituitary gland or the hypothalamus in the brain. They may even have smaller hippocampi,” he writes.
波普博士提出了一个毁灭性的、虽然古怪的类比。在十九世纪,许多医生认为过度手淫会导致精神疾病,甚至精神错乱。波普说,假设我们是当代的心理学研究人员,通过时间机器被送到十九世纪,同时可以使用今天的工具。在我们的旅程中,我们招募了 20 名被老医生诊断为患有“手淫诱发的精神疾病”的成年人。我们让我们的受试者接受一系列现代测试,并将结果与二十个完全没有精神疾病的成年人的结果进行比较。我们可能发现什么?根据Pope的说法,患有“手淫引起的疾病”的患者可能会降低注意力和短期记忆的能力。“它们可能表现出神经内分泌异常,例如皮质醇水平升高,或脑垂体或下丘脑其他激素的变化。他们甚至可能有更小的海马体,“他写道。

The nineteenth-century doctors seem pleased that we have confirmed their diagnosis of masturbation-induced insanity. But of course our
十九世纪的医生似乎很高兴我们证实了他们对手淫引起的精神错乱的诊断。但当然,我们的

“finding” is a mirage created by selection bias. “We have merely shown that a group of people selected because they were ill, differ from a group of people selected because they were well. We cannot logically extrapolate from this observation to say that masturbation caused the abnormalities we have observed,” Pope said.
“发现”是选择偏差造成的海市蜃楼。“我们只是表明,一群人因为生病而被选中,与一群因为身体健康而被选中的人不同。我们不能从这一观察结果中逻辑地推断出手淫导致了我们观察到的异常,“教皇说。

Likewise, the brains of adult PTSD and addiction sufferers van der Kolk and Maté describe may indeed have higher cortisol levels or smaller hippocampi. It may also be true that many of these patients suffered adverse childhood experiences. For reasons distinct from the infliction of childhood trauma, kids who grow up with parents who are addicts may be more prone to become addicts themselves (greater access to drugs, lower expectations that they avoid drugs, and, of course, DNA). None of those brain markers would prove that the trauma of having been raised by addicts produced the differences in their brains.
同样,van der Kolk 和 Maté 描述的成年 PTSD 和成瘾患者的大脑可能确实具有更高的皮质醇水平或更小的海马体。这些患者中的许多人也可能确实遭受了不良的童年经历。由于与童年创伤不同的原因,与成瘾者父母一起长大的孩子可能更容易成为成瘾者(更容易获得毒品,降低对他们避免毒品的期望,当然还有DNA)。这些大脑标志物都不能证明成瘾者抚养的创伤导致了他们大脑的差异。

Information bias occurs whenever respondents’ current knowledge alters their recollection of an earlier event. Unsurprisingly, adult subjects who know they currently suffer from a psychopathology are more likely to “recall” having suffered childhood trauma and to identify it as the cause.
每当受访者的当前知识改变了他们对早期事件的记忆时,就会发生信息偏差。不出所料,知道自己目前患有精神病理学的成年受试者更有可能“回忆”遭受童年创伤并将其确定为原因。

Pope offered me the example of a well-known study conducted at Harvard of approximately a hundred women who had given birth to infants with congenital malformations and a comparison group of women who had given birth to normal infants.[38] The surveyors asked these women whether they recalled using hormonal birth control or being subjected to other exposures during pregnancy before they knew they were pregnant.
教皇向我举了一个例子,在哈佛大学进行的一项著名研究,研究对象是大约一百名生下先天性畸形婴儿的妇女,以及一组生下正常婴儿的妇女。[38] 调查人员询问这些女性,在知道自己怀孕之前,她们是否记得在怀孕期间使用激素避孕或遭受其他暴露。

The mothers of the babies with birth defects, desperate to explain the problems with their children, were much more likely to recall that, yes, they had used hormonal birth control during the pregnancy. But in fact, when the investigators went back and looked at the medical records, there was virtually no difference between the two groups of mothers in the rate of birth control use during pregnancy.[39]
有先天缺陷的婴儿的母亲,不顾一切地向孩子解释问题,更有可能回忆起,是的,他们在怀孕期间使用了激素避孕措施。但事实上,当研究人员回过头来查看医疗记录时,两组母亲在怀孕期间使用避孕措施的比率几乎没有差异[39]

“It was caused entirely by the fact that if you had a congenitally malformed infant, quite naturally, you’re going to go through everything that you could possibly remember, trying to seek an explanation. And as a
“这完全是因为如果你有一个先天性畸形的婴儿,很自然地,你会经历所有你可能记得的事情,试图寻求解释。作为

result, you have a bias in favor of reporting all of these adverse effects in the past,” Dr. Pope said. So, too, if you ask adults wrestling with addiction or struggling to hold down a job if they happen to have suffered adverse childhood experiences, they are prone to decide that they have.[40]
结果,你倾向于报告过去所有这些不良反应,“波普博士说。同样,如果你问那些正在与毒瘾作斗争或努力保住工作的成年人,如果他们碰巧遭受了不良的童年经历,他们很容易决定他们有。[40]

And, finally, childhood trauma studies, including these brain scan studies, are beset by confounding variables—exogenous reasons for whatever purported correlations are observed. Excessive salt consumption was long thought to cause high blood pressure because, it turns out, people who eat a lot of salty snacks are often also obese and drink alcohol. The variables of alcohol consumption and obesity obscured the relatively weak relationship between sodium consumption and blood pressure.
最后,童年创伤研究,包括这些脑部扫描研究,都受到混杂变量的困扰——无论观察到什么所谓的相关性,都是外生原因。长期以来,人们一直认为过量食用盐会导致高血压,因为事实证明,吃大量咸味零食的人通常也会肥胖和饮酒。饮酒和肥胖的变量掩盖了钠摄入量与血压之间相对较弱的关系。

The same may turn out to be true of brain scan studies cited by van der Kolk that seem to show brain differences in individuals with prolonged histories of traumatic stress. Having sustained traumatic stress in your life and possessing certain brain differences might both be the result of a third variable, say, poor prenatal care, or particular genes (like genes that may have inclined you and your parents toward addiction). In fact, subsequent studies of Vietnam vets have shown that small hippocampi are a risk factor for developing PTSD, not the result of wartime trauma.[41] The trauma gurus may have fully reversed the real arrow of causality between smaller brain structures and PTSD.
van der Kolk引用的脑部扫描研究可能也是如此,这些研究似乎显示了具有长期创伤性应激史的个体的大脑差异。在你的生活中遭受创伤性压力和拥有某些大脑差异可能都是第三个变量的结果,比如说,糟糕的产前护理,或特定的基因(比如可能使你和你的父母倾向于成瘾的基因)。事实上,随后对越南兽医的研究表明,小海马体是患创伤后应激障碍的危险因素,而不是战时创伤的结果。[41] 创伤大师可能已经完全扭转了较小的大脑结构和创伤后应激障碍之间的因果关系的真正箭头。

These methodological flaws aren’t unique to the work of trauma researchers; all retrospective surveys—in which participants are polled about their past—suffer from these. That’s why the proper way to conduct a study on the long-term effects of childhood trauma is to create a prospective, or forward-facing, study, Pope says.
这些方法论缺陷并非创伤研究人员的工作所独有;所有回顾性调查——对参与者的过去进行调查——都会受到这些影响。这就是为什么对童年创伤的长期影响进行研究的正确方法是创建一个前瞻性或面向未来的研究,教皇说。

Let’s imagine you’re designing a study to determine whether children who suffer abuse go on to physically abuse their own children. Your graduate students suggest that you interview the local prison population, specifically those convicted of physically assaulting their own children, about the circumstances of their childhoods; the study could be finished in two months, they say. But you’re aware that their suggestion is beset by all
假设您正在设计一项研究,以确定遭受虐待的儿童是否会继续对自己的孩子进行身体虐待。你的研究生建议你采访当地的监狱人口,特别是那些因殴打自己孩子而被定罪的人,了解他们童年的情况;他们说,这项研究可能在两个月内完成。但你知道,他们的建议被所有人所困扰

three flaws: selection bias, information bias, and confounding variables. Could you build a study that avoids them? Yes, indeed.
三个缺陷:选择偏差、信息偏差和混杂变量。你能建立一个避免它们的研究吗?是的,确实如此。

First, you would collect data on children who are verified to have suffered potentially traumatic childhood experiences. Then, as a control, you would collect data on kids of the same age, sex, and from roughly equivalent socioeconomic and environmental backgrounds who have not suffered similarly. Years later, your study would follow up with kids of both groups when they had reached adulthood, careful to use researchers who do not know which camp a respondent belongs to. Finally, you’d examine the results. It’s a mind-boggling amount of work, conducted over many years, but it’s the only methodologically sound way of arriving at a valid, unbiased result.
首先,您将收集经证实遭受过潜在创伤性童年经历的儿童的数据。然后,作为对照,您将收集相同年龄、性别、社会经济和环境背景大致相同的孩子的数据,这些孩子没有遭受类似的痛苦。多年后,你的研究将在两组孩子成年后对他们进行随访,小心翼翼地使用不知道受访者属于哪个阵营的研究人员。最后,您将检查结果。这是一项令人难以置信的工作量,经过多年的努力,但它是得出有效、公正结果的唯一方法论上合理的方法。

This is precisely what Cathy Widom did. In the 1980s, Widom, a professor of psychology and expert on child sexual abuse, wanted to test whether adults who had been abused as kids were more likely to physically abuse their own kids. “I decided that I would get documented cases of abuse and neglect—court cases for children between the ages of zero and eleven—so I could establish the temporal relationship between abuse and neglect and these outcomes,”[42] she later explained. Widom’s study recruited 908 kids, then matched these kids with 667 other children who lived in the same neighborhoods and attended the same schools but about whom there was no documented proof they had suffered abuse.
这正是凯茜·维多姆(Cathy Widom)所做的。在 1980 年代,心理学教授和儿童性虐待专家 Widom 想测试小时候被虐待的成年人是否更有可能对自己的孩子进行身体虐待。“我决定要记录在案的虐待和忽视案件——针对零岁到十一岁儿童的法庭案件——这样我就可以确定虐待和忽视与这些结果之间的时间关系,”[42]她后来解释说。Widom的研究招募了908名儿童,然后将这些孩子与667名其他儿童相匹配,这些儿童住在同一个社区,就读于同一所学校,但没有书面证据证明他们遭受了虐待。

Years later, Widom followed up with the now-adult children and many of their progeny. She hired researchers to interview them, but she didn’t tell the researchers which camp any subject fell into. She found that parents who had suffered physical abuse, sexual abuse, or neglect during their childhoods were no more likely to physically abuse their own children.[43]
多年后,维多姆跟进了现在已经成年的孩子和他们的许多后代。她聘请了研究人员来采访他们,但她没有告诉研究人员任何受试者都属于哪个阵营。她发现,在童年时期遭受过身体虐待、性虐待或忽视的父母不太可能对自己的孩子进行身体虐待。[43]

We want to believe things happen for a reason—and we’d like to be able to pin that reason down. To say: “This is why I feel so crummy.” Psychologists call this propensity “effort after meaning.”[44] If a mother is grappling with the shock of learning her preschooler has autism, it might lend the diagnosis a sense of comprehensibility for her to conclude that childhood vaccines are the reason. We don’t want to be Job, at a loss to
我们想相信事情的发生是有原因的——我们希望能够确定这个原因。说:“这就是为什么我感到如此肮脏。心理学家称这种倾向为“追求意义的努力”。[44] 如果一位母亲正在努力应对得知她的学龄前儿童患有自闭症的震惊,这可能会使她得出儿童疫苗是原因的诊断感。我们不想成为约伯,不知所措

explain “Why me?” after cruel misfortune offers no one to blame. We might find it satisfying to think back to the pain our parents caused and imagine our medial prefrontal cortices all lit up.
在残酷的不幸之后解释“为什么是我?”没有人可以责怪。回想起父母造成的痛苦,想象我们的内侧前额叶皮层都被点亮了,我们可能会感到满足。

But we have no proof that childhood trauma causes specific adult mental health problems. Studies that purport to show this are riven with sources of bias.[45] What we can say is that childhood trauma is neither necessary nor sufficient to produce adult psychopathology.
但我们没有证据表明童年创伤会导致特定的成人心理健康问题。旨在证明这一点的研究充满了偏见。[45] 我们可以说的是,童年创伤既不是产生成人精神病理学的必要条件,也不足以产生成人精神病理学。

But then why do so many people think that The Body Keeps the Score explains them so completely? Take an adult woman, an office worker, who is chewed out by a boss and finds herself speechless, frozen, and trembling. She feels that she has been sent into a “fight-or-flight” response. The whole experience, and especially her distinctive physical reaction, reminds her acutely of being eight years old and subject to her stepfather’s abusive tirades. She reads about “body memories” and thinks: Yes! This is what I felt. Her body itself seems to be recalling the trauma.
但是,为什么这么多人认为《身体保持分数》如此完整地解释了它们呢?以一个成年女性为例,一个上班族,她被老板咬了一口,发现自己说不出话来,僵住了,颤抖着。她觉得自己被送入了“战斗或逃跑”的反应。整个经历,尤其是她独特的身体反应,让她想起了八岁时,她遭受了继父的辱骂。她读到“身体记忆”,想:是的!这就是我的感受。她的身体本身似乎在回忆创伤。

But as Professor McNally illuminated for me, fear is a normal, evolved biological adaptation to imminent threat: a boss screams in your face, your heart races. That is not a “body memory” but rather the conventional physiological response to danger. That you make the connection to your past may strike you as proof that you have been traumatized. But, of course, you have no idea whether adults with very different childhoods, when treated shabbily by a supervisor, wouldn’t evince the same response. Your reaction may not be more profound than the reaction of those who were raised very gently, by parents who never raised their voices at all. Your bodily symptoms may not manifest more powerfully than similarly situated adults without the despicable stepfather.
但正如麦克纳利教授为我阐明的那样,恐惧是一种正常的、进化的生物适应,以应对迫在眉睫的威胁:老板在你面前尖叫,你的心跳加速。这不是“身体记忆”,而是对危险的常规生理反应。你与你的过去建立联系可能会让你觉得你受到了创伤。但是,当然,你不知道童年截然不同的成年人,当被主管粗暴对待时,是否会表现出同样的反应。你的反应可能并不比那些被父母非常温柔地抚养长大的人的反应更深刻,他们从不提高声音。你的身体症状可能不会比没有卑鄙继父的类似情况的成年人更强烈地表现出来。

Our office worker, sadly, might also find herself recalling her screaming stepfather in the absence of any imminent threat, along with a full-blown physiological fear response to the awful memory. McNally addressed that scenario as well: such reactions are bodily expressions of the memory of the earlier episode. That isn’t the body “keeping the score” and preserving the memory, but the body’s response to the recollection.[46] The memory is in the mind, readily accessible; there’s nothing repressed to unearth, no séance
可悲的是,我们的上班族也可能发现自己在没有任何迫在眉睫的威胁的情况下回忆起她尖叫的继父,以及对可怕记忆的全面生理恐惧反应。麦克纳利也谈到了这种情况:这种反应是对前一集记忆的身体表达。那不是身体“记谱”和保存记忆,而是身体对回忆的反应。[46] 记忆在脑海中,随时可以获取;没有什么被压抑的发掘,没有降神会

required to call it forth, and no buried treasure that awaits a therapist’s shovel.
需要召唤它,并且没有等待治疗师铲子的埋藏宝藏。

What about unexplained physical symptoms, like pain? Surely that must proceed from trauma? Researchers have conducted rigorous studies to determine whether abused children experience more pain as adults. In one investigation, researchers identified child survivors of documented abuse or neglect and followed up with them decades later. The same was done with a similarly situated control group, where no abuse was documented.[47] The researchers found that, when interviewed as adults, both groups showed essentially identical levels of pain symptoms, indicating that there was no relationship between childhood abuse and medically unexplained pain in adulthood. Even more interestingly, when asked retrospectively whether or not they had been abused, the participants with adult pain were much more likely to report childhood abuse than those without pain. In other words: childhood trauma doesn’t result in higher incidence of unexplained pain. But adults in pain are more likely to report childhood trauma. If researchers had relied solely on retrospective reports, they would have erroneously concluded that childhood trauma (and perhaps the resulting “body memories”) led to increased levels of idiopathic pain in adulthood.
无法解释的身体症状,如疼痛怎么办?这肯定是从创伤开始的吗?研究人员进行了严格的研究,以确定受虐待的儿童在成年后是否会经历更多的痛苦。在一项调查中,研究人员确定了记录在案的虐待或忽视的儿童幸存者,并在几十年后对他们进行了跟进。对处境相似的对照组也做了同样的事情,没有记录到虐待行为。[47] 研究人员发现,当作为成年人接受采访时,两组表现出基本相同程度的疼痛症状,这表明童年虐待与成年期医学上无法解释的疼痛之间没有关系。更有趣的是,当回顾性地被问及他们是否受到虐待时,有成人疼痛的参与者比没有疼痛的参与者更有可能报告童年虐待。換句話說:童年創傷不會導致不明原因疼痛的發生率增加。但处于疼痛中的成年人更有可能报告童年创伤。如果研究人员仅仅依靠回顾性报告,他们就会错误地得出结论,童年创伤(也许还有由此产生的“身体记忆”)导致成年期特发性疼痛水平增加。

Why did I become a drug addict when none of my friends did? Why do I suffer inexplicable physical pain? Why did my marriage fall apart? It’s natural to want an explanation. If your life is not as you wish it were, it isn’t your fault. Something done to you in your past made you that way. That’s how the snipe hunt for childhood trauma begins. “Memories,” once dredged, are rarely independently verified, and the resulting theory of childhood trauma becomes unfalsifiable. If you think you’ve been damaged, you are.
为什么我成为吸毒者,而我的朋友都没有吸毒?为什么我会遭受莫名其妙的身体疼痛?为什么我的婚姻破裂了?想要一个解释是很自然的。如果你的生活不如你所愿,那不是你的错。过去对你做过的事情使你变成这样。这就是寻找童年创伤的狙击手的方式。“记忆”一旦被疏通,就很少得到独立验证,由此产生的童年创伤理论变得不可证伪。如果你认为自己受到了伤害,那你就被伤害了。

Why would verifying or validating the memories be necessary? Because the events represented in those bad childhood memories may not have happened at all, or may not have happened in the way you remembered.[48] Even if they happened, they may not have been significant to you at the time. Perhaps the remembered event, raked from your mental riverbed, had
为什么需要验证或验证记忆?因为那些糟糕的童年记忆中所代表的事件可能根本没有发生过,或者可能没有以你记忆中的方式发生。[48] 即使它们发生了,它们当时对你来说可能并不重要。也许记忆中的事件,从你的精神河床上耙下来,有

no impact on your life until a therapist placed the loupe of your focus upon it, suggesting it had the power to clarify your adult woes.
对你的生活没有影响,直到治疗师把你的注意力放在它上面,暗示它有能力澄清你成年后的困境。

The Memory Queen
记忆女王

When I arrived at the California doorstep of Elizabeth Loftus, the world’s most decorated memory researcher, she couldn’t find her car keys. She invited me to join her on a frantic hunt through her impeccably arranged academic housing—a tiled galley kitchen, Formica countertops wiped clean; tidy office fitted with floor-to-ceiling bookshelves, braced by a rolling ladder. To the garage, where, doubled over the driver’s seat, I rooted through her glovebox.
当我到达伊丽莎白·洛夫特斯(Elizabeth Loftus)的家门口时,她是世界上最有名的记忆研究者,她找不到她的车钥匙。她邀请我和她一起疯狂地寻找她无可挑剔的学术宿舍——一个铺有瓷砖的厨房,擦得干干净净的富美家台面;整洁的办公室配有落地书架,并由滚动梯子支撑。到了车库,我翻了两倍的驾驶座,穿过了她的手套箱。

“We need a memory expert!” I joked, after a brief internal debate over whether she’d appreciate the teasing.
“我们需要一位记忆专家!”我开玩笑说,在一场简短的内部辩论之后,她是否会欣赏这种戏弄。

She was kind enough to laugh.
她很友善地笑了。

(In the end, she found them in a pocket of a different handbag. I drove us to lunch.)
(最后,她在另一个手提包的口袋里找到了它们。我开车送我们去吃午饭。

Now in her seventies, Loftus has been called the most important female academic psychologist of the twentieth century.[49] Her contributions to the field of memory routinely place her on lists of “Top 100 most influential contributors” to her field, alongside Freud, Skinner, and Piaget. And what she taught us is this: our memory is not like a video recording of the events we’ve lived through.[50] It’s a “constructive” process, susceptible to alteration and suggestion, even years after the fact.
现年七十多岁的洛夫特斯被称为二十世纪最重要的女性学术心理学家[49],她在记忆领域的贡献经常使她与弗洛伊德、斯金纳和皮亚杰一起被列入该领域的“100位最有影响力的贡献者”名单。她教给我们的是:我们的记忆不像我们经历过的事件的录像。[50]这是一个“建设性”的过程,即使在事实发生多年后,也容易被改变和暗示。

“Memory works a little bit more like a Wikipedia page,” she has said.[51] “You can go in there and change it—but so can other people.” Interviewers can press people—children especially—to believe all sorts of things through leading questions.[52] False memories can be just as vivid and apparently veridical as accurate ones.
“记忆的工作方式更像是维基百科的页面,”她说。[51] “你可以进去改变它——但其他人也可以。”面试官可以通过引导性问题迫使人们(尤其是儿童)相信各种各样的事情。[52] 虚假的记忆可以和准确的记忆一样生动和真实。

“Children are more susceptible than adults,” Loftus told me over lunch. “But basically anyone can be led with the right amount of suggestion. Not
“儿童比成人更容易受到影响,”洛夫特斯在午餐时告诉我。“但基本上任何人都可以得到适量的建议。不

every person all the time, but any group of people can be led to remember things that didn’t happen with suggestions.”
每个人一直都在,但任何一群人都可以被引导去记住那些没有通过建议发生的事情。

Through her psychological experiments, she has demonstrated that people will remember a car as having traveled at a higher speed if the questioner uses the word “smashed” to describe the accident, and even to misremember broken glass at an accident scene where there wasn’t any. When Loftus added stress to her subjects, she found the same. Members of the military who underwent a prisoner-of-war interrogation, if fed misleading information, misidentified their interrogators and sometimes fingered individuals who hardly resembled their interrogators at all.
通过她的心理实验,她证明,如果提问者用“砸碎”这个词来描述事故,人们会记得一辆汽车以更高的速度行驶,甚至在事故现场没有碎玻璃时会记错。当洛夫图斯给她的拍摄对象增加压力时,她也发现了同样的情况。接受战俘审讯的军人,如果被提供误导性信息,就会错误地识别审讯者,有时还会用手指指着与审讯者完全不相似的人。

In the 1990s, armed with her research, she faced off against van der Kolk in courtrooms—Loftus, testifying on behalf of the accused. Defense lawyers for Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby, Jerry Sandusky, and the Duke lacrosse players falsely accused of rape in 2006 have all called upon her expertise at trial. Like the attorneys themselves, she hasn’t always been popular for having participated in the defense.
在1990年代,她带着她的研究,在法庭上与范德科尔克对峙——洛夫图斯,代表被告作证。哈维·温斯坦(Harvey Weinstein)、比尔·考斯比(Bill Cosby)、杰里·桑达斯基(Jerry Sandusky)和2006年被诬告强奸的杜克棍网球运动员的辩护律师都在审判中援引了她的专业知识。和律师们一样,她并不总是因为参与辩护而广受欢迎。

And just as defense attorneys believe even bad people are entitled to zealous advocacy, Loftus believes even bad people ought to be convicted on the basis of solid evidence. Accusations suddenly recalled twenty years after the fact are so often riddled with error, they must be tested, no matter how shocking the accusation or vile the accused.
正如辩护律师认为即使是坏人也有权得到热心的辩护一样,洛夫图斯认为即使是坏人也应该根据确凿的证据被定罪。在事实发生二十年后突然回忆起的指控往往充满了错误,无论指控多么令人震惊或被告多么卑鄙,它们都必须受到考验。

Her voice thickens with emotion as she talks about due process and the unfairness of convicting a defendant based on a mosaic of fact and fiction. In a time when even law professors have learned to keep their mouths clamped shut in the face of a cultural stampede to “believe women,” I wondered how she manages to care so much about the quality of evidence used to overcome the presumption of innocence.
当她谈到正当程序以及根据事实和虚构的马赛克给被告定罪的不公平时,她的声音因情绪而变厚。在那个时代,即使是法学教授也学会了在面对“相信女性”的文化踩踏事件时闭上嘴巴,我想知道她是如何如此关心用于克服无罪推定的证据质量的。

She thinks it over for a beat before her warbly alto picks up. “I’m not like other people. And I don’t know how. I mean, for a long time, I’ve cared about the falsely accused. And it’s not because I was falsely accused. I think when I was a teenager, I probably did most of the things I was accused of.” Her mouth twists with regret or consternation, as if exasperated by her teenage self.
她想了一会儿,然后她那莺莺的中音开始流行起来。“我和其他人不一样。我不知道怎么做。我的意思是,很长一段时间以来,我一直关心被诬告的人。这并不是因为我被诬告了。我想在我十几岁的时候,我可能做了我被指控的大部分事情。她的嘴因后悔或惊愕而扭曲,仿佛被她十几岁的自己激怒了。

“I do have another hypothesis though,” she says. “Well, when your childhood is filled with a mother who drowned when you were fourteen, an aunt you saw dying in an iron lung when you were twelve from myasthenia gravis, your house burns down and you lose just about everything—” She shrugs. Like Ortiz, Loftus believes her own childhood adversity deepened her perspective, placing her in a unique position to help others. She rejects the notion that hardship on its own makes you sick.
“不过,我确实有另一个假设,”她说。“嗯,当你的童年充满了你十四岁时溺水身亡的母亲,你十二岁时看到的阿姨死于重症肌无力,你的房子被烧毁,你几乎失去了一切——”她耸耸肩。和奥尔蒂斯一样,洛夫图斯认为,她自己的童年逆境加深了她的视野,使她处于帮助他人的独特地位。她拒绝接受困难本身会让你生病的观念。

As a child, Loftus was sexually abused by a babysitter. Later, in high school, a boy forced himself on top of her, before she struggled to escape. She knows that these experiences are frightening and does not doubt that they occur. But merely asserting them, she believes, should not be enough to secure a conviction. The veridicality of the memory matters. It matters even when the person on trial is a bad man.
小时候,洛夫特斯曾被保姆性虐待。后来,在高中时,一个男孩强行压在她身上,然后她挣扎着逃跑。她知道这些经历是可怕的,并且不怀疑它们会发生。但她认为,仅仅坚持这些原则并不足以确保定罪。记忆的真实性很重要。即使受审的人是坏人,这也很重要。

And she knows, personally, how easy it is to be fooled by a false memory. Many years after her mother’s death, she came to “remember” having discovered her mother’s body in the family pool, after a relative strongly suggested to her that she had. Later, the relative called to say that he’d been mistaken; it hadn’t been the teenage Elizabeth who’d made the tragic discovery after all.
她个人知道,被错误的记忆愚弄是多么容易。在她母亲去世多年后,她开始“想起”在一位亲戚强烈建议她发现母亲的尸体后,在家庭游泳池中发现了她母亲的尸体。后来,亲戚打电话说他弄错了;毕竟,做出悲惨发现的不是十几岁的伊丽莎白。

Flighty and labile as an actor, memory is also creative, impressionable, and fundamentally inconstant, she says. Kids especially are easily led by questioners; social influence and reinforcement can powerfully determine answers children provide.[53] “These therapists can signal even inadvertently when they’re interested in what you’re saying or look bored when they’re not interested. And people will respond because they want the therapist to be interested. They want the therapists to like them. They want the therapist to spend time with them and enjoy them,” Loftus said. If therapists and teachers and parents are looking for childhood trauma when they question children, kids are likely to supply it.
她说,作为一名演员,记忆力轻浮而不稳定,也是创造性的、易受影响的,而且从根本上来说是不稳定的。尤其是孩子们,很容易被提问者引导;社会影响和强化可以有力地决定儿童提供的答案。[53] “当这些治疗师对你所说的话感兴趣时,他们甚至会在不经意间发出信号,或者在他们不感兴趣时看起来很无聊。人们会做出回应,因为他们希望治疗师感兴趣。他们希望治疗师喜欢他们。他们希望治疗师与他们共度时光并享受他们,“洛夫图斯说。如果治疗师、老师和父母在询问孩子时正在寻找童年创伤,孩子们很可能会提供它。

Is Any of This Good for Kids?
这些对孩子有好处吗?

Let’s put aside, for a moment, the highly controversial theory that traumatic experiences create a “body memory,” stored, mysteriously, outside of the central nervous system—in the neck, shoulder, elbow.[54] Put aside the dubious idea that we inherit the historical trauma of our ancestors through epigenetics, as Maté and others have suggested.[55]
让我们暂时抛开一个极具争议的理论,即创伤经历会产生一种“身体记忆”,神秘地储存在中枢神经系统之外——颈部、肩膀、肘部[54],抛开我们通过表观遗传学继承祖先的历史创伤的可疑想法,正如马特和其他人所建议的那样。[55]

Put aside the unproven idea that traumatic childhood experiences typically commandeer the emotional life of an adult, interfering with her ability to maintain good relationships, hold down a job, react normally to ordinary stressors, and become the sort of citizen the rest of us can depend upon. The vast majority of adults have managed to do just that—rise above childhood pain, focus on the present and future, and carry on. Put aside the fact that, until very recently in human history, nearly all markers of what we now call “childhood trauma” were just facts of life: hunger, loss of a parent or sibling, war, even occasions of physical abuse.
撇开未经证实的想法,即童年的创伤经历通常会支配成年人的情感生活,干扰她维持良好关系、保住工作、对普通压力源做出正常反应以及成为我们其他人可以依赖的那种公民的能力。绝大多数成年人都做到了这一点——超越童年的痛苦,专注于现在和未来,并继续前进。撇开这样一个事实不谈,直到最近,我们现在所说的“童年创伤”的几乎所有标志都只是生活的事实:饥饿、失去父母或兄弟姐妹、战争,甚至是身体虐待。

Is it a good idea to convince millions of adults that childhood hardship causes lasting damage to their bodies and minds? Van der Kolk’s expertise lies in PTSD and battle-worn soldiers who saw the grisliest combat. PTSD exists, and for its sufferers, it may make sense for a therapist to treat them with some of the methods van der Kolk promotes.
让数以百万计的成年人相信童年的艰辛会对他们的身心造成持久的伤害,这是一个好主意吗?范德科尔克的专长在于创伤后应激障碍和经历过最可怕战斗的战斗的士兵。创伤后应激障碍是存在的,对于它的患者来说,治疗师用范德科尔克提倡的一些方法来治疗他们可能是有意义的。

But does it make sense to regard all children—children born today, gently raised in Brentwood and Park Slope and Lincoln Park—as if they are likely to have suffered similar shocks? Is it a good idea to tell young children—explicitly or just by obvious, obsessive implication—that they may be marred by traumatic injury? Should we, as a society, be sponsoring the therapist-led (and ersatz therapist–led) quests to uncover hidden traumas in our children?
但是,把所有的孩子——今天出生的孩子——在布伦特伍德、公园坡和林肯公园温柔地长大的孩子——都看作是他们可能遭受过类似的冲击,这有意义吗?明确地或仅仅通过明显的强迫性暗示告诉幼儿他们可能会受到创伤性伤害,这是一个好主意吗?作为一个社会,我们是否应该赞助治疗师主导(和治疗师主导)的探索,以发现我们孩子隐藏的创伤?

“I don’t think so,” Loftus said. “Because if you believe there’s a buried trauma there and you engage in all these practices to try to get it out, you’re sometimes in the process going to create trauma memories that aren’t real— if it’s anything like the cases that I investigated and studied and wrote about.”
“我不这么认为,”洛夫图斯说。“因为如果你相信那里有一个埋藏的创伤,并且你从事所有这些实践来试图把它弄出来,你有时会在这个过程中创造不真实的创伤记忆——如果它像我调查、研究和写的案例一样。

I ask her if treating all kids with the presumption that they may have experienced trauma is likely to cause them to reframe their childhoods— recasting them in a darker or scarier light. “Well, if you’re rewarded for coming up with horror stories, I mean, that’s a basic Skinnerian [idea],” she said, referring to the behavioral-conditioning studies promoted by B. F. Skinner.
我问她,以他们可能经历过创伤的假设来对待所有孩子,是否可能导致他们重新构建自己的童年——将他们重新塑造成更黑暗或更可怕的光芒。“好吧,如果你因为想出恐怖故事而得到奖励,我的意思是,这是一个基本的斯金纳[想法],”她说,指的是B.F.斯金纳推动的行为条件研究。

“The reinforcement increases the behavior and punishment reduces it. So if you’re getting reinforced for thinking about traumatic experiences, you’re going to increase the behavior.”
“强化增加了行为,惩罚减少了行为。因此,如果你因为思考创伤经历而得到强化,你就会增加这种行为。

Loftus says this can happen in group therapy settings as well. A kind of one-upmanship arises, in which participants exaggerate their pain to match the pathos of what others shared.[56] Participants encouraged to throw themselves into their own hyperbole may come to believe it.
洛夫特斯说,这也可能发生在团体治疗环境中。出现了一种单调,参与者夸大了他们的痛苦,以匹配其他人分享的悲哀。[56]被鼓励投身于自己的夸张的参与者可能会相信这一点。

“It’s a little like memory poker,” Loftus said, borrowing a phrase she owes to a colleague. “I’m going to match your memory and raise you with my even more bizarre and more lurid and more interesting memory.’ That kind of thing goes on because if somebody is saying, ‘Well, I really think I have hidden trauma, I just can’t remember,’ that’s kind of boring for the group, when you’re sitting next to somebody who’s telling you about satanic ritual abuse.” Group sharing sessions may cause kids to ‘remember’ things that never occurred, Loftus said, or to alter their memories of things that did, kicking up the drama a notch or two.
“这有点像记忆扑克,”洛夫图斯说,借用了她欠同事的一句话。“我要匹配你的记忆,用我更离奇、更耸人听闻、更有趣的记忆来抚养你。”这种事情会继续下去,因为如果有人说,'好吧,我真的认为我有隐藏的创伤,我只是不记得了',当你坐在一个告诉你撒旦仪式虐待的人旁边时,这对这个群体来说有点无聊。洛夫图斯说,小组分享可能会让孩子们“记住”从未发生过的事情,或者改变他们对发生过的事情的记忆,从而将戏剧性提高一两个档次。

It’s one thing to treat children who recently suffered a bona fide tragedy with additional sensitivity and accommodations. But “trauma-informed care” and “trauma-informed education” simply presume the injury and commence the treatment. Iatrogenic effects are bound to follow.
以额外的敏感性和适应性对待最近遭受真正悲剧的儿童是一回事。但是,“创伤知情护理”和“创伤知情教育”只是假设受伤并开始治疗。医源性影响必然随之而来。

Trauma-Informed Culture
创伤知情文化

Many of today’s most prominent psychodynamic therapists pay lip service to “resilience,” but their mood is low and their forecast calls for endless storm. They are the proud inheritors of van der Kolk’s idea that the body
当今许多最杰出的心理动力学治疗师都口头上说“复原力”,但他们的情绪低落,他们的预测要求无休止的风暴。他们是范德科尔克思想的骄傲继承者,即身体

keeps the score. They decry the “impact of childhood trauma” and refer to our “trauma body (perpetual fight or flight).”
保持分数。他们谴责“童年创伤的影响”,并提到我们的“创伤身体(永远的战斗或逃跑)”。

Consider New York Times bestselling therapist and advice-giver to seven million Instagram followers Nicole LePera, “The Holistic Psychologist,” who promises to deliver “the power to heal yourself.” Her YouTube videos have collected over ten million views. She dispenses her advice, free of charge, in tweets that routinely garner millions of views. Here is just one gem, among the numberless, all to similar effect:
想想《纽约时报》畅销书治疗师和700万Instagram粉丝的建议提供者妮可·勒佩拉(Nicole LePera),她是“整体心理学家”,她承诺提供“治愈自己的力量”。她的YouTube视频已经获得了超过1000万的观看次数。她在推文中免费提供建议,这些推文通常会获得数百万的浏览量。这里只是一颗宝石,在无数的宝石中,都有类似的效果:

“Do you struggle in relationships, fear abandonment, and don’t like asking for help?” begins one thread. “You might have been parentified.”[57] Parentified?
“你是否在人际关系中挣扎,害怕被抛弃,不喜欢寻求帮助?”一个帖子开始。“你可能已经被父母养育了。”[57] 父母化?

She defines it: “Parentification is an ‘invisible’ form of trauma that is often not recognized in our society. It occurs when parents look to their children to provide emotional support, and to run parts of the household. It’s a role reversal.”
她对此进行了定义:“养育子女是一种'无形'的创伤形式,在我们的社会中往往不被承认。当父母指望他们的孩子提供情感支持并管理家庭的一部分时,就会发生这种情况。这是一种角色互换。

LePera offers a symptom checklist to aid with self-diagnosis:
LePera提供了一个症状清单来帮助自我诊断:

Adults who’ve been parentified can struggle with:
为人父母的成年人可能会在以下方面遇到困难:

communication skills
沟通技巧

inability to understand their emotions inability to meet their own needs
无法理解自己的情绪,无法满足自己的需求

hyper-independence (“I can do it all alone”) fear of asking for help or accepting it emotional immaturity/high reactivity defensiveness in relationships codependency patterns
超独立性(“我可以独自完成所有事情”),害怕寻求帮助或接受帮助,情绪不成熟/反应性高,人际关系中的防御性,相互依赖模式

patterns of self betrayal
自我背叛的模式

low self worth
低自我价值

lack of sense of self
缺乏自我意识

See yourself somewhere in this list? Almost everyone will.
看到自己在这个列表中的某个地方了吗?几乎每个人都会。

Given her vast experience battling lousy therapists, I asked Loftus what a prospective patient should look out for to avoid the quacks. Her immediate suggestion: beware symptoms checklists. “ ‘Do you trust people too much or do you trust too little?’ ‘Do you drink too much or are you totally abstinent?’ All these checklists where you’re supposed to see if you have these symptoms, chances are you were sexually abused as a child. And anybody can find themselves on that list,” Loftus said.
鉴于她与糟糕的治疗师作斗争的丰富经验,我问洛夫特斯,未来的病人应该注意什么来避免庸医。她的直接建议是:注意症状清单。“'你是太信任别人了,还是太不信任别人了?'“你是喝多了还是完全禁欲了?”所有这些清单,你应该看看你是否有这些症状,很可能你小时候被性虐待过。任何人都可以在这份名单上找到自己,“洛夫图斯说。

Like so many of today’s popular, trauma-informed therapists, LePera not only promotes symptoms checklists that cast a wide net. She sprinkles diagnoses on her public. There are five major ways in which your parents may have parentified you, she informs readers. By treating you as a peer; by being overworked; by struggling with addiction; by being withdrawn; or by being an immigrant.
像当今许多流行的创伤知情治疗师一样,LePera 不仅推广了广撒网的症状清单。她将诊断洒在她的公众身上。她告诉读者,你的父母可能以五种主要方式养育你。把你当成同龄人;过度劳累;通过与成瘾作斗争;被撤回;或者是移民。

Being an immigrant automatically puts you on the list? She explains: “Parents who sacrifice and bring their child to another country for a better life are forced to rely on their children for help with language, paying bills, or understanding cultural norms. Children play adult roles out of necessity.”[58] Some might think those parents who sacrificed so much for their kids are pretty great, as far as parents go. But in the trauma world, they are inflictors of “invisible trauma.”
作为移民,你会自动被列入名单?她解释说:“为了更好的生活而牺牲并把孩子带到另一个国家的父母被迫依靠他们的孩子在语言、支付账单或理解文化规范方面的帮助。儿童扮演成人角色是出于必要。[58] 有些人可能认为,就父母而言,那些为孩子牺牲如此多的父母是相当了不起的。但在创伤的世界里,他们是“看不见的创伤”的加害者。

A favorite faux diagnosis of so many therapists, “complex PTSD,” was roundly rejected by the editors of the DSM—despite efforts by psychiatrists like van der Kolk, a leading proponent of its inclusion.[59] Nonetheless, popular psychotherapists like LePera promote this diagnosis as if it were a recognized disorder.[60]
许多治疗师最喜欢的虚假诊断,“复杂的创伤后应激障碍”,被DSM的编辑们彻底拒绝了——尽管像范德科尔克这样的精神病学家做出了努力,他是将其纳入的主要支持者。[59] 尽管如此,像 LePera 这样的流行心理治疗师将这种诊断视为一种公认的疾病[60]

It isn’t. The candidate diagnosis was rejected because—according to Allen Frances, a psychiatrist and professor emeritus of Duke University School of Medicine—the symptom pattern was so broad it overlapped with most other disorders, the traumas it described were so common as to cover
事实并非如此。根据杜克大学医学院(Duke University School of Medicine)精神病学家兼名誉教授艾伦·弗朗西斯(Allen Frances)的说法,候选诊断被拒绝了,因为症状模式非常广泛,以至于与大多数其他疾病重叠,它所描述的创伤是如此普遍,以至于涵盖了

most patients, it was based on poor research, “people pushing it [were] not respected” in the field, and it was “too easily sold as explain-all to gullible therapists/patients.”[61] In other words, it represented one more attempt by the mental health experts to pathologize everyone.[62]
大多数患者,它基于糟糕的研究,“推动它的人在该领域没有得到尊重”,并且它“太容易被当作解释出售给容易上当的治疗师/患者”。[61]换句话说,它代表了心理健康专家将每个人病态化的又一次尝试[62]

“Do you feel numb, shut down, disconnected from yourself and get stuck procrastinating?” asks LePera in another Twitter thread, viewed over five million times. “You’re not lazy. You’re not unmotivated. This is a trauma or stress response.”[63] Or, perhaps my favorite LePera tweet of all time: “If you procrastinate, it’s not because you’re lazy. It’s because your body is in a threat state.”[64]
“你是否感到麻木、封闭、与自己脱节并陷入拖延?”LePera在另一个Twitter帖子中问道,该帖子的浏览量超过500万次。“你不懒。你不是没有动力。这是一种创伤或压力反应。[63] 或者,也许是我最喜欢的 LePera 推文:“如果你拖延,那不是因为你懒惰。这是因为你的身体处于威胁状态。[64]

One wonders how she could possibly know this. (I reached out to LePera’s booking agent to request an interview; alas, I did not hear back.) Is she not aware that laziness is one of humanity’s most natural and ubiquitous states of surrender? LePera’s large audience unquestionably contains a great many lazy people, as does any cross-section of society. A lot of people are lazy, but no one likes to think that they are. In the universe of trauma-loving psychologists, diagnoses proliferate and blame-shifting grinds on.
人们想知道她怎么可能知道这一点。(我联系了LePera的预订代理,要求接受采访;唉,我没有收到回复。难道她不知道懒惰是人类最自然、最普遍的臣服状态之一吗?毫无疑问,LePera的大量观众包括许多懒惰的人,社会的任何阶层也是如此。很多人都很懒惰,但没有人喜欢认为自己是懒惰的。在热爱创伤的心理学家的世界里,诊断激增,推卸责任也在继续。

Hungry for Data
渴望数据

Kids and teens show up to school excited to play Magic: The Gathering, dangle from monkey bars, trade jokes with friends. They aren’t always game for a rap session with the school shrink or forthcoming about their “adverse childhood experiences.” But public school mental health experts can’t collect the funds to underwrite their full array of treatments unless they can somehow prove kids are traumatized.
孩子们和青少年兴奋地来到学校玩万智牌,在猴子酒吧晃来晃去,与朋友开玩笑。他们并不总是在学校收缩或坦率地谈论他们的“不良童年经历”的说唱会议。但是,公立学校的心理健康专家无法筹集资金来支付他们的全方位治疗费用,除非他们能以某种方式证明孩子受到了创伤。

If only there were some way to surveil kids—for their own good, of course. Find out what goes on in their homes. Learn just a little more about their families. Peek, ever so discreetly, into the gray kinks of their brains.
要是有办法监视孩子就好了——当然是为了他们自己的利益。了解他们家里发生了什么。多了解一下他们的家庭。如此谨慎地窥视他们大脑的灰色扭结。

We can’t lure every middle schooler into an fMRI scanner. (If only!) Surely, there must be some other way to induce schoolchildren to divulge, in granular detail, every pixel of their trauma.
我们不能引诱每个中学生使用功能磁共振成像扫描仪。(要是就好了!当然,一定有其他方法可以诱使学童详细地透露他们创伤的每一个像素。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 7
第7章

Hunting, Fishing, Mining: Mental Health Survey Mischief
狩猎、捕鱼、采矿:心理健康调查恶作剧

W

hen your husband arrives at work, his employer hands him a survey. The purpose is just to find out how everyone’s doing, he’s told. The answers are entirely confidential. But please take
当你的丈夫上班时,他的雇主会递给他一份调查问卷。他被告知,目的只是为了了解每个人的情况。答案是完全保密的。但请采取

it seriously. Here are a few of the questions:
说真的。以下是一些问题:

How often does your spouse give you a meaningful act of affection?
你的配偶多久给你一次有意义的爱意?

Do you feel emotionally supported by your spouse about the things that matter most to you?
在对你最重要的事情上,你是否感到配偶在情感上支持你?

How recently did your spouse offer you an unsolicited compliment?
你的配偶最近什么时候主动向你表示赞美?

How often does your spouse say “thank you” and touch you, after something you did for her?
在你为她做了什么之后,你的配偶多久说一次“谢谢”并触摸你?

Do you ever fantasize about a different sexual partner? How often?
你有没有幻想过不同的性伴侣?多久一次?

Have you ever hidden a prior sexual relationship from your spouse?
你有没有向你的配偶隐瞒过以前的性关系?

Think this would have no impact on your marriage? No alteration in his assessment of whether you’re meeting his needs?
认为这对你的婚姻没有影响吗?他对你是否满足他的需求的评估没有改变吗?

Compare those questions to the survey questions Colorado administered to elementary schoolkids, asking them to rate their level of agreement or disagreement:[1]
将这些问题与科罗拉多州对小学生的调查问题进行比较,要求他们评估他们的同意或不同意程度:[1]

I can tell my parents the way I feel about things. I like to do things with my family.
我可以告诉我的父母我对事情的感受。我喜欢和家人一起做事。

I usually have dinner with my family. I feel close with my family.
我通常和家人一起吃晚饭。我和家人很亲近。

I spend time with my family doing things like shopping, playing
我花时间和家人一起做一些事情,比如购物、玩耍

sports, or working on school projects.
体育运动,或从事学校项目。

My parents notice when I do a good job and let me know. Besides my family, there is an adult who I can trust.
当我做得很好时,我的父母会注意到并告诉我。除了我的家人,还有一个我可以信任的成年人。

Important people in my life often let me down.
我生命中重要的人经常让我失望。

Surveys have become such a ubiquitous part of adult life, hitting our screens after every internet purchase and Uber ride, it’s easy to dismiss them as an innocuous waste of time. But those are the surveys you ignore. There is another sort, too.
调查已经成为成年人生活中无处不在的一部分,每次上网和乘坐优步后都会出现在我们的屏幕上,人们很容易将它们视为无害的浪费时间。但这些是你忽略的调查。还有另一种。

Mandated by state agencies and primarily authored by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), ostensibly to assess student mental health, surveys are presented to public school children with all the seriousness of a standardized test. They pry into the most private details of teenage experimentation and family life: alcohol consumption, drug use, and sexual orientation, along with the de rigueur inquiry into race and
调查由国家机构授权,主要由疾病控制与预防中心(CDC)撰写,表面上是为了评估学生的心理健康,但调查以标准化考试的严肃性呈现给公立学校的儿童。他们窥探青少年实验和家庭生活中最私密的细节:饮酒、吸毒和性取向,以及对种族和

gender identity. They ask kids whether they feel loved by their parents or supported by their schools, and a series of very specific questions on what types of self-harm they have tried.
性别认同。他们询问孩子是否感到被父母所爱或被学校支持,以及一系列非常具体的问题,说明他们尝试过哪些类型的自残。

School systems use the results to justify ever-increasing demands for mental health resources—i.e., more funding.[2] Parents are technically allowed to “opt out” of these surveys, but in several states, consent is presumed.[3] Results of many of the surveys are uploaded to the CDC’s Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System, the federal program devoted to monitoring kids’ risky behavior (and, it turns out, their parents’).
学校系统利用这些结果来证明对心理健康资源不断增长的需求是合理的,即更多的资金。[2] 从技术上讲,父母可以“选择退出”这些调查,但在一些州,同意是假定的。[3]许多调查结果被上传到CDC的青少年风险行为监测系统,这是一项致力于监测孩子危险行为(以及父母)的联邦计划。

I may never have seen these surveys if not for Parents Defending Education. Founded in 2021, the nonprofit has submitted hundreds of FOIA requests and amassed an impressive trove of surveys routinely presented to elementary through high school kids around the country. The organization was kind enough to share their database with me.
如果不是家长捍卫教育,我可能永远不会看到这些调查。该非营利组织成立于 2021 年,已提交了数百份 FOIA 请求,并积累了大量令人印象深刻的调查,这些调查定期提交给全国各地的小学到高中学生。该组织很友善地与我分享他们的数据库。

By some cheeky coincidence or gambit, the categories of the survey questions neatly track the very ones prohibited by federal statute. Perhaps sensing that school authorities might grow awfully curious about the most intimate details of their students’ lives, Congress passed the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendment (PPRA) in 1978, and subsequently expanded, currently prohibits schools from inquiring about eight matters:
由于某种厚颜无耻的巧合或策略,调查问题的类别巧妙地跟踪了联邦法规禁止的问题。也许是感觉到学校当局可能会对学生生活中最私密的细节产生极大的好奇,国会于1978年通过了《保护学生权利修正案》(PPRA),随后扩大了目前禁止学校询问八个问题:

Political affiliation or beliefs of the student or the student’s parent
学生或学生家长的政治派别或信仰

Mental or psychological problems of the student or the student’s family
学生或学生家庭的精神或心理问题

Sex behavior or attitudes
性行为或态度

Students’ illegal or self-incriminating behavior
学生的违法或自证其罪行为

Critical appraisals of kids’ family members
对孩子家庭成员的批判性评价

Privileged communications between a student and a therapist or priest
学生与治疗师或牧师之间的特权通信

Students’ religious beliefs or practices
学生的宗教信仰或习俗

Family income[4]
家庭收入[4]

How do the federal government, local schools, and state health organizations brazenly ask about topics verboten under federal law? Provided the surveys are voluntary and anonymous, courts have ruled[5]: They’re kosher!
联邦政府、地方学校和州卫生组织如何肆无忌惮地询问联邦法律下冗长的话题?如果调查是自愿和匿名的,法院已经裁定[5]:它们是犹太洁食!

More surprising than the surveys’ extensive array of questions about middle schoolers’ sexual orientations and gender identities is their blithe disregard for criminal law. The 2021 and 2023 Youth Risk Behavior surveys, authored by the CDC, asks middle school children: “How old were you when you had sexual intercourse for the first time?”[6]
比调查中关于中学生性取向和性别认同的广泛问题更令人惊讶的是他们对刑法的轻率无视。CDC 撰写的 2021 年和 2023 年青少年风险行为调查询问中学生:“第一次时你几岁?[6]

I have never had sexual intercourse
我从未发生过性关系

8 years old or younger
8岁或以下

9 years old
9岁

10 years old
10岁

11 years old
11岁

12 years old
12岁

13 years old or older
13岁或以上

There’s a word for “sexual intercourse” had by children at any of the ages listed above. It’s “rape.”
上面列出的任何年龄的儿童都有“”这个词。这是“强奸”。

But our public health officials carry on, apparently unconcerned, as if it’s utterly natural for adults to ask prepubescent children about their sexual adventures. The obvious implication—sure to be caught by the kids themselves—is that adults expect kids as young as eight to have interesting sex lives.
但是我们的公共卫生官员显然毫不在意,好像成年人向青春期前的孩子询问他们的性冒险是完全自然的。显而易见的含义——肯定会被孩子们自己发现——是成年人希望八岁的孩子有有趣的性生活。

Like a high school dropout egging on younger kids toward delinquency, the surveys inquire about drug and alcohol use—students’ own, and their family members’. Much of what students might cop to in these surveys could constitute admission of a crime.
就像一个高中辍学生怂恿年幼的孩子犯罪一样,这些调查询问了学生自己和他们的家人的吸毒和酗酒情况。在这些调查中,学生可能应对的大部分内容都可能构成对犯罪的承认。

The 2021 Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey, authored by the CDC, for instance, asks: “During the past 30 days, on how many days did you carry a weapon such as a gun, knife or club on school property?”[7] Several other surveys ask middle school students for detailed admissions about their drug use and how easy it might be for them to obtain illegal drugs—methadone, fentanyl, and marijuana,[8] or prescription painkillers not prescribed to you. (“Hydros,” “Oxy,” “Gabbies,” or “Trammies” lists the Georgia Student Health Survey,[9] apparently authored by the marketing department of MS-13.)
例如,由疾病预防控制中心撰写的 2021 年佛罗里达高中青少年风险行为调查问道:“在过去 30 天内,您有多少天在学校财产上携带枪支、刀或棍棒等武器?[7] 其他几项调查要求中学生详细承认他们的药物使用情况,以及他们获得非法药物(美沙酮、芬太尼和大麻)的难易程度,[8] 或非处方止痛药。(“Hydros”、“Oxy”、“Gabbies”或“Trammies”列出了佐治亚州学生健康调查[9],显然是由MS-13的营销部门撰写的。

Mental Health Assessments
心理健康评估

For our purposes, the most interesting survey questions are those that peel back young skulls to examine social and emotional fitness and history of trauma. There are extensive questions about suicide. In 2021, the Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey asked kids fourteen and up this utterly standard question set of social-emotional questions:
就我们的目的而言,最有趣的调查问题是那些剥开年轻头骨以检查社会和情感健康状况以及创伤史的问题。关于自杀的问题很多。2021 年,佛罗里达高中青少年风险行为调查向 14 岁及以上的孩子询问了这套完全标准的社会情感问题:

During the past 12 months, did you ever feel so sad or hopeless almost every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing your usual activities?
在过去的 12 个月里,您是否曾经连续两周或更长时间几乎每天都感到如此悲伤或绝望,以至于您停止了日常活动?

During the past 12 months, did you ever seriously consider attempting suicide?
在过去的12个月里,你有没有认真考虑过自杀未遂?

During the past 12 months, did you make a plan about how you would attempt suicide?
在过去的 12 个月里,你有没有制定过如何尝试自杀的计划?

During the past 12 months, how many times did you actually attempt suicide?
在过去的 12 个月里,您实际尝试自杀的次数有多少次?

If you attempted suicide during the past 12 months, did any attempt result in an injury, poisoning, or overdose that had to be treated by a
如果您在过去 12 个月内尝试自杀,是否有任何尝试导致受伤、中毒或服药过量,必须由

doctor or nurse?[10]
医生还是护士?[10]

Not to be outdone by the state high school survey, the Florida Middle School Health Behavior Survey of 2021, authored by the CDC, gamely inquires:
州立高中调查也不甘示弱,由 CDC 撰写的 2021 年佛罗里达中学健康行为调查游戏性地询问:

During the past year, did you do something to purposely hurt yourself without wanting to die, such as cutting or burning yourself on purpose?
在过去的一年里,你有没有做过故意伤害自己而不想死的事情,比如故意割伤或烧伤自己?

Have you ever participated in a game or challenge, by yourself or with others, that involved getting dizzy or passing out on purpose for the feeling it caused? (This game or challenge is also called the Choking Game, the Fainting Game, Pass Out, Knock Out, Tap Out, or Black Out.)
您是否曾经独自或与他人一起参加过游戏或挑战,导致头晕或故意昏倒?(此游戏或挑战也称为窒息游戏、昏厥游戏、昏倒游戏、击倒游戏、点击游戏或停电游戏。

During the past year, did you ever feel so sad or hopeless almost every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing some usual activities?
在过去的一年里,你是否曾经连续两周或更长时间几乎每天都感到如此悲伤或绝望,以至于你停止了一些日常活动?

Have you ever seriously thought about killing yourself?
你有没有认真想过自杀?

Have you ever made a plan about how you would kill yourself? Have you ever tried to kill yourself?[11]
你有没有制定过如何自杀的计划?你有没有试过自杀?[11]

You might be wondering: What sadist put this in front of middle school children? “Have you ever seriously thought about killing yourself?” is typically the sort of taunt one teen texts to another, or a troll writes on social media. Any seventh grader who isn’t already au fait with “the Fainting Game” or “Black Out” surely will want to educate herself. Mental health experts who would slide this list of questions onto the desks of eleven-year- olds—to satisfy the state’s or school’s curiosity—really ought to be kept away from children.
你可能想知道:哪个虐待狂把这个放在中学生面前?“你有没有认真想过自杀?”通常是一个青少年发短信给另一个青少年的嘲讽,或者一个巨魔在社交媒体上写道。任何对“昏厥游戏”或“停电”还不熟悉的七年级学生肯定都想自学。心理健康专家会把这一系列问题放到11岁孩子的桌子上——以满足国家或学校的好奇心——真的应该远离孩子。

But we’re far from done! Sixth graders in Georgia were presented with these questions in 2022, which reads like a script of Hannibal Lecter’s devise, to induce mental illness in a patient:
但我们远未完成!佐治亚州的六年级学生在 2022 年被问到这些问题,这些问题读起来就像汉尼拔·莱克特 (Hannibal Lecter) 设计的剧本,以诱发患者的精神疾病:

During the past 12 months, if you have seriously considering [sic] harming yourself on purpose, what was the most likely reason? Check all that apply:
在过去的12个月里,如果你认真考虑过故意伤害自己,最可能的原因是什么?检查所有适用项:

I have not seriously considered harming myself on purpose Demands of schoolwork
我没有认真考虑过故意伤害自己 学业的要求

Problems with peers or friends
与同龄人或朋友的问题

Social media Family reasons Being bullied
社交媒体 家庭原因 被欺负

School grades or performance School discipline or punishment
学校成绩或表现 学校纪律或处罚

Argument or breakup with a partner/girlfriend/boyfriend Dating violence
与伴侣/女朋友/男朋友争吵或分手 约会暴力

Drugs or alcohol
毒品或酒精

Other[12]
其他[12]

The Florida surveys inquire about precisely what measures high school students have taken to lose weight—options that range from fasting to abusing laxatives.[13] Surely no high school girl will overlook this concise list of weight-loss tips.
佛罗里达的调查询问了高中生采取了哪些措施来减肥——从禁食到滥用泻药的选择范围。[13] 当然,没有高中女生会忽视这份简明的减肥秘诀清单。

School psychologists swear up and down that questioning adolescents about whether they have considered suicide (and how often) does not increase the likelihood that they will attempt it. But even if no adolescent attempts suicide after extensive questioning like this, there can be no doubt that it normalizes suicide for them. If you were a kid in high school, you might even think nearly everyone was contemplating self-destruction.
学校心理学家上下发誓,询问青少年是否考虑过自杀(以及多久考虑一次)不会增加他们尝试自杀的可能性。但是,即使没有青少年在经过这样的广泛询问后试图自杀,毫无疑问,这对他们来说是正常的自杀。如果你还是个高中生,你甚至可能认为几乎每个人都在考虑自我毁灭。

There is some research backing the claim that surveys about suicide don’t increase suicidality—though the research does not necessarily account for the sheer quantity of suicide talk deluging today’s middle and high school students: suicide hotline numbers plastered in public middle and high school bathrooms and stamped on every high school student ID card in South Carolina, Arizona, Illinois, and California.[14] Nor does available research indicate whether constantly asking kids to report on their self-harm (and providing a Britannica of popular methods and rationales) might tend to implant fresh options in young heads.
有一些研究支持这样一种说法,即关于自杀的调查不会增加自杀率——尽管这项研究并不一定能解释当今初中生和高中生的自杀谈话数量:自杀热线号码贴在公共初中和高中浴室里,并印在南卡罗来纳州的每张高中生证上, 亚利桑那州、伊利诺伊州和加利福尼亚州。[14] 现有的研究也没有表明,不断要求孩子报告他们的自残行为(并提供流行的方法和理由的大英百科全书)是否倾向于在年轻人的头脑中植入新的选择。

But the surveys themselves betray a different view. The 2022 Illinois Youth Survey for eighth graders, for instance, concludes with this: “If any survey questions or your responses have caused you to feel uncomfortable or concerned and you would like to talk to someone about your feelings, talk to your school’s counselor, to a teacher, or to another adult you trust.” If you don’t feel comfortable talking to those adults, the survey directs students to various suicide, sexual assault, and crisis hotlines.[15]
但调查本身却暴露了不同的观点。例如,2022 年伊利诺伊州八年级学生青年调查得出的结论是:“如果任何调查问题或您的回答让您感到不舒服或担心,并且您想与某人谈谈您的感受,请与您学校的辅导员、老师或您信任的其他成年人交谈。如果您不愿意与这些成年人交谈,该调查会将学生引导至各种自杀、性侵犯和危机热线。[15]

The Washington State Healthy Youth Survey offers a similar warning and invitation to call a crisis hotline.[16] The Wisconsin middle school and high school surveys conclude the same way: noting that the survey may have induced sufficient distress that a student will want to talk to a school counselor, social worker, “or some other trusted adult.”[17]
华盛顿州健康青年调查提供了类似的警告,并邀请拨打危机热线。[16]威斯康星州的初中和高中调查得出了相同的结论:指出该调查可能已经引起了足够的痛苦,以至于学生想要与学校辅导员,社会工作者,“或其他值得信赖的成年人”交谈。[17]

At least in the minds of the administrators, the surveys tend to produce emotional disturbance in kids. Which might make you wonder why they’re administering these in the first place.
至少在管理人员的心目中,这些调查往往会在孩子们中产生情绪障碍。这可能会让你想知道为什么他们首先要管理这些。

Critical Appraisals of Family Members
对家庭成员的批判性评价

Perhaps the most seditious of survey questions press kids to critically appraise and report on their own families. The Arizona Youth Survey of 2022 asks middle and high school students to “think about the people you consider to be your family (e.g., parents, stepparents, grandparents, etc.)” while responding to the following with one of “NO!, no, yes, YES!”
也许最具煽动性的调查问题迫使孩子们批判性地评估和报告自己的家庭。2022 年亚利桑那州青年调查要求初中生和高中生“想想你认为是你家人的人(例如,父母、继父母、祖父母等)”,同时回答以下问题:“不!,不,是,是!

People in my family often insult or yell at each other.
我家里的人经常互相侮辱或大喊大叫。

We argue about the same things in my family over and over.
我们一遍又一遍地为我家里的事情争论不休。

If you drank some alcohol without your parents’ permission, would you be caught by your parents?
如果你在未经父母允许的情况下喝了酒,你会被父母抓住吗?

My parents ask me what I think before most family decisions affecting me are made.
我的父母问我,在做出大多数影响我的家庭决定之前,我的想法是什么。

Do you feel very close to your mother? Do you feel very close to your father?
你觉得和妈很亲近吗?你觉得和你父亲很亲近吗?

Do you share your thoughts and feelings with your mother?
你会和你的母亲分享你的想法和感受吗?

Do you share your thoughts and feelings with your father? Do you enjoy spending time with your mother?
你会和你的父亲分享你的想法和感受吗?你喜欢和妈妈在一起吗?

Do you enjoy spending time with your father?[18]
你喜欢和父亲共度时光吗?[18]

While asking students in a neutral way about suicide may or may not encourage thoughts of suicide, asking them to dwell on the state of their relationships is a different matter entirely. As anyone with a frenemy knows well, well-placed questions about the nature of your life and relationships can make you feel a lot worse.
虽然以中立的方式询问学生自杀可能会也可能不会鼓励自杀的念头,但要求他们专注于他们的关系状态完全是另一回事。正如任何有敌人的人都知道的那样,关于你的生活和人际关系的本质的适当问题会让你感觉更糟。

Consider this statement and question, posed to eighth through twelfth graders in Arizona:[19]
考虑一下亚利桑那州八年级至十二年级学生的陈述和问题:[19]

My parents notice when I am doing a good job and let me know about it.
我的父母注意到我什么时候做得很好,并让我知道。

How often do your parents tell you they’re proud of something you’ve done?
你的父母多久告诉你,他们为你所做的事情感到自豪?

Or this series, presented to seventh to twelfth graders (age thirteen and older) in Indiana:
或者这个系列,呈现给印第安纳州的七至十二年级学生(十三岁及以上):

How often do your parents tell you they’re proud of you for something you’ve done?
你的父母多久告诉你,他们为你所做的事情感到骄傲?

Would your parents know if you did not come home on time?
如果你没有按时回家,你的父母会知道吗?

If I had a personal problem, I could ask my mom or dad for help.
如果我有个人问题,我可以向妈妈或爸爸寻求帮助。

How wrong do your parents feel it would be for you to: use methamphetamines? . . . use heroin? . . . use prescription drugs not prescribed to you? . . . steal something worth more than five dollars? (Answer choices include: “Very wrong,” “Wrong,” “A little bit wrong,” “Not wrong at all.”)[20]
你的父母觉得你使用甲基苯丙胺是多么错误?. . .使用海洛因?. . .使用非处方药?偷了价值超过五美元的东西?(答案选项包括:“非常错误”、“错误”、“有点错误”、“完全没有错误”。[20]

Then there are the questions that, if matched with a student, might prompt a call to Child Services. Consider these, given to eighth graders in Illinois, which ask:
还有一些问题,如果与学生匹配,可能会提示拨打儿童服务电话。考虑一下这些,给伊利诺伊州的八年级学生,他们问:

How many days each week do you take care of yourself after school without an adult being there?
你每周放学后有多少天在没有大人在场的情况下照顾自己?

Think of those days that you are home after school without an adult being there. How many hours a day do you usually take care of yourself after school?
想想那些你放学后回家而没有大人在场的日子。你通常每天放学后照顾自己几个小时?

If you drank some beer, wine, or liquor (e.g., vodka, whiskey, or gin) without your parents’ permission, would you be caught by your parents?
如果你在未经父母允许的情况下喝了一些啤酒、葡萄酒或烈酒(例如伏特加、威士忌或杜松子酒),你会被父母抓住吗?

If you go to a party where alcohol is served, would you be caught by your parents?
如果你去参加一个有酒的聚会,你会被你的父母抓住吗?

When I am not at home, one of my parents/guardians knows where I am and who I am with.
当我不在家时,我的父母/监护人之一知道我在哪里以及我和谁在一起。

My parents/guardians ask if I’ve gotten my homework done.
我的父母/监护人问我是否完成了作业。

Would your parents/guardians know if you did not come home on time?[21]
如果你没有按时回家,你的父母/监护人会知道吗?[21]

Or from a Missouri Student Survey Questionnaire given to sixth graders, which asks:
或者来自密苏里州学生调查问卷,该问卷

How often do people in your family insult or yell at each other? Never
你家里的人多久互相侮辱或大喊大叫?从不

(1) Not very often (2) Some of the time (3) Most of the time (4) All of the time (5).[22]
(1)不经常 (2)有时 (3)大部分时间 (4)一直 (5).[22]

Put aside, for a moment, the ever-present risk that these highly personal details about a child’s family or mental health might be subject to a security breach[23]—and a child’s private mental health information spread or sold across worlds unknown. Even if the responses never trickle into the public sphere, the surveys break and enter the private, sacred zone of family. That
撇开这些关于儿童家庭或心理健康的高度个人化细节可能受到安全漏洞的风险不谈[23],以及儿童的私人心理健康信息在未知的世界中传播或出售。即使这些回答从未渗透到公共领域,调查也会打破并进入家庭的私人神圣区域。那

quirky, cozy den where you forgive your mother for forgetting to ask how your book report presentation went because she works hard and she’s tired and even cranky occasionally, too. You don’t think much of it when your parents leave you home for an hour while they run to the drug store or market or even go on a date because you’re twelve and have a phone you can use if you have a problem.
古怪、舒适的书房,你原谅你的母亲忘了问你的读书报告介绍进展如何,因为她工作很努力,她也很累,偶尔甚至脾气暴躁。当你的父母把你留在家里一个小时,而他们跑到药店或市场,甚至去约会时,你不会想太多,因为你十二岁了,有一部手机,如果你有问题可以使用。

Surveys betray an ontology—a view of the world and what objects furnish it. And in the world of these surveys, trauma is rampant—if not universal. Abuse and neglect visit every home. Drug use is pervasive, even among middle schoolers. Eight-year-olds have “had sexual intercourse.” A sea of torment rises to drown all the children of the world.
调查背叛了一种本体论——一种对世界的看法,以及为它提供什么物体。在这些调查的世界里,创伤是猖獗的——如果不是普遍的。虐待和忽视造访了每个家庭。吸毒现象普遍存在,甚至在中学生中也是如此。八岁的孩子“有过”。痛苦的海洋升起,淹没了世界上所有的孩子。

No doubt, there are children who are abused, neglected, who use drugs in middle school, and are raped. No one would deny that. Every decent human being wants to help those kids. These surveys do not help those kids. (They are anonymized, after all.) These surveys simply present to all children the ontology of a darkly degraded world and convince them that they inhabit it.
毫无疑问,有些孩子在中学时被虐待、被忽视、吸毒、被强奸。没有人会否认这一点。每个正派的人都想帮助这些孩子。这些调查对这些孩子没有帮助。(毕竟,它们是匿名的。这些调查只是向所有儿童展示了一个黑暗退化的世界的本体论,并让他们相信他们居住在其中。

At best, these questions invite criticism of a child’s relationship with her parents. They invite the surveyed individual to find that relationship wanting. They push a child to consider that she may not be as loved, emotionally supported, or properly cared for as she would otherwise have believed.
充其量,这些问题会招致对孩子与父母关系的批评。他们邀请被调查者发现这种关系是缺乏的。他们促使孩子考虑她可能不像她所相信的那样被爱、情感支持或适当的照顾。

And with all this aspersion cast on families by the mental health industry, we just might have a surprising number of young people deciding they were profoundly neglected or emotionally abused. We might have a young generation cutting off contact with loving parents in startling numbers.
随着心理健康行业对家庭的所有这些诽谤,我们可能会有数量惊人的年轻人认为他们被严重忽视或情感虐待。我们可能会有年轻一代以惊人的数量切断与慈爱父母的联系。

How Mental Health Surveys Hurt Students
心理健康调查如何伤害学生

An intake form at a psychiatric hospital asks prospective patients the following:
精神病院的入院表格要求潜在患者提供以下信息:

During the past 12 months, did you ever feel so sad or hopeless almost every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing some usual activities?
在过去的 12 个月里,您是否曾经连续两周或更长时间几乎每天都感到如此悲伤或绝望,以至于您停止了一些日常活动?

During the past 12 months, did you ever seriously consider attempting suicide?
在过去的12个月里,你有没有认真考虑过自杀未遂?

During the past 12 months, did you make a plan about how you would attempt suicide?
在过去的 12 个月里,你有没有制定过如何尝试自杀的计划?

During the past 12 months, how many times did you actually attempt suicide?
在过去的 12 个月里,您实际尝试自杀的次数有多少次?

If you attempted suicide during the past 12 months, did any attempt result in an injury, poisoning, or overdose that had to be treated by a doctor or nurse?[24]
如果您在过去 12 个月内尝试自杀,是否有任何尝试导致受伤、中毒或服药过量,必须由医生或护士治疗?[24]

Just kidding. These are a standard series of questions administered to public high school kids in several states, all for the sake of tracking their wellness.[25]
开玩笑。这些是针对几个州的公立高中生的标准系列问题,所有这些都是为了跟踪他们的健康状况。[25]

As are these, administered to middle school kids in Delaware:
就像这些一样,在特拉华州的中学生中管理:

During the past 12 months, did you ever feel so sad or hopeless almost every day for two weeks or more in a row that you stopped doing some usual activities?
在过去的 12 个月里,您是否曾经连续两周或更长时间几乎每天都感到如此悲伤或绝望,以至于您停止了一些日常活动?

Do you ever feel sad, empty, hopeless, angry, or anxious?
你是否曾经感到悲伤、空虚、绝望、愤怒或焦虑?

When you feel sad, empty, hopeless, angry, or anxious, how often do you get the kind of help you need?
当你感到悲伤、空虚、绝望、愤怒或焦虑时,你多久得到一次你需要的帮助?

During the past 12 months, did you do something to purposely hurt yourself without wanting to die, such as cutting or burning yourself on purpose?
在过去的 12 个月里,你有没有做过故意伤害自己而不想死的事情,比如故意割伤或烧伤自己?

Sometimes people feel so depressed about the future that they may consider attempting suicide or killing themselves. Have you ever seriously thought about killing yourself?
有时人们对未来感到非常沮丧,以至于他们可能会考虑自杀或自杀。你有没有认真想过自杀?

Have you ever made a plan about how you would kill yourself? Have you ever tried to kill yourself?[26]
你有没有制定过如何自杀的计划?你有没有试过自杀?[26]

The authors of these surveys will insist that the questions are posed neutrally, but many seem to presume levels of distress and depression that ought to be relatively rare in middle school. (“When you feel sad, empty, hopeless, angry, or anxious . . .”) Others provide new information. (“Sometimes people feel so depressed about the future . . .”) And in aggregate, all seem eager for assent.
這些調查的作者堅持這些問題是中立的,但許多人似乎假設了在中學時應該相對罕見的痛苦和抑鬱程度。(“当你感到悲伤、空虚、绝望、愤怒或焦虑时......其他人则提供新信息。(“有时人们对未来感到非常沮丧......”)总的来说,所有人似乎都渴望得到同意。

Why, then, were so many academic psychologists quick to deny that such surveys could negatively impact their respondents? At last, one took pity on me and told me the truth: You know, we’re all reliant on mental health surveys for our work, he said. What he meant was: We can’t admit that surveys might harm the surveyed—we’d lose our chief tool.
那么,为什么这么多学术心理学家很快就否认这样的调查会对他们的受访者产生负面影响呢?最后,有人怜悯我,告诉我真相:你知道,我们的工作都依赖于心理健康调查,他说。他的意思是:我们不能承认调查可能会伤害被调查者——我们会失去我们的主要工具。

I realized I needed to talk to an academic psychologist with years of clinical and research experience who was neither dependent on surveys nor subject to the fear of students and administrators that bedevils even tenured professors. I reached out to Jordan Peterson. We met over Zoom. A pale- blue Oxford billowed over his wiry frame. Peterson seemed upbeat and well-rested, volleying my questions as he fed himself thick pieces of rib eye with knife and fork.
我意识到我需要与一位具有多年临床和研究经验的学术心理学家交谈,他既不依赖调查,也不担心学生和管理人员的恐惧,甚至困扰着终身教授。我联系了乔丹·彼得森。我们是通过Zoom认识的。一辆淡蓝色的牛津车在他纤细的身躯上翻滚。彼得森看起来很乐观,休息得很好,一边用刀叉给自己喂厚厚的肋眼,一边回答我的问题。

I began by telling Peterson about the surveys, quoting from actual questions, and repeating so many academic psychologists’ insistence that there is no proof that asking kids repeatedly about self-harm will encourage them to attempt it. That’s what they had told me: no proof whatsoever.
我首先向彼得森讲述了这些调查,引用了实际问题,并重复了许多学术心理学家的坚持,即没有证据表明反复询问孩子关于自残的问题会鼓励他们尝试。这就是他们告诉我的:没有任何证据。

“They just don’t know the relevant literature,” he said. It is true, he allowed, that a one-time survey given to adolescents as a screener for suicide showed no short-term increase in depressive affect, as measured two days later.[27] But that study, conducted twenty years ago, scarcely
“他们只是不知道相关文献,”他说。他承认,作为自杀筛查对象对青少年进行的一次性调查显示,两天后测量的抑郁情绪没有短期增加[27],但二十年前进行的这项研究几乎没有

replicates the experience of adolescents today, barraged by questions about their penchant for self-harm.
复制了当今青少年的经历,他们被关于他们自残倾向的问题所困扰。

Because suicide and self-harm are so contagious among teens, Peterson said, adults must be extremely careful not to ask kids leading questions. “Like, ‘When was the last time you thought about cutting your wrists?’ Do you know how much information there is in that statement?”
彼得森说,由于自杀和自残在青少年中具有很强的传染性,成年人必须非常小心,不要问孩子引导性的问题。“比如,'你上一次想割腕是什么时候?'你知道那句话里有多少信息吗?

He ticked off the embedded implications. “First of all, the information is
他勾选了其中的内含含义。“首先,信息是

—‘Well, people do this.’ The next piece of information is: ‘You could be doing this.’ The next piece of information is: ‘It’s so likely that you’re doing this that I can just ask it as a casual question.’ And the next implication is: ‘Well, what the hell’s wrong with you if you’re not doing this?’
——“嗯,人们会这样做。下一条信息是:“你可以这样做。下一条信息是:“你很有可能正在这样做,我可以把它作为一个随意的问题来问。接下来的含义是:'好吧,如果你不这样做,你到底怎么了?”

Peterson’s concern is well-founded. The virality of suicide and self-harm among adolescents is extremely well-established.[28] Study after study[29] has shown that media reports of suicide can increase incidence among teens. In the 1980s, a concerted effort in Vienna, Austria, to limit media coverage of subway suicides had a stunning effect: the number of suicides by subway dropped by 75 percent.[30]
彼得森的担忧是有根据的。青少年自杀和自残的病毒式传播非常普遍。[28]一项又一项的研究[29]表明,媒体对自杀的报道会增加青少年的发病率。在1980年代,奥地利维也纳为限制媒体对地铁自杀的报道而做出的共同努力产生了惊人的效果:地铁自杀人数下降了75%。[30]

According to a CDC report, risk of copycat suicide behavior is particularly high where the subject of the suicide is valorized; where talk of suicide is repetitive or excessive and can become a preoccupation among at- risk youth; where suicide is presented as a means of coping with life’s problems, and where details of methods are provided.[31]
根据疾病预防控制中心的一份报告,在自杀对象被重视的情况下,模仿自杀行为的风险特别高;谈论自杀是重复的或过度的,并可能成为高危青年的当务之急;自杀被呈现为应对生活问题的一种手段,并提供了方法的细节。[31]

It’s almost as if the school survey authors read this list and decided, deliberately, to include each: advertising suicide as something adolescents do; talking about it repeatedly and excessively; presenting it as a means of coping with personal problems; offering details as to methods.
就好像学校调查的作者读了这份清单,并故意决定把每一份清单都包括在内:把自杀宣传为青少年做的事情;反复和过度地谈论它;将其作为应对个人问题的一种手段;提供有关方法的详细信息。

Consider one survey, authored by the CDC and given to middle schoolers in Delaware. “The next 3 questions ask about attempted suicide,” it informs kids as young as twelve. “Sometimes people feel so depressed about the future that they may consider attempting suicide or killing themselves.”[32] That sounds a whole lot like presenting suicide as a means of coping with personal problems
考虑一项由疾病预防控制中心撰写的调查,该调查提供给特拉华州的中学生。“接下来的 3 个问题是关于自杀未遂的,”它告诉年仅 12 岁的孩子。“有时人们对未来感到非常沮丧,以至于他们可能会考虑自杀或自杀。[32] 这听起来很像将自杀作为应对个人问题的一种手段
.

Jam-packed are the surveys with “details of methods.” The 2021 Florida Middle School Health Behavior Survey, remember, asked: “During the past year, did you do something to purposely hurt yourself without wanting to die, such as cutting or burning yourself on purpose?”[33]
挤满了带有“方法细节”的调查。记得,2021 年佛罗里达中学健康行为调查问道:“在过去的一年里,你有没有做过故意伤害自己而不想死的事情,比如故意割伤或烧伤自己?[33]

As we’ve seen, the famous D.A.R.E. campaign led to increased teen drug use, perhaps for this very reason: it may have created curiosity about the very activity it hoped to disparage.[34]
正如我们所看到的,著名的D.A.R.E.运动导致了青少年吸毒的增加,也许正是因为这个原因:它可能引起了人们对它希望贬低的活动的好奇心。[34]

And this is what so many adolescents I interviewed confirmed: they get the sense that almost everyone around them is on the verge of a breakdown. Under the banner of “whole child” education and “trauma-informed care,” educators greet every child with the emotional analogue of a gurney, all but begging kids to hop in. They never wait to see who might be injured because every child is encouraged to see herself as overtaxed and worn out.
这就是我采访的许多青少年所证实的:他们感觉到他们周围的几乎每个人都处于崩溃的边缘。在“全人”教育和“创伤知情护理”的旗帜下,教育工作者用轮床的情感模拟来迎接每个孩子,几乎都在乞求孩子们跳进去。他们从不等着看谁会受伤,因为每个孩子都被鼓励看到自己负担过重和疲惫不堪。

They encourage every child, constantly, to think about herself and her struggles.
他们鼓励每个孩子不断思考自己和她的挣扎。

Hell Is Thinking about Yourself
地狱在想你自己

“Self-consciousness,” or what Peterson calls “self-reflection on the feeling state,” and neurotic suffering are virtually indistinguishable, clinically and psychometrically. “Insofar as you’re thinking about yourself, you’re depressed and anxious,” Peterson said. “There’s no difference between thinking about yourself and being depressed and anxious. They are the same thing.[35]
“自我意识”,或者彼得森所说的“对感觉状态的自我反思”,和神经症的痛苦在临床和心理测量学上几乎是无法区分的。“只要你考虑自己,你就会感到沮丧和焦虑,”彼得森说。“思考自己与沮丧和焦虑之间没有区别。它们是一回事。[35]

Since anxiety and depression are highly comorbid (tend to go together) and are often treated with the same medication, this is less far-fetched than it might seem. Anxiety and depression may be different aspects of the same habits of mind: excessive thinking about yourself. That doesn’t mean that anxiety and depression are your fault or that every anxious or depressed person can simply cure themselves. But it does suggest that for those visited by milder versions, there is the chance to reclaim the reins of mood by turning your focus away from yourself.
由于焦虑和抑郁是高度共病的(往往同时存在),并且经常用相同的药物治疗,因此这并不像看起来那么牵强。焦虑和抑郁可能是同一思维习惯的不同方面:对自己的过度思考。这并不意味着焦虑和抑郁是你的错,也不意味着每个焦虑或抑郁的人都可以简单地治愈自己。但它确实表明,对于那些被温和版本访问的人来说,有机会通过将注意力从自己身上移开来重新控制情绪。

Here is a trick Peterson often used in his clinical practice. To his socially anxious patients, he recommended the following: When you go to a party, think about putting others at ease. Focus entirely on how others might be feeling. Do something nice for someone else. Stop thinking about yourself.
这是彼得森在临床实践中经常使用的一个技巧。对于社交焦虑症患者,他建议如下:当你去参加聚会时,想想让别人放松。完全关注他人的感受。为别人做点好事。别再想你自己了。

[36]

“By making our children obsessively focused on their autonomous selves, all we do is pull them out of their social context, isolate them, and make them neurotic,” Peterson said. “And so any clinician that tells you that there’s no connection between constantly harassing people about their mental health, and making them miserable . . . they’re clueless. They have no idea what they’re talking about.”
“通过让我们的孩子痴迷于他们的自主自我,我们所做的只是将他们从社会环境中拉出来,孤立他们,让他们变得神经质,”彼得森说。“因此,任何临床医生都会告诉你,不断骚扰人们的心理健康,让他们痛苦之间没有联系。他们一无所知。他们不知道自己在说什么。

It’s our social context that keeps us sane, Peterson said. Mental health professionals typically assume that sanity is somehow inside your head. But it isn’t—at least not entirely. “Sanity is the harmony that emerges as a consequence of being embedded in multiple social institutions,” he said.
彼得森说,正是我们的社会环境让我们保持理智。心理健康专家通常认为理智在某种程度上存在于您的脑海中。但事实并非如此——至少不完全是这样。“理智是嵌入多个社会机构的结果,”他说。

If we left kids alone to play and exist, relatively unfettered, in their social worlds—without our monitoring, advice-giving, and interruption—they would generally learn to get along with others, and they would tend to feel less despondent. We might need to interrupt rare cases of bullying. But otherwise, being part of a softball team or Girl Scouts, telling secrets to your best friend that you don’t also share with your mom—that’s the stuff that helps keep adolescents in balance, and kickstarts the freewheeling process of discovery and manufacture that ultimately produces a stable identity.
如果我们让孩子们独自玩耍,在他们的社交世界中相对不受约束地存在——没有我们的监督、建议和干扰——他们通常会学会与他人相处,他们往往会感到不那么沮丧。我们可能需要打断罕见的欺凌案例。但除此之外,作为垒球队或女童子军的一员,告诉你最好的朋友你也不会与妈妈分享的秘密——这些东西有助于保持青少年的平衡,并启动自由的发现和制造过程,最终产生稳定的身份。

Instead, schools regularly insert themselves between parent and child and between kids and their peers. Schools prompt kids to consider their existences and identities in total isolation. Schools push kids to mull on their failures and disappointments—to feel ever more desperately alone.
相反,学校经常在父母和孩子之间以及孩子和同龄人之间插入自己。学校促使孩子们完全孤立地考虑他们的存在和身份。学校迫使孩子们思考他们的失败和失望——让他们感到越来越绝望的孤独。

That’s very different from asking a kid the sorts of things adults have always asked kids: “How is school going?” “How do you like your teachers?” “How’s the baseball team?” “How is the seventh grade?” “How’s your family?” “What are you learning in school?” “What’s your favorite class?” All great questions that may prompt personal reflection on a
这与问孩子大人总是问孩子的事情非常不同:“学校怎么样?“你觉得你的老师怎么样?”“棒球队怎么样?”“七年级怎么样?”“你的家人怎么样?”“你在学校学什么?”“你最喜欢的课程是什么?”所有可能促使个人反思的好问题

child’s life. But in every instance, the conceit is the same: You are part of a social fabric, a society, a community, a family, a team. What do you think about our broader world?
孩子的生活。但在每一种情况下,自负都是一样的:你是社会结构、社会、社区、家庭、团队的一部分。您如何看待我们更广阔的世界?

But ask a kid: “How are you feeling today?” as our schools now do on a routine basis, and you tear kids from that social fabric. You ask them to conceive of themselves as free radicals, hurtling through the universe without a tether. This sort of contemplation is inherently destabilizing. It may even be indistinguishable from unhappiness itself.
但是问一个孩子:“你今天感觉怎么样?”就像我们学校现在例行公事一样,你就会把孩子从社会结构中剥离出来。你要求他们把自己想象成自由基,在没有束缚的情况下在宇宙中飞驰。这种沉思本质上是不稳定的。它甚至可能与不快乐本身没有区别。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 8
第8章

Full of Empathy and Mean as Hell
充满同理心和卑鄙的地狱

C

hloe[1] had a trick for surviving her Kafkaesque tenth-grade year. Each day, before she entered the century-old hallways of the Spence School, alma mater to the nabob daughters of
hloe[1]有一个诀窍,可以熬过她的卡夫卡式的十年级。每天,在她进入斯宾塞学校的百年走廊之前,这是母校

knickerbocker, Chloe shoved fully charged AirPods into her ear canals. They gave her a small pocket of comfort as she proceeded, friendless, through the halls and sat at lunch each day, alone.
克洛伊把充满电的AirPods塞进了她的耳道。他们给了她一小块安慰,让她毫无朋友地穿过大厅,每天独自坐着吃午饭。

“Not one person would talk to her,” her mother told me. Not even the girls she’d known since kindergarten. “She would go out to lunch alone, she would be alone every weekend, every single night. There was an understanding that everyone knew what was going on.”
“没有一个人愿意和她说话,”她的母亲告诉我。甚至连她从幼儿园就认识的女孩都没有。“她会一个人出去吃午饭,每个周末,每个晚上她都会一个人。有一种理解是,每个人都知道发生了什么。

In October of 2018, the fifteen-year-old advanced math student had committed the cardinal sin of joking with two camp friends about the worst possible costumes for an upcoming Halloween party. What should the three of them definitely not go as this year? “George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.” Lame. Other definite noes: “Proton,
2018 年 10 月,这位 15 岁的高年级数学学生犯了大罪,与两个营地朋友开玩笑说即将到来的万圣节派对的最糟糕的服装。他们三人今年绝对不能去什么?“乔治·华盛顿、托马斯·杰斐逊和詹姆斯·麦迪逊。”跛。其他明确的否定:“质子,

neutron, and electron.” Too geeky. “Isotope, ion, and unstable atom.” They were cracking up. “Sine, cosine, and tangent.”
中子和电子。太讨厌了。“同位素、离子和不稳定原子。”他们正在崩溃。“正弦、余弦和正切。”

Chloe was clever, and she knew it. A member of Spence’s varsity tennis team and an academic star, she thought up clever triads the way other kids perform tricks with their skateboards. Chloe and the two other girls took turns contributing to the list of hypothetical nixed costumes, sure to be among the worst-received of all time.
克洛伊很聪明,她知道这一点。作为斯宾塞大学网球队的成员和学术明星,她想出了聪明的三合会,就像其他孩子用滑板表演技巧一样。克洛伊和另外两个女孩轮流为假想的服装清单做出贡献,这肯定是有史以来最受欢迎的服装之一。

“Ablative, accusative, nominative,” Chloe ticked off. “Subjunctive, infinitive, imperative”; “Moses, Jesus, Mohammed”; “Slaves, indigenous people, white settlers.” It was funny! Relief for a girl who spent an unreasonable portion of her life bent over books. She kept going: “free trade, partial government intervention, and communism”; “Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin”; “racism, sexism, antisemitism.”[2]
“消融的、宾格的、主格的,”克洛伊打勾了。 “虚拟语气、不定式、祈使式”;“摩西、耶稣、穆罕默德”;“奴隶、原住民、白人定居者。”这很有趣!对于一个在书中度过了不合理的时光的女孩来说,这是一种解脱。她继续说:“自由贸易、部分政府干预和共产主义”;“希特勒、墨索里尼、斯大林”;“种族主义、性别歧视、反犹太主义。”[2]

The beaten horse was quite dead by then, but she and her friends laughed, enjoying their own cleverness. They were young and smart and, without boys around, free to let their nerd flags fly. Chloe posted the goofy exchange to her private Instagram account. With that, she knocked over the card table on which her careful life was set.
那时那匹被打的马已经死了,但她和她的朋友们笑了,享受着自己的聪明。他们年轻而聪明,没有男孩在身边,可以自由地让他们的书旗帜飘扬。克洛伊将这次愚蠢的交流发布到了她的私人Instagram帐户上。说完,她打翻了她小心翼翼的生活所设置的牌桌。

The next day at school, two of Chloe’s Spence classmates confronted her at school, claiming that they were offended by her post. Chloe immediately apologized to the girls and took it down. But it was too late; and the confrontation, pro forma. The girls had already taken screenshots of the transgressive post and run to the administration. They claimed they had been victimized by the post’s racism and antisemitism.
第二天在学校,克洛伊的两名斯宾塞同学在学校与她对峙,声称他们被她的帖子冒犯了。克洛伊立即向女孩们道歉并取下了它。但为时已晚;和对抗,形式上。女孩们已经截取了违规帖子的截图,并跑到政府那里。他们声称自己是该帖子种族主义和反犹太主义的受害者。

Other Spence girls registered the metallic tang of blood in the water. They ran to the administration to lodge their own complaints. They falsely claimed Chloe had joked online about dressing up with her friends as “slaves and slaveholders” and “Jews and Hitler.” Chloe had made them feel “scared and unsafe.”
其他斯宾塞女孩记录了水中的血腥味。他们跑到政府那里提出自己的投诉。他们谎称克洛伊在网上开玩笑说,她和她的朋友一起打扮成“奴隶和奴隶主”以及“犹太人和希特勒”。克洛伊让他们感到“害怕和不安全”。

Spence’s director of institutional equity and a small group of administrators called Chloe to account for herself. She broke down, crying hysterically, according to a complaint later filed by her parents. She had never been in trouble before.
斯宾塞的机构股权主管和一小群管理人员打电话给克洛伊,要求她为自己负责。她崩溃了,歇斯底里地哭泣,根据她父母后来提出的投诉。她以前从未遇到过麻烦。

Spence administrators convened two full-grade assemblies—without Chloe present—to discuss the “incident,” which had begun to take on a life of its own. At the assemblies, administrators publicly accused Chloe of having engaged in racist conduct, though they never specified what that racist conduct was.
斯宾塞的行政人员在没有克洛伊在场的情况下召开了两次全年级集会,讨论这个“事件”,这个事件已经开始有了自己的生命。在集会上,行政人员公开指责克洛伊从事种族主义行为,尽管他们从未具体说明种族主义行为是什么。

Several of the accusers admitted they had not seen the offending post and no administrator had bothered to read its text, according to the complaint. The hurt feelings of Chloe’s accusers sufficed. Their pain, proof positive of harm.
根据起诉书,几名原告承认他们没有看到违规的帖子,也没有管理员费心阅读其文本。克洛伊控告者的伤害就足够了。他们的痛苦,证明是伤害的积极证据。

Throughout the discussions of Chloe’s alleged antisemitism, no school official noted that none of the offended students was Jewish. Neither were Spence’s administrators. But Chloe is Jewish. Two years earlier, many of her accusers had attended her bat mitzvah.
在对克洛伊所谓的反犹太主义的讨论中,没有学校官员指出,没有一个被冒犯的学生是犹太人。斯宾塞的管理员也不是。但克洛伊是犹太人。两年前,她的许多指控者都参加了她的成人礼。

Chloe apologized to the offended students several times. One school administrator insisted that Chloe provide a “racialized” apology to one of her accusers, meaning she had to apologize “as a white girl.” Chloe did as she was asked. It was never enough.
克洛伊多次向被冒犯的学生道歉。一名学校管理人员坚持要求克洛伊向她的一名指控者提供“种族化”的道歉,这意味着她必须“作为一个白人女孩”道歉。克洛伊按照她的要求做了。这还远远不够。

One might have assumed that at Spence, where “emotional and social competencies” are explicit educational priorities, such calculated interpersonal cruelty would be a rarity.[3] Shouldn’t having “empathy” as a core value mean that a school can see things from the perspective of an unfairly accused teen? How could a school that trumpets “empathy” as one of the “key skills of civic engagement” have had so little to spare for Chloe?[4]
有人可能会认为,在斯宾塞,“情感和社会能力”是明确的教育优先事项,这种精心策划的人际残忍是罕见的[3],以“同理心”为核心价值观难道不应该意味着学校可以从一个不公平的被指控的青少年的角度看待问题吗?一所将“同理心”吹捧为“公民参与的关键技能”之一的学校怎么会为克洛伊留下如此多的余地?[4]

Brittle Monsters
脆弱的怪物

By the time I talked to Chloe’s mother, I knew that schools’ therapeutic interventions weren’t likely to produce healthier, more emotionally resilient kids. But I assumed, at a bare minimum, that the empathy focus ought at least to have fostered a more caring environment. Teaching “empathy” has been a stated purpose of social-emotional learning since the program’s
当我和克洛伊的母亲交谈时,我知道学校的治疗干预不太可能培养出更健康、更有情绪弹性的孩子。但我认为,至少,同理心的焦点至少应该营造一个更加关爱的环境。自该计划以来,教授“同理心”一直是社会情感学习的既定目的

inception.[5] CASEL, the standard-bearer of social-emotional learning curricula, defines SEL as the process through which young people learn to “feel and show empathy for others.”[6] Teaching kids to empathize with others is part of “social awareness,” one of the “five core competencies” SEL promises to teach.[7] So why would social-emotional learning coincide with the startling eruption of interpersonal cruelty?
初始。[5] CASEL是社会情感学习课程的旗手,将SEL定义为年轻人学会“感受并表现出对他人的同理心”的过程。[6] 教孩子同情他人是“社会意识”的一部分,这是 SEL 承诺教授的“五项核心能力”之一。[7] 那么,为什么社会情感学习会与人际残酷行为的惊人爆发相吻合呢?

“It creates unbelievable narcissists,” Parisa, an Iranian-born mother who sends her son to one of New York’s most prestigious prep schools, told me. All of this self-focus invariably leads kids to the realization that someone in the class is making them unhappy, she says. “Which then requires policing the classroom so people with the wrong opinion have to either not speak or say the wrong thing and take the consequence.”
“它创造了难以置信的自恋者,”帕里萨告诉我,她是一位伊朗出生的母亲,她把儿子送到纽约最负盛名的预科学校之一。她说,所有这些自我关注总是让孩子们意识到班上有人让他们不开心。“这需要对教室进行监管,这样有错误意见的人要么不说话,要么说错话并承担后果。

Caitlin is a Korean American who sends her kids to a posh school in California. She told me that, at today’s tony prep schools, all of which emphasize social-emotional skills, “only what you believe and what you feel matters. You don’t have to treat grownups with trust or respect,” she said. “They don’t know more than you. Only what you feel is what you know. And then you’re just letting loose a bunch of tiny little narcissists and giving them reasons to attack each other.”
凯特琳是一名韩裔美国人,她把孩子送到加州的一所豪华学校。她告诉我,在今天的托尼预科学校里,所有学校都强调社交情感技能,“只有你相信的和你的感受才重要。你不必以信任或尊重的态度对待成年人,“她说。“他们知道的并不比你多。只有你感觉到的才是你所知道的。然后你只是放开了一群小小的自恋者,给他们互相攻击的理由。

In the contemporary therapeutic school environment, students are not merely tyrannized by their own feelings. They live under the tyranny of each other’s. And unlike the strict schools of bygone eras, the contemporary rule of feelings is endlessly capricious, vague in its dictates, unconcerned with facts or evidence. Punishments escalate until the aggrieved are satisfied, at last bored by the riot they caused. Not knowing who might accuse you next is a little like reaching into a garbage disposal to retrieve a bottle cap. The spidery worry that someone might flip a switch lingers long after you’ve safely retracted your fingers from the grinding plates.
在当代治疗性学校环境中,学生不仅仅是被自己的感受所支配。他们生活在彼此的暴政之下。与过去时代的严格学派不同,当代的感情规则是无休止的反复无常的,其指令含糊不清,不关心事实或证据。惩罚不断升级,直到受害人感到满意,最终对他们引起的骚乱感到厌倦。不知道接下来谁会指责你,这有点像把手伸进垃圾处理器去取瓶盖。蜘蛛般的担心,有人可能会拨动开关,在你安全地将手指从磨盘上收回后,这种担忧仍然存在很长时间。

The Problem with Empathy
同理心的问题

One might mistakenly assume that there’s some sort of empathy paradox. Perhaps schools are teaching “empathy” all wrong, and if they fixed their methods, great social harmony would result? Not so. As academic psychologists who study empathy know, injustice and cruelty may even be the predictable result of placing a precedence on empathy.
人们可能会错误地认为存在某种同理心悖论。也许学校教的“同理心”都错了,如果他们固定了他们的方法,就会产生巨大的社会和谐?并非如此。正如研究同理心的学术心理学家所知道的那样,不公正和残忍甚至可能是将同理心放在首位的可预见结果。

“Empathy is a spotlight focusing on certain people in the here and now,” Yale professor of psychology Paul Bloom writes in his important book, Against Empathy. “This makes us care more about them, but it leaves us insensitive to the long-term consequences of our acts and blind as well to the suffering of those we do not or cannot empathize with. Empathy is biased, pushing us in the direction of parochialism and racism.”
“同理心是关注此时此地某些人的聚光灯,”耶鲁大学心理学教授保罗·布鲁姆(Paul Bloom)在他的重要著作《反对同理心》中写道。“这让我们更加关心他们,但它让我们对自己行为的长期后果麻木不仁,对那些我们没有或不能同情的人的痛苦也视而不见。同理心是有偏见的,将我们推向狭隘主义和种族主义的方向。

Intellectually, we can value the lives of billions of people across the globe. “But what we can’t do is empathize with all of them,” he writes. “Indeed, you cannot empathize with more than one or two people at a time. Try it.”[8]
在理智上,我们可以珍视全球数十亿人的生命。“但我们不能做的是同情所有这些人,”他写道。“事实上,你不能同时同情一两个人。试试吧。[8]

The inability to empathize with more than two people at once is not anyone’s fault. It’s simply a feature of empathy’s natural limitations. “It’s a spotlight that has a narrow focus, one that shines most brightly on those we love and gets dim for those who are strange or different or frightening,” Bloom writes. It strikes me that we know this rather instinctively: nepotism bans are based on the recognition that our natural empathy for kin sacrifices fairness and, ultimately, the welfare of the group.
无法同时同情两个以上的人不是任何人的错。这只是同理心自然局限性的一个特征。布鲁姆写道:“这是一个焦点狭窄的聚光灯,它最明亮地照耀着我们所爱的人,而对于那些陌生、不同或可怕的人来说,它变得黯淡无光。令我印象深刻的是,我们本能地知道这一点:裙带关系禁令是基于这样一种认识,即我们对亲属的自然同情牺牲了公平,并最终牺牲了群体的福利。

Make fairness your guide and you lay the groundwork for treating everyone equally. But put empathy in charge—feel the pain of the “victims” in front of you—and you’re not only likely to treat the “out group” much worse.[9] You may even treat everyone worse. A police captain who empathizes with an incompetent officer leaves the public less safe as a result (and the officer less safe, too).
以公平为指导,为平等对待每个人奠定了基础。但是,让同理心负责——感受你面前“受害者”的痛苦——你不仅可能更糟糕地对待“外群体”。[9] 你甚至可能对每个人都更糟。一个同情不称职的警官的警察队长会让公众变得不那么安全(警官也不太安全)。

The most selfless acts a mammal commits she does on behalf of her children. The most violent, in their defense. Where empathy rules human
哺乳动物最无私的行为是她为她的孩子所做的。最暴力的,在他们的辩护中。同理心统治人类的地方

interactions, we see a remarkable nurturing of insiders alongside cruelty and indifference to interlopers.
在互动中,我们看到了对内部人员的显着培养,以及对闯入者的残忍和冷漠。

This may explain why therapists sometimes inadvertently encourage a client to divorce by making relationship-undermining statements and portraying the absent spouse unfavorably.[10] It’s not that these therapists are necessarily callous; they may simply be empathic.
这也许可以解释为什么治疗师有时会无意中通过发表破坏关系的声明和不利地描绘缺席的配偶来鼓励来访者离婚[10] 这并不是说这些治疗师一定是冷酷无情的;他们可能只是善解人意。

Therapists readily empathize with the paying clients in front of them over those who have no opportunity to testify in their own defense. How natural to suggest cooling off the relationship with Mom, dispatching a “friendship breakup” text, or hatching the “amicable divorce.” It’s awfully hard to think about a child you’ve never met—say, the little girl whose life is about to be sliced in two—when her tearful mom is perched on your couch.
治疗师很容易同情他们面前的付费客户,而不是那些没有机会为自己辩护作证的人。建议与妈妈的关系降温,发送“友谊分手”短信,或酝酿“友好离婚”是多么自然。很难想到一个你从未见过的孩子——比如说,那个生命即将被切成两半的小女孩——当她泪流满面的妈妈坐在你的沙发上时。

Empathy invariably involves a choice of whose feelings to coronate and whose to disregard. Overreliance on empathy as a guide to mediating human affairs leads to precisely the injustices we see today in schools: phony show trials allegedly in defense of marginalized students, alongside breathtaking cruelty to undesirables. Empathy supplies a narrow aperture of intense caring. Those outside it blur into nothing.
同理心总是涉及选择加冕谁的感受和无视谁的感受。过度依赖同理心作为调解人类事务的指南,恰恰导致了我们今天在学校看到的不公正现象:据称是为了保护边缘化学生而进行的虚假表演审判,以及对不受欢迎的人的令人震惊的残忍行为。同理心提供了一个狭窄的强烈关怀孔径。外面的人变得虚无。

Schools often preach empathy on the theory that those who feel the pain of their fellow students will be more likely to treat them better, but there is simply no proof of this. “It’s not true that those who do evil are necessarily low in empathy or that those who refrain from evil are high in empathy,” Bloom writes.[11]
学校经常宣扬同理心的理论,即那些感受到同学痛苦的人更有可能更好地对待他们,但根本没有证据证明这一点。布鲁姆写道:“那些作恶的人不一定有低同理心,或者那些不作恶的人有很高的同理心,这是不正确的。[11]

People who are motivated by fairness or a keen sense of right and wrong will often treat people humanely, despite feeling no particular empathy with the beneficiaries. Someone who returns a lost wallet is probably not motivated by empathy; she typically doesn’t know the owner. She does this because she believes it is right.
以公平或敏锐的是非感为动机的人往往会人道地对待他人,尽管对受益人没有特别的同情心。归还丢失钱包的人可能不是出于同理心;她通常不认识主人。她这样做是因为她相信这是对的。

Conversely, psychopaths utilize empathy to exploit their victims.[12] Conmen, seducers of elderly widows, and the worst kind of mean girls have perfected this “dark empathy.”
相反,精神病患者利用同理心来剥削受害者。[12]骗子、年迈寡妇的诱惑者,以及最卑鄙的女孩,都完善了这种“黑暗的同理心”。

In a therapeutic, empathy-based system, the first and loudest to cry foul can capture a school administration’s full support and commandeer its punitive arsenal. In this light, it is unsurprising that our most emotionally attuned schools would be scenes of ethical bedlam.
在一个基于同理心的治疗系统中,第一个也是最响亮的喊法可以获得学校管理部门的全力支持,并征用其惩罚性武器库。从这个角度来看,我们最能调和情感的学校会成为道德混乱的场景也就不足为奇了。

The Tattletale Generation
Tattletale 一代

Consider the messages therapeutic education broadcasts to students: You can’t manage your own conflicts. You are filled with trauma and need our “trauma-informed care.” You are constantly contemplating suicide or engaging in self-harm. You are breaking or broken. You cannot possibly survive a bad grade or a firm deadline—challenges kids have met since the invention of school.
考虑治疗性教育向学生传达的信息:你无法管理自己的冲突。您充满了创伤,需要我们的“创伤知情护理”。你一直在考虑自杀或自残。你正在破碎或破碎。你不可能在糟糕的成绩或坚定的截止日期中幸存下来——自学校发明以来,孩子们就遇到了挑战。

Like the disempowered masses of a totalitarian regime, kids reach for the remaining implement in an otherwise empty toolbox: tattling. Virtually every parent I talked to mentioned with alarm the profusion of tattling at their kids’ schools—even at the high school level.
就像极权主义政权中被剥夺权力的群众一样,孩子们伸手去拿一个空空如也的工具箱里剩下的工具:叽叽喳喳。几乎每一位与我交谈过的家长都惊恐地提到,在他们孩子的学校里,甚至在高中阶段,也有大量的争吵。

One mom, Ellen, who consults to private school parents, apprised me of a bizarre and chilling trend among the rising generation. Many teens maintain a cache of screenshots to incriminate their friends just in case they should need to retaliate against an accuser.
一位名叫艾伦(Ellen)的妈妈为私立学校的家长提供咨询,她告诉我,在新兴的一代中,有一种奇怪而令人不寒而栗的趋势。许多青少年保留了屏幕截图的缓存,以指控他们的朋友有罪,以防万一他们需要对原告进行报复。

A major part of Ellen’s national consulting business involves advising families whose kids have been accused by another student. And the moment a parent contacts her for help in such a crisis, that parent also typically sends along an incriminating cache on the student accuser. At first, Ellen was stunned. How did you come across these old pictures? she would ask. The answer was always the same: Oh, my kid saved these screenshots of her friends saying something racist or doing something stupidjust in case.
艾伦全国咨询业务的一个主要部分是为孩子被另一名学生指控的家庭提供建议。在这种危机中,当家长联系她寻求帮助时,该家长通常也会向学生原告发送一份有罪的缓存。起初,艾伦惊呆了。你是怎么看到这些老照片的?她会问。答案总是一样的:哦,我的孩子保存了她的朋友说种族主义或做傻事的截图——以防万一。

Call it insurance. Call it blackmail. Call it what it is: utterly bananas. “The whole reason why we have juvenile laws that allow for sealing of
称之为保险。称之为勒索。称它为:完全香蕉。“我们制定少年法允许封存的全部原因

records before the age of eighteen is because society recognizes the importance of these young kids who have made mistakes getting a fresh
十八岁之前的记录是因为社会认识到这些犯过错误的年幼孩子获得新生的重要性

start with a clean record,” Ellen said. But racism or the endless fill-in-the- phobia allegations made by young people rarely require substantiation to inflict real damage. Nor do they ever occur in the court of law, where they would be sealed. They exist on kids’ phones. In the worst instances, they threaten to trail a child for decades—maybe for the rest of her life.
从干净的记录开始,“艾伦说。但是,种族主义或年轻人无休止的恐惧症指控很少需要证据来造成真正的损害。它们也从未出现在法庭上,在那里它们将被封存。它们存在于孩子的手机上。在最坏的情况下,他们威胁要跟踪一个孩子几十年——也许是她的余生。

As I listened to Ellen, I wondered if this was a local phenomenon. But in July of 2020, the New York Times reported on dozens of instances in which universities had rescinded admissions of students after having received screenshots of racist or inappropriate Snapchat communications, Instagram posts, or texts—all of it sent to the universities by other students.[13] Some of the videos and screenshots were of incidents that had occurred years earlier—meaning, students had been maintaining the caches for years, just as Ellen had told me.
当我听艾伦的演讲时,我想知道这是否是一种当地现象。但在 2020 年 7 月,《纽约时报》报道了数十起大学在收到种族主义或不适当的 Snapchat 通信、Instagram 帖子或文本截图后取消学生录取的案例——所有这些都是由其他学生发送给大学的。[13]一些视频和截图是几年前发生的事件——这意味着,正如艾伦告诉我的那样,学生们多年来一直在维护缓存。

This is a consequence of the life we have made for the rising generation. Monitored like babies in cribs, treated like patients in a psychiatric ward, they disbelieve they can trust each other or handle conflicts themselves. They slide into the habits of “grudge informants,” pitiable citizens of Stalin’s Russia, Mao’s China, and today’s high school. Resolving mundane conflicts with peers seems above their paygrade. Better to inform their superiors. They do not behave like teammates in a great society. They behave like the survivors of the remnants of one, after all order has broken down.
这是我们为新生代创造的生活的结果。他们像婴儿床里的婴儿一样受到监控,像精神病房里的病人一样被对待,他们不相信自己可以相互信任或自己处理冲突。他们陷入了“怨恨线人”的习惯,斯大林的俄罗斯,毛的中国和今天的高中的可怜公民。解决与同龄人的世俗冲突似乎超出了他们的工资水平。最好通知他们的上级。在一个伟大的社会中,他们表现得不像队友。在所有秩序崩溃之后,他们的行为就像一个残余的幸存者。

Consider the corruption of character that would lead a student to store screenshots for use against her classmates and friends—the sustained flirtation with evil. The rising generation tattles on their professors for failing to incorporate the newest update to the ever-expanding concordance of problematic phrases. They complain about their bosses to HR with the elan of vindictive prosecutors. They do so without embarrassment or self- reflection.
想想性格的败坏,会导致学生存储截图以对付她的同学和朋友——与邪恶的持续调情。冉冉升起的一代嘲笑他们的教授未能将最新的更新纳入不断扩大的问题短语的一致性中。他们向人力资源部抱怨他们的老板,带着报复性的检察官。他们这样做时没有尴尬或自我反省。

The obvious next question: Who raised these kids?
下一个显而易见的问题:谁抚养了这些孩子?

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 9
第9章

The Road Paved by Gentle Parents
温柔的父母铺就的道路

M

y little brother and I were “latchkey kids,” which meant the school bus dropped us off at 3:45 p.m. each day, one block from our suburban Maryland home. We let ourselves into an empty
我和我的弟弟是“闩锁孩子”,这意味着校车每天下午 3 点 45 分送我们下车,离我们马里兰州郊区的家一个街区。我们让自己进入一个空虚

house, quiet and dark in the late afternoon, and turned on the TV for company. At four p.m., Batman: The Animated Series arrived, then Saved by the Bell. If we were hungry, we fed a Healthy Choice meal into the microwave or heated up Chef Boyardee ravioli from a can. Occasionally, we started our homework. More often, we didn’t. (No one checked.)
房子,傍晚时分安静而黑暗,打开电视陪伴。下午四点,《蝙蝠侠:动画系列》上映,然后被钟声拯救。如果我们饿了,我们会在微波炉中喂食健康选择餐,或者从罐头中加热主厨 Boyardee 馄饨。偶尔,我们开始做功课。更多时候,我们没有。(没有人检查。

None of our neighbors or friends considered us ignored or deprived. Our parents were attorneys. Mom was stuck at work until at least five p.m., occasionally much later. We had a working phone in case of emergency. Loneliness and boredom tugged at our hearts and minds. Most of the kids on the block were in the same boat. A few of them got into trouble: experimenting sexually, smoking cigarettes, punching holes in the insulation of a house under construction. (Okay, the last one included me.)
我们的邻居或朋友都不认为我们被忽视或被剥夺了。我们的父母是律师。妈妈被困在工作上,至少要到下午五点,偶尔会更晚。我们有一个工作电话,以备不时之需。寂寞和无聊牵扯着我们的心灵和思想。街区里的大多数孩子都在同一条船上。他们中的一些人惹上了麻烦:性实验,抽烟,在正在建造的房屋的隔热层上打孔。(好吧,最后一个包括我。

My generation’s parents divorced in larger numbers than America had ever seen.[1] Adults often acted as if that was the best outcome for everyone. They said it made kids happy to see their parents fulfilled by new relationships. But the kids who turned up to math class without a textbook because they’d left it at their dad’s house and wouldn’t see him again until Saturday didn’t seem happier because their father was starting a new, better life. They were just kids without the right textbook.
我们这一代父母离婚的人数比美国任何时候都多。[1]成年人经常表现得好像这对每个人来说都是最好的结果。他们说,看到父母因新的关系而感到满足,这让孩子们感到高兴。但是,那些没有教科书就去上数学课的孩子,因为他们把教科书留在了父亲的家里,直到星期六才再见到他,他们似乎并不快乐,因为他们的父亲正在开始新的、更好的生活。他们只是没有正确教科书的孩子。

For many members of my generation, adolescence was a trial. We reached adulthood and millions of us entered therapy.[2] We had kids of our own, purchased stacks of parenting books, most of them written by shrinks, and began to reevaluate our childhoods.
对于我们这一代的许多人来说,青春期是一场考验。我们成年了,数以百万计的人进入了治疗[2],我们有了自己的孩子,买了一摞摞育儿书,其中大部分是缩水写的,并开始重新评估我们的童年。

Shouldn’t Flowers Bloom in Powdered Sugar?
鲜花不应该在糖粉中绽放吗?

We’d all been spanked as kids, but suddenly, that made us feel ashamed; it came to seem like abuse. We’d all been yelled at and punished when we talked back or acted out, but that now seemed off-limits with our own. Most of us came home after school to empty houses. But in retrospect, that level of neglect seemed to warrant a visit from Child Services. Our parents attended few of our soccer games; but if we skipped even our kids’ practices, we felt like we’d abandoned them at Port Authority.
我们小时候都打过屁股,但突然间,这让我们感到羞愧;这看起来像是虐待。当我们回嘴或采取行动时,我们都曾被大喊大叫和惩罚,但现在这似乎是我们自己的禁区。我们大多数人放学后回到家,房子空荡荡的。但回想起来,这种程度的忽视似乎值得儿童服务部访问。我们的父母很少参加我们的足球比赛;但是,如果我们甚至跳过了孩子们的练习,我们就会觉得我们在港务局抛弃了他们。

That the vast majority of us ended up in pretty good shape—that we married, made and kept friends, held down jobs, and created lives that required others to depend on us because they could—carried a whiff of dumb luck. We assumed it was despite our parents’ terribly uncool manner of child-rearing that we turned out okay. We would have been so much better off, we decided, if only we’d had gentler and more involved parents.
我们中的绝大多数人最终都处于相当不错的状态——我们结婚、结交和保持朋友、保住工作,并创造了需要别人依赖我们的生活,因为他们可以——带有一丝愚蠢的运气。我们以为,尽管我们的父母养育孩子的方式非常不酷,但我们的结果还是可以的。我们决定,如果我们有更温柔、更投入的父母,我们的生活会好得多。

With our own kids, we used soft voices, met them at eye level, and asked them constantly how they felt about things. It seemed obvious: How do you produce gentle, calm kids? With gentle, calm parenting. We constantly invited our kids to weigh in on all of the choices we made for them. We asked our kids for feedback on the job we were doing.
对于我们自己的孩子,我们用柔和的声音,与他们平视,并不断询问他们对事物的感受。这似乎是显而易见的:你如何培养出温柔、冷静的孩子?温柔、冷静的育儿方式。我们不断邀请我们的孩子权衡我们为他们做出的所有选择。我们要求孩子们对我们所做的工作提供反馈。

The fevered insecurity of contemporary parenting first announced itself to me when I signed my twin four-year-old boys up for piano lessons. Once a week, a Soviet Jewish émigré redolent of Russian stoicism and expensive perfume clicked into our West Los Angeles home. For a single half-hour session, she taught my boys to sit up straight and find middle C.
当代育儿方式的狂热不安全感在我为我的双胞胎四岁儿子报名参加钢琴课时首次向我宣告。每周一次,一位散发着俄罗斯坚忍主义和昂贵香水的苏联犹太移民来到我们位于西洛杉矶的家中。在一次半小时的课程中,她教我的孩子们坐直并找到中间的C。

The boys learned to repeat “Every Good Boy Does Fine” and “All Cows Eat Grass” while their fingers traced the lines and spaces on an enlarged version of the grand staff. Gradually, they learned to plink out very simple and satisfying tunes. She was pleased. I was a mess.
男孩们学会了重复“每个好孩子都很好”和“所有的牛都吃草”,同时他们的手指在放大版的大杖上描摹线条和空间。渐渐地,他们学会了弹奏出非常简单和令人满意的曲调。她很高兴。我一团糟。

“Was it your decision to start the boys on piano or theirs?” other mothers wanted to know.
“是你决定让男孩们开始弹钢琴还是他们的?”其他母亲想知道。

“Both,” I lied.
“两者都有,”我撒了谎。

The question didn’t deter me, but it rattled me. I began checking in regularly with my boys to make sure they were “still enjoying piano.” Then I reassured the Russian piano teacher that they remained game for her instruction.
这个问题并没有阻止我,但它让我感到不安。我开始定期与我的孩子们一起检查,以确保他们“仍然喜欢钢琴”。然后我向俄罗斯钢琴老师保证,他们仍然在她的指导下进行游戏。

Finally, she leveled with me. “You must stop this. Sometimes they will like the piano; sometimes they won’t. This is normal. Stop asking.”
最后,她和我平起平坐。“你必须阻止这一切。有时他们会喜欢钢琴;有时他们不会。这是正常的。别问了。

Where had I gotten the idea that at every moment of their lives, my boys were supposed to be gleefully engaged? Why was I so insecure? I had endured all sorts of lessons and sports teams as a kid; some I stuck with— most, I dropped. Neither of my parents lost sleep fretting over the optimal age to start me in tap dance. No one monitored my ongoing yen to become the next Bojangles.
我从哪里得到这样的想法,即在他们生命中的每一刻,我的孩子们都应该兴高采烈地参与其中?为什么我这么没有安全感?我小时候经历过各种各样的课程和运动队;有些我坚持了下来——大多数,我放弃了。我的父母都没有失眠,为我开始跳踢踏舞的最佳年龄而烦恼。没有人监督我正在进行的日元成为下一个Bojangles。

By my generation decided that the ideal parent was never stern or disengaged or even particularly natural. The ideal parent emerged through training and constant practice. All parents became amateur shrinks, and every shrink—even a childless one—was a parenting expert. Parents began to sound less like parents—in the traditional, American vein—and more like therapists. “Sammy, I see that you’re feeling frustrated. Is there a way you could express your frustration without biting your sister?”
到了我们这一代人,我们决定,理想的父母从来都不是严厉或冷漠的,甚至不是特别自然的。理想的父母是通过培训和不断的实践而产生的。所有的父母都成了业余的缩水者,每一个缩水者——即使是没有孩子的人——都是育儿专家。父母开始听起来不像父母——按照传统的美国风格——而更像是治疗师。“萨米,我看到你感到沮丧。有没有办法在不咬妹的情况下表达你的挫败感?

It never occurred to us that “unconditional positive regard” and deep listening may be feasible from a shrink for a single fifty-minute session per
我们从未想过,“无条件的积极关注”和深入的倾听可能是可行的,每次 50 分钟的会议

week but that it’s a little less practicable for parents interacting with kids for tens of thousands of hours, in endlessly varied circumstances, over the course of years.
但是,对于父母来说,在多年的时间里,在无穷无尽的不同情况下与孩子互动数万小时,这有点不切实际。

Dear God, we were tired. That’s how we knew we were great parents: we’d reached Level 5 exhaustion. Moms were putting in 50 percent more time with their kids than parents did in the 1960s; dads—twice as much.[3] We must be doing a better job.
亲爱的上帝,我们累了。这就是我们如何知道我们是伟大的父母的原因:我们已经达到了 5 级疲惫。与1960年代的父母相比,妈妈们花在孩子身上的时间多了50%;爸爸——两倍。[3] 我们必须做得更好。

And yet by objective measures, we weren’t. We had replaced one set of problems for another. Everything we were doing felt so virtuous. Everything we were producing seemed so broken.
然而,从客观的角度来看,我们并非如此。我们用另一组问题取代了一组问题。我们所做的一切都感觉如此美好。我们生产的所有东西似乎都那么破碎。

When asked, our kids said they were miserable. Our kids didn’t want to leave their rooms. Our kids didn’t date. Our kids moved home and stayed. They didn’t want to get married or have kids.[4] Our kids were on four or six different psychotropic drugs. None of it seemed to make them feel better. None of it seemed to make them feel anything at all.
当被问到时,我们的孩子说他们很痛苦。我们的孩子不想离开他们的房间。我们的孩子没有约会。我们的孩子搬回家住了。他们不想结婚或生孩子。[4] 我们的孩子服用了四六种不同的精神药物。这些似乎都没有让他们感觉好些。这一切似乎都没有让他们感觉到什么。

We assumed with perfect faith (and wholly without evidence) that gentler parenting could only produce thriving children. Shouldn’t flowers bloom in powdered sugar?
我们完全相信(完全没有证据)假设,更温和的养育方式只能培养出茁壮成长的孩子。花不应该在糖粉中绽放吗?

Turns out, they grow best in dirt.
事实证明,它们在泥土中生长最好。

“Knock It Off, Shake It Off”
“敲掉它,甩掉它”

America once had a more masculine style of parenting. It’s a style traditionally occupied by Dad (though, really, I’ve seen women employ it to great effect). This is the style I’ve called “knock it off, shake it off” parenting.[5] The sort that met kids’ interpersonal conflict with “Work it out yourselves,” and greeted kids’ mishaps with “You’ll live.” A loving but stolid insistence that young children get back on the horse and carry on.
美国曾经有一种更男性化的育儿方式。这是爸爸传统上采用的风格(尽管,真的,我见过女性使用它并取得了很好的效果)。这就是我称之为“敲掉它,甩掉它”的育儿方式。[5]用“你自己解决”来应对孩子的人际冲突,用“你会活下去”来迎接孩子的不幸。一种充满爱心但顽固的坚持,让年幼的孩子重新骑上马并继续前进。

“Knock it off” didn’t suffice in the face of all misbehavior. But in the main, it put the onus on kids to figure out what was wrong with their conduct and desist. “Knock it off” didn’t overexplain: It credited kids with common sense or nudged them to develop it. Rules had exceptions and
面对所有不当行为,“敲掉它”是不够的。但总的来说,它让孩子们有责任弄清楚他们的行为出了什么问题并停止。“Knock it off”并没有过度解释:它让孩子们相信常识,或者推动他们发展常识。规则有例外和

workarounds, but “knock it off” signaled a parent’s disinclination to become entangled in them. Every kid who hopes to hold down a job without making himself a terrible (and disposable) burden to an employer needed to master this art of following simple instruction—without seven hundred time-consuming follow-up questions. “Knock it off” meant: You’re a smart kid, figure it out. But also: You can.
变通办法,但“敲掉它”表明父母不愿意纠缠其中。每个希望在不让自己成为雇主可怕(和一次性)负担的情况下保住工作的孩子都需要掌握这种遵循简单指导的艺术——没有七百个耗时的后续问题。“敲掉它”的意思是:你是个聪明的孩子,弄清楚。而且:你可以。

“Shake it off” didn’t solve the worst injuries, of course, but that was never its purpose. (No one except a sadist ever thought a child could run on a broken leg.) And it rarely operated alone: the other parent, the gentler one, often cushioned its impact. But “shake it off” did a helluva job playing triage nurse to kids’ minor heartaches and injuries, proving to kids that the hurt or fear or possibility of failure need not overwhelm them. “Shake it off” provided its own kind of tough love and emotional nourishment. It taught kids to soldier into a world with the hopeful disregard of danger that a cynic might term naivete. Others call it courage.[6]
当然,“甩掉它”并不能解决最严重的伤害,但这从来都不是它的目的。(除了虐待狂之外,没有人想过一个孩子可以断腿跑。而且它很少单独运作:另一位父母,更温和的一方,经常缓冲它的影响。但是,“甩掉它”对孩子们轻微的心痛和伤害扮演了分诊护士的角色,向孩子们证明伤害、恐惧或失败的可能性不必压倒他们。“Shake it off”提供了自己一种艰难的爱和情感滋养。它教会了孩子们进入一个充满希望的世界,无视愤世嫉俗者可能称之为天真的危险。其他人称之为勇气。[6]

In the last generation, all traces of tough love and rule-bound parenting have been supplanted by a more empathetic style, the one once associated with moms. Most dads have been told explicitly—or made to feel—that the approach their own fathers took was wrong and their native instincts no guide.
在上一代人中,所有严厉的爱和受规则约束的育儿方式都被一种更善解人意的风格所取代,这种风格曾经与妈妈联系在一起。大多数父亲都被明确告知——或者让他们觉得——他们自己的父亲所采取的方法是错误的,他们与生俱来的本能没有指导。

But even Mom isn’t in charge today—not really. The proof is how many books she must read to establish her competence as a mother. She may not trust her husband’s instincts with the kids, but she regards her own as only marginally better. And her parents’ methods? Obsolete as the Yellow Pages. Unlike most of the experts, her parents raised a few kids who managed to become self-supporting, capable, and dependable citizens. But her parents corrected and punished their way through childrearing, so Mom discards most of their example off the bat. In its place, she deploys phrases borrowed from her shrink. (“Why don’t we try taking a few breaths together now, Harper?”)
但即使是妈妈今天也不负责——不是真的。证据是她必须读多少书才能证明她作为母亲的能力。她可能不相信丈夫对孩子的直觉,但她认为自己的直觉只是稍微好一点。而她父母的方法呢?像黄页一样过时。与大多数专家不同,她的父母抚养了几个孩子,他们设法成为自给自足、有能力和可靠的公民。但她的父母在抚养孩子的过程中纠正和惩罚了他们,所以妈妈直接丢弃了他们的大部分榜样。取而代之的是,她部署了从她的收缩中借来的短语。(“哈珀,我们现在为什么不试着一起呼吸几口气呢?

Mom’s therapist may not have had any stable romantic relationship to speak of, and she raised no more than one child of her own. (The outcome of that effort, anyone’s guess.) But her therapist knows all about mental
媽媽的治療師可能沒有任何穩定的浪漫關係可言,她自己也只養育了一個孩子。(这种努力的结果,任何人都猜不到。但她的治疗师对心理了如指掌

health. She therefore must know more about parenting than the people who’ve actually done it. Which is a little like soliciting the advice of a biologist on how to make love.
健康。因此,她必须比实际做过育儿的人更了解育儿。这有点像征求生物学家关于如何做爱的建议。

For at least a generation, Mom hasn’t provided her children escape from the quackery of wellness culture, and she certainly is no bulwark against it. She is an ersatz therapist, practicing bad therapy on kids whose emotions grow increasingly unruly, whose behavior eludes the traps set by her affected questioning. When she has no patience left to offer, she turns a gimlet eye on her offspring and downgrades her assessment: Maddie has significant challenges and needs a great deal of additional support.
至少在一代人的时间里,妈妈没有让她的孩子摆脱健康文化的庸医,她当然也不是反对它的堡垒。她是一名仿制治疗师,对情绪越来越不守规矩的孩子进行糟糕的治疗,他们的行为逃避了她受影响的提问所设置的陷阱。当她没有耐心时,她会把目光投向她的后代,并降低她的评价:麦迪面临重大挑战,需要大量的额外支持。

Battered Mommy Syndrome
受虐妈妈综合症

In September of 2021, I attended a dinner of five couples, all young and upper middle class, denizens of an affluent West LA neighborhood. One father, I’ll call him “Alan,” excitedly relayed a parenting fail his wife had witnessed at the playground. A young, well-heeled mother was struggling with a recalcitrant six-year-old son. “Please be a good boy,” the woman had said to her son. “If you’re good for just five minutes, when we get home, I’ll let you do anything you want. What do you want?”
2021 年 9 月,我参加了五对夫妇的晚宴,他们都是年轻和中上层阶级,是西洛杉矶富裕社区的居民。一位父亲,我称他为“艾伦”,兴奋地转述了他妻子在操场上目睹的育儿失败。一位年轻、富有的母亲正在与一个顽固的六岁儿子作斗争。“请做个好孩子,”女人对她的儿子说。“如果你只好五分钟,当我们回到家时,我会让你做任何你想做的事。你想要什么?

The little boy looked his mother straight in the eye. “I want to punch you in the face,” he said.
小男孩直视着母亲的眼睛。“我想打你的脸,”他说。

We dinner guests laughed uproariously, shrill with worry that we, too, might be raising little Pol Pots.
我们这些晚餐的客人哄堂大笑,尖锐地担心我们可能也在养小波尔布特。

But then Alan said, “I don’t care how many experts we have to consult or how much we have to pay, I don’t want to end up with that.
但随后艾伦说,“我不在乎我们必须咨询多少专家或我们必须支付多少费用,我不想以此告终。

Here, finally lucid, was the dastardly trap of modern parenting. The woman at the park, straining to be gentler than her parents likely ever were with her, met by her son’s contempt; Alan, believing that there must be some expert who can assert the necessary authority to control his own child. Moms like the one at the park are everywhere practicing expert techniquesofpositiveincentives,devisingtheproperconsequences,
在这里,终于清醒了,是现代育儿的卑鄙陷阱。公园里的女人,努力表现得比她的父母对她更温柔,却遭到了儿子的蔑视;艾伦认为,一定有专家可以主张必要的权威来控制自己的孩子。像公园里的妈妈们一样,到处都在练习积极激励的专业技巧,设计适当的后果,

pleading with kids to behave, afraid of the kids they are raising.
恳求孩子乖乖听话,害怕他们抚养的孩子。

Life Hacks for Abused Parents
受虐父母的生活小窍门

A friend’s wife became a parenting coach, and one of the popular videos she posted begins with this: “Have you ever been at a loss for what to do when your kid hits, kicks, bites, or scratches you? If so, I have a tool for you!”
一位朋友的妻子成为了一名育儿教练,她发布的一个热门视频是这样开头的:“当你的孩子打、踢、咬或抓你时,你是否曾经不知所措?如果是这样,我有一个工具给你!

Can you imagine your own parents asking that question? Can you imagine thinking, as a four- or five-year-old, that you would kick, hit, or bite your parents—more than once?
你能想象你自己的父母会问这个问题吗?你能想象,作为一个四五岁的孩子,你会不止一次地踢、打或咬你的父母吗?

You may be thinking: Well, my parents spanked me. Or, But I was afraid of my parents. I don’t want my kids to be afraid of me. You have nothing to worry about. This generation of kids is absolutely not afraid of their parents. They think their parents are nice people. And they are frequently contemptuous of them.
你可能会想:好吧,我的父母打了我。或者,但我害怕我的父母。我不想让我的孩子害怕我。你没有什么可担心的。这一代孩子绝对不怕父母。他们认为他们的父母是好人。他们经常蔑视他们。

The mom coach suggested the following script: “Sweetie, I know you are so upset because I gave you the blue cup instead of the green cup—or because I told you it was time to take your fort down. But next time you’re upset, we can clench our fists or stomp our feet or tell Mommy what’s wrong and I might be able to help.”
媽媽教練建議了以下的討劇:「親愛的,我知道你很不氣意,因為我給了你藍色的杯子而不是綠色的杯子,或者因為我告訴你,這是時候把你的堡壘拆下時了。但下次你不高兴的时候,我们可以握紧拳头或跺脚,或者告诉妈妈怎么了,我也许能帮上忙。

This is precisely the playbook propounded by a raft of therapeutic parenting books, from the iconic How to Talk So Kids Will Listen and Listen So Kids Will Talk to Raising Your Spirited Child. The approach to bad behavior is always therapeutic—meaning it is nonjudgmental. It’s the parent’s job to understand a child’s frustration—never the child’s job to learn to control his impulses.
这正是一大堆治疗性育儿书籍提出的剧本,从标志性的《如何说话,让孩子们会听,让孩子们会说话》到《养育你的精神的孩子》。对不良行为的处理方式始终是治疗性的,这意味着它是非评判性的。理解孩子的挫败感是父母的工作,而不是孩子学会控制自己的冲动。

Such parents typically eschew all punishment. At most, they might allow a child to live with the result of what she has done. If a child throws a toy at the wall and it breaks, the parent points out that now the toy is broken and isn’t that sad? A kid writes on the wall, and you tell her it makes you
这样的父母通常会逃避所有的惩罚。至多,他们可能会让孩子忍受她所做的事情的结果。如果孩子把玩具扔到墙上,它坏了,父母会指出现在玩具坏了,这不是很伤心吗?一个孩子在墙上写字,你告诉她这让你

unhappy when people write on the wall and you ask her to help repaint the wall. Those are consequences.
当人们在墙上写字时,你让她帮忙重新粉刷墙壁时,她很不高兴。这些都是后果。

Where things get a little murky is when the “consequences” aren’t actually consequences. They’re punishments in dress-up. “Since you threw your food on the floor, I cannot take you to the park. I cannot take anyone to the park who throws their food on the floor, because now I have to spend the time I would have spent at the park cleaning this up. Would you like to help clean it up?” This is supposed to impress the child because after all, the parent has avoided appealing to her own authority. She merely offers description of what happened, non-hierarchical invitation to “connect” over the new task, and so much shrugging of shoulders: “I don’t make the rules here! I just follow them.”
事情变得有点模糊的地方是“后果”实际上不是后果。它们是装扮中的惩罚。“既然你把食物扔在地上,我就不能带你去公园。我不能带任何把食物扔在地板上的人去公园,因为现在我必须花时间在公园里清理它。你愿意帮忙清理它吗?这应该给孩子留下深刻印象,因为毕竟,父母已经避免诉诸自己的权威。她只是对发生的事情进行了描述,没有等级的邀请,邀请她“联系”新任务,并耸耸肩:“我不在这里制定规则!我只是跟着他们。

But of course, it’s also bollocks. A parent can take a kid to the park who has thrown his food on the floor. She just doesn’t want to. And she does make the rules—or, at least, she’s chosen to adopt the rules, supplied by the parenting experts. But here is the parent straining to act as therapist, divesting herself of moral judgment, refusing to chide bad behavior, pretending her hands are tied.
但当然,它也是笨蛋。父母可以带一个把食物扔在地板上的孩子去公园。她只是不想。她确实制定了规则——或者,至少,她选择采用育儿专家提供的规则。但在这里,父母竭力充当治疗师,剥离了道德判断,拒绝谴责不良行为,假装双手被绑住。

“Anyone Have Advice about How to Get a Three-Year-Old to Accept the Consequences?”
“有人对如何让一个三岁的孩子接受后果有建议吗?”

If someone wanted to kill all human desire to reproduce—to achieve, at last, this thing environmentalists call “population control”—steering readers to the Slate Parenting Facebook group might be a promising way to start.
如果有人想扼杀人类所有繁衍后代的欲望——最终实现环保主义者称之为“人口控制”的东西——将读者引导到 Slate Parenting Facebook 群组可能是一个很有希望的开始方式。

Home to an educated, conscientious, liberal-leaning readership of eighteen thousand regular members, the Slate Parenting Facebook group provides a worthy terrarium in which to observe highly educated, progressive, therapist-directed parents as they air dilemmas and seek advice from their equally flummoxed counterparts. These preppy parents have read stacks of parenting books and listened to thousands of hours of parenting podcasts. Many adhere to “gentle parenting,” a therapy-infused model that
Slate Parenting Facebook 小组拥有受过良好教育、尽职尽责、倾向于自由主义的读者群,拥有 18,000 名普通会员,提供了一个有价值的玻璃容器,可以观察受过高等教育、进步、治疗师指导的父母,因为他们表达了困境,并向同样慌乱的同行寻求建议。这些预科生父母阅读了成堆的育儿书籍,并收听了数千小时的育儿播客。许多人坚持“温柔的育儿”,这是一种注入治疗的模式,

requires parents to give choices instead of orders.[7] (Parents get plenty of orders; children get none.)
要求父母给出选择而不是命令。[7] (父母得到很多订单,孩子没有。

These parents are “intentional” about everything. Even before they had kids, they adopted a parenting philosophy. So does it work?
这些父母对一切都是“故意的”。甚至在他们有孩子之前,他们就采用了育儿理念。那么它有效吗?

The short answer is no. The longer answer is noooooooooooo.
简短的回答是否定的。更长的答案是否定的。

Believing their kids may have “sensory” issues, they hunt for cumulous fabrics, snip the tags from every undershirt. When their kids express aural discomfort at the roar of a toilet, the parents search for a school with a quieter flush. They avoid shampooing the hair of kids who don’t like water poured over their heads, while their kids grow more determined in their refusal to bathe.
他们认为他们的孩子可能有“感官”问题,他们寻找累积的织物,剪下每件汗衫上的标签。当他们的孩子在马桶的轰鸣声中表现出听觉上的不适时,父母会寻找一所冲水更安静的学校。他们避免给不喜欢水倒在头上的孩子洗头,而他们的孩子则更加坚决地拒绝洗澡。

“Anyone have advice about how to get a three-year-old to accept the consequences?” writes Airin, one frustrated parent. “When he hits, kicks, or yells (no provocation), how do I get him to calm down? I’ve tried addressing his feelings and time-outs. But when he goes into time-out, he gets very destructive and violent (throwing anything he can lift) or attacks me if I’m there.”
“有人对如何让一个三岁的孩子接受后果有建议吗?”一位沮丧的父母艾琳写道。“当他打、踢或大喊大叫(没有挑衅)时,我该如何让他冷静下来?我试着解决他的感受和暂停。但是当他进入暂停状态时,他会变得非常具有破坏性和暴力性(扔任何他能举起的东西),或者如果我在那里,他会攻击我。

Another parent volunteers: We have a dedicated “ ‘calming corner’ with pillows, feelings posters, and cards, in her bedroom and in the living room.” Another recommends: “We use apology chores,” so that the violent child never has to face the pain of being “isolated or forced to hold still.”
另一位家长志愿者说:我们在她的卧室和客厅里有一个专门的“平静角落”,里面有枕头、感情海报和卡片。另一位建议:“我们用道歉的家务”,这样施暴的孩子就不必面对“孤立或被迫保持静止”的痛苦。

A parent identified as “Rico” offers: “With our kid, we use an ‘I don’t like it when you hit me so I’m gonna stand up and stop playing for a while’ approach.”
一位名叫“Rico”的家长说:“对于我们的孩子,我们使用'你打我的时候我不喜欢它,所以我要站起来停止玩一会儿'的方法。

These parents proudly declare that they avoid ever saying “no” to their children. They regard time-outs as cruel and “triggering.” Isolating a child in his room? Emotionally hurtful—and out of the question.
这些父母自豪地宣布,他们从不对孩子说“不”。他们认为暂停是残酷的和“触发的”。将孩子隔离在房间里?在情感上受到伤害——而且是不可能的。

Even in response to violence, they offer almost no correction and absolutely no judgment. Instead, they announce their preferences: “I don’t like it when you hit, so I’m gonna stand up.” De gustibus non est disputandum. I don’t prefer to be hit; others may differ.
即使在应对暴力时,他们也几乎没有提供任何纠正,也绝对没有判断。相反,他们宣布自己的喜好:“我不喜欢你打的时候,所以我要站起来。De gustibus non est disputandum.我不喜欢被打;其他人可能会有所不同。

But does this sort of announcement end the disruption? “He often throws himself down and cries after that, but that’s just part of the learning
但是,这种公告会结束这种破坏吗?“在那之后,他经常摔倒并哭泣,但这只是学习的一部分

process,” Rico writes.
过程,“里科写道。

I have never interviewed the man who bought a Siberian-Bengal tiger and tried to raise him in a Harlem apartment.[8] But the parents of Slate often sound like I imagine he must have felt: lowering raw chickens on a pole through an open window so as not to displease the feral creature he’d long since lost the ability to control.
我从未采访过那个买了一只西伯利亚孟加拉虎并试图在哈莱姆公寓里抚养它的人。[8]但斯莱特的父母经常听起来像是我想他一定有的感受:通过打开的窗户把生鸡放在一根杆子上,以免惹恼他早已失去控制能力的野兽。

“Have you tried any sensory items to help him regulate, like a weighted Stuffie or a blanket?” asks another parent. “I would gently tackle him into his room and stay with him, wrapped around him, until he started to come down the other side of his tantrum.” It’s easy, really. Just tackle him and hold him down for twenty minutes or so. (Here’s hoping you’ve got nothing cooking on the stove, and no other kids who need tackling!)
“你有没有尝试过任何感官物品来帮助他调节,比如加重的Stuffie或毯子?”另一位家长问道。“我会轻轻地把他抱进他的房间,和他呆在一起,搂着他,直到他开始发脾气。这很容易,真的。只要对付他,按住他二十分钟左右。(希望你在炉子上没有做饭,也没有其他孩子需要处理!

The Slate parents are rich in kids who lash out like Sonny Corleone when a kid at preschool chooses a toy they wanted—or does nothing at all. “What do you do for a 3.5 yr old who doesn’t seem to care about any consequences? He is super bright and has some mild sensory issues. I have always tried to be a gentle parent (absolutely no physical punishment) though I know I yell way too much,” a parent named Hollie writes, a little abjectly. “He is super strong. I’ve tried time-outs but I end up having to hold him the whole time and generally end up getting punched in the face (usually accidentally),” she says, oblivious to her own battered mommy syndrome.
石板的父母有很多孩子,当学前班的孩子选择他们想要的玩具时,他们会像桑尼·柯里昂一样猛烈抨击——或者什么都不做。“对于一个似乎不关心任何后果的 3.5 岁的孩子,你会怎么做?他非常聪明,有一些轻微的感官问题。我一直试图成为一个温柔的父母(绝对没有体罚),尽管我知道我大喊大叫太多了,“一位名叫霍利的父母写道,有点卑鄙。“他超级强壮。我试过暂停,但最终我不得不一直抱着他,通常最终会被打脸(通常是意外的),“她说,忘记了她自己被殴打的妈妈综合症。

“I take away things like screen time. He just doesn’t seem to care. For instance he jumps on our couch, super unsafe. He also will get mad and throw things at his sister like matchbox cars. Am I raising a sociopath? Help!”
“我拿走了屏幕时间之类的东西。他似乎并不在乎。例如,他跳到我们的沙发上,超级不安全。他也会生气,像火柴盒车一样向他的妹妹扔东西。我是在养一个反社会者吗?救命!

She intends this as a joke. One hopes the next kid to get beaned by a metal matchbox car finds it funny. As melee weapons, they work well—as projectiles, even better. But don’t imagine mom ever takes away the matchbox car or sends Junior to his room. (At most, she takes away the expensive gaming screen she supplies.)
她打算把这当成一个笑话。人们希望下一个被金属火柴盒汽车迷住的孩子会觉得这很有趣。作为近战武器,它们效果很好——作为射弹,甚至更好。但不要以为妈妈会拿走火柴盒车或把少年送到他的房间。(最多,她拿走了她提供的昂贵的游戏屏幕。

Notice, too, the only grounds the mom believes she has for objection to her son’s bad behavior is that it’s “unsafe” for the monster himself. She
还要注意的是,这位母亲认为她反对儿子不良行为的唯一理由是,这对怪物本人来说是“不安全的”。她

can’t possibly say, “Don’t jump on our furniture; you’ll break it.” Or even, “Don’t jump on things that don’t belong to you.”
不可能说,“不要跳到我们的家具上;你会打破它。甚至,“不要跳到不属于你的东西上。

That this child will one day break someone else’s sofa without regret— having never been told that it is wrong, that he can and must stifle the urge to destroy—feels like the inevitable next act of the psychodrama.
这个孩子有一天会无怨无悔地打破别人的沙发——从来没有人告诉他这是错误的,他可以而且必须扼杀破坏的冲动——感觉就像是心理剧不可避免的下一幕。

Could Mom benefit from the guidance of an expert? Of course not. She already has one. “Please note that I have worked with an OT for the stuff,” she writes. “He sleeps with a compression sheet and we do lots of activities for his sensory stuff. The quarantine has completely changed his schedule, but I had these issues before. I’d love any advice on how to get his attention and let him know I mean business.” Yes, preferably before he maims his sister.
妈妈能从专家的指导中受益吗?当然不是。她已经有一个了。“请注意,我曾与OT合作过这些东西,”她写道。“他睡觉时会用压缩床单,我们为他的感官做了很多活动。隔离完全改变了他的日程安排,但我以前有过这些问题。我很想得到任何关于如何引起他注意的建议,并让他知道我是认真的。是的,最好是在他残害他的妹妹之前。

But siblings or bystanders are rarely considered. Their rights never cross mom’s mind. Empathy is nothing if not monogamous, everybody else— sister, Grandma, other kids at school—be damned. That’s just Levi’s inner turmoil spilling out!
但兄弟姐妹或旁观者很少被考虑在内。妈妈从来没有想过他们的权利。如果不是一夫一妻制,同理心就什么都不是,其他人——姐姐、奶奶、学校里的其他孩子——都该死。那只是李维斯内心的动荡而已!

“Anger can often be anxiety or shame in young children,” opines another mom in response. Indeed. You can’t correct a presumptively trauma-filled tot. And if you send him to the isolation of a (toy-packed) room? That may be enough to inflict childhood trauma.
“对于年幼的孩子来说,愤怒往往是焦虑或羞耻的,”另一位妈妈回应道。事实上。你无法纠正一个假定充满创伤的孩子。如果你把他送到一个(玩具包装的)房间的隔离室?这可能足以造成童年创伤。

Gabor Maté claimed this explicitly, during his appearance on Joe Rogan’s podcast. Appalled by the idea that a parent would compel an angry child who lashes out to sit by himself until he calms down, Maté offers a perfect encapsulation of therapeutic parenting’s view of discipline: “Notice the assumption: anger in a young child is neither normal nor acceptable. . . . [The child] is not to be accepted for who she is, only for how she is. Here’s the problem: even if the parent wins the behavior-modification game, the child loses. We have instilled in her the anxiety of being rejected if her emotional self were to surface.”[9]
加博尔·马特(Gabor Maté)在乔·罗根(Joe Rogan)的播客中露面时明确声称了这一点。马特对父母会强迫一个愤怒的孩子独自坐着直到他冷静下来的想法感到震惊,他完美地概括了治疗性育儿的管教观点:“请注意这个假设:年幼的孩子的愤怒既不正常也不可接受。〔孩子〕不是因为她是谁而被接受,而是因为她是怎样的。问题来了:即使父母赢得了行为矫正游戏,孩子也输了。我们向她灌输了如果她的情绪自我浮出水面,就会被拒绝的焦虑。[9]

Maté then catastrophizes the consequence to the child of even this mild imposition of discipline. “When you repress healthy anger because you’re programmed to do so because some parenting expert told your parents that an angry child should be banished from your presence . . . then they learn to
然后,马特将这种温和的纪律强加给孩子的后果灾难化了。“当你压抑健康的愤怒,因为你被编程为这样做,因为一些育儿专家告诉你的父母,一个愤怒的孩子应该被驱逐出你的面前,然后他们就会学会这样做

suppress their anger all their lives. That represses the immune system. Now, the immune system turns against you or it cannot fight off malignancy.”[10] Send a kid to his room, wreck his immune system for life.
一生都在压抑他们的愤怒。这会抑制免疫系统。现在,免疫系统会反对你,或者它无法抵抗恶性肿瘤。[10] 把一个孩子送到他的房间,破坏他的免疫系统一辈子。

When one Slate mom, Liz, writes to complain that her “emotional roller coaster” of a five-year-old daughter often collapsed in screaming fits in the weeks after she broke her arm, Slate parents rush in with diagnoses. “It sounds like she is having a trauma response,” opines Brian. “Remember, Post Traumatic Stress is a normal reaction to an abnormal traumatic event.” (No, actually, it isn’t; resilience is the normal response.)
当一位名叫莉兹(Liz)的Slate妈妈写信抱怨说,她五岁女儿的“情绪过山车”在她摔断手臂后的几周内经常尖叫着倒下时,Slate的父母匆匆忙忙地进行了诊断。“听起来她有创伤反应,”布莱恩认为。“请记住,创伤后应激是对异常创伤事件的正常反应。”(不,实际上,事实并非如此;弹性是正常的反应。

“This may be a sensory issue for her, combined with difficulty regulating emotions,” suggests Maggie. She suggests the likely culprit is “ADHD or another neurodivergence.” It’s not just her arm that’s broken. She has a psychological problem, of that Slate parents are sure; they just haven’t decided what diagnostic code to offer insurance.
“这对她来说可能是一个感官问题,再加上难以调节情绪,”玛姬建议道。她认为可能的罪魁祸首是“多动症或其他神经发散”。不仅仅是她的胳膊断了。她有心理问题,石板的父母可以肯定;他们只是还没有决定提供什么诊断代码来提供保险。

Occasionally, it dawns on a Slate parent that the therapeutic approach might be part of the problem. A self-described “gentle parent,” Heather writes that every morning her six-year-old daughter refuses to get dressed, complaining that her clothes are too rough, demanding others. And yet Heather writes: “I was out of town part of last week and she got dressed with no issues for my husband on school days so I think it’s all related to me.”
有时,Slate的父母会意识到治疗方法可能是问题的一部分。希瑟自称是“温柔的父母”,她写道,每天早上她六岁的女儿都拒绝穿衣服,抱怨她的衣服太粗糙,要求别人。然而,希瑟写道:“上周我出城了一部分时间,她在上学日为我丈夫穿衣服没有问题,所以我认为这都与我有关。

Dad levels with the kid, issues a direct order, expects the kid to comply, and—voila!—she can. Where is the Enigma cryptology team when we need it?
爸爸与孩子平起平坐,直接下达命令,希望孩子服从,瞧!她可以。当我们需要它时,Enigma 密码学团队在哪里?

In the end, Mom dislikes being with her daughter. “I hate every morning,” Mom writes in a moment of honesty.
最后,妈妈不喜欢和女儿在一起。“我讨厌每天早上,”妈妈诚实地写道。

It’s inevitable, isn’t it? The people who make parenting look exhausting aren’t all that fond of the kids they’ve raised. If it’s any consolation—the rising generation’s employers and colleagues aren’t smitten with them, either.
这是不可避免的,不是吗?那些让养育子女看起来很累的人并不是那么喜欢他们抚养的孩子。如果说有什么安慰的话,那就是新生代的雇主和同事也不会被他们迷住。

Pity the Gentle Dada
怜悯温柔的达达

There’s a charming and admirably honest book that encapsulates the miserable predicament of the expert-directed parent: Raising Raffi, by Keith Gessen. Gessen is a Harvard-educated writer and editor who tears his hair out for over two hundred pages, while consulting every possible book on how to coax his toddler, Raffi, to behave.
有一本迷人而令人钦佩的诚实书,概括了专家指导的父母的悲惨困境:抚养拉菲作者基思·格森。格森是一位受过哈佛教育的作家和编辑,他用了两百多页的篇幅扯掉了头发,同时查阅了所有可能的书,教他如何哄他蹒跚学步的孩子拉菲听话。

Gessen approaches the project of his son with so much trepidation, haplessness, and apology, you would think he was trying to build a seaworthy canoe out of Ikea pressboard and a fistful of cabinet pegs. “I wrote this book out of desperation,” he writes.
格森带着如此多的惶恐、不幸和歉意来对待他儿子的项目,你会认为他正试图用宜家的纸板和一大堆橱柜钉子建造一艘适航的独木舟。“我写这本书是出于绝望,”他写道。

Gessen is equipped with a superlative education, a devoted wife and partner in child-rearing, helpful parents and in-laws, and a network of generous friends. And yet every chapter is threaded with a live wire of paternal anguish at how many critical mistakes Gessen believes he is making. Each purported misstep sends him back to the parenting books, bloated with grief and self-reproach. His three-year-old son kicks and punches and headbutts Gessen and hurls a plastic cup at his nose.
Gessen拥有一流的教育,忠诚的妻子和育儿伙伴,乐于助人的父母和姻亲,以及慷慨的朋友网络。然而,每一章都贯穿着父亲的痛苦,因为格森认为自己犯了多少严重的错误。每一次所谓的失误都会让他回到育儿书上,充满了悲伤和自责。他三岁的儿子对格森拳打脚踢,用头撞格森,还用塑料杯砸他的鼻子。

In exasperation, Gessen finds himself yelling and reproving Raffi because he just can’t take the boy’s bad behavior anymore; each time, Gessen is sickened with just how much like an old-fashioned parent he sounds. The one thing he knows is that he doesn’t want to be the sort of parent of the generation that raised him. They are the bad kind of parents, the ones who yell, punish, and lay down firm rules.
恼羞成怒的格森发现自己大喊大叫并责备拉菲,因为他再也无法忍受这个男孩的不良行为了;每一次,格森都对自己听起来多么像一个老式的父母感到厌恶。他知道的一件事是,他不想成为抚养他的那一代人的父母。他们是坏父母,是大喊大叫、惩罚和制定严格规则的人。

Gessen knows he’s supposed to be endlessly patient, thoroughly gentle, while constantly urging Raffi to see the light. But it’s distressing to watch your son nearly end the fragile life of his newborn brother by attempting to twist off the baby’s head like a bottle cap. It stings when a plastic cup hits your nose. It apparently really hurts to get kicked in the nuts.
格森知道他应该有无尽的耐心,彻底的温柔,同时不断敦促拉菲看到光明。但是,看着你的儿子试图像瓶盖一样拧下婴儿的头,几乎结束了他刚出生的弟弟脆弱的生命,这真是令人痛心。当塑料杯碰到你的鼻子时,它会刺痛。显然,被踢到坚果里真的很痛。

Fed up with Raffi’s penchant for hitting his parents and other kids, and throwing his food on the floor, Gessen and his wife make a “sticker chart” to reward Raffi for the times when he does not hit others. But this kid was not born yesterday. Raffi insists that Gessen and his wife also make a
受够了拉菲喜欢打他的父母和其他孩子,把食物扔在地板上,格森和他的妻子制作了一张“贴纸图”来奖励拉菲不打别人的时候。但这个孩子不是昨天出生的。拉菲坚持认为,格森和他的妻子也做了一个

sticker chart for themselves, and they dutifully comply—one for each of them, on the fridge, as if there are three errant children in the family, not one. Raffi’s violence toward other children does not abate.
他们尽职尽责地遵守了——每人一张,放在冰箱上,就好像家里有三个犯错的孩子,而不是一个。拉菲对其他孩子的暴力并没有减少。

“We’d done everything right, had been totally consistent from one situation to the next—and it hadn’t mattered,”[11] Gessen writes, sounding defeated.
“我们做的一切都是正确的,从一种情况到另一种情况都完全一致——这并不重要,”[11]格森写道,听起来很失败。

Once—just once—when Raffi is attempting to wrench the head off his newborn brother, ignoring Gessen’s command to stop, Gessen gives the boy’s hand a smack. This launches Gessen into a maelstrom of guilt and self-doubt. The clever boy runs straight to Mom, who leaps to Raffi’s defense and demands to know if Gessen in fact hit their son.
有一次——只有一次——当拉菲试图从他刚出生的弟弟身上拧下头时,无视格森停下来的命令,格森给了男孩一巴掌。这让格森陷入了内疚和自我怀疑的漩涡。聪明的男孩径直跑向妈妈,妈妈跳到拉菲的辩护处,要求知道格森是否真的打了他们的儿子。

“Dada’s not nice,” the little boy declares.
“爸爸不好,”小男孩说。

“The words cut me to the quick,” Gessen writes. “If there was one thing I aspired to be, it was nice. I wanted to be nice. I wanted my son to feel that I was a warm presence in his life.”[12]
“这些话让我很快,”格森写道。“如果有一件事是我渴望成为的,那很好。我想变得友善。我想让我的儿子觉得我是他生命中一个温暖的存在。[12]

Miserable, Gessen apologizes desperately to the little boy, who openly reproaches him. Gessen’s wife implores Raffi to forgive his father; nothin’ doin’.
悲惨的格森绝望地向小男孩道歉,小男孩公开责备他。格森的妻子恳求拉菲原谅他的父亲;无所事事。

When Raffi can’t sleep, Gessen lies down in the bed next to the boy. Raffi repays him by pinching and kicking him as soon as Gessen dozes off. Gessen yells because it hurts, only to find himself down the now-familiar oubliette of apology and self-reproach.
当拉菲睡不着时,格森躺在男孩旁边的床上。拉菲在格森打瞌睡后立即捏他和踢他来报答他。格森大喊大叫,因为它很痛,却发现自己陷入了现在熟悉的道歉和自责的困境。

When Raffi tells him, “You’re a bad dada and I’m never going to listen to you again!” Gessen despairs: “I felt he was right. I was not a good dada. But I didn’t know what else to do.”
当拉菲告诉他,“你是个坏爸爸,我再也不会听你的话了!格森绝望地说:“我觉得他是对的。我不是一个好爸爸。但我不知道还能做些什么。

You almost want to shake Gessen and tell him what no parenting book will: Raffi wants someone to take charge—someone other than the three- year-old boy himself. It makes him angry to see his father debase himself with so much therapeutic arabesque and high-minded flummox. It makes Raffi want to punch his father in the nose. Because that little boy needs a father—most importantly for his own sake, but also for the sake of the kids he slugs at the park.
你几乎想摇晃格森,告诉他任何一本育儿书都不会告诉他:拉菲希望有人负责——除了那个三岁的男孩自己之外,还有其他人。看到他的父亲用如此多的治疗性蔓藤花纹和高尚的 flummox 贬低自己,这让他很生气。这让拉菲想打他父亲的鼻子。因为那个小男孩需要一个父亲——最重要的是为了他自己,也是为了他在公园里蹦蹦跳跳的孩子。

These parents aren’t succeeding, and they aren’t happy. They’re dug in, like soldiers planning to see the battle through because they can’t unenlist. Their lives, objectively, seem very bad.
这些父母没有成功,他们也不快乐。他们被挖了进去,就像士兵们计划把战斗进行到底,因为他们不能退伍。客观地说,他们的生活似乎很糟糕。

They may mock parents of previous eras as emotionally distant disciplinarians. But is it less cruel to set your kid up for so much interpersonal failure? Kinder to send a child with a taste for clocking adults off to school, where such behavior is likely to be greeted by a quick referral to a mental health expert and the recommendation that he begin psychiatric medications?
他们可能会嘲笑以前时代的父母是情感疏远的管教者。但是,让您的孩子遭受如此多的人际关系失败是不是不那么残忍?更善良的是把一个喜欢给成年人打卡的孩子送到学校,在那里这种行为可能会受到快速转介给心理健康专家并建议他开始服用精神科药物的欢迎?

My Child Is So Sensitive!
我的孩子太敏感了!

Whenever parents become “educated” in the therapeutic method, they invariably conclude that they have a “sensitive child.” Nearly every recent parenting book I’ve read prompts readers toward that notion.
每当父母在治疗方法上受到“教育”时,他们总是得出结论,他们有一个“敏感的孩子”。我最近读过的几乎每本育儿书都促使读者接受这个概念。

Gessen writes, about Raffi: “He was a sensitive baby, and he grew into a sensitive toddler, and now he is a sensitive boy. The world is not something he can ignore; it impinges on him; he sees it and hears it and feels it deeply.”[13] How do you punish a child who’s constantly “impinged on” by the world?
格森在谈到拉菲时写道:“他是一个敏感的婴儿,他成长为一个敏感的蹒跚学步的孩子,现在他是一个敏感的男孩。这个世界不是他可以忽视的;它撞击他;他看到它,听到它,深深地感受到它。[13] 你如何惩罚一个经常被世界“冲击”的孩子?

You can’t. You coddle, you forgive, you beg. You treat him as you would a child with an actual disorder. Except that, most of the time, these children didn’t start out with actual disorders. They were simply treated as if they had them.
你不能。你溺爱,你原谅,你乞求。你对待他就像对待一个患有实际疾病的孩子一样。除了,大多数时候,这些孩子并不是从实际的疾病开始的。他们只是被当作拥有它们来对待。

The notion that you have a “sensitive child” flatters the parent—who, presumably, was sensitive enough to have recognized it. As neuropsychologist Rita Eichenstein told me, parents who accommodate kids’ sensitivities often inadvertently help create sensitive children. The environment they curate is so frictionless, it offers the child no preparation for the normal chaos of the world.
你有一个“敏感的孩子”的想法让父母受宠若惊——他们大概足够敏感,已经意识到了这一点。正如神经心理学家丽塔·艾兴斯坦(Rita Eichenstein)告诉我的那样,适应孩子敏感的父母往往会在不经意间帮助培养敏感的孩子。他们策划的环境是如此无摩擦,它没有为孩子的正常混乱世界做好准备。

Sensitive children, it turns out, make other people fairly miserable.
事实证明,敏感的孩子会让其他人相当痛苦。

Brittle Darlings
脆性宠儿

I’ve had my kids’ friends come to my home and attempt to order me around in the same vein as they do their parents: “This chicken is terrible. I want noodles!” Or, “This cookie looks like poo. I want something else.” (The child was six, and the cookie, chocolate.) They issue orders with gusto, like Veruca Salt egged on by her father’s servility. They have no idea they have done anything wrong.
我让孩子们的朋友来到我家,试图像他们的父母一样命令我:“这只鸡太可怕了。我要吃面条!“或者,”这个饼干看起来像便便。我想要别的东西。(孩子六岁,饼干,巧克力。他们兴致勃勃地发号施令,就像维鲁卡·索尔特被她父亲的奴性怂恿一样。他们不知道自己做错了什么。

One parenting coach, Rebecah Freeling, observed to me that when entitlement is nurtured in a child, what’s normal at three becomes unbearable in a child of seven, eight, or nine. “And in teenagers, that entitlement is dangerous,” she said.
一位名叫丽贝卡·弗里林(Rebecah Freeling)的育儿教练对我说,当一个孩子被培养出权利时,三岁时的正常情况在七岁、八岁或九岁的孩子身上变得难以忍受。“在青少年中,这种权利是危险的,”她说。

I found my way to Freeling by way of parenting groups that raved about the levelheaded advice she offered—and how crucial her wisdom had been to them. And one of the things she impresses upon parents is the need to “hold the line”—i.e., stick to the rules and consequences you set, and stop endlessly accommodating.
我通过育儿小组找到了弗里林的路,这些团体对她提供的冷静建议赞不绝口——以及她的智慧对他们有多么重要。她给父母留下深刻印象的一件事是需要“守住底线”——即坚持你设定的规则和后果,停止无休止的迁就。

I asked her to describe for me the sort of entitlement she believed parents were nurturing. “ I don’t want macaroni and cheese, make me a grilled cheese sandwich! Then you make a grilled cheese sandwich. ‘I don’t want a grilled cheese sandwich! Make chicken nuggets. There’s that,” she said. “And then there’s just also four-, five-, or six-year-olds going like, ‘Water, Mommy. Water now! Mommy, you forgot the salt! You didn’t bring me my snack from school! . . . Now I’m going to scream all the way home.
我请她为我描述她认为父母正在培养的那种权利。“'我不想要通心粉和奶酪,给我做一个烤奶酪三明治!'然后你做一个烤奶酪三明治。“我不想要烤奶酪三明治!做鸡块。就是这样,“她说。“然后还有四岁、五岁或六岁的孩子会说,'水,妈妈。现在浇水!妈妈,你忘了盐!你没有给我从学校带零食!. . .现在我要一路尖叫回家。”

Parents Are Morons, Say Experts
专家说,父母是白痴

We parents are by now so accustomed to being called our schools’ “partners” in raising our children, we hardly notice the demotion. Pediatricians tell us what our kids need from us emotionally (and not only medically); school psychologists inform us how to talk to our kids about hard things, or send home prompts for important “social emotional
我们父母现在已经习惯了被称为学校抚养孩子的“伙伴”,我们几乎不会注意到降级。儿科医生告诉我们,我们的孩子在情感上(而不仅仅是医学上)需要我们做什么;学校心理学家告诉我们如何与孩子谈论困难的事情,或者向家里发送重要的“社交情感”提示

discussions.” No one solicits parents’ advice because our advice is nonexpert and, therefore, presumably without worth.
讨论。没有人征求父母的意见,因为我们的建议是非专业的,因此可能没有价值。

“Parents are often experts about their children’s bodies. They know that a temperature above 98.6 degrees is a fever,” concedes child psychiatrist and parenting guru Daniel J. Siegel in his bestselling book, The Whole-Brain Child. “They know to clean out a cut so it doesn’t get infected. They know which foods are most likely to leave their child wired before bedtime.”[14]
“父母往往是孩子身体的专家。他们知道体温高于98.6度就是发烧,“儿童精神病学家和育儿大师丹尼尔·J·西格尔(Daniel J. Siegel)在他的畅销书《全脑儿童》(The Whole-Brain Child)中承认。 ”他们知道要清理伤口,这样它就不会被感染。他们知道哪些食物最有可能让孩子在睡前连线。[14]

Isn’t that darling? Parents know something about their own children. In Siegel’s estimation, about as much as a middle school babysitter.
这不是宝贝吗?父母对自己的孩子有所了解。在西格尔的估计中,大约相当于一个中学保姆。

The problem with parents, according to Siegel, is that they don’t know enough neuroscience. “Even the most caring, best-educated parents often lack basic information about their child’s brain.”[15]
根据西格尔的说法,父母的问题在于他们对神经科学的了解不够。“即使是最有爱心、受过最好教育的父母,也往往缺乏关于孩子大脑的基本信息。[15]

Funny, you know who also lacks “basic information” about a child’s brain? Neuroscientists. Every one of the neuroscientists and psychiatrists I spoke to impressed upon me how little we know about what goes on in the brain, or the relationship between neurological events and human emotion and behavior. The brain is astonishingly, endlessly complex, they all told me—full of feedback mechanisms about which we know little to nothing at all.
有趣的是,你知道谁也缺乏关于孩子大脑的“基本信息”吗?神经科学家。与我交谈过的每一位神经科学家和精神病学家都给我留下了深刻的印象,我们对大脑中发生的事情知之甚少,或者对神经事件与人类情感和行为之间的关系知之甚少。他们都告诉我,大脑是令人惊讶的、无穷无尽的复杂——充满了我们几乎一无所知的反馈机制。

It’s not actually possible to know much about what’s going on in our kids’ brains—and thank goodness, it also isn’t necessary. We know it isn’t necessary because the human race wasn’t blessed with entrepreneurial child psychiatrists like Daniel J. Siegel until quite recently. And yet, for thousands of years, parents have raised good and even wonderful people.
实际上,我们不可能知道我们孩子大脑中发生了什么——谢天谢地,这也没有必要。我们知道这是没有必要的,因为直到最近,人类才有幸拥有像丹尼尔·J·西格尔(Daniel J. Siegel)这样的创业儿童精神病学家。然而,几千年来,父母养育了善良甚至优秀的人。

Parental authority, however, turns out to be indispensable as far as children’s welfare is concerned. Historically, it is “the one source of authority that every society takes seriously from way back in biblical times until very recently,” the great British sociologist Frank Furedi told me.
然而,就儿童福利而言,父母的权威是必不可少的。从历史上看,它是“从圣经时代到最近每个社会都认真对待的权威来源,”伟大的英国社会学家弗兰克·弗雷迪(Frank Furedi)告诉我。

For thousands of years, until the therapeutic turn in parenting, societies took it for granted that parents’ primary job was to transmit their values to their children. And, of course, parents are the ultimate experts on their own values. Once parents decided the goal of child-rearing was emotional
几千年来,在养育子女的治疗转向之前,社会理所当然地认为父母的主要工作是将他们的价值观传递给他们的孩子。当然,父母是自己价值观的终极专家。一旦父母决定抚养孩子的目标是情感上的

wellness, they effectively conceded that the actual authorities were therapists.
健康,他们有效地承认实际的权威是治疗师。

“Instead of saying, ‘I’ll be on his case, I’ll guide that child, I’ll try to understand that child, I’ll take charge of his moral and intellectual development,’ they kind of outsource parental authority to a bunch of schmucks who come in with all these latest rubbish ideas that make matters worse,” Furedi said. Experts have completely ignored good evidence about what actually works with kids because it didn’t grant them the centrality they crave.
“而不是说,'我会在他的案子上,我会引导那个孩子,我会试着理解那个孩子,我会负责他的道德和智力发展,'他们有点把父母的权威外包给一群笨蛋,他们带着所有这些最新的垃圾想法进来,让事情变得更糟,”弗雷迪说。专家们完全忽略了关于什么对孩子真正有效的证据,因为它没有赋予他们渴望的中心地位。

The Birth of “Parenting Styles”
“育儿方式”的诞生

Investigation into “parenting styles” began with a brilliant psychologist of the 1960s named Diana Baumrind. After studying the ways parents attempt to control the behavior of children, Baumrind discerned three general approaches: permissive, authoritative, and authoritarian.[16]
对“养育方式”的调查始于 1960 年代一位名叫戴安娜·鲍姆林德的杰出心理学家。在研究了父母试图控制孩子行为的方式后,鲍姆林德发现了三种一般方法:宽容、权威和专制。[16]

The “permissive parent” assiduously avoids punishment. She affirms the child’s impulses, desires, and actions, and consults the child about family decisions. She makes few demands on the child with regard to responsibilities and orderly behavior. “She presents herself to the child as a resource for him to use as he wishes, not as an ideal for him to emulate, nor as an active agent responsible for shaping or altering his future behavior,”[17] Baumrind explains.
“宽容的父母”竭力避免惩罚。她肯定孩子的冲动、欲望和行为,并就家庭决定向孩子咨询。她对孩子的责任和有序的行为几乎没有要求。“她把自己呈现给孩子,让他随心所欲地使用,而不是作为他效仿的理想,也不是负责塑造或改变他未来行为的积极因素,”[17]鲍姆林德解释说。

The “authoritarian parent” values a child’s obedience as a virtue, holds a child’s behavior to an absolute standard, works to keep the child in his place, restricts his autonomy, and does not ever encourage a give-and-take discussion about her rules.[18]
“专制父母”将孩子的服从视为一种美德,将孩子的行为保持在绝对的标准上,努力让孩子留在自己的位置上,限制他的自主权,并且从不鼓励对她的规则进行让步和接受的讨论。[18]

Neither approach produced particularly happy or successful adults.
这两种方法都没有产生特别快乐或成功的成年人。

The “authoritative parent,” however, is loving and rule based. She attempts to direct the child’s activities in a rational manner, encourages a give-and-take with her child, but “exerts firm control at points of parent- child divergence.” Where her point of view on a household rule ultimately
然而,“权威的父母”是有爱心的,以规则为基础的。她试图以理性的方式指导孩子的活动,鼓励与孩子进行让步,但“在亲子分歧点上施加坚定的控制”。她对家庭规则的看法最终

conflicts with that of her child, she wins. She maintains high standards for her child’s behavior “and does not base her decisions on group consensus or the individual child’s desires.”[19]
与她的孩子发生冲突,她赢了。她对孩子的行为保持着高标准,“并且不会根据群体共识或个别孩子的愿望做出决定。[19]

In studies that still manage to chagrin therapists, Baumrind found that authoritative parenting styles produced the most successful, independent, self-reliant, and best emotionally regulated kids; it also produced the happiest kids—those less likely to report suffering from anxiety and depression.[20]
在仍然设法让治疗师懊恼的研究中,鲍姆林德发现,权威的养育方式产生了最成功、最独立、最自力更生和最好的情绪调节的孩子;它还产生了最快乐的孩子 - 那些不太可能报告患有焦虑和抑郁的孩子。[20]

This is a remarkably sturdy research finding: kids are happiest when raised in a loving environment that holds their behavior to high standards, expects them to contribute meaningfully to the household, and is willing to punish when behavior falls short. And it flies in the face of virtually everything therapists and parenting books now exhort.
这是一个非常可靠的研究发现:孩子们在一个充满爱的环境中长大,他们的行为保持高标准,期望他们为家庭做出有意义的贡献,并愿意在行为不足时进行惩罚。它几乎违背了治疗师和育儿书籍现在所劝诫的一切。

Few parents today, even those who believe they are “authoritative,” are willing to punish their children with any degree of consistency or seriousness. They may claim the mantle of “authoritative parenting,” but watch what they do and how they talk to their kids: it lacks any sense of parental authority. If anything, it shares much in common with the permissive style Baumrind found produced such unfortunate results.
今天,很少有父母,即使是那些认为自己是“权威”的父母,也愿意以任何程度的一致性或严肃性来惩罚他们的孩子。他们可能声称自己是“权威型育儿”,但要注意他们的所作所为以及他们如何与孩子交谈:这缺乏任何父母权威感。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是它与鲍姆林德发现的产生如此不幸结果的宽容风格有很多共同之处。

But today’s expert-led parents are not simply “permissive”; they are arguably much worse. Not only do they ape the affirmation and refusal-to- punish impulses that led to mediocre outcomes generations ago, they fail to achieve the one virtue of “permissive” parents of yore: granting their kids a generous ambit of autonomy and independence. Therapeutic parents are permissive parents who also smother and micromanage.
但今天以专家为主导的父母不仅仅是“放任”;可以说,它们要糟糕得多。他们不仅猿猴在几代人之前肯定和拒绝惩罚导致平庸结果的冲动,而且他们未能实现昔日“宽容”父母的一个美德:给予他们的孩子一个慷慨的自主和独立范围。治疗性父母是宽容的父母,他们也扼杀和微观管理。

And while the “authoritarian” parents fare no better—today, that term describes a null set. There is hardly a parent in the West today who will inculcate obedience as the highest virtue. Therapists who decry the excesses of “authoritarian parenting” are often pulling a bait-and-switch: pretending that the authoritative methods lead to disappointing results.
虽然“专制”父母的处境也好不到哪里去——但今天,这个术语描述了一个零集合。在今天的西方,几乎没有一个父母会把服从作为最高的美德来灌输。谴责过度“专制育儿”的治疗师经常在拉动诱饵和开关:假装权威的方法会导致令人失望的结果。

Vanishingly few American-born parents are willing to be “authoritative” with their kids, in the Baumrind sense. Even when they think they are being
很少有美国出生的父母愿意对孩子保持“权威”,就像鲍姆林德所说的那样。即使他们认为自己正在

“authoritative,” they cajole and plead and explain. They absorb violence from first graders they would never tolerate from a puppy.
“权威的”,他们哄骗、恳求和解释。他们吸收了一年级学生的暴力,他们永远不会容忍小狗的暴力。

There’s an intriguing book that tidily makes this point: Hunt, Gather, Parent, by Michaeleen Doucleff. Western parents, Doucleff decides, have no idea what they’re doing.
有一本耐人寻味的书巧妙地说明了这一点:Michaeleen Doucleff 的 Hunt, Gather, Parent。杜克利夫认为,西方父母不知道自己在做什么。

After the gentle parenting methods let her down, Doucleff attempts what she thinks is the “authoritative” style—and claims that it, too, failed her. But for her, “authoritative” parenting somehow involves mutely absorbing physical abuse from her three-year-old daughter, Rosy: “Eventually, her tantrums turned nuclear. She’d bite, flail her arms, and start running around the house upturning furniture.”[21] When Doucleff tries to pick Rosy up during her tantrums, “she had the habit of slapping me across the face. Some mornings, I left the house with a red handprint across my cheek.”
在温柔的育儿方法让她失望之后,杜克利夫尝试了她认为是“权威”的风格——并声称这也让她失望了。但对她来说,“权威”的养育方式在某种程度上涉及默默地吸收她三岁女儿罗西的身体虐待:“最终,她的发脾气变成了核。她会咬人,甩动手臂,然后开始在房子里跑来跑去,掀翻家具。[21]当杜克利夫试图在罗茜发脾气时把她抱起来时,“她有打我耳光的习惯。有些早晨,我离开家时,脸颊上有一个红色的手印。

(Reading that, I could only hope that one day, Rosy and Raffi fall in love and give us the Netflix special we deserve.)
(读到这里,我只能希望有一天,罗茜和拉菲坠入爱河,给我们应得的Netflix特别节目。

Doucleff reaches rock bottom when she realizes she’s dreading her time with the daughter she struggled for years to conceive. “I feared that Rosy and I were becoming enemies.”
当杜克利夫意识到她害怕与她多年来努力怀上的女儿在一起时,她陷入了谷底。“我担心我和罗茜会成为敌人。

Doucleff tromps around the globe in search of happy parents with well- adjusted, orderly kids. Mayan parents on the Yucatan Peninsula; Inuit in northern Canada; and hunter gatherers in Tanzania. These parents invite their toddlers to help them with the housework; do not overly praise their kids; exert a calm, steady authority; and let their kids take risks and fail, so that they become strong. Doucleff even reluctantly admits that in nearly every culture around the world—including those she admires—parents give the errant child a brisk spanking.[22] Doucleff envies these cultures—their confident closeness with their children; the happy, competent, generous, chore-doing kids they are raising. She wishes Americans had these parenting traditions. She rarely seems to notice that until very recently, we did.
道克利夫周游世界,寻找快乐的父母和适应良好、有秩序的孩子。尤卡坦半岛的玛雅父母;加拿大北部的因纽特人;以及坦桑尼亚的狩猎采集者。这些父母邀请他们的孩子帮助他们做家务;不要过分赞美他们的孩子;发挥冷静、稳定的权威;让孩子冒险失败,让他们变得坚强。杜克利夫甚至不情愿地承认,在世界上几乎所有的文化中——包括她所崇拜的文化——父母都会给犯错的孩子一个轻快的打屁股。[22] 杜克利夫羡慕这些文化——他们与孩子的自信亲密;他们抚养的快乐、能干、慷慨、做家务的孩子。她希望美国人有这些育儿传统。她似乎很少注意到这一点,直到最近,我们才注意到。

This is the “authoritative” parenting today’s parents cannot bring themselves to commit to. And here, I must cop to something: it isn’t only the mental health establishment’s fault that we parents veered so
这是当今父母无法承诺的“权威”育儿方式。在这里,我必须应对一些事情:我们父母如此偏离不仅仅是精神卫生机构的错

desperately off course. The experts took advantage. But we Gen Xers were an easy mark.
绝望地偏离了轨道。专家们利用了这一点。但是我们X世代很容易成为标记。

Having surrendered our own friendships and adult life for the sake of attending every soccer game, we wanted a small something in return: that our kids tell us everything and make us their best friends. And when you punish—for the duration of the punishment—kids don’t give you that. If we acted like actual authorities in our own houses—those who didn’t need to grovel and endlessly explain—we worried we would lose their affection and constant access to everything transpiring in their hearts and minds.
为了参加每一场足球比赛,我们放弃了自己的友谊和成人生活,我们想要一个小小的回报:我们的孩子告诉我们一切,让我们成为他们最好的朋友。当你惩罚时——在惩罚期间——孩子们不会给你。如果我们在自己的房子里表现得像真正的权威——那些不需要卑躬屈膝和无休止地解释的人——我们担心我们会失去他们的爱,并不断接触到他们内心和思想中发生的一切。

Take away their smartphones? We never really considered it. They couldn’t bear it, but neither could we. How could we find out how they did on that math test, seconds after its completion? We couldn’t wait until the end of the school day to check in on our besties!
拿走他们的智能手机?我们从未真正考虑过。他们受不了,我们也受不了。我们怎么能知道他们在数学测试完成几秒钟后的表现?我们迫不及待地等到放学后才去看看我们的闺蜜!

But no one respects a needy friend. They might tolerate her, but she’s kind of a drag. The moment our support and affirmation were made explicitly unconditional and entirely indestructible, our kids knew they didn’t have to do anything to sustain our permanent high regard.
但没有人尊重一个有需要的朋友。他们可能会容忍她,但她有点拖累。当我们的支持和肯定明确地无条件且完全坚不可摧的那一刻,我们的孩子就知道他们不需要做任何事情来维持我们永久的高度重视。

The saddest part? Not only do we rarely motivate our kids to better behavior, many of our children don’t like us very much. There is more parental estrangement today than in generations past. And the young adults who are cutting off their parents in record numbers are often those raised by the most indulgent and devoted parents.
最可悲的部分?我们不仅很少激励我们的孩子做出更好的行为,而且我们的许多孩子都不太喜欢我们。与过去几代人相比,今天的父母疏远更多。而那些与父母断绝关系的年轻人,往往是那些最放纵、最忠诚的父母抚养长大的。

They Don’t Like Us All That Much
他们不太喜欢我们

I asked clinical psychologist and expert in family estrangement Joshua Coleman about the recent rise in adult children cutting off their parents. Did these parents typically abuse the children who cut them out of their lives?
我向临床心理学家和家庭疏远专家约书亚·科尔曼(Joshua Coleman)询问了最近成年子女与父母断绝关系的增加。这些父母是否经常虐待将他们从生活中剔除的孩子?

Most often, Coleman says, “they cut off the parents because they’re trying to have an experience of independence and strength that the parents couldn’t provide them.” The problem is, most often, not too little love but too much—of the contemporary, smothering sort.
科尔曼说,大多数情况下,“他们切断了父母的联系,因为他们试图获得父母无法提供给他们的独立和力量的体验。大多数情况下,问题不是爱太少,而是太多——当代的、令人窒息的那种。

The young adults who cut off their parents often say they feel crushed by the burden of serving as the buttress for their parents’ emotional lives. This isn’t tiger mom–style high expectations, which may place pressure on a child to achieve, but where the ultimate success accrues to the kid herself. The contemporary American style is the needier, plaintive sort: Text me and tell me that you’re having fun, so I don’t worry. When young adults can’t excise mom’s anxious and needy voice from their heads—they may feel the need to banish her from their lives.
与父母断绝关系的年轻人经常说,他们感到被作为父母情感生活支柱的负担压垮了。这不是虎妈式的高期望,这可能会给孩子带来压力,但最终的成功归于孩子自己。当代的美式风格是更需要的、抱怨的那种:给我发短信,告诉我你玩得很开心,所以我不用担心。當年輕人無法將媽媽焦慮和需要的聲音從他們的腦海中刪除時,他們可能會覺得有必要將她從他們的生活中驅逐出來。

But wait a minute, I asked Coleman. I have a father to whom I am still very close, who installed his voice in my head. And yet I couldn’t imagine cutting him off or telling him he needed to “fix himself,” as so many of today’s young people apparently inform their parents, at the encouragement of their therapists.
但是等一下,我问科尔曼。我有一个父亲,我仍然非常亲近,他的声音在我的脑海中植入。然而,我无法想象切断他的联系或告诉他他需要“修复自己”,因为今天的许多年轻人显然在治疗师的鼓励下通知了他们的父母。

I describe one signal memory for Coleman. A little more than a decade ago, I was in Germany, watching men bungee jump off a very tall building. Then—and every time I considered participating in any activity I regarded as similarly insane—I heard my father’s voice, bright as the morning sun: “She died doing what?”
我描述了一个 Coleman 的信号存储器。十多年前,我在德国,看着男人蹦极从一栋非常高的建筑物上跳下来。然后,每当我考虑参加任何我认为同样疯狂的活动时,我都会听到父亲的声音,像早晨的太阳一样明亮:“她死于什么?

I can’t do it, was the resulting resolution I’d made on various such occasions in my twenties. It is too unforgivably stupid.
我做不到,这是我在二十多岁时在各种此类场合做出的决议。这太不可原谅的愚蠢了。

But, Coleman explained, that was different. In ridiculing me, my father’s voice acknowledged that I was my own, independent person. His voice said, in effect: If you’re going to do something that dumb, it’s on you. As opposed to today’s parents who communicate something very different: Oh, my God, don’t do that. Because if you did, it would ruin my life with sorrow. That might be a different kind of a message,” Coleman said.
但是,科尔曼解释说,这是不同的。在嘲笑我时,我父亲的声音承认我是我自己的、独立的人。他的声音实际上是在说:如果你要做那么愚蠢的事情,那就在你身上。与今天的父母相反,他们传达的东西非常不同:“'哦,我的上帝,不要那样做。因为如果你这样做了,它会毁了我的生活。这可能是一种不同的信息,“科尔曼说。

For the sake of a good relationship with our kids, we are failing them miserably. We are raising far more self-involved, undisciplined, and unlikeable children. Perhaps unhappiest of all: All of our sucking up to them doesn’t even guarantee the relationship. They are willing to tolerate it as long as we pay the bills; after that, they’re often just not that into us.
为了与孩子的良好关系,我们让他们失望得很惨。我们正在养育更多自我参与、不守纪律和不讨人喜欢的孩子。也许最不快乐的是:我们所有的吮吸都不能保证这种关系。只要我们付账单,他们就愿意容忍;在那之后,他们往往就不那么喜欢我们了。

Angela: “He Told Me He’s Having Some Really Big Breakthroughs”
安吉拉:“他告诉我,他有一些非常大的突破”

Remember Angela, the member of the television production crew? Her bright son Jayden had received a 504 accommodation so that he could take untimed tests while in high school. Jayden had since graduated, and Angela and her husband could not seem to motivate Jayden to finish his college applications or seek work; they could barely get him to leave the house. Angela hired a therapist to help Jayden with his anxiety and depression.
还记得电视制作组成员安吉拉吗?她聪明的儿子杰登(Jayden)获得了504的住宿,这样他就可以在高中时参加不定时的考试。杰登已经毕业了,安吉拉和她的丈夫似乎无法激励杰登完成大学申请或找工作;他们几乎无法让他离开家。安吉拉聘请了一位治疗师来帮助杰登缓解焦虑和抑郁。

I asked Angela if she’d seen improvements in her son after he had been in therapy for three months.
我问安吉拉,在儿子接受治疗三个月后,她是否看到他的改善。

“He told me that he’s having some really big breakthroughs, that therapy is really helping him, but I don’t know what that means,” she said. The therapist assured Angela that the therapy is working. “It’s just going to take a little time.”
“他告诉我,他有一些非常大的突破,这种疗法确实在帮助他,但我不知道这意味着什么,”她说。治疗师向安吉拉保证,治疗正在起作用。“只是需要一点时间。”

Once a state-champion athlete, Jayden had decided in the tenth grade, with the help of his high school counselor, that he was transgender and really a girl. Since then he’d been threatening to begin a course of hormone treatments. Now eighteen, he no longer required parental consent to commence medical transformation. Insurance would pay for it. He could legally change his name any time he wanted to. But he hadn’t made any moves toward completing those, either.
杰登曾经是州冠军运动员,在高中辅导员的帮助下,他在十年级时决定自己是跨性别者,而且真的是一个女孩。从那时起,他一直威胁要开始一个激素治疗疗程。现在他十八岁了,不再需要父母的同意就可以开始医疗改造。保险会为此买单。他可以随时合法地更改自己的名字。但他也没有采取任何措施来完成这些工作。

Angela hoped the therapist would nudge Jayden toward his future. “ ‘He’s just so riddled with anxiety,’ ” the therapist informed Angela. Be patient, the therapist advised her. Apply no pressure, hope for the best. The therapist said she was “trying to work with him to get him to the place” where he could move forward with his life. “She thinks that an autism diagnosis can help,” said Angela. Come again?
安吉拉希望治疗师能推动杰登走向他的未来。“'他只是充满了焦虑,'”治疗师告诉安吉拉。要有耐心,治疗师建议她。不要施加压力,希望最好。治疗师说,她“试图与他合作,让他到达一个地方”,在那里他可以继续他的生活。“她认为自闭症诊断会有所帮助,”安吉拉说。再来?

Jayden had been receiving mental health care since the third grade, when a neuropsychological evaluation first turned up a “sensory processing disorder” diagnosis (not recognized by the major diagnostic manuals of psychiatry). Not even Jayden’s high school counselor thought he had
杰登从三年级开始就一直在接受心理健康护理,当时神经心理学评估首次发现了“感觉处理障碍”的诊断(未被精神病学的主要诊断手册认可)。就连杰登的高中辅导员都没想到他有

autism. If Jayden met some of the criteria for autism, certainly he must be far from a clear case? The therapist was still mulling diagnoses.
孤独症。如果杰登符合自闭症的一些标准,那么他肯定远非一个明确的案例吗?治疗师仍在考虑诊断。

Angela firmly believes the therapy is working. “I totally trust her,” Angela said about the woman she’d hired. Jayden had assured her he was having a lot of “breakthroughs” in therapy (probably while grabbing another Monster Energy drink from the fridge en route to a humming Xbox).
安吉拉坚信这种疗法是有效的。“我完全信任她,”安吉拉谈到她雇用的那个女人时说。杰登向她保证,他在治疗方面有很多“突破”(可能是在去嗡嗡作响的Xbox的路上从冰箱里拿出另一杯怪物能量饮料时)。

Had the months of therapy improved Angela’s relationship with Jayden? “A week ago, he said we were narcissistic, abusive parents. And he said that as soon as he moves out, he’s never going to see us again.”
几个月的治疗是否改善了安吉拉与杰登的关系?“一周前,他说我们是自恋、虐待的父母。他说,一旦他搬出去,他就再也见不到我们了。

So that would be a “No.”
所以这将是一个“不”。

But Angela’s friends told her that, with teenagers, “this is totally normal behavior. When they’re trying to move on, they’re angry with you.” She clings to that.
但安吉拉的朋友告诉她,对于青少年来说,“这是完全正常的行为。当他们试图继续前进时,他们会对你生气。她坚持这一点。

Desperate that our kids always, at every moment, feel our love, we came to equate punishment with cruelty. And besides, the experts assured us: punishment doesn’t work. “Instead of the child feeling sorry for what he has done and thinking about how he can make amends,” the child “becomes preoccupied with revenge fantasies,” write the authors of How to Talk So Kids Will Listen, quoting child psychologist Haim Ginott. “In other words, by punishing a child, we actually deprive him of the very important inner process of facing his own misbehavior.”[23]
我们绝望地希望我们的孩子每时每刻都能感受到我们的爱,我们开始将惩罚等同于残忍。此外,专家向我们保证:惩罚是行不通的。“孩子不会为自己的所作所为感到难过,也不会思考如何弥补,”孩子“全神贯注于复仇幻想,”《如何说话让孩子听》一书的作者引用儿童心理学家海姆·吉诺特的话写道。“换句话说,通过惩罚一个孩子,我们实际上剥夺了他面对自己不当行为的非常重要的内在过程。[23]

Ginott may well be right that punishment very often does not occasion soul-searching in the child sent to his room. But of course, soul-searching was never the point of punishment. Self-reflection is the therapeutic quest.
吉诺特可能是对的,惩罚通常不会让被送到他房间的孩子进行反省。但当然,反省从来都不是惩罚的重点。自我反省是治疗的追求。

Parents’ objectives were different and four fold: We wanted kids to knock it off when their bad behavior involved mistreating others or their property. We wanted to let our kids know who was in charge—us, not them. We wanted them to feel bad that their behavior crossed a line and to internalize that boundary. And we wanted to give their poor sister, who’d just been clocked in the head with a Magna-Tile, a little justice.
父母的目标各不相同,有四个方面:我们希望孩子们在不良行为涉及虐待他人或财产时将其击倒。我们想让我们的孩子知道谁在负责——我们,而不是他们。我们希望他们为自己的行为越界而感到难过,并将这种界限内化。我们想给他们可怜的妹妹一点正义,她刚刚被麦格纳瓷砖打在头上。

A kid sent to her room may use the time to self-reflect, but she may not. And she may choose to overstep the boundary again. But at least she knows
一个被送到她房间的孩子可能会利用这段时间进行自我反省,但她可能不会。她可能会选择再次越界。但至少她知道

it’s there. She knows there is something beyond her feelings—respect for others. And that no matter how she may feel, she must find a way to stay within the bounds of tolerable behavior. Her parents have sent her to her room because they believe she can learn to control herself.
它就在那里。她知道有些东西超出了她的感受——尊重他人。而且无论她感觉如何,她都必须找到一种方法来保持在可容忍的行为范围内。她的父母把她送到她的房间,因为他们相信她可以学会控制自己。

The au courant idea that even humane punishments “don’t work” is something Baumrind calls a “myth.” Baumrind also found that demands for neatness in children is associated with less hostile and less delinquent kids and that it was incorrect to assume that high expectations would result in passive-aggressive rebellion.[24]
即使是人道的惩罚也“不起作用”,这种观点被鲍姆林德称为“神话”。鲍姆林德还发现,儿童对整洁的要求与较少的敌意和较少的犯罪行为有关,并且认为高期望会导致被动攻击性叛逆是不正确的。[24]

And while Baumrind did not advocate spanking, she found that “occasional, mild spanking” did not traumatize children.[25] Cue the outrage. But it’s true: studies have been unable to support supposed links between spanking and externalizing disorders.[26]
虽然鲍姆林德不主张打屁股,但她发现“偶尔的、轻微的打屁股”不会给孩子带来创伤。[25] 暗示愤怒。但这是真的:研究无法支持打屁股和外化障碍之间的所谓联系。[26]

What actually makes for miserable kids? Placing them in charge. Failing to hold their behavior to high standards and not punishing them when they deliberately allow it to fall short. And, yes—according to Baumrind—what else makes for an unhappy kid? Parents behaving in a consistently “affirmative manner toward the child’s impulses, desires and actions.”[27]
究竟是什么让孩子变得悲惨?让他们负责。未能将他们的行为保持在高标准,并且在他们故意允许达不到标准时不惩罚他们。而且,是的,根据鲍姆林德的说法,还有什么会让一个孩子不快乐?父母始终如一地“对孩子的冲动、欲望和行为持肯定态度”。[27]

Want to know why the rising generation of kids doesn’t want to have children of their own? It’s because we made parenting look so damn miserable. It’s because we listened to all the experts and convinced ourselves we couldn’t possibly appeal to life experience, judgment, knowledge gleaned over decades—tens of thousands of hours with our kids
想知道为什么新生代的孩子不想有自己的孩子吗?这是因为我们让育儿看起来如此悲惨。这是因为我们听取了所有专家的意见,并说服自己,我们不可能诉诸几十年来积累的生活经验、判断力和知识——与我们的孩子在一起的数万小时

—or what our parents had done, and figure this thing out for ourselves. It’s because forty-year-old parents—accomplished, brilliant, and blessed with a spouse—treat the raising of kids like a calculus problem that was put to them in the dead of night, gun to the head: Get it right or I pull this trigger
——或者我们的父母做了什么,你自己想办法。这是因为四十岁的父母——有成就、才华横溢、有配偶——把抚养孩子当成一个在夜深人静时被问到的微积分问题,用枪指着他们的头:做对了,否则我就扣动扳机
.

We played a part with our kids: the therapeutic parent. We let them throw food on the floor and kick us and hit us—and each time extended them more understanding. We offered them an endless array of choices. And we absolutely renounced our own authority.
我们和孩子一起扮演了一个角色:治疗性父母。我们让他们把食物扔在地上,踢我们,打我们——每次都让他们更加理解。我们为他们提供了无穷无尽的选择。我们绝对放弃了自己的权威。

And it scared them. It scared these kids so badly. Look at them. They know there’s no one running the place. They know they’re far too young to
这让他们感到害怕。这让这些孩子非常害怕。看看他们。他们知道没有人管理这个地方。他们知道自己太年轻了,不能

be exercising the amount of power we’ve handed them. They know that if they’ve brought their towering father, an accomplished man in his forties, to his knees, clueless and despairing—then something has gone desperately wrong.
行使我们交给他们的权力。他们知道,如果他们把他们高大的父亲,一个四十多岁的有成就的人,跪在地上,无知和绝望——那么事情就出了大问题。

The kids believed us when we treated their hurt feelings as deadly serious. More than their father’s financial worries—more serious than their grandmother’s poor health. They trusted us that their feelings and worries were the most important things on earth. They are collapsing under the weight of all that worry.
当我们把他们受伤的感觉视为致命的严重时,孩子们相信了我们。比他们父亲的经济担忧更重要,比他们祖母的健康状况不佳更严重。他们相信我们,他们的感受和忧虑是世上最重要的事情。他们在所有这些担忧的重压下正在崩溃。

Worst of all, they don’t believe we can help them. We don’t make them feel secure because we’ve told them—over and over, in so many ways— we’re scared out of our minds, and we aren’t actually in charge. We are just following what the pediatrician, or the therapist, or the teacher, or school counselor, or the occupational therapist told us to do. He’s in charge, she’s in charge, our kids are in charge. We aren’t in charge.
最糟糕的是,他们不相信我们能帮助他们。我们没有让他们感到安全,因为我们一遍又一遍地告诉他们,在很多方面,我们被吓得魂飞魄散,我们实际上并不负责。我们只是遵循儿科医生、治疗师、老师、学校辅导员或职业治疗师告诉我们要做的事情。他负责,她负责,我们的孩子负责。我们不负责。

How can you comfort a child whom you’ve assured, I don’t have the power here. You can’t. And so . . . they aren’t.
你怎么能安慰一个你保证过的孩子,我在这里没有权力。你不能。所以 . . .但事实并非如此。

There Are Planets Where Parents Are Admired
有些行星的父母是钦佩的

Here’s where I admit: it isn’t easy. Raising good kids in a culture that undermines parental authority at every turn—where parents are the dupes and morons and bigots on every television show—is damn near impossible. This point was made to me by pediatrician and author Leonard Sax. And it was reinforced by a parenting coach who told me about an Indian American client I’ll call “Tanvi.”
我承认:这并不容易。在一个动不动就破坏父母权威的文化中培养好孩子——父母是每个电视节目中的傻瓜、白痴和偏执狂——几乎是不可能的。这一点是儿科医生兼作家伦纳德·萨克斯(Leonard Sax)向我提出的。一位育儿教练告诉我,一位印度裔美国客户,我称之为“Tanvi”。

Tanvi was constantly astonished and dismayed that her daughter treated her so much more disrespectfully in America than Tanvi would ever have treated her own parents back in India. “My kid’s mouthing off to me in public,” Tanvi told her coach, hurt and confounded.
Tanvi 经常感到惊讶和沮丧,因为她的女儿在美国对待她比 Tanvi 在印度对待自己的父母更不尊重她。“我的孩子在公共场合对我大发雷霆,”坦维告诉她的教练,受伤和困惑。

At last, she figured out why: “If you’re in India, if you’re a little kid and you mouth off to your parents in public, all the other adults around glare at
最后,她想通了原因:“如果你在印度,如果你还是个小孩子,当你在公共场合对你的父母说三道四,周围的所有其他成年人都会瞪着眼睛

you. Here [in America], if a kid mouths off to a parent in public, all the parents now glare at the parent.”
你。在美国,如果一个孩子在公共场合对父母说三道四,现在所有的父母都会瞪着父母。

In India, the culture supports the idea that a child should treat her parent respectfully—and other parents will enforce that with their stares. In America, the onus is entirely on the parent. And we wonder: “What have you done wrong to deserve a tongue-lashing from your child?”
在印度,这种文化支持这样一种观念,即孩子应该尊重她的父母——而其他父母会用他们的目光来强制执行这一点。在美国,责任完全在父母身上。我们想知道:“你做错了什么,值得你的孩子鞭打舌头?

I decided to talk to parents who’d raised healthy, productive adults. Many of those who were willing to provide straight talk turned out to be immigrants.
我决定和那些养育了健康、多产的成年人的父母谈谈。许多愿意直言不讳的人原来是移民。

My friend Julia is the sort who leaves other women aching with envy: a
我的朋友茱莉亚是那种让其他女人嫉妒的人:一个

Harvard-trained economist and navy reservist in her spare time, she is married to a husband she loves and is raising three great kids. She’s not only impressive in the career sense, she is the sort of friend who will pick up your kids if can’t get to them, who shows up at a kid’s birthday party ready to help out in the kitchen, engage the kids in activity, or chat with your mom. She manages to juggle all of a working mom’s demands without ever seeming frazzled or shrill or batty. She is, in other words, precisely the sort of adult any of us would be proud to have raised.
在业余时间,她毕业于哈佛大学,是一名经济学家和海军预备役军人,她嫁给了她所爱的丈夫,并抚养了三个优秀的孩子。她不仅在职业上令人印象深刻,而且她是那种如果无法找到你的孩子,她会去接你的孩子的朋友,她会出现在孩子的生日派对上,准备在厨房帮忙,让孩子们参与活动,或者和你的妈妈聊天。她设法兼顾了职业妈妈的所有要求,而不会显得疲惫、尖锐或笨拙。换句话说,她正是我们任何人都会为抚养长大而感到自豪的那种成年人。

So, of course, I needed to talk to her mother. Her single mother.
所以,当然,我需要和她的母亲谈谈。她的单身母亲。

Rhoda—who died last year of cancer—was lively and charming. A thinker, avid reader, and outspoken feminist. She was also a real crack-up, full of sharp insight and a balls-to-the-wall manner of delivery that gave you the rare gift of someone who was letting you see her true self. Almost immediately, I adored her.
去年死于癌症的罗达活泼而迷人。思想家、狂热的读者和直言不讳的女权主义者。她也是一个真正的爆裂者,充满了敏锐的洞察力和一针见血的传递方式,给了你一个罕见的礼物,让你看到她真实的自我。几乎立刻,我就崇拜她了。

So when Rhoda called me out of the blue two years ago to discuss something I’d written, I took the opportunity to steer her to what I wanted to know: How did you do it? How did you raise this wonderful adult, on a professor’s income, all by yourself?
因此,两年前,当罗达突然打电话给我讨论我写的东西时,我借此机会引导她了解我想知道的事情:你是怎么做到的?你是怎么靠教授的收入,靠着一个人养育出这个了不起的成年人的?

A black South African, Rhoda married Julia’s father, a white German, who hit Rhoda when Julia was little.[28] Rhoda divorced him, and then carried on a successful career as an academic and human rights activist,
罗达是南非黑人,嫁给了茱莉亚的父亲,一个德国白人,他在茱莉亚小的时候打了罗达。[28]罗达与他离婚,然后作为学术和人权活动家继续成功的职业生涯,

building community wherever she went, applying what money she had to cello lessons and tuition for her daughter. She didn’t believe in spanking, she told me, but she established clear rules for Julia, who is, to this day, one of the most unfailingly polite, principled, and charming women I know.
无论她走到哪里,都会建立社区,将她所拥有的钱用于大提琴课程和女儿的学费。她告诉我,她不相信打屁股,但她为茱莉亚制定了明确的规则,直到今天,朱莉娅仍然是我认识的最有礼貌、最有原则、最迷人的女人之一。

What were we Americans doing so wrong? “In third world countries,” Rhoda said, “parenting is very authoritarian because the leaders are very authoritarian. America is on the other side—completely lack boundaries and authority.” We needed something in between.
我们美国人做错了什么?“在第三世界国家,”罗达说,“养育子女是非常专制的,因为领导人非常专制。美国在另一边——完全没有边界和权威。我们需要介于两者之间的东西。

I heard this from other immigrants: the problem with American parenting is that we do not assert our authority with our own children. We do not make it a priority to pass down our values to our own kids; we seem to expect the culture to do this for us. It’s okay to allow for some give-and- take with children, but in the end, it must be our judgment that carries the day.
我从其他移民那里听到了这一点:美国育儿的问题在于,我们没有对自己的孩子维护自己的权威。我们不会把我们的价值观传给我们自己的孩子作为优先事项;我们似乎期望文化为我们做到这一点。允许与孩子进行一些让步是可以的,但最终,必须由我们的判断来决定这一天。

Kids need adult authority, they know they need it, Rhoda insisted to me. And then she said something that stopped me in my tracks: “That’s why they all go off and join BLM. They’re looking for daddy.”
孩子们需要成人的权威,他们知道他们需要它,罗达坚持对我说。然后她说了一句话,让我停下了脚步:“这就是为什么他们都离开并加入 BLM。他们在找爸爸。

True, the rising generation is more politically radical than previous generations—attracted especially to far-left political movements. But it had never occurred to me that this might have anything to do with the parenting style with which they were raised.[29] Was she right? Was the child and adolescent yearning for authority so great that they would go searching for it from other adults, like underfed kids eating paint chips off the walls?
诚然,新生代在政治上比前几代人更加激进,尤其被极左翼政治运动所吸引。但我从未想过这可能与他们成长的养育方式有任何关系。[29] 她是对的吗?儿童和青少年对权威的渴望是否如此之大,以至于他们会从其他成年人那里寻找权威,就像吃不饱的孩子吃墙上的油漆碎片一样?

Liberal Parents, Radical Children
自由派父母,激进的孩子

Myrieme Nadri-Churchill is a psychotherapist and executive director of the Boston-based nonprofit Parents for Peace, which helps families recover their adult children from the clutches of extremist groups: Neo-Nazis, Proud Boys, the Taliban. Born in Casablanca to an African Muslim father and a white Christian mother, Nadri-Churchill’s first lessons in extremism landed in the 1970s, with rocks hurled at her by the bullies at school.
Myrieme Nadri-Churchill 是一名心理治疗师,也是总部位于波士顿的非营利组织 Parents for Peace 的执行董事,该组织帮助家庭从极端主义团体的魔掌中恢复他们的成年子女:新纳粹分子、骄傲男孩、塔利班。纳德里-丘吉尔出生于卡萨布兰卡,父亲是非洲穆斯林,母亲是白人基督徒,1970年代,她第一次上了极端主义的课,学校里的恶霸向她投掷石块。

Nadri-Churchill is a waterfall of insight, but so mistrustful of American journalists’ tendency to twist her words, I knew I had to meet her in person. I flew to Boston to sit with her at the home of a mutual friend.
纳德里-丘吉尔是一个洞察力的瀑布,但对美国记者歪曲她的话的倾向如此不信任,我知道我必须亲自见到她。我飞到波士顿,和她坐在一个共同朋友的家里。

Now middle-aged, she carries herself with the invisible epaulets of natural leadership. Her hair falls in a shoulder-length fountain of black ringlets. Her speech, full of fire. English is her third language, and she wrestles impatiently against it, bristling with the need to be understood.
现在人到中年,她带着自然领导的无形肩章。她的头发落在齐肩的黑色小环喷泉中。她的讲话,充满了火气。英语是她的第三语言,她不耐烦地与它搏斗,因为需要被理解而感到愤怒。

Nadri-Churchill says she has helped hundreds of American families extract their young-adult children from extremist cults, often coordinating with US government agencies in the rescue effort. And she told me, in effect, that Rhoda was right: “The majority of the kids that are sucked into supremacy, they are from families that are liberal. It’s really astonishing to see how many kids that are in white supremacy, Neo-Nazi groups, Antifa, and even Islamism come from nice liberal families.”
纳德里-丘吉尔说,她已经帮助数百个美国家庭从极端主义邪教中解救出他们的成年子女,并经常与美国政府机构协调救援工作。实际上,她告诉我,罗达是对的:“大多数被吸入至高无上的孩子,他们来自自由主义家庭。看到有多少白人至上主义、新纳粹团体、Antifa 甚至伊斯兰主义的孩子来自很好的自由主义家庭,这真是令人惊讶。

In so many liberal American families today, she said, parents disavow their authority, give children endless choices, and constantly solicit kids’ opinions on major life decisions. But the hunger for authority and boundaries is profoundly connected to a child’s sense of self and well- being. It does not dissipate simply because parents fail to supply it.
她说,在当今许多自由派的美国家庭中,父母否认他们的权威,给孩子无穷无尽的选择,并不断征求孩子对重大人生决定的意见。但是,对权威和界限的渴望与孩子的自我意识和幸福感有着深刻的联系。它不会仅仅因为父母无法提供它而消散。

“Extremist groups give children a script, they give them a sense of direction. They tell them you eat this, you don’t eat that. You go in this direction, you do this, they give them a script,” she said again, repeating the word “script.” “It’s almost like extremist groups have replaced parenting.”
“极端主义团体给孩子们一个剧本,他们给他们一个方向感。他们告诉他们你吃这个,你不吃那个。你朝这个方向走,你这样做,他们给他们一个剧本,“她又说了一遍,重复了”剧本“这个词。“这几乎就像极端主义团体已经取代了育儿方式。

This point was famously made by public intellectual Midge Decter in the 1970s, to explain why so many kids with doting parents and capacious freedom had turned into adults who inclined toward extremist movements.
1970年代,公共知识分子米奇·德克特(Midge Decter)提出了这一点,以解释为什么这么多拥有溺爱父母和宽广自由的孩子变成了倾向于极端主义运动的成年人。

Decter faulted her generation of parents, the first to praise children lavishly and expect far less contribution to the household. They overlooked outright disrespect and catered to their children’s feelings. “We refused to assume, partly on ideological grounds but also, I think, on esthetic grounds, the central obligations of parenthood: to make ourselves the final authority on good and bad, right and wrong, and to take the consequences of what might turn out to be a lifelong battle,” she wrote.
德克特指责了她那一代的父母,他们是第一个慷慨地赞美孩子,对家庭的贡献要少得多的人。他们忽视了完全的不尊重,迎合了孩子的感受。她写道:“我们拒绝承担,部分是出于意识形态的原因,但我认为,出于审美的原因,为人父母的核心义务:让自己成为好与坏、对与错的最终权威,并承担可能成为终生战斗的后果。

Despite the unprecedented number of hours they had lavished on their kids, Decter argued, parents her age were fundamentally neglectful.[30] “We pronounced you strong when you were still weak in order to avoid the struggles with you that would have fed your strength. We proclaimed you sound when you were foolish in order to avoid taking part in the long, slow, slogging effort that is the only route to genuine maturity of mind and feeling.”[31]
德克特认为,尽管他们在孩子身上花费了前所未有的时间,但她这个年龄的父母从根本上忽视了他们。[30] “当你还软弱的时候,我们宣布你坚强,以避免与你的斗争,而这些斗争本来会助长你的力量。当你愚蠢时,我们宣告你是健全的,以避免参与漫长、缓慢、艰苦的努力,这是通往真正成熟的思想和感觉的唯一途径。[31]

If Decter’s generation of permissive parents got this ball rolling, boy did we run with it. We showered kids with trivial freedoms (What color would you like to dye your hair? You look so cool!) and appointed middle school kids co-arbiters of the family’s values—what high school to attend, whether to attend church or synagogue, or even whether they needed to hug elderly relatives or give Grandma a call. We explained away misbehavior as a matter of human psychology. (Aiden loved your gift! He didn’t say “thank you” because he was feeling intimidated.) We believed if we controlled and monitored every square inch of their environments, we would never need to demand that kids govern themselves.
如果德克特那一代宽容的父母让这个球滚动起来,男孩我们跟着它跑了。我们给孩子们带来了微不足道的自由(你想染什么颜色的头发?你看起来太酷了!并任命初中生作为家庭价值观的共同仲裁者——上哪所高中,是否去教堂或犹太教堂,甚至他们是否需要拥抱年迈的亲戚或给奶奶打电话。我们将不当行为解释为人类心理问题。(艾登喜欢你的礼物!他没有说“谢谢”,因为他感到害怕。我们相信,如果我们控制和监控他们环境的每一寸土地,我们就永远不需要要求孩子们管理自己。

Parenting without Authority: the Consequence
没有权威的育儿:后果

Today, as more than one parenting coach and pediatrician told me, kids arrive at school having never heard the word “no.” They don’t know how to conform to the expectations set by their teachers—they’ve had no practice. No one asked them to sit at the table through dinner, employ basic table manners. No one forced them to wait on a snack or an activity that they wanted right now. No one made them wait until a sibling or parent finished speaking before announcing their own desires to the household.
今天,正如不止一位育儿教练和儿科医生告诉我的那样,孩子们来到学校时从未听过“不”这个词。他们不知道如何符合老师设定的期望——他们没有练习过。没有人要求他们在晚餐时坐在餐桌旁,采用基本的餐桌礼仪。没有人强迫他们等待他们现在想要的零食或活动。没有人让他们等到兄弟姐妹或父母说完话后才向家人宣布自己的愿望。

And now, the teacher is upset. She needs to teach a whole class of kids how to read. She needs to introduce subtraction to twenty first graders. She can’t reasonably deal with kids who wander off, refuse to listen to directions, make it impossible to teach the others.
而现在,老师很生气。她需要教一整班的孩子如何阅读。她需要向二十名一年级学生介绍减法。她无法合理地处理那些走神的孩子,拒绝听从指示,无法教其他人。

At the psychologist’s behest, with the principal’s encouragement, the teacher delivers a now familiar ultimatum: If you want your kid to remain in this class, maybe take him for an evaluation? Just to check. The implication: It might make everybody happier if we got him on some medication.
在心理学家的要求下,在校长的鼓励下,老师发出了现在熟悉的最后通牒:如果你想让你的孩子留在这个班级,也许带他去评估一下?只是为了检查。言下之意:如果我们让他吃一些药,可能会让每个人都更开心。

OceanofPDF.com

Chapter 10
第10章

Spare the Rod, Drug the Child
饶了棒子,给孩子下药

M

aayan would not sit quietly, his preschool teacher said. He was disruptive, messy, curious, but also dreamy. At the teacher’s insistence, Maayan’s parents took him to a doctor who
Aayan不会安静地坐着,他的学前班老师说。他捣乱、凌乱、好奇,但也很梦幻。在老师的坚持下,马扬的父母带他去看医生。

immediately agreed: The boy had “severe” ADHD.
立即同意:这个男孩患有“严重”多动症。

Maayan “wasn’t born. He came out like from a cannon,” his father, Yaakov Ophir, told me. Highly energetic, inattentive at school, spacey, disorganized, messy, tending to lose his belongings, Maayan met all the diagnostic criteria. The doctor advised that the four-year-old boy immediately start on Ritalin.
Maayan“没有出生。他就像从大炮里出来一样,“他的父亲雅科夫·奥菲尔告诉我。精力充沛,在学校注意力不集中,空间宽敞,杂乱无章,凌乱,容易丢失财物,Maayan符合所有诊断标准。医生建议这名四岁男孩立即开始服用利他林。

That was precisely the sort of advice that Ophir had offered parents in his clinical therapy practice outside of Jerusalem. “Ritalin will help your son stop feeling dumb,” Ophir recalls telling one mother. “His self-esteem is continuously under attack. If he is not treated with medications, he will grow up feeling excessive guilt for all his misbehaviors.”[1] At the time, Ophir believed this was good advice.
这正是奥菲尔在耶路撒冷以外的临床治疗实践中给父母的建议。“利他林会帮助你的儿子不再感到愚蠢,”奥菲尔回忆说。“他的自尊心不断受到攻击。如果他不接受药物治疗,他长大后会为自己所有的不当行为感到过度内疚。[1]当时,奥菲尔认为这是个好建议。

But faced with the prospect of medicating his own child, he found himself suddenly caught in a hailstorm of doubt. What was ADHD, really? He realized he didn’t know.
但面对给自己的孩子下药的前景,他发现自己突然陷入了怀疑的冰雹之中。多动症到底是什么?他意识到自己不知道。

An academic psychologist at the Technion, Israel’s premier research institution, Ophir began reading. He wanted to know the nature of a disorder that afflicted over 15 percent of boys in America.[2] Precaution gave way to preoccupation. The more he read, the more convinced he became of two things: ADHD—characterized by overstimulation and distractibility—didn’t meet the standard definition of a “disorder.” And Ritalin was no solution at all.
作为以色列首屈一指的研究机构以色列理工学院的学术心理学家,奥菲尔开始阅读。他想知道一种折磨着美国15%以上男孩的疾病的本质。[2] 预防让位于全神贯注。他读得越多,就越相信两件事:多动症——以过度刺激和分心为特征——不符合“疾病”的标准定义。利他林根本不是解决方案。

There are “4Ds” of abnormal psychology, Ophir reasoned: deviance, distress, dysfunction, and danger. ADHD doesn’t meet any of them. With an incidence of over 10 percent of in the United States, and an astounding 20 percent of Israeli children and young adults,[3] ADHD isn’t rare or “deviant.”[4]
奥菲尔认为,有心理的“4D”:越轨、痛苦、功能障碍和危险。多动症不符合其中任何一个。在美国,多动症的发病率超过10%,以色列儿童和年轻人的发病率高达20%,[3]多动症并不罕见或“异常”。[4]

ADHD also doesn’t cause distress in the child. These kids pose no real danger, Ophir pointed out to me—neither to others nor to themselves. As for dysfunction, “Yes, children with ADHD-like traits will probably have a hard time in school,” he allowed. “They will have a reduced ability in school, at least the way that schools are built today—sitting in for long hours in the classroom, listening to sometimes boring lectures. That does not fit any child, maybe, but it does not fit children who are more energetic and more distracted.”
多动症也不会给孩子带来痛苦。奥菲尔向我指出,这些孩子并不构成真正的危险——无论是对别人还是对自己。至于功能障碍,“是的,具有多动症样特征的孩子可能会在学校度过一段艰难的时光,”他允许。“他们在学校的能力会下降,至少今天学校的建设方式是这样——长时间坐在教室里,听有时无聊的讲座。也许这不适合任何孩子,但它不适合那些精力充沛、注意力更分散的孩子。

A real disorder interferes with the ability to lead a normal life, Ophir said. But a trait that makes it harder to sit still for long hours? Well, there are plenty of jobs in which broad awareness of opportunity and danger may even be an asset. Like venture capital or the military, for example.[5]
奥菲尔说,真正的疾病会干扰过正常生活的能力。但是,有一种特质使人们更难长时间坐着不动呢?嗯,在很多工作中,对机会和危险的广泛认识甚至可能是一种资产。例如,风险投资或军事。[5]

“Can these children dress themselves? Can they learn to take a shower? Can they do the basic missions, the basic tasks of the day? Of course, they can,” Ophir said. “In depression, for example, a person may be confined to his bed. He finds it so hard to get out of bed, he doesn’t go to work. So you see the impairment of the function. In ADHD, it does not exist.” Stimulant medications are powerful, psychoactive drugs that cross the blood-brain barrier, Ophir pointed out to me, referring to the class of drugs that includes Ritalin, Adderall, Concerta, and Strattera. Studies show that stimulants pose high risk of dependency and addiction.[6] Stimulants may also become less
“这些孩子能自己穿衣服吗?他们能学会洗澡吗?他们能完成基本任务,一天的基本任务吗?当然,他们可以,“奥菲尔说。“例如,在抑郁症中,一个人可能会被限制在床上。他发现起床很困难,所以他不去上班。所以你看到功能的损害。在多动症中,它不存在。兴奋剂药物是强大的精神活性药物,可以穿过血脑屏障,Ophir 向我指出,指的是包括利他林、Adderall、Concerta 和 Strattera 在内的一类药物。研究表明,兴奋剂会带来很高的依赖和成瘾风险。[6] 兴奋剂也可能变少

effective over time—meaning a child may need to take increasing doses to equal the original effect. Worst of all, and unlike techniques that modify behavior, discontinuing stimulants transports a child back to square one, with the added burden of withdrawal symptoms. Based on his research, Ophir wrote an op-ed for the left-wing newspaper Haaretz titled “ADHD Is Not an Illness and Ritalin Is Not a Cure.” Virality ensued. One of the top ADHD researchers in Israel wrote a letter to the Ministry of Health, Ophir says, threatening his license.
随着时间的流逝而有效,这意味着孩子可能需要服用增加的剂量才能达到原来的效果。最糟糕的是,与改变行为的技术不同,停用兴奋剂会让孩子回到原点,并增加戒断症状的负担。根据他的研究,奥菲尔为左翼报纸《国土报》撰写了一篇专栏文章,题为“多动症不是一种疾病,利他林不是一种治疗方法”。病毒式传播接踵而至。奥菲尔说,以色列的一位顶级多动症研究人员给卫生部写了一封信,威胁他的执照。

But Ophir did not back down. He found his way to the work of Thomas Armstrong, an American academic psychologist who, skeptical of prescribing stimulants to children, developed nondrug strategies for managing hyperactivity in kids.[7] In 2022, Ophir published his own book with the same title as his controversial article.
但奥菲尔没有退缩。他找到了美国学术心理学家托马斯·阿姆斯特朗(Thomas Armstrong)的工作之路,托马斯·阿姆斯特朗(Thomas Armstrong)对给儿童开兴奋剂持怀疑态度,并开发了控制儿童多动症的非药物策略。[7] 2022 年,Ophir 出版了自己的书,与他有争议的文章同名。

By then, Maayan was ten. Ophir says he and his wife have successfully treated Maayan’s ADHD with a series of behavioral modifications: chores, discipline, and structure. Ophir says these have helped Maayan thrive. Maayan makes his own lunch every day, unloads the dishwasher after every cycle, and gets his little sister to the school bus. Maayan may never be exactly like other kids, Ophir says; he may always be full of energy, distractable, and fall deeply into thought. That is more than fine with the Ophirs.
那时,Maayan已经十岁了。奥菲尔说,他和他的妻子通过一系列行为改变成功地治疗了玛雅的多动症:家务、纪律和结构。Ophir 说,这些帮助 Maayan 茁壮成长。Maayan每天自己做午餐,每次循环后卸下洗碗机,然后送妹妹上校车。Maayan可能永远不会像其他孩子一样,Ophir说;他可能总是精力充沛,心不在焉,陷入沉思。这对 Ophirs 来说绰绰有余。

Medicating Away Bad Feelings
消除不良情绪

Ophir successfully avoided treating his son’s ADHD with medication by pursuing a program of behavioral modification. What about anxiety and depression? Is there ever reason to resist banishing those with meds?
Ophir 通过实施行为矫正计划,成功地避免了用药物治疗儿子的多动症。焦虑和抑郁呢?有没有理由抵制用药物驱逐那些人?

I asked Notre Dame psychology professor Scott Monroe, an expert on depressive disorders, what he thinks about putting adolescents on antidepressants. “My personal opinion is, I would be very hesitant to do that.”
我问圣母大学心理学教授斯科特·门罗(Scott Monroe),他是抑郁症专家,他对让青少年服用抗抑郁药有何看法。“我个人的看法是,我会非常犹豫是否这样做。

Why?
为什么?

“Because they’re powerful drugs, and the brain systems haven’t solidified in adolescence. Male forebrains don’t really come together until almost the mid-twenties and there’s individual variation there. I’m not a biologist—I don’t know how badly it can impair brain development. But it seems like those are prime years. I’d want to find alternatives before implementing that.”
“因为它们是强效药物,而且大脑系统在青春期还没有固化。男性的前脑直到二十多岁才真正聚集在一起,并且存在个体差异。我不是生物学家——我不知道它会对大脑发育造成多大的损害。但似乎那是黄金岁月。我想在实施之前找到替代方案。

What about antianxiety drugs? Are they effective? I asked Steve Hollon, a professor of psychology at Vanderbilt University and an expert in the treatment of depression. “They’re about as effective as alcohol and only slightly more addictive,” he said. They blunt pain; they do not fix or cure— meaning, if you ever discontinue them, look out.
抗焦虑药呢?它们有效吗?我问了范德比尔特大学(Vanderbilt University)心理学教授、抑郁症治疗专家史蒂夫·霍伦(Steve Hollon)。“它们和酒精一样有效,只是更容易上瘾,”他说。它们钝化疼痛;它们不能修复或治愈——这意味着,如果你停止使用它们,请注意。

Unlike adults who choose to begin a course of psychotropic pharmaceuticals, medicated adolescents may never discover whether they can handle life at full strength. If we don’t allow teens to face the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune, they may never learn to weather them. They might look a lot like the young adults arriving on our college campuses— the ones careering toward nervous breakdown.
与选择开始精神药物疗程的成年人不同,服药的青少年可能永远不会发现他们是否能全力以赴地应对生活。如果我们不让青少年面对离谱的命运的弹弓和箭,他们可能永远不会学会经受住它们。他们可能看起来很像来到我们大学校园的年轻人——那些走向神经衰弱的人。

I began to wonder if teens placed on antidepressants might also lose something of the fullness of socialization—navigating peers, winning affection and testing it, suffering a hurt and muddling through. Would years in which their mental hardware was commandeered by meds amount to years they did not fully inhabit? And if so, wouldn’t many seem much younger than they are?
我开始怀疑,服用抗抑郁药的青少年是否也会失去一些充实的社交体验——与同龄人相处、赢得感情并测试它、遭受伤害和蒙混过关。他们的精神硬件被药物征用的年份是否相当于他们没有完全居住的年份?如果是这样,难道很多人看起来比他们年轻得多吗?

I asked Hollon what we’d expect to see in a society that indiscriminately placed moody teenagers on antidepressants and nervous teens on antianxiety medication.
我问霍伦,在一个不分青红皂白地让喜怒无常的青少年服用抗抑郁药,让紧张的青少年服用抗焦虑药物的社会中,我们期望看到什么。

“Oh, they wouldn’t learn to cope,” he said.
“哦,他们不会学会应对,”他说。

Anxiety and Even Depression Can Be Good for Us
焦虑甚至抑郁对我们有好处

There are costs to extirpating anxiety and depression, beyond side effects. Beyond even the loss of socialization and of learning to cope with social stressors. There is also the loss of the benefits anxiety and depression provide. You read that right: anxiety and depression exist for a reason.
除了副作用之外,消除焦虑和抑郁还有代价。甚至失去了社交和学习应对社会压力源。焦虑和抑郁带来的好处也随之丧失。你没看错:焦虑和抑郁的存在是有原因的。

Anxiety is anticipatory fear—worry about the threat of danger yet to come. Every anxiety expert I spoke to agreed: anxiety is not all bad.
焦虑是预期的恐惧——担心即将到来的危险威胁。与我交谈过的每一位焦虑症专家都同意:焦虑并不全是坏事。

Evolutionary psychologists think anxiety evolved to make us more alert to situations in which a tiger might be lurking behind the bush. “Arousal in the face of danger increases the chances of escape, and thus gives us an obvious selective advantage,” evolutionary psychiatrist Randolph Nesse explains in his fascinating book Good Reasons for Bad Feelings.[8] Anticipating danger buys us time and grants us additional options for evading harm.
进化心理学家认为,焦虑的进化是为了让我们对老虎可能潜伏在灌木丛后面的情况更加警觉。进化精神病学家伦道夫·内斯(Randolph Nesse)在他引人入胜的著作《坏情绪的好理由》(Good Reasons for Bad Feelings)[8]中解释道:“面对危险时的唤醒增加了逃跑的机会,从而给了我们明显的选择。

Depression is not all bad, either, and it, too, has a purpose: to protectively shut down the system, often after we’ve been overpowered, allowing us to retool and contemplate a different approach. So that we withdraw from the thing that caused us harm and take stock.[9]
抑郁症也不全是坏事,它也有一个目的:保护性地关闭系统,通常是在我们被压倒之后,让我们重新调整并考虑不同的方法。这样我们就可以从对我们造成伤害的事情中抽离出来并进行评估。[9]

When depression occurs after a significant failure or loss, it suppresses our inclination to act before we can do something rash: chase after the boy who dumped us; scream at the boss who fired us; throw good money after bad; or perform idiotic acts of high dudgeon in the face of rejection. Evolutionary psychologists often claim that “a depressive episode is one way of withdrawing from what they call an ‘unpropitious situation,’ ” Monroe said. When you’ve failed or lost, sometimes the best thing for you to do is sit tight and lick your wounds.
当抑郁症发生在重大失败或损失之后时,它会抑制我们在做出鲁莽行为之前采取行动的倾向:追逐甩掉我们的男孩;对解雇我们的老板大喊大叫;好钱接再坏;或者在面对拒绝时做出愚蠢的行为。进化心理学家经常声称,“抑郁发作是退出他们所谓的'不利情况'的一种方式,”门罗说。当你失败或失败时,有时你最好的办法就是坐下来舔舐你的伤口。

Would any of us ever perform at our best without fear of failure? Anxiety has been linked to creativity, intelligence, and getting us out of a bad situation quickly. It might also help us make clearer memories; pre- Christmas jitters help create a lifetime of Christmas memories.[10] The
我们中的任何人会不惧怕失败而发挥出最佳水平吗?焦虑与创造力、智力以及让我们迅速摆脱糟糕的境地有关。它还可以帮助我们建立更清晰的记忆;圣诞节前的紧张情绪有助于创造一生的圣诞回忆。[10] 已将

memory of your first kiss may stay with you forever because of the anxiety that precipitated it.
对初吻的记忆可能会永远伴随着你,因为促成它的焦虑。

When either of these closely related responses to danger becomes excessive—when anxiety or depression interferes with your ability to function—it may rise to the level of disorder. If your internal “smoke alarm,” as Nesse has called it, is always blaring when there is no fire, it’s not helping anything. This is a “dysregulation of a normal defense,” Nesse said.
当这些密切相关的危险反应中的任何一个变得过度时——当焦虑或抑郁干扰你的功能时——它可能会上升到紊乱的程度。如果你的内部“烟雾报警器”,正如Nesse所说的那样,在没有火灾时总是发出刺耳的声音,那么它没有任何帮助。这是“正常防御的失调”,Nesse说。

But in the main, anxiety and depression are healthy responses to life’s threats and debacles. Either can be uncomfortable and, if they preclude normal functioning, disordered. But anxiety and depression themselves aren’t a dysfunction. It’s only if you’re experiencing chronic anxiety or depression that you cannot otherwise resolve that you might begin to consider pharmaceutical intervention.
但总的来说,焦虑和抑郁是对生活威胁和崩溃的健康反应。任何一种都可能令人不舒服,如果它们妨碍了正常功能,则会导致紊乱。但焦虑和抑郁本身并不是一种功能障碍。只有当您正在经历慢性焦虑或抑郁时,您才能以其他方式解决,您才可能开始考虑药物干预。

If, however, your depression is occasioned by an unhappy relationship, a job you feel trapped in, a breakup, or the death of someone you love, that may qualify as “depression,” but it isn’t necessarily pathological. Taking drugs to combat sadness may sabotage your resolve to set your life on a better course or do those things that might help you not just to plod through, but to heal. On antidepressants, you may feel at peace with your sad circumstances—but you may also be less likely to remediate them.
然而,如果你的抑郁症是由一段不愉快的关系、你觉得被困在其中的工作、分手或你所爱的人的死亡引起的,这可能符合“抑郁症”的条件,但它不一定是病态的。服用药物来对抗悲伤可能会破坏你让生活走上更好道路的决心,或者做那些可能不仅能帮助你度过难关,而且能帮助你治愈的事情。服用抗抑郁药后,您可能会对自己的悲惨情况感到平静,但您也可能不太可能补救它们。

Andy Thomson, a psychiatrist at the University of Virginia, made this point to the New York Times with an anecdote taken from his own clinical practice. “I remember one patient who came in and said she needed to reduce her dosage. I asked her if the antidepressants were working, and she said something I’ll never forget,” Thomson said. ‘Yes, they’re working great,’ she told me. ‘I feel so much better. But I’m still married to the same alcoholic son of a bitch. It’s just now he’s tolerable.’ [11]
弗吉尼亚大学(University of Virginia)的精神病学家安迪·汤姆森(Andy Thomson)向《纽约时报》讲述了他自己的临床实践中的一则轶事。“我记得有一位病人进来说她需要减少剂量。我问她抗抑郁药是否有效,她说了一些我永远不会忘记的话,“汤姆森说。“'是的,他们工作得很好,'她告诉我。我感觉好多了。但我仍然嫁给了同一个酗酒的婊子。只是现在他可以忍受了。”[11]

Put another way, antidepressants sometimes transform a short-term, acute pain into a low-grade chronic one. “If you give [adolescents] medication for anxiety—and I would say, you could extend it to depression
换句话说,抗抑郁药有时会将短期的急性疼痛转化为低度的慢性疼痛。“如果你给[青少年]治疗焦虑症的药物——我会说,你可以把它扩展到抑郁症

—if you palliate those symptoms, you are messing with the natural adaptive
如果你缓和这些症状,你就是在扰乱自然适应性

resources of the human being that has evolved over centuries,” Monroe said.
几个世纪以来进化的人类资源,“门罗说。

Not all anxiety amounts to anxiety disorder. Not all bouts of depression constitute depressive disorder. Some amount of each, however painful, may do us good, helping us react faster, remember more clearly, or even think more deeply about our lives.
并非所有的焦虑都构成焦虑症。并非所有抑郁症都构成抑郁症。每一种,无论多么痛苦,都可能对我们有益,帮助我们更快地做出反应,更清晰地记住,甚至更深入地思考我们的生活。

In a controversial but highly intriguing hypothesis, Thomson and evolutionary psychologist Paul Andrews argue that depression may even spur a deeper form of analytical thinking, known as Type 2 thinking. Depression’s well-known symptom—stopping you from engaging in social activity—may be evolution’s way of curtailing distraction so that you can reflect unimpeded on your problem.[12] It is no accident that Churchill’s and Lincoln’s deep moral insights were preceded by periods of depression, Andrews told me. “The function of the depressed mood is to employ this Type 2 thinking to try and help you analyze and hopefully solve your problems,” he said.
在一个有争议但非常有趣的假设中,汤姆森和进化心理学家保罗·安德鲁斯认为,抑郁症甚至可能激发一种更深层次的分析思维形式,即所谓的2型思维。抑郁症的著名症状——阻止你参与社交活动——可能是进化减少分心的方式,这样你就可以不受阻碍地反思你的问题。[12]安德鲁斯告诉我,丘吉尔和林肯深刻的道德洞察之前有过抑郁时期,这绝非偶然。“抑郁情绪的功能是采用这种2型思维来尝试帮助你分析并希望解决你的问题,”他说。

If young people view their bad feelings as intrinsically pathological, they will look to drugs to provide the relief, Nesse pointed out to me. If, instead, they view the bad feelings as a natural outgrowth of their situation, they might be more inspired to make changes. After they exit a destructive relationship or put feelers out for a new job, they may not only feel relief but justifiable pride. And they will have a basis for believing that the next time things go south, they can turn things around again, too.
如果年轻人认为他们的坏情绪本质上是病态的,他们会寻求药物来缓解,Nesse向我指出。相反,如果他们将不良情绪视为他们处境的自然产物,他们可能会更有灵感做出改变。在他们退出一段破坏性的关系或让触角去找一份新工作后,他们可能不仅感到如释重负,而且有理由感到自豪。他们将有理由相信,下次事情向南发展时,他们也可以再次扭转局面。

Melanie: The Doctor Put Our Eleven-Year-Old on Antidepressants (He Was Out of Ideas)
梅兰妮:医生让我们十一岁的孩子服用抗抑郁药(他没有想法)

Melanie has spent years worrying over her “really sensitive child,” Dylan. She liked taking him to the park with the other kids from his preschool class, but when he threw tantrums and refused to go, she abandoned that activity. When he complained that the other boys in his class were too rough, she held him back so he could hang with a gentler cohort. When he
梅兰妮多年来一直担心她“非常敏感的孩子”迪伦。她喜欢带他和学前班的其他孩子一起去公园,但当他发脾气并拒绝去时,她放弃了这项活动。当他抱怨班上的其他男孩太粗暴时,她把他拉了回来,这样他就可以和更温和的同学在一起。当他

complained that the car ride to visit his cousins was too long, the visits ended.
抱怨去看望堂兄弟的车太长,探望结束了。

Melanie took her preschooler to a therapist to figure out why he didn’t like school. The therapist decided there was nothing wrong with Dylan but continued to see the child for as long as insurance would pay for it. Dylan enjoyed the extra attention.
梅兰妮带她的学龄前儿童去看治疗师,以弄清楚他为什么不喜欢上学。治疗师认为迪伦没有错,但只要保险支付费用,他就会继续看孩子。迪伦享受着额外的关注。

Dylan’s ups and downs tormented Melanie. He would suddenly be very interested in a sport, lose interest, then regain it without warning. “He goes through these phases where he’s up. And that’s why I always wondered if he had some type of chemical imbalance,[13] you know, with depression. Because sometimes he was up and happy and willing to try things and go for it. And then other times, he was like ‘No, no, whatever.’
迪伦的起起落落折磨着梅兰妮。他会突然对一项运动非常感兴趣,失去兴趣,然后毫无征兆地重新获得兴趣。“他经历了这些阶段。这就是为什么我总是怀疑他是否患有某种化学失衡,[13]你知道,患有抑郁症。因为有时他很开心,愿意尝试并去做。然后其他时候,他会说'不,不,随便。”

When Dylan complained that being called on in class by the teacher made him nervous, Melanie asked the teacher to stop calling on him. The teacher agreed.
当迪伦抱怨在课堂上被老师叫到让他紧张时,梅兰妮要求老师不要再叫他了。老师同意了。

In fourth grade, Dylan began to have panic attacks in class. If he struggled with a math problem, he would cry. “He doesn’t like to do anything if he’s not really good at it,” Melanie told me. “He can’t seem to tolerate feeling like he hasn’t done well or failed. Even though nobody else really cares.”
四年级时,迪伦开始在课堂上惊恐发作。如果他在数学题上挣扎,他会哭。“如果他不擅长,他就不喜欢做任何事情,”梅兰妮告诉我。“他似乎无法忍受自己做得不好或失败的感觉。即使没有人真正关心。

Thanksgiving of 2021, when Dylan was eleven, he woke his parents up at daybreak, screaming bloody murder, complaining of a terrible stomachache. “His whole face—you know, so much pain. He’d have like diarrhea and vomiting at the same time and, we were pretty freaked out.” For a period of four months, they took him to a series of doctors. Melanie didn’t just cancel Thanksgiving—she stopped leaving him alone at all. Melanie and her husband stopped going on dates.
2021 年的感恩节,迪伦 11 岁时,他在黎明时分叫醒了父母,尖叫着血腥的谋杀,抱怨肚子痛得很厉害。“他的整张脸——你知道,太痛苦了。他会同时腹泻和呕吐,我们被吓坏了。在四个月的时间里,他们带他去看了一系列医生。梅兰妮不仅取消了感恩节,还不再让他一个人呆着。梅兰妮和她的丈夫停止了约会。

But no gastroenterologist could find anything wrong with him. Finally, not knowing what else to do, one of his doctors put Dylan on Lexapro, an antidepressant. Was it helping? Melanie wasn’t sure.
但是没有一个胃肠病学家能发现他有什么问题。最后,由于不知道还能做些什么,他的一位医生让迪伦服用了抗抑郁药Lexapro。有帮助吗?梅兰妮不确定。

“I’d have to say, this motherhood thing is kicking my ass,” Melanie told me.
“我不得不说,这个母性的事情正在踢我的屁股,”梅兰妮告诉我。

This became a typical story I heard from parents: Their kid was inattentive in class, restless, weird, recalcitrant, or generally unhappy. A first trip to the neuropsychologist indicates he’s “within normal range.” The neuropsychologist reviews the child’s symptoms, observes the child, consults his vast diagnostic toolkit, and declines to peg the child as disordered.
这成了我从父母那里听到的一个典型故事:他们的孩子在课堂上注意力不集中、焦躁不安、古怪、顽固或普遍不快乐。第一次去看神经心理学家表明他“在正常范围内”。神经心理学家会审查孩子的症状,观察孩子,查阅他庞大的诊断工具包,并拒绝将孩子归类为紊乱。

But then the child gets into a fight with another kid at school, or the teacher complains he’s distracting in class, or he’s just not doing what she asked. But what’s wrong with him? That part remains vague. A pediatrician saves the day by prescribing psychiatric medication.
但后来孩子在学校和另一个孩子吵架,或者老师抱怨他在课堂上分散注意力,或者他只是没有按照她的要求去做。但是他怎么了?这部分仍然含糊不清。儿科医生通过开精神科药物来挽救这一天。

These parents seemed like they’d been forced to drive the highway in a car with no windshield, random debris constantly hitting them in the face. New diagnoses, new explanations, new medications, new therapies. They were miserable, and not just until they started their kids on psychiatric medications—after that, too. They were white-knuckling parenting, awaiting the conveyance of the medication’s fresh side effects: sleeplessness, mood swings, weight gain, shallow hugs.
这些父母似乎被迫开着一辆没有挡风玻璃的汽车在高速公路上行驶,随机的碎片不断打在他们的脸上。新的诊断,新的解释,新的药物,新的疗法。他们很痛苦,直到他们开始让孩子服用精神科药物——在那之后也是如此。他们是白手起家的育儿方式,等待着药物新副作用的传达:失眠、情绪波动、体重增加、浅浅的拥抱。

A question arrived nightly to their bedside, like a child who refuses sleep: Why can’t anyone fix this?
一个问题每晚都会出现在他们的床边,就像一个拒绝睡觉的孩子:为什么没有人能解决这个问题?

Meds as an Alternative to Discipline
药物作为纪律的替代品

We didn’t want to place our kids in a chemical straitjacket. We didn’t plan to spend our days dreaming up manipulative ways to cover for them when they failed (begging their teachers over email to forgive missed assignments; pleading with coaches to let them on to teams they didn’t make; firing off a vaguely litigious email to the principal if the coach wasn’t immediately solicitous). We aren’t proud of the times we sneaked an AirTag into their backpacks or tracked their movements on an app on our phones; we simply had no faith in the judgment of those we’d raised. We know kids do best when they’re given some independence. We just couldn’t
我们不想把我们的孩子放在化学束缚中。我们不打算花时间在他们失败时想出操纵性的方法来弥补他们(通过电子邮件恳求他们的老师原谅错过的作业;恳求教练让他们加入他们没有进入的球队;如果教练没有立即征求意见,就向校长发送一封含糊不清的诉讼电子邮件)。我们并不为我们偷偷将 AirTag 放入他们的背包或在手机上的应用程序上跟踪他们的行动而感到自豪;我们根本不相信我们养育的人的判断。我们知道,当孩子们获得一些独立性时,他们会做得最好。我们就是做不到

trust them with it. Our guaranteed high regard, never withheld, could not inspire them to better behavior.
相信他们。我们保证的高度重视,从不隐瞒,无法激励他们做出更好的行为。

Therapeutic parenting seemed gentler in the moment and kinder to the individual kid. But when you took a step back, the picture changed, new characters swam into view. A child who hit other kids and never faced punishment—he went on doing that until he was medicated. A child who couldn’t pay attention because she spent each morning glued to an interactive screen—she became a distraction to other students in class. We medicated her as well.
治疗性育儿在那一刻似乎更温和,对每个孩子都更友善。但当你退后一步时,画面发生了变化,新的角色游入视野。一个打其他孩子却从未受到惩罚的孩子——他一直这样做,直到他被服药。一个无法集中注意力的孩子,因为她每天早上都盯着一个互动屏幕——她成为课堂上其他学生的分心者。我们也给她下了药。

“Relief” is the word gentle parents use most often when a pediatrician at last hands them a diagnosis and prescription: We were so relieved to know what was wrong with him, many parents have told me.
“解脱”是温柔的父母最常用的词,当儿科医生最后递给他们诊断和处方时:许多父母告诉我,知道他出了什么问题,我们松了一口气。

But then the meds needed adjusting. There are unintended side effects. Adding a second drug lessened the side effect of the first. The next thing we knew, we were raising teens on two, four—ten different psychiatric drugs.
但随后药物需要调整。有意想不到的副作用。添加第二种药物减轻了第一种药物的副作用。我们知道的下一件事是,我们用两种、四种、十种不同的精神药物抚养青少年。

[14]

The Smile
微笑

Halfway through my very long night interviewing Ophir over Zoom, I caught a flutter of something: a smile. Whenever he recalled something Maayan had said or done that seemed ADHD-like, there it was, flashing across my monitor like a bird taking wing.
在我通过Zoom采访Ophir的漫长夜晚的中途,我捕捉到了某种东西的颤动:微笑。每当他回想起Maayan说过或做过的事情时,它就像一只鸟儿展翅高飞一样,在我的显示器上闪过。

Ophir told me all the things that made Maayan different: the way Maayan likes to mix his ice cream with soft cheese, how roughly he loads plates into the dishwasher. Ophir urged me to watch videos of Maayan being creative or quirky or cute. He was so obviously tickled by the kid. And that’s when I realized: I hadn’t observed this from a single American parent I interviewed whose children had been variously diagnosed and medicated. Not one.
Ophir 向我讲述了 Maayan 与众不同的所有事情:Maayan 喜欢将冰淇淋与软奶酪混合的方式,以及他将盘子放入洗碗机的粗糙程度。Ophir 敦促我观看 Maayan 富有创意、古怪或可爱的视频。他显然被这个孩子逗乐了。就在那时,我意识到:我没有从我采访的一位美国父母那里观察到这一点,他们的孩子被诊断和接受各种药物治疗。没有一个。

Each had the harried, exhausted feel of someone who’d been up for days. They stated their love for the child many times, but it was a heavy, wearied
每个人都有一种熬了好几天的人的烦恼、疲惫的感觉。他们多次表达了对孩子的爱,但那是沉重的,疲惫的

sort of love. They mentioned the shallow hugs and listlessness, the constant adjustment of meds and agonizing wait for the appearance of new side effects. Their voices fell flat. If you listened only to their tone, the feeling they gave off most distinctly was of defeat.
有点爱。他们提到了浅浅的拥抱和无精打采,药物的不断调整以及痛苦地等待新的副作用的出现。他们的声音平淡无奇。如果你只听他们的语气,他们最明显的感觉是失败。

Here was Yaakov Ophir, ignoring the advice of established experts in his own profession, loving his kid as he was. Giving the kid far more rules and structure—and chores!—than so many of today’s experts deem advisable.
这是雅科夫·奥菲尔(Yaakov Ophir),无视自己专业知名专家的建议,像他一样爱他的孩子。给孩子更多的规则和结构——以及家务!——比今天的许多专家认为的要多得多。

Ophir listed the chores, from laundry to gardening, that he and his wife had assigned to Maayan as a way of combating the carelessness that comes from being a certain type of boy. The kid wasn’t exactly neat, Ophir wanted me to know. “He’s not the most organized. He’s not organized at all. And only last week, he lost his new sandals that we just bought him. And do you know how many shirts and sandals? It’s very expensive to raise such a child.”
奥菲尔列出了他和妻子分配给马扬的家务,从洗衣到园艺,以此来对抗因成为某种类型的男孩而产生的粗心大意。这孩子不太整洁,奥菲尔想让我知道。“他不是最有条理的。他根本没有组织。就在上周,他丢了我们刚给他买的新凉鞋。你知道有多少件衬衫和凉鞋吗?养育这样的孩子是非常昂贵的。

Funny he should mention that.
有趣的是,他应该提到这一点。

My twin sons, at the same age, had lost eight sweatshirts at school over the previous year. Eight. And since this was 2021, while the pandemic raged and any adult could be Typhoid Mary, I wasn’t allowed into the school to dig through the lost and found in the hopes of finding them.
我的双胞胎儿子,同龄,去年在学校丢了八件运动衫。八。由于这是 2021 年,当大流行肆虐,任何成年人都可能成为伤寒玛丽时,我不被允许进入学校挖掘失物招领处,希望能找到它们。

But while Ophir clearly saw plenty of room for improvement, he didn’t regard his son as disabled. He wasn’t about to lower his standards for Maayan, either. “He only walks with shoes, not with sandals, although it’s very hot here,” Ophir told me. “Until we get these sandals back, we’ll not buy a new one.”
但是,尽管奥菲尔显然看到了很大的改进空间,但他并不认为他的儿子是残疾人。他也不打算降低对Maayan的标准。“他只穿鞋走路,不穿凉鞋,虽然这里很热,”奥菲尔告诉我。“在我们拿回这双凉鞋之前,我们不会买新的。

It struck me that so many of the parents I met who had turned their kids’ lives over to psychiatry, didn’t seem to enjoy their kids anymore. Ophir not only loved, but enjoyed his kid madly. He didn’t care what Maayan’s teachers had to say. (And really, truly, why should he?) This was his son, and Ophir was wild about him just as he was.
令我吃惊的是,我遇到的许多父母都把孩子的生活交给了精神病学,他们似乎不再喜欢他们的孩子了。奥菲尔不仅爱他的孩子,而且疯狂地享受他的孩子。他不在乎Maayan的老师怎么说。(真的,真的,他为什么要这样做?这是他的儿子,奥菲尔对他很狂热,就像他一样。

We lost this somewhere along the way: the sense that these kids we raise, they’re ours. Our responsibility and our privilege. We are not the subordinates of the school psychologist or the pediatrician or our kids’ teachers. We are more important than all of them combined—as far as our
一路走来,我们在某个地方失去了这种感觉:我们抚养的这些孩子,他们是我们的。我们的责任和特权。我们不是学校心理学家、儿科医生或孩子老师的下属。我们比所有这些加起来都重要——就我们而言

kids are concerned. We gave our kids life, we sustained it, and we are the ones who bear the direct emotional consequences of how those lives turn out. It’s time we acted like it.
孩子们很担心。我们给了我们的孩子生命,我们维持了它,我们是承担这些生活结果的直接情感后果的人。现在是我们采取行动的时候了。

I don’t know how to raise your kid. I don’t know your values. And I
我不知道如何抚养你的孩子。我不知道你的价值观。而我

distrust, instinctively, most who would claim to know these things. I certainly don’t believe that any mental health expert does. They’ve already cocked up this child-rearing thing so badly.
本能地不信任大多数声称知道这些事情的人。我当然不相信任何心理健康专家会这样做。他们已经把养育孩子的事情搞得如此糟糕了。

Mental health experts have earned a hearty dose of skepticism that they know how to help a child thrive. They are famously slow to acknowledge even their disastrous errors.[15] If anything, the past two decades suggest that today’s mental health experts ought to take a hard look at all of their advice and consider the possibility that much of it is dead wrong.
心理健康专家对他们知道如何帮助孩子茁壮成长表示怀疑。众所周知,他们甚至迟迟不承认自己的灾难性错误。[15] 如果说有什么不同的话,那就是过去的二十年表明,今天的心理健康专家应该认真审视他们的所有建议,并考虑其中大部分是完全错误的可能性。

They have presided over a disaster. They convinced a generation of parents who wanted to give their kids everything—who devoted more time and energy to their children than any prior—that we didn’t know what we were doing. They convinced us that parenting involved skills and expertise, things we needed them to provide us.
他们主持了一场灾难。他们说服了一代想要给孩子一切的父母——他们比以往任何时候都为孩子投入了更多的时间和精力——我们不知道自己在做什么。他们说服我们,养育子女涉及技能和专业知识,我们需要他们为我们提供的东西。

But parenting is not a skill. It’s a relationship—or, it was. Before the experts professionalized it, turning time with our kids into a loathsome chore. We aped and practiced their stilted way of speaking, disavowed our instincts, wiped out our histories, and landed here: pleading with miserable kids to perk up and behave. A lousy trick to play on people who’d wanted kids so badly. Lousier for the kids whose parents view them as a grim obligation.
但养育子女不是一种技能。这是一种关系——或者说,确实如此。在专家将其专业化之前,与孩子在一起的时间变成了一件令人讨厌的苦差事。我们模仿并实践了他们生硬的说话方式,否定了我们的本能,抹去了我们的历史,并降落在这里:恳求可怜的孩子们振作起来并表现得更好。对那些非常想要孩子的人玩了一个糟糕的伎俩。对于那些父母将他们视为严峻义务的孩子来说,这更糟糕。

The experts trained us to see our own children as they did: objectively. We began measuring our kids against an ideal the experts set for attention or agreeableness or pliability to a teacher’s wishes. As if conformity to a teacher’s wishes were the best measure of our little girl or boy.
专家们训练我们客观地看待自己的孩子。我们开始根据专家设定的理想来衡量我们的孩子,即关注或宜人或柔韧性,以符合老师的意愿。仿佛顺从老师的意愿是衡量我们小女孩或男孩的最好标准。

I don’t know how to raise your kid. But you do.
我不知道如何抚养你的孩子。但你做到了。

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Part III
第三部分

Maybe There’s Nothing Wrong with Our Kids
也许我们的孩子没有错

But life without meaning is the torture Of restlessness and vague desire—
但没有意义的人生,是躁动不安和模糊欲望的折磨——

It is a boat longing for the sea and yet afraid.
这是一艘渴望大海但又害怕的船。

—Edgar Lee Masters
——埃德加·李·马斯特斯

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Chapter 11
第11章

This Will Be Our Final Session
这将是我们的最后一场会议

T

here’s a story my father likes to tell about his mother, a Jew of German extraction who was bright and imperious and cutting. Her manicure, flawless. Her hair, neatly set. She excelled at every card
这是我父亲喜欢讲的一个关于他母亲的故事,她是一个德国血统的犹太人,聪明、专横、尖锐。她的美甲,完美无瑕。她的头发,整齐地排列着。她在每张牌上都表现出色

game from bridge to blackjack and made quick work of the New York Times
从桥牌到二十一点的游戏,并迅速完成了《纽约时报》的工作

crossword (in pen).
填字游戏(用笔)。

More comfortable with silence than blather, she had little patience for prudery and favored the honesty of a dirty joke. Family was her truest religion. But she rarely doted on or embraced any of her four children. Even by the standard of the 1960s, she was cold.
比起喋喋不休,她更愿意保持沉默,她对矜持没有耐心,喜欢诚实地开一个肮脏的笑话。家庭是她最真实的宗教。但她很少溺爱或拥抱她的四个孩子中的任何一个。即使按照 1960 年代的标准,她也很冷。

Motherhood was a role she performed diligently and with dispatch. When my father showed early promise as an artist at the age of six, she enrolled her dreamy second son in a drafting class. One day, when she arrived to pick him up after the session, the art teacher asked to speak with her.
母亲是她勤奋而有调度地扮演的角色。当我父亲在六岁时就表现出了成为一名艺术家的早期希望时,她让她梦想中的二儿子参加了一个绘图班。有一天,当她下课后来接他时,美术老师要求和她谈谈。

“Your son spends a lot of time staring out the window,” the artist said to my grandmother. “I think there might be something wrong with him.”
“你儿子花了很多时间盯着窗外看,”艺术家对我的祖母说。“我觉得他可能有问题。”

My grandmother decided then and there that the art teacher was an imbecile. “I pay you to teach him art, not to psychoanalyze my son.” The
我的祖母当时就认为美术老师是个低能儿。“我付钱给你是教他艺术,而不是对我儿子进行精神分析。这

snap of her will, decisive as the shiny clasp on her handbag.
她的意志力,果断地像她手提包上闪亮的扣子一样。

For my father, the memory of that exchange always provided proof, rarely paid out in compliments or hugs, of her deep maternal love. But I offer it here for what it is: pure anachronism.
对我父亲来说,那次交流的记忆总是能证明她深厚的母爱,很少以赞美或拥抱的方式表达出来。但我在这里提供它的本质:纯粹的不合时宜。

Today, the story would likely proceed differently. The mother would panic and invite the art teacher to tell her more. The rest of the snowball’s descent is predictable. At the parents’ invitation, a now-familiar phalanx of professionals would blunder in, lodging themselves between parent and child: therapists, teachers, educational and parenting experts, psychiatrists, and even activists—anyone with an opinion about a child they may have just met and for whom they have neither love nor responsibility. None of whom bears the slightest consequence of their bad advice.
今天,这个故事可能会以不同的方式进行。母亲会惊慌失措,邀请美术老师告诉她更多。雪球的其余部分下降是可以预测的。在父母的邀请下,一群现在熟悉的专业人士会闯进来,在父母和孩子之间徘徊:治疗师、教师、教育和育儿专家、精神科医生,甚至是活动家——任何对他们可能刚刚认识的孩子有意见的人,他们既没有爱也没有责任。他们中没有一个人对他们的错误建议承担丝毫后果。

Love Means Occasionally Telling an Expert to Get Lost
爱意味着偶尔告诉专家迷路

“One of the unfortunate things about Anglo-American culture is that it’s become extremely wary of what I call ‘informal relationships,’ the relationships between men and women, between adults and children,” British sociologist Frank Furedi told me.
“英美文化的一个不幸之处在于,它对我所说的'非正式关系',即男人和女人之间、成人和儿童之间的关系,变得非常警惕,”英国社会学家弗兰克·弗雷迪(Frank Furedi)告诉我。

We mistrust spontaneous and unregulated interactions, which are seen as dangerous and full of unacceptable risk (giving offense, experiencing shame or rejection, exerting undue “power”). So we regulate and sanitize them with “education” and interventions.
我们不信任自发和不受监管的互动,这些互动被视为危险且充满不可接受的风险(冒犯、感到羞耻或拒绝、施加不当的“权力”)。因此,我们通过“教育”和干预来规范和消毒它们。

But as a brilliant academic psychologist pointed out to me,[1] this process of regulating our relationships also drains interactions of their vitality and meaning, rendering them uninteresting or awkward. The response, then, is even more intervention. More training workshops for parents. More lessons for fourth-grade girls on “How to Be a Good Friend.” There is no end to it
但正如一位杰出的学术心理学家向我指出的那样,[1]这种调节我们关系的过程也耗尽了互动的活力和意义,使它们变得无趣或尴尬。因此,回应是更多的干预。更多针对家长的培训研讨会。为四年级女生提供更多关于“如何成为好朋友”的课程。它没有尽头

—no point at which the so-called experts say: Maybe we shouldn’t push our snouts into this area of their lives—the giggly inner sanctum of girl friendship? Maybe we should leave these kids alone.
——没有所谓的专家说:也许我们不应该把我们的鼻子伸进他们生活的这个领域——女孩友谊的傻笑内心圣地?也许我们应该让这些孩子一个人呆着。

The great African American poet Robert Hayden felt his father’s devotion not through any declaration, which his father may never have made, but paid out in steady acts of sacrifice. “Sundays too my father got up early and put his clothes on in the blueblack cold,” Hayden wrote.[2] “Then with cracked hands that ached from labor in the weekday weather made banked fires blaze. No one ever thanked him.” Warmed by the fire, bolstered by his father’s durable love, Hayden asks: “What did I know, what did I know of love’s austere and lonely offices?”
伟大的非裔美国诗人罗伯特·海登(Robert Hayden)感受到了他父亲的奉献精神,不是通过任何他父亲可能从未做出过的宣言,而是通过稳定的牺牲行为来付出。“星期天,我父亲也早早起床,在蓝黑色的寒冷中穿上衣服,”海登写道。[2]“然后,在平日的天气里,因劳动而疼痛的双手破裂,使堤岸的火熊熊燃烧。从来没有人感谢过他。在父亲持久的爱的支撑下,海登被火炉温暖着,他问道:“我知道什么,我知道爱的简朴和孤独的办公室吗?

It may not have been perfect, but given the laconic, stoical man his father seems to have been—maybe it was. Anything else from such a man might have felt like artifice.
这可能并不完美,但考虑到他父亲似乎是一个简洁、坚忍的人——也许确实如此。这种男人的其他任何事情都可能感觉像是技巧。

For years, therapeutic experts have attempted to iron out the idiosyncrasies of parent-child interaction—and in the last two decades, all but succeeded. They injected ideology and faux perfectionism into the parent-child relationship, and subjected every aspect to their examination and judgment.
多年来,治疗专家一直试图消除亲子互动的特质,在过去的二十年里,几乎都成功了。他们在亲子关系中注入了意识形态和虚假的完美主义,并对各个方面进行了审视和判断。

Parent-child relationships have always varied according to values, family culture, and the variegations of personality. Our friendships and marriages and sibling and parent relationships aren’t precious because they conform to an approved pattern. They are precious because they are ours
亲子关系总是根据价值观、家庭文化和性格的多样性而变化。我们的友谊、婚姻、兄弟姐妹和父母关系并不珍贵,因为它们符合一种被认可的模式。它们是珍贵的,因为它们是我们的
.

Parents, Subtract Yourselves
父母们,减去你们自己

Experts are not the only ones getting in the way of our kids’ normal maturation; parents’ epidemic of overinvolvement in kids’ lives is by now the stuff of legend. We ask teachers to seat our elementary kids next to others we’ve chosen, demand to speak to high school teachers and even college professors who dare give our children a bad grade, and intervene with our young adults’ bosses (all stories people have told me).
专家并不是唯一阻碍我们孩子正常成熟的人;父母过度参与孩子生活的流行现在已经成为传说。我们要求老师把我们的小学生放在我们选择的其他人旁边,要求与高中老师甚至敢于给我们的孩子成绩不好的大学教授交谈,并干预我们年轻人的老板(所有人们告诉我的故事)。

WhatsApp has become a nightmarish blizzard of parental anxiety: Does anyone know what’s on tomorrow’s social studies test? Did Mrs. Tyler assign science homework? This, even for fourteen-year-olds.
WhatsApp已经成为父母焦虑的噩梦般的暴风雪:有谁知道明天的社会研究考试会有什么?泰勒夫人布置了科学作业吗?即使对于十四岁的孩子来说也是如此。

And yet we know—not only because the best psychological research indicates it, but also from years of inherited wisdom—that kids need space from adult oversight. They thrive with independence, a certain level of responsibility and autonomy and, yes, failure. They never learn to do for themselves if we do everything for them. Risky play—rough-and-tumble, or involving heights, sharp tools, and some actual danger—not only rewards kids with joy and social competence, it may make them less phobic and better able to navigate and assess risks in the future.[3] Small failures and injuries help rather than hurt kids.
然而,我们知道——不仅因为最好的心理学研究表明了这一点,而且从多年的继承智慧来看——孩子们需要空间来摆脱成人的监督。他们因独立、一定程度的责任和自主权而茁壮成长,是的,失败。如果我们为他们做所有事情,他们永远不会学会为自己做事。冒险的游戏——颠簸,或涉及高度、锋利的工具和一些实际的危险——不仅会给孩子带来快乐和社交能力,还可能使他们不那么恐惧,并能够更好地驾驭和评估未来的风险。[3] 小小的失败和伤害对孩子有帮助,而不是伤害孩子。

But the advice “give them autonomy” or “assign them tasks that maximize independence” gets things backward. It only ends up participating in the problem of ruining our kids through overtreatment. You don’t give a child independence any more than you give a child confidence, however much it flatters us to think we do. In most circumstances, you simply get out of their way—stop interfering—and independence takes its course.
但是,“给他们自主权”或“给他们分配最大独立性的任务”的建议会让事情倒退。它最终只会参与通过过度治疗毁掉我们孩子的问题。你给孩子的独立性并不比你给孩子信心更多,无论我们多么自以为是。在大多数情况下,你只要让开他们的路——停止干涉——独立就会自然而然地发生。

In our cluttered lives, buffeted by trivial communication and pointless alerts, the way to a calmer, healthier existence must begin with subtraction
在我们杂乱无章的生活中,被琐碎的沟通和毫无意义的警报所冲击,通往更平静、更健康的生活的道路必须从减法开始
.

[4] Take all the stuff you’re doing for your kids—all the tech and entertainment you supply and activities you schedule—and toss about a third of it out. Our kids were doing so much better when they had less—less distraction, less stimulation, less supervision, less intervention, less interference, less accommodation, less parenting. The weight of psychological research demonstrates what kids need most is for their parents (and technology) to stop interrupting, monitoring, curating— diverting them from the organic miracle of growing up.
[4] 把你为孩子做的所有事情——你提供的所有技术和娱乐以及你安排的活动——扔掉大约三分之一。我们的孩子在更少的分心、更少的刺激、更少的监督、更少的干预、更少的干扰、更少的适应、更少的养育方式时,会做得更好。心理学研究的分量表明,孩子们最需要的是他们的父母(和技术)停止打断、监控、策划——将他们从成长的有机奇迹中转移开来。

They Aren’t Weak—Unless We Make Them That Way
它们并不弱——除非我们把它们变成那样

Stop acting as if your child will die if she doesn’t get her snack; that she’ll fall apart if she’s made to sit next to an obnoxious child in class. If she’s not
不要再表现得好像你的孩子不吃零食就会死;如果她在课堂上坐在一个令人讨厌的孩子旁边,她会崩溃的。如果她不是

in the same reading group as her friends, don’t call the teacher and insist that the groups be reorganized because your daughter can’t possibly discuss Wonder seated next to anyone but Kennedy.
和她的朋友在同一个读书小组里,不要打电话给老师,坚持要重新组织小组,因为你的女儿不可能坐在肯尼迪旁边讨论奇迹。

Stop implanting your outsized worries in their heads. Stop flinging the word “bullying” around just because another girl said something mean to your daughter; that’s an unpleasantness she’s destined to face again and must learn to handle. Stop monitoring and evaluating everything your kids do and stop overpraising them for doing things that aren’t hard. You’re not spurring them to adulthood, you’re insisting that they always regard themselves as little children.
不要再在他们的脑海中植入你过大的担忧了。不要仅仅因为另一个女孩对你的女儿说了一些刻薄的话而四处乱扔“欺凌”这个词;这是她注定要再次面对的不愉快,必须学会处理。停止监控和评估孩子所做的一切,停止过度表扬他们做不难的事情。你不是在刺激他们长大成人,而是坚持让他们永远把自己当成小孩子。

Stop telling them they’re weak, in so many ways; if you could do something at their age, let them give it a whirl. They aren’t weak—unless you make them that way. They’re remarkably sturdy and naturally very strong.
不要再告诉他们自己在很多方面都很软弱;如果你能在他们这个年纪做点什么,那就让他们试一试吧。它们并不弱——除非你把它们变成那样。它们非常坚固,自然非常坚固。

Somewhere along the line, we forgot all this. We abjured authority and lost all perspective. Any evidence of a mental health “symptom” became a command that we immediately hand the kid over to an expert. We forgot that with adolescents, some things are a phase. Many episodes of teen sadness will resolve on their own.
在这条线上的某个地方,我们忘记了这一切。我们放弃了权威,失去了所有的观点。任何心理健康“症状”的证据都变成了我们立即将孩子交给专家的命令。我们忘记了,对于青少年来说,有些事情是一个阶段。许多青少年悲伤的发作会自行解决。

Cognitive behavioral psychologist Roger McFillin told me he believes even minor cutting isn’t necessarily a dire crisis in every instance. “We are aware that when self-harm serves the purpose of seeking nurturing, attention, or evading responsibility, responding to such behavior in this manner will only reinforce its occurrence. Regrettably, some adolescents have acquired the skill of weaponizing self-injury.”
认知行为心理学家罗杰·麦克菲林(Roger McFillin)告诉我,他相信即使是轻微的割伤也不一定是可怕的危机。“我们知道,当自残的目的是寻求养育、关注或逃避责任时,以这种方式回应这种行为只会加剧它的发生。令人遗憾的是,一些青少年已经掌握了将自残武器化的技能。

He tells parents they shouldn’t immediately feed their daughters into the mental health pipeline the second their daughters experiment with it. How does he advise parents to respond to minor cutting? In some contexts, parents should just ignore it.[5]
他告诉父母,他们不应该在女儿尝试心理健康管道的那一刻立即将女儿喂入心理健康管道。他如何建议父母应对轻微的切割?在某些情况下,父母应该忽略它。[5]

In other words, when your teen acts out: Keep your head. Remain in charge. Don’t immediately hand off your kid to a mental health expert. You decide whether she is in crisis or not.
换句话说,当你的孩子表现出来时:保持你的头脑。继续负责。不要立即将您的孩子交给心理健康专家。你决定她是否处于危机之中。

I am no perfect parent. I have yelled at my kids too much and for the
我不是完美的父母。我对我的孩子大喊大叫太多了,为了

wrong things, criticized needlessly, and gotten angrier than I should have over minor provocations. I write late into the night, wake up tired, push through the morning in a cranky haze, and once sent my son off to school with an empty container in place of a lunch. I have forgotten to fill out permission slips, failed to keep abreast of parental chatter over the best teachers and sports teams, and declined to volunteer for all manner of school endeavor that struck me as an intolerable waste of time.
错误的事情,不必要的批评,并且对轻微的挑衅感到比我应该更生气。我写到深夜,醒来时很累,在脾气暴躁的阴霾中度过早晨,有一次,我送儿子去学校,用一个空容器代替午餐。我忘了填写许可单,没有跟上家长对最好的老师和运动队的喋喋不休,并拒绝为各种学校活动做志愿者,这让我感到无法忍受的浪费时间。

But after I began researching for this book, I made a few adjustments. For one, I informed my kids: I would no longer be reading the school’s daily homework reminder emails. Anything related to homework assignments or tests, I told my kids, they were responsible to know. If this meant they missed an assignment, better it happened in elementary or middle school, where the academic consequences are miniscule. I resolved to opt out of turning disorganized elementary school kids into dependent high schoolers.
但是在我开始为这本书做研究之后,我做了一些调整。首先,我告诉我的孩子:我不会再阅读学校的每日家庭作业提醒电子邮件。我告诉我的孩子,任何与家庭作业或考试有关的事情,他们都有责任知道。如果这意味着他们错过了作业,最好发生在小学或中学,那里的学业后果微乎其微。我决定不把杂乱无章的小学生变成依赖的高中生。

When my then nine-year-old daughter begged to be able to walk home from the bus stop by herself, I began letting her. I did this not because I was ready. (I so obviously was not: the cars are so big; she was so small.) Worries assailed me from the moment of drop off until the second she knocked on the door. I opened the front door three, four times to see if I could spot her down the road. She loved her walks; I hated them.
当我当时九岁的女儿恳求能够自己从公交车站步行回家时,我开始让她。我这样做不是因为我准备好了。(我显然不是:汽车那么大,她那么小。从下车的那一刻起,直到她敲门的那一刻,我的担忧一直困扰着我。我打开了前门三四次,想看看能不能在路上发现她。她喜欢散步;我讨厌他们。

I allowed this primarily because when I talked to parents, I learned something. When kids miss their “window” of independence—of wanting to hazard a risk and venture something new on their own—they stop asking for it. I talked to mothers who had forbidden their kids to walk around the neighborhoods when they were little. By the time the kids turned thirteen, they couldn’t be dislodged from the house.
我之所以允许这样做,主要是因为当我与父母交谈时,我学到了一些东西。当孩子们错过了他们独立的“窗口”——想要冒险并自己冒险时,他们就不再要求了。我和一些母亲交谈过,她们小时候就禁止孩子在附近走动。当孩子们十三岁时,他们无法被赶出家门。

A nine-year-old who walks home by herself enters the house full of triumph. A twelve-year-old who accomplishes the same task feels nothing. He knows this is hardly a great achievement. Having been trained to accept
一个九岁的孩子独自走回家,满怀胜利的心情走进了家门。一个十二岁的孩子完成同样的任务,什么都感觉不到。他知道这算不上什么了不起的成就。接受过接受培训

the cramped confines of a cage, by the time the door is flung open—when he’s eligible to get his driver’s license, say—he may have surrendered to his captivity.
笼子的狭窄空间,当门被甩开时——比如说,当他有资格获得驾照时——他可能已经投降了。

After I spoke with Yaakov Ophir, I pressed my sons into household errands. Every Friday, before the start of the Sabbath, I sent them on scooters to the market with an empty backpack, a list, and a credit card. Every time they returned home in one piece, I heaved a sigh of relief.
在我和雅科夫·奥菲尔交谈后,我强迫我的儿子们做家务。每个星期五,在安息日开始之前,我都会用摩托车把他们送到市场上,带着一个空背包、一份清单和一张信用卡。每当他们完好无损地回到家时,我都会松一口气。

No amount of pleading and hectoring had persuaded them to talk to adults on their own, keep track of their belongings, write things down. But under the pressure of this errand, they looked for cars before they crossed the street, kept track of my credit card, carefully scanned my list, and asked clerks where to find packs of yeast. (If they forgot an item, I sent them back.)
再多的恳求和劝说也无法说服他们自己与成年人交谈,跟踪他们的物品,把事情写下来。但是在这项差事的压力下,他们在过马路之前找了车,跟踪了我的信用卡,仔细扫描了我的清单,并询问店员在哪里可以找到酵母包。(如果他们忘记了一件物品,我会把他们寄回去。

For the first time in his life, one my sons—far from my best organized child—implored me to look through my recipes and make sure the list covered everything I needed. Not because he had been taught executive functioning or organizational skills. Exigency taught him these, coupled with a profound distaste for being sent to the store twice.
他有生以来第一次,我的一个儿子——远不是我最有条理的孩子——恳求我仔细查看我的食谱,并确保清单涵盖了我需要的一切。不是因为他被教导过执行功能或组织技能。紧迫性教会了他这些,再加上对两次被送到商店的深恶痛绝。

My sons got to know the people who worked at our market. They learned their way around the neighborhood. They began, for the first time, to take note of their surroundings—not because I’d hectored them to pay attention (though I had). But because I had gotten out of the way
我的儿子们认识了在我们市场工作的人。他们在附近学会了自己的方式。他们第一次开始注意周围的环境——不是因为我劝他们注意(尽管我这样做了)。但因为我已经让开了
.

No single activity has been better for my kids—their spiritedness, their maturity, their sense of responsibility or sense of self—than sleepaway camp. No amount of badgering from me about picking up after themselves made any dent in their behavior at all; not until their high school–aged counselors insisted upon it. No amount of pleading got them to flush a toilet or put up the seat. Not until they’d been assigned latrine duty.
对我的孩子来说,没有哪一项活动比过夜营更好——他们的精神、成熟、责任感或自我意识。我再多的喋喋不休,也没有对他们的行为产生任何影响;直到他们的高中辅导员坚持这样做。再多的恳求也无法让他们冲马桶或摆好座位。直到他们被分配了厕所值班。

Again, all I did was subtract my hovering, nervous, neurotic self and let older kids inspire them. If you can scrape together the money for a no- technology sleepaway camp that will reinforce your values, do it. There is no easier way to subtract yourselves and allow independence, risk-taking, autonomy, and true friendship to take its course.
再一次,我所做的只是减去我徘徊、紧张、神经质的自我,让大一点的孩子激励他们。如果你能凑齐钱来建立一个没有技术的过夜营地,这将加强你的价值观,那就去做吧。没有比这更简单的方法可以减去你们自己,让独立、冒险、自主和真正的友谊顺其自然。

What We Can Learn from a Three-Year-Old Japanese Kid
我们可以从一个三岁的日本孩子身上学到什么

At just shy of three years old, Hiroki is excited to execute his first errand. Armed with a yellow flag, three items committed to memory, cash in a vinyl purse, and the world’s squeakiest sandals, he heads off to the market a half-mile from his home in Kagoshima Prefecture. When he must cross a busy street, Hiroki holds his yellow flag high, so that drivers can spot him.
在不到三岁的时候,Hiroki 很高兴能执行他的第一份差事。他拿着一面黄色的旗帜、三件致力于纪念的物品、一个装在乙烯基钱包里的现金和世界上最吱吱作响的凉鞋,前往距离鹿儿岛县家半英里的市场。当他必须穿过繁忙的街道时,Hiroki 高举他的黄旗,以便司机可以发现他。

At the store, he purchases packages of meat and fishcakes and a cone of flowers, which he drags the whole way home. But arrive, he does, full of triumph to his mother’s praise and open arms. Old Enough! is the title of this Netflix reality show, which each week features a new Japanese toddler sent on a first errand, in a culture that actively fosters independence in very young kids.
在商店里,他买了一包肉、鱼饼和一筒花,一路拖着回家。但是,他来了,在他母亲的赞美和张开的双臂中充满了胜利。够老了!是这档 Netflix 真人秀节目的标题,该节目每周都会有一名新的日本幼儿被派去执行第一项任务,在这种文化中,这种文化积极培养年幼孩子的独立性。

According to Yulia Chentsova Dutton, the comparative cultural psychologist who heads the Culture and Emotions Lab at Georgetown University, the Netflix show may lead viewers to exaggerate the age at which Japanese kids are typically pressed into service. (They are more likely to be five.) But it is more or less accurate. “They’re walking to school, they’re navigating the environment that they’re in very early— starting at around the age of five,” she told me. “A seven, eight-year-old Japanese child might get on the Metro, might get on the bus independently, go to school, come back, so they have plentiful, frequent independence. Oftentimes, they do it together, so you see whole groups of Japanese children navigating the city together, going to school, and so they’re building peer relationships meanwhile.”
乔治城大学(Georgetown University)文化与情感实验室(Culture and Emotions Lab)负责人、比较文化心理学家尤利娅·琴佐娃·达顿(Yulia Chentsova Dutton)表示,Netflix的节目可能会让观众夸大日本孩子通常被迫服役的年龄。(他们更有可能是五个。但它或多或少是准确的。“他们走路去上学,他们很早就开始适应他们所处的环境——从五岁左右开始,”她告诉我。“一个七、八岁的日本孩子可能会坐地铁,可能会独立上车,去上学,然后回来,所以他们有充分的、频繁的独立性。通常,他们一起做,所以你会看到整群日本孩子一起在城市中穿梭,一起上学,所以他们同时也在建立同伴关系。

This isn’t merely an accidental cultural artifact. Like other high-income countries that are relatively low in disorders of anxiety and depression— Israel being another—Japan has an ideological commitment to giving children freedom to work out conflict and navigate their world without monitoring and adult oversight. In Japan, Chentsova Dutton told me,
这不仅仅是一件偶然的文物。与其他焦虑和抑郁障碍相对较低的高收入国家一样——以色列是另一个国家——日本在意识形态上致力于让儿童自由地解决冲突,并在没有成人监督的情况下驾驭他们的世界。在日本,Chentsova Dutton告诉我,

preschools often include hiding spaces on the playground, deliberately designed for kids to play without the burden of adult surveillance.
学前班通常包括操场上的隐藏空间,这些空间是专门为孩子们设计的,让他们在没有成人监视的情况下玩耍。

“When they’re at school, the teachers have this sense that some amount of less supervised time and peer interactions without adults meddling is very developmentally appropriate and important,” she said. Their playgrounds often feature little boulders and streams. Aren’t Japanese teachers worried a preschooler will get hurt? That’s the point. They want minor mishaps—scraped knees, wet socks, “so children learn to better regulate when they’re feeling those signals of ‘this may be risky’—they know how to react to that.”
“当他们在学校时,老师们有一种感觉,在没有成年人干预的情况下,一些较少监督的时间和同伴互动在发展上是非常合适和重要的,”她说。他们的游乐场通常以小石块和溪流为特色。日本老师不担心学龄前儿童会受伤吗?这就是重点。他们想要一些小事故——膝盖擦伤、袜子湿了,“这样孩子们就学会了在感觉到'这可能有风险'的信号时更好地调节——他们知道如何对此做出反应。

I thought, with embarrassment, of my daughter’s school and the assistant principal’s flush of pride as she told me she had just created new playground rules for handball “so that the girls would stop arguing when one of the girls got out.” Thanks to the new rules our assistant principal introduced, no kid ever got “out,” the stakes for the game collapsed, and so did the fun; the kids stopped playing it. And they lost another opportunity to work out conflicts on their own.
我尴尬地想起了我女儿的学校,以及副校长告诉我她刚刚为手球制定了新的操场规则时,她感到自豪,“这样当其中一个女孩出去时,女孩们就会停止争吵。多亏了我们的副校长引入的新规则,没有孩子“出局”,比赛的赌注崩溃了,乐趣也崩溃了;孩子们不再玩了。他们失去了另一个自己解决冲突的机会。

Eight is the official age at which schoolchildren in Israel are expected to get themselves to school—on the bus, if necessary. I mentioned this to Chentsova Dutton, who already knew, based on her time studying cultural attitudes toward child independence in Israel.
八岁是以色列学童上学的官方年龄——必要时乘坐公共汽车。我向 Chentsova Dutton 提到了这一点,她已经知道了,这是基于她研究以色列对儿童独立的文化态度的时间。

In American discussions of child development, we tend to talk about kids building life “skills,” as if such things were acquired in isolation: like a good golf swing. But making your way home from school isn’t like that, Chentsova Dutton discovered when she followed Israeli kids on their walks. “They are interacting with peers, they are giving direction to some tourists, they’re stopping by the bakery, they’re buying bread, they’re sitting there, having a snack. And with that, it’s sort of a sense of competency. Like, ‘I know how to navigate this environment.’
在美國關於兒童發展的討論中,我們傾向於談論孩子建立生活「技能」,彷彿這些東西是孤立地獲得的:就像一個好的高爾夫球搖標。但放学回家的路不是这样的,Chentsova Dutton在跟随以色列孩子散步时发现。“他们正在与同龄人互动,他们正在为一些游客提供指导,他们在面包店停下来,他们正在买面包,他们坐在那里,吃着零食。有了这个,它就是一种能力感。比如,“我知道如何驾驭这个环境。”

What she sees—and studies—on American college campuses is precisely the opposite. Students tell her: “Look, by the time my parents felt it was safe for me to play outside, I was like thirteen and had no interest in playing outside. That period was completely missed. It never happened.”
她在美国大学校园里所见所闻恰恰相反。学生们告诉她:“你看,当我的父母觉得我在外面玩是安全的时,我才十三岁,对外面玩没有兴趣。那段时间完全错过了。它从未发生过。

Treating Adolescent Anxiety with Doses of Independence
用独立剂量治疗青少年焦虑症

Lenore Skenazy, author of Free Range Kids, has spearheaded the Let Grow movement, based on a simple intuition: kids don’t know what they can do if we don’t give them the freedom and risk to try. Kids who feel like they can’t do are unhappy, fearful kids. A growing body of research supports her.
《自由放养的孩子》一书的作者莱诺尔·斯肯纳齐(Lenore Skenazy)基于一个简单的直觉,率先发起了“让成长”运动:如果我们不给他们尝试的自由和风险,孩子们不知道他们能做什么。觉得自己做不到的孩子是不快乐、害怕的孩子。越来越多的研究支持她。

[6]

Disorders of anxiety and depression are both associated with neuroticism
焦虑症和抑郁症都与神经质有关

—negative hyper-reactivity to one’s environment. Independent activity may promote well-being in children through short-term joy and long-term habituation to the routine stressors of life.[7]
—对环境的负面过度反应。独立活动可以通过短期的快乐和长期习惯生活中的常规压力源来促进儿童的幸福感。[7]

One of America’s leading academic psychologists, Peter Gray, a cofounder of Let Grow, thinks that the decline in independent activity by school-aged children and teens over the past five or six decades is a “primary cause” in the decline of their mental health.[8] In a brand-new academic paper reviewing a voluminous body of research, Gray concludes that unsupervised play, risky play, and independent activity in which a young person contributes to the welfare of a group all produce immediate happiness and foster long-term psychological resilience.[9] None of those benefits come from monitored play, which, as far as psychological resilience or immediate joy is concerned, isn’t really “play” at all.
美国领先的学术心理学家之一、Let Grow的联合创始人彼得·格雷(Peter Gray)认为,在过去五六十年中,学龄儿童和青少年独立活动的减少是他们心理健康下降的“主要原因”。[8] 在一篇全新的学术论文中,格雷回顾了大量的研究,得出结论,无人监督的游戏、冒险的游戏和年轻人为群体福利做出贡献的独立活动都会产生即时的幸福感并培养长期的心理弹性。[9]这些好处都不是来自受监控的游戏,就心理弹性或即时快乐而言,这根本不是真正的“游戏”。

In a related recent study, Chentsova Dutton and her team interviewed students from Turkey, Russia, Canada, and America and asked them to describe “risky” or dangerous experiences they had had in the previous month.[10] She found that American students were far more likely to exaggerate the risks posed by quotidian events—being alone outside or riding in an Uber—and less able to discriminate between actual dangers and imagined ones. “Both Turkish and Russian students described witnessing events that involved actual risk: violent fights on public transportation; hazardous driving conditions caused by drunk drivers; women being aggressively followed on the street,”[11] according to a journalist who
在最近的一项相关研究中,Chentsova Dutton和她的团队采访了来自土耳其、俄罗斯、加拿大和美国的学生,并要求他们描述他们在上个月所经历的“冒险”或危险经历。[10]她发现,美国学生更有可能夸大日常事件带来的风险——独自一人在外面或乘坐优步——并且不太能够区分实际危险和想象中的危险。“土耳其和俄罗斯学生都描述了目睹涉及实际风险的事件:公共交通工具上的暴力打架;酒后驾车造成的危险驾驶条件;妇女在街上被咄咄逼人地跟踪,“[11]据一位记者说

reviewed the study. Having never learned to manage social risk or harm, American students were more likely to be made anxious by routine incidents of normal life.
回顾了该研究。由于从未学会管理社会风险或伤害,美国学生更有可能因正常生活中的例行事件而感到焦虑。

American parents will balk. They will insist that they extend their kids all sorts of independence. But as Chentsova Dutton points out, none of the choices American parents typically afford their children involve any actual danger or risk—and, therefore, none offers the satisfaction of agency spent and achievement realized. “Americans are offering children ridiculous number of choices, completely safe choices—none of them are influential choices. What are you going to drink? What are you going to eat? Is it the red shirt or the white shirt? Giving children the sense of ‘I am calling the shots, I am in charge. I am deciding, I am influencing.’ ” But all are safe, controlled, and trivial options.
美国父母会犹豫不决。他們會堅持要他們給孩子各種獨立性。但正如Chentsova Dutton所指出的,美国父母通常为孩子提供的选择都不涉及任何实际的危险或风险,因此,没有一个能提供所花费的能动性和实现的成就的满足感。“美国人正在为孩子们提供荒谬的选择,完全安全的选择——没有一个是有影响力的选择。你要喝什么?你要吃什么?是红衬衫还是白衬衫?让孩子们有一种“我在发号施令,我负责”的感觉。我在做决定,我在影响。“ 但所有这些都是安全的、可控的和微不足道的选择。

This describes, to a T, the sorts of questions parents toss at children all the time, like a half dozen tennis balls lobbed to distract them. And it is precisely what so many therapeutic parenting books advise: To avoid conflict with your child who doesn’t want to do what you’re asking, present him with a choice: “You have to go to school today, but you can choose what music we listen to in the car.” Last year, my sons’ math teacher routinely assigned ten problems of homework from a sheet that included twenty: The students could choose which ten problems to complete. A new era of choice and freedom! Do you hear the people sing? No? Me neither.
这描述了父母一直向孩子抛出的各种问题,就像打六个网球来分散他们的注意力一样。而这正是许多治疗性育儿书籍所建议的:为了避免与不想做你要求的事情的孩子发生冲突,给他一个选择:“你今天必须去上学,但你可以选择我们在车里听什么音乐。去年,我儿子的数学老师经常从一张包含二十个问题的表格中布置十个家庭作业:学生可以选择完成哪十个问题。一个充满选择和自由的新时代!你听到人们唱歌了吗?不?我也没有。

According to Chentsova Dutton, such manipulations may momentarily distract kids into compliance, but eventually, the subterfuge runs out. Kids know they’re being patronized. “And I think when they’re hitting college, or hitting high school, maybe even a little earlier, that actually, [they know] all of those were fake choices; that they haven’t been given any influential choices in their life.”
根据Chentsova Dutton的说法,这种操纵可能会暂时分散孩子们的注意力,让他们顺从,但最终,诡计会用完。孩子们知道他们被光顾了。“我认为,当他们上大学或上高中时,甚至可能更早一点,实际上,[他们知道]所有这些都是虚假的选择;他们一生中没有得到任何有影响力的选择。

“What would be an influential choice?”
“什么会是一个有影响力的选择?”

“Something they’ll decide without participation of their parents that can actually result in something really good or really bad happening to them.”
“他们会在没有父母参与的情况下决定一些事情,这实际上会导致一些非常好或非常糟糕的事情发生在他们身上。

Here are some decisions we once (but no longer) extended to teens in America: Whether to go to college. (Nope, everyone goes.) Whom to date.
以下是我们曾经(但不再)扩展到美国青少年的一些决定:是否上大学。(不,每个人都去。谁约会。

(Moot; no one does.) Whom to befriend. (Mom chooses.) What activities to do. (Mom chooses.) What route to take to school. (Mom gets you there.) Even how to be a friend. (Counselors and teachers now inquire into this and offer correction.)
(没人知道。与谁交朋友。(妈妈选择。做什么活动。 (妈妈选择。走什么路去学校。(妈妈带你去那里。甚至如何成为朋友。(辅导员和老师现在对此进行调查并提供纠正。

In his clinical practice, based on a similar intuition, psychology professor and cognitive behavioral therapist Camilo Ortiz has begun treating anxious adolescents with independence. “When parents hover and prevent children from independently exploring the world around them, they foster many of the processes that scientists have identified as causes of anxiety,” he has written.[12] “Kids who don’t practice independence (yes, it is a skill that withers without practice) are less self-confident, have worse social skills, are less tolerant of uncertainty, have worse problem-solving skills, and are less resilient.”
在他的临床实践中,基于类似的直觉,心理学教授和认知行为治疗师卡米洛·奥尔蒂斯(Camilo Ortiz)已经开始独立治疗焦虑的青少年。他写道:“当父母徘徊并阻止孩子独立探索周围的世界时,他们会助长许多科学家认为是焦虑原因的过程。[12] “不练习独立性的孩子(是的,这是一种不练习就会枯萎的技能)不那么自信,社交技能较差,对不确定性的容忍度较差,解决问题的能力较差,适应能力较差。”

Ortiz believes acts of independence can help alleviate even unrelated fears. Of his method with kids, he has joked, “So you’re scared of the dark? Go to the deli and buy me a half a pound of salami.” The child’s feeling of efficacy that results from completion of this sort of task, he says, makes kids stronger in every sense: braver, less anxious, more willing to try things that are hard, and, remarkably, less of a constant burden to their stricken parents. So far, he says, the results are promising.[13]
奥尔蒂斯认为,独立行为可以帮助减轻甚至不相关的恐惧。谈到他与孩子相处的方法,他开玩笑说:“所以你害怕黑暗吗?去熟食店给我买半磅意大利腊肠。他说,孩子完成这类任务所产生的效能感,使孩子在各个方面都变得更强大:更勇敢,不那么焦虑,更愿意尝试困难的事情,而且,值得注意的是,他们的父母没有持续的负担。他说,到目前为止,结果是有希望的。[13]

What Real Independence Looks Like
真正的独立是什么样子的

Like Japan, Israel takes as its obligation the fostering of independence in children. Parent-teacher conferences are routinely held with the child present, so that the child can hear what is said about her. When new immigrant parents attempt to drive kids age eight and up to school or commandeer tasks that—in Israelis’ view—are meant to be handled by children, Israeli teachers upbraid the parents for effectively putting braces on a healthy leg.
与日本一样,以色列也把培养儿童的独立性作为自己的义务。家长会经常举行,孩子在场,这样孩子就可以听到关于她的话。当新移民的父母试图开车送八岁及以上的孩子上学,或者强迫以色列人认为应该由孩子完成的任务时,以色列老师会鼓励父母有效地在健康的腿上戴上支架。

I know this, not only from Chentsova Dutton, but also my sister-in-law, who recently moved her family to Israel. When she tried to a hire a driving
我不仅从 Chentsova Dutton 那里知道这一点,而且从我的嫂子那里知道这一点,她最近举家搬到了以色列。当她试图雇一个司机时

instructor for her sixteen-year-old son, she was told: no dice. “Sorry, but your son needs to hire me. He is my client,” the man said.
她十六岁儿子的教练告诉她:没有骰子。“对不起,但你儿子需要雇用我。他是我的客户,“该男子说。

She learned from other parents that on the day that her son, my nephew, would be called to report for army duty, one of the first questions he would be asked is: “How did you get here?” If the answer is “My mom drove me,” elite units would toss his application. They have no use for the mollycoddled.
她从其他父母那里得知,在她的儿子,我的侄子,被叫去报到的那一天,他被问到的第一个问题就是:“你是怎么来的?如果答案是“我妈妈开车送我”,精英部队会抛弃他的申请。他们对被宠爱的人没有用处。

Sometimes, my sister-in-law told me, the Israel Defense Forces will provide young recruits a mistaken address to test the young person’s ability to handle adversity. The army—and Israeli society more generally— believes it has a responsibility to force young people to handle the unexpected. They consider this essential preparation for a life full of unpleasant surprises.
有时,我的嫂子告诉我,以色列国防军会给年轻的新兵一个错误的地址,以测试年轻人应对逆境的能力。军队——以及更普遍的以色列社会——认为它有责任迫使年轻人处理意外情况。他们认为这是为充满不愉快惊喜的生活所做的必要准备。

When middle school youth groups put on plays in Israel, the productions are entirely student run. Which also means they’re fairly awful. But they aren’t designed for the benefit of the parent audience. They’re designed for the benefit of the kids.
当中学青年团体在以色列演出戏剧时,这些作品完全由学生经营。这也意味着它们相当可怕。但它们并不是为家长观众的利益而设计的。它们是为孩子们的利益而设计的。

Imagine if we ran schools this way: let kids get a bad grade, get cut from a team, or put on an amateurish play so that they could learn from it and do better next time. (Actually, until very recently, we did. The 1940s-era Seventeen magazine proves it. The activities and plays are all entirely student run.) In contrast, at one of our local private schools here in Los Angeles, there is a school rock band; the headmaster sings in it. Gee, that sounds like fun.
想象一下,如果我们以这种方式管理学校:让孩子们成绩不好,被球队淘汰,或者参加业余比赛,这样他们就可以从中吸取教训,下次做得更好。(实际上,直到最近,我们才这样做。1940 年代的 Seventeen 杂志证明了这一点。活动和戏剧完全由学生经营。相比之下,在我们洛杉矶当地的一所私立学校,有一个学校摇滚乐队;校长在里面唱歌。哎呀,这听起来很有趣。

But more importantly, it’s just not very good for kids. Nature “loves small errors,” as Nassim Nicholas Taleb writes in Antifragile. Errors, in fact, beat the path to human greatness. All of education depends upon it, the scientific method assumes it, growth and evolution require it. That does not mean the elimination of standards: error means keep standards high, and let some attempts sink; let scores reflect actual ability. Moderate stress improves performance.[14]
但更重要的是,这对孩子来说不是很好。大自然“喜欢小错误”,正如纳西姆·尼古拉斯·塔勒布(Nassim Nicholas Taleb)在《反脆弱》中写道。事實上,錯誤擊敗了人類偉大的道路。所有的教育都依赖于它,科学方法假设它,成长和进化需要它。这并不意味着取消标准:错误意味着保持高标准,让一些尝试陷入困境;让分数反映实际能力。适度的压力可以提高性能。[14]

Catastrophic errors are just that—catastrophic. You don’t send a child into a knife fight as a way of toughening him up.
灾难性错误就是这样——灾难性的错误。你不会把一个孩子送进刀战中,以此来让他变得坚强。

And perhaps this is why social media is so bad for our young: It is the knife fight of human status competition. It offers risk none of us is equipped to handle, especially our necessarily socially sensitive adolescents. We— and they—are built to handle minor social errors that result in fifteen other kids, even the whole class, laughing at us. But none of us is prepared to have Seth Rogan (9.3 million followers) make fun of our name on Twitter. None of us is prepared to have our humiliations shared with thousands or millions. None of us is built for it, and it is too devastating to be beneficial.
也许这就是为什么社交媒体对我们的年轻人如此不利的原因:这是人类地位竞争的刀战。它提供了我们任何人都无法应对的风险,尤其是我们必然对社会敏感的青少年。我们——以及他们——天生就是为了处理一些小的社交错误,这些错误会导致其他十五个孩子,甚至整个班级都嘲笑我们。但我们谁也不准备让塞思·罗根(Seth Rogan)(930万粉丝)在Twitter上取笑我们的名字。我们谁都不准备与成千上万或数百万人分享我们的屈辱,我们没有人为此而生,而且它太具有破坏性,不会带来好处。

[15]

Chentsova Dutton grew up in Russia, another country that builds independence in children. Each year, as a birthday present, her parents increased the permitted ambit of her tramping about on her own. Each year, they allowed a little more risk, a little more chance for danger—and, necessarily, for learning and growing. Each year, they tantalized her with a slightly greater peek at the joys of the adult world.
Chentsova Dutton在俄罗斯长大,这是另一个培养儿童独立的国家。每年,作为生日礼物,她的父母都会增加她独自四处流浪的允许范围。每一年,他们都允许更多的风险,更多的危险机会——而且,必然是学习和成长。每年,他们都会以对成人世界的乐趣稍有了解来诱惑她。

We’ve known that a sense of personal efficacy in the world is intimately connected to a sense of what we now call wellness—we’ve known it for a very long time. How could it not improve a child’s overall fitness to feel competent in the world?
我们已经知道,个人效能感与我们现在所说的健康感密切相关——我们早就知道了。它怎么能不提高孩子的整体健康状况,让他们觉得自己在这个世界上有能力呢?

When we made a point of inducting children into the adult world— through the gradual assignment of chores, after-school jobs, and an allowance of hours of unsupervised time with peers—they were eager for more. More freedom, more responsibility. But today, instead, we alter the adult world around them to make it more amenable to a child.
当我们通过逐步分配家务、课后工作以及与同龄人一起度过数小时的无人监督时间时,他们渴望更多。更多的自由,更多的责任。但今天,相反,我们改变了他们周围的成人世界,使其更适合孩子。

To take just one recent example, food and beverage companies are now remaking products to turn all cuisine into finger foods to accommodate a generation that doesn’t want to develop adult tastes, prefers sweeter drinks in bright colors, and still wants to consume like toddlers. “Older beer drinkers boast of putting in work to get to liking the bitter taste of beer, much as they would challenge themselves to like the tastes of coffee, olives or dark chocolate,” one marketing chief told the Wall Street Journal. But the younger generations don’t, he said.[16]
举个最近的例子,食品和饮料公司现在正在重新制作产品,将所有美食变成手指食品,以适应不想发展成人口味的一代人,更喜欢颜色鲜艳的甜饮料,并且仍然想像蹒跚学步的孩子一样消费。“年长的啤酒饮用者吹嘘自己努力工作以喜欢啤酒的苦味,就像他们会挑战自己喜欢咖啡,橄榄或黑巧克力的味道一样,”一位营销主管告诉《华尔街日报》。但他说,年轻一代没有。[16]

The Winners of the Great Depression
大萧条的赢家

Want to know which kids fared best in the Great Depression? It wasn’t the poorest kids, who were sometimes abandoned by parents who couldn’t feed them. Nor was it the richest, whose lives were relatively unaffected by the Depression. According to a wonderful longitudinal study of 167 elementary school kids from Oakland, California,[17] the kids who fared best belonged to a third group: middle-class kids who took jobs, wore hand-me-downs, took in piecework or picked up a paper route, saved their money, did extra chores.
想知道哪些孩子在大萧条中表现最好吗?这不是最贫穷的孩子,他们有时会被无法养活他们的父母遗弃。它也不是最富有的人,他们的生活相对没有受到大萧条的影响。根据一项针对来自加利福尼亚州奥克兰的 167 名小学生的精彩纵向研究[17],表现最好的孩子属于第三类:中产阶级的孩子,他们找工作、穿旧衣服、计件工作或拿起纸条路线、存钱、做额外的家务。

“Men and women from the deprived middle class were more likely to be judged relatively free of symptoms than the nondeprived, and were also ratedhigheronegostrength,integrationofimpulsesandstrivings, utilization of personal resources, and capacity for growth. They were characterized as more resilient, more self-confident, and less defensive.”[18] The kids who’d had to sacrifice during this period ended up with a greater work ethic and accelerated entry into the adult world.[19] Moderate deprivation and sacrifice, challenge, independence, risk that comes with
“与未被剥夺的中产阶级相比,来自贫困中产阶级的男性和女性更有可能被判定为相对没有症状,并且在自我力量、冲动和奋斗的整合、个人资源的利用和成长能力方面的评分也更高。他们的特点是更有弹性,更自信,防御性更弱。[18]在此期间不得不牺牲的孩子们最终拥有了更高的职业道德,并加速进入了成人世界。[19] 适度的匮乏和牺牲、挑战、独立、随之而来的风险

autonomy—all of those turned out to be very good for these kids.
自主权——事实证明,所有这些对这些孩子来说都是非常好的。

And yet my generation’s style of parenting has been characterized by the opposite: accommodation. Parents working overtime to create a noiseless, sanitized, pain-free terrarium for kids who then cannot bear the world outside it.
然而,我们这一代人的养育方式却恰恰相反:迁就。父母加班加点地为孩子们创造一个无噪音、消毒、无痛的玻璃容器,然后他们无法忍受外面的世界。

“I consider it a dangerous misconception of mental hygiene to assume that what man needs in the first place is equilibrium . . . a tensionless state,” wrote the great Austrian psychiatrist and Holocaust survivor Viktor Frankl. “If architects want to strengthen a decrepit arch, they increase the load which is laid upon it, for thereby the parts are joined more firmly together.”[20]
“我认为,假设人类首先需要的是平衡,这是对精神卫生的危险误解。一个没有紧张的状态,“伟大的奥地利精神病学家和大屠杀幸存者维克多·弗兰克尔写道。“如果建筑师想要加固一个破旧的拱门,他们就会增加施加在拱门上的荷载,因为这样各个部分就更牢固地连接在一起了。”[20]

If you want to strengthen a person’s muscles, you force her to exercise. You don’t strengthen a kid by running to the doctor for a diagnosis and pressing your kid’s school for an accommodation. And here’s the most important point of all: you don’t need to do anything in order to accomplish
如果你想加强一个人的肌肉,你就强迫她锻炼。你不会通过跑去看医生进行诊断并向你孩子的学校施压来加强孩子的住宿。这是最重要的一点:你不需要做任何事情来完成

this. You obviously don’t need to hurt your kid’s feelings in order to strengthen her. You just need to stop running interference. Stop micromanaging her relationships in the hopes that no one and nothing in the vicinity will ever make her feel the slightest bit bad. The project is doomed to backfiring. Pathogens always worm their way in, even to the most sterilized environments. Better to develop an immune system.
这。你显然不需要为了加强她而伤害孩子的感情。您只需要停止运行干扰即可。不要再对她的人际关系进行微观管理,希望附近的任何人和任何东西都不会让她感到丝毫的糟糕。该项目注定适得其反。病原体总是蠕虫进入,即使是在最消毒的环境中也是如此。更好地发展免疫系统。

A Horse Walks into a Bar
一匹马走进酒吧

Parents today might be forgiven for not remembering what humor is. Of all the rotten traits of our parenting books, they are almost uniformly dour and humorless. Sweet Lord Above, these lousy books made every moment with our kids heavy and serious. Techniques to practice, situations to monitor, problems to recognize, apologies to offer when we failed to do all the above. They paint a world of severity, where the stakes are high and dourness reigns.
今天的父母不记得幽默是什么,也许是可以原谅的。在我们育儿书籍的所有腐朽特征中,它们几乎都是沉闷和无幽默的。亲爱的主在上面,这些糟糕的书让我们的孩子每时每刻都变得沉重而严肃。要练习的技巧,要监控的情况,要识别的问题,当我们未能做到上述所有事情时要道歉。他们描绘了一个严峻的世界,其中赌注很高,沉闷占主导地位。

But if you want to allow your child one of the soul’s best defenses in an unpredictable world, drop your guard, just this once, and let things be funny again.
但是,如果你想让你的孩子在一个不可预测的世界中拥有灵魂最好的防御之一,那就放下戒备,就这一次,让事情再次变得有趣。

“Humor was another of the soul’s weapons in the fight for self- preservation,” Frankl observed of his time surviving Auschwitz. “It is well known that humor, more than anything else in the human make-up, can afford an aloofness and ability to rise above any situation, even only for a few seconds.”[21]
“幽默是灵魂为自我保护而战的另一种武器,”弗兰克尔在谈到他在奥斯威辛集中营幸存的那段时间时说。“众所周知,幽默,比人类构成中的任何其他东西都更能提供一种冷漠和超越任何情况的能力,即使只有几秒钟。”[21]

I try to avoid offering positive advice, seeing as we’re all so adrift in it. “Laugh with your kids” sounds like positive advice. But it isn’t. Humor is among the psyche’s most natural defenses. It’s censorship that requires policing. If you want to stifle humor, you must create rules and enforce them. Otherwise, we humans laugh and poke fun at just about everything.
我尽量避免提供积极的建议,因为我们都沉溺其中。“和你的孩子一起笑”听起来像是积极的建议。但事实并非如此。幽默是心灵最自然的防御之一。审查制度需要监管。如果你想扼杀幽默,你必须制定规则并执行它们。否则,我们人类几乎会嘲笑和取笑一切。

Humor is the embrace of the unexpected. And it’s among our best psychological tools for transforming life’s endless conveyor of minor disappointments into uproarious diversion.
幽默是对意想不到的拥抱。它是我们最好的心理工具之一,可以将生活中无休止的小失望转化为喧嚣的消遣。

You Are Not Alone on This Passenger Flight
在这个客运航班上,你并不孤单

About a year ago, I was on a flight, seated behind an American family of four—two parents and two little girls. Midair, the girl who was about eight let out a protracted scream so shrill, my eardrums felt like they’d been pierced by a sharp object.
大约一年前,我在飞机上,坐在一个美国四口之家的后面——两个父母和两个小女孩。半空中,那个大约八岁的女孩发出了一声旷日持久的尖叫,如此刺耳,我的耳膜感觉像是被一个尖锐的物体刺穿了。

Her father, red-headed and bearded, a gentle giant, attempted to calm her down. He asked her what was wrong. He inquired about the reason for her anger toward her younger sister. He told the younger one not to pinch or whatever she had done. He urged them to reconcile.
她的父亲,红头发,胡子,一个温柔的巨人,试图让她冷静下来。他问她怎么了。他询问她对妹妹生气的原因。他告诉小孩子不要捏或她做过的任何事情。他敦促他们和解。

He never once mentioned the other passengers on the plane. He didn’t tell either of those girls that when they cried out, they might be disturbing ninety other people. He never mentioned that we were all sharing this space in the air, and we all had a job to do: be good neighbors for the length of the trip. He never troubled his daughters with thoughts of us.
他从来没有提到过飞机上的其他乘客。他没有告诉任何一个女孩,当她们哭泣时,她们可能会打扰其他九十个人。他从来没有提到我们都在空中共享这个空间,我们都有工作要做:在旅途中成为好邻居。他从不为女儿们的思念而烦恼。

I mentioned this to Chentsova Dutton, to find out what a Japanese parent would think of that. “To anyone from a more collectivistic culture, this is just insane,” she said.
我向Chentsova Dutton提到过这一点,想知道日本父母会怎么想。“对于任何来自集体主义文化的人来说,这简直是疯狂的,”她说。

Our kids don’t know that they’re connected to others—because we don’t tell them. We tell them they’re such perfect little individuals, they can scream their pretty heads off on a plane as if they are alone. Here is the ontological problem, compounding the moral one: the solipsism it teaches, inculcating the idea that kids are free radicals, unattached to a social world. When things are good, when they are happy, that may be fine. But when things are hard, they have no one to turn to—no sense, even, that there’s anyone out there who really cares about them beyond their parents.
我们的孩子不知道他们与他人有联系——因为我们不告诉他们。我们告诉他们,他们是如此完美的小个体,他们可以在飞机上尖叫着漂亮的头,就好像他们独自一人一样。这是本体论问题,使道德问题更加复杂:它所教导的唯我论,灌输了这样一种观念,即孩子是自由基,不依附于社会世界。当事情好的时候,当他们快乐的时候,那可能很好。但是,当事情遇到困难时,他们没有人可以求助——甚至没有感觉到除了父母之外还有人真正关心他们。

We don’t permit kids a web of stable relationships. We choose for them the very best, hand-picked friends, based on our preferences, at different locations, as if we were collecting rocks on the beach. But when you look at societies with very high rates of pathological depression, Chentsova Dutton says, two things stand out: a high value placed on individualism and high relational mobility (meaning, lots of turnover in the characters that inhabit your life).
我们不允许孩子建立稳定的关系网。我们根据自己的喜好,在不同的地方为他们选择最好的、精心挑选的朋友,就好像我们在海滩上收集石头一样。但是,当你看到病理性抑郁症发生率非常高的社会时,Chentsova Dutton说,有两件事很突出:对个人主义的高度重视和高度的关系流动性(这意味着,居住在你生活中的角色的大量更替)。

Think, for a moment, about our kids’ lives today: they don’t hang out with neighborhood kids, or cousins, or many siblings, or even a bevy of classmates who follow them all through school. They have kids they see at chess club; kids on the baseball team; friends from first grade; friends from second grade—none of whom know each other. We shuffle the composition of their classes each year, on the theory that this will help make them new friends.
想一想我们孩子今天的生活:他们不会和邻居的孩子、堂兄弟姐妹、兄弟姐妹,甚至不是一群在学校都跟着他们的同学一起出去玩。他们有在国际象棋俱乐部看到的孩子;棒球队的孩子们;一年级的朋友;二年级的朋友——他们都不认识。我们每年都会对他们的班级组成进行洗牌,理论上这将有助于他们结交新朋友。

“What they end up with is this highly fragmented set of relationships,” Chentsova Dutton told me. “Instead of an integrated, stable group of friends, where you get to know each other, you connect over longer periods of time, you anticipate stability, and you develop relationships that are qualitatively different in terms of what they can offer to scaffold you when things don’t go so well. And so when these children hit adolescence, with their normal stressors, they’re lacking in a stable support network.”
“他们最终得到的就是这种高度支离破碎的关系,”Chentsova Dutton告诉我。“你不是一群综合的、稳定的朋友,在那里你互相了解,你在更长的时间内联系,你期待稳定,你发展的关系在质量上是不同的,当事情进展不顺利时,他们可以为你提供什么脚手架。因此,当这些孩子进入青春期时,他们的压力源正常,他们缺乏稳定的支持网络。

Mexican immigrants to America, who do much better in terms of mental health than Americans of similar socioeconomic backgrounds, also do worse the more acculturated to American life they become. And one of the ways researchers account for this “Latino mental health paradox” is the culture they bring with them, which leads them to form relatively stable and strong social webs.[22]
墨西哥移民到美国,他们在心理健康方面比具有类似社会经济背景的美国人要好得多,但他们越适应美国生活,他们就越糟糕。研究人员解释这种“拉丁裔心理健康悖论”的方式之一是他们带来的文化,这导致他们形成相对稳定和强大的社交网络。[22]

I live in the City of Los Angeles, home to over half a million Central American immigrants. And one of the things you notice when, for example, two Salvadorans or Guatemalans greet each other is that they immediately inquire where, exactly, each one’s family is from. They figure out who they know in common, which church each attends. If they’ve spoken before, even just once, they inquire after each other’s families—and they really listen to the answers.
我住在洛杉矶市,那里有五十多万中美洲移民。例如,当两个萨尔瓦多人或危地马拉人互相打招呼时,您会注意到的一件事是,他们会立即询问每个人的家人究竟来自哪里。他们弄清楚他们认识的共同点,每个人参加哪个教会。如果他们以前说过话,哪怕只有一次,他们也会互相询问对方的家人,他们真的会倾听答案。

When they meet again, they check up on the progress of each other’s lives; their cultures encourage this humanity and decency. It teaches them to invest in each other. If you came upon them without knowing better, you’d suspect those who’d just met had been friends for years.
当他们再次见面时,他们会检查彼此的生活进度;他们的文化鼓励这种人性和体面。它教会他们互相投资。如果你在不了解的情况下遇到他们,你会怀疑那些刚刚认识的人已经是多年的朋友了。

All this, families and neighborhoods once provided. Our kids don’t have that. They don’t have a stable web of connections who care about them or
所有这一切,家庭和社区曾经提供过。我们的孩子没有。他们没有一个关心他们的稳定关系网,或者

really know them. Our constant emphasis on our kids’ uniqueness reinforces this sense that they need be preoccupied only with themselves. That they are their own entirely bespoke individuals. That they are very much alone.
真正了解他们。我们不断强调孩子的独特性,这强化了这种感觉,即他们只需要专注于自己。他们是他们自己完全定制的个体。他们非常孤独。

Extended Family (Yes, Those People)
大家庭(是的,那些人)

My father-in-law, who grew up on a California cattle ranch, has a ludicrous, hair-raising tradition with the grandkids. Many years before his grandkids turn sixteen—when they are eleven or twelve—he takes each one to a remote area and teaches them to drive. From the moment my twin sons turned nine, I began dreading their turn at the wheel.
我的岳父在加利福尼亚的一个养牛场长大,他和孙子们有着荒谬的、令人毛骨悚然的传统。在他的孙子们十六岁之前很多年,也就是他们十一二岁的时候,他把每个孙子孙女带到一个偏远地区,教他们开车。从我的双胞胎儿子九岁起,我就开始害怕轮到他们开车。

I love my sons, and I trust them with all kinds of things. They regularly fix all manner of computer problems in the home, and when I need someone to follow directions and put together an end table, there is no one better. But I’ve also known them, well, forever. They routinely slam buttons before finding out what those buttons do. They knock over every kind of glass and, if they saw a pedal, I had doubted very much they could be trusted not to stomp it.
我爱我的儿子,我在各种事情上都信任他们。他们经常解决家里的各种计算机问题,当我需要有人按照指示并整理茶几时,没有比这更好的了。但我也认识他们,嗯,永远。他们经常在发现这些按钮的作用之前猛击按钮。他们打翻了各种玻璃,如果他们看到一个踏板,我非常怀疑他们是否能够不踩踏它。

They could get hurt. They could hurt others. The risk was great. The benefit doubtful. The activity illegal.
他们可能会受伤。他们可能会伤害他人。风险很大。好处值得怀疑。该活动是非法的。

I was in charge of ensuring their safety. Letting them drive a two-ton vehicle with Grandpa seemed the opposite of that. No way they were driving.
我负责确保他们的安全。让他们和爷爷一起驾驶一辆两吨重的车似乎与此相反。他们不可能开车。

But then, one day, as I was beginning to think about this book, I had a minor epiphany: What if this wasn’t about me? What if my comfort wasn’t the only consideration at play? Was it possible that, in forbidding the activity with their grandfather, I was depriving them of something more?
但后来,有一天,当我开始思考这本书时,我有一个小小的顿悟:如果这不是关于我的呢?如果我的舒适度不是唯一的考虑因素怎么办?有没有可能,在禁止与他们的祖父一起活动时,我剥夺了他们更多的东西?

I thought about a conversation I had with Harvard psychiatrist Harold Bursztajn, whose parents survived the Holocaust and escaped the Lodz Ghetto by hiding in sewer pipes. Bursztajn told me that throughout the
我想起了我与哈佛大学精神病学家哈罗德·伯什塔因(Harold Bursztajn)的一次谈话,他的父母在大屠杀中幸存下来,躲在下水道里逃离了罗兹犹太人区。Bursztajn 告诉我,在整个

Holocaust, at the lowest ebbs of his father’s life—what kept him going were the rich memories he had of his family, playing like a film reel in his mind.
大屠杀,在他父亲生命的最低潮中——让他坚持下去的是他对家人的丰富记忆,就像电影卷轴一样在他的脑海中播放。

Many of the young patients Bursztajn sees at Harvard know very little about their families. This renders them uniquely vulnerable, Bursztajn says, as they face life’s challenges. “There’s a huge amount of insecurity about ‘Who am I?’ ” he said, of the young adult patients he’s seen in the last decade. “A good deal of it is not being able to connect up with the past, not being able to have a sense of continuity. Feeling that somehow the future is a great unknown, the present is a challenge. And the past is a mystery.”
Bursztajn在哈佛大学看到的许多年轻患者对他们的家庭知之甚少。Bursztajn说,这使他们在面临生活挑战时特别脆弱。“关于'我是谁?'存在着巨大的不安全感。“他说,他在过去十年中见过的年轻成年患者。其中很大一部分是无法与过去联系起来,无法拥有连续性。感觉未来在某种程度上是一个巨大的未知数,现在是一个挑战。过去是个谜。

When we overly restrict Grandpa’s conversation or activity with our kids
当我们过度限制爷爷与孩子的谈话或活动时

—much less when we banish them entirely—we interfere with our kids’ sense that they are the newest stems of Pando, the aspen colony with a single root system webbing the earth. We interrupt the natural sense that: I’m not just me. I go way back. People in my line have faced much worse and survived. I can, too.
——更不用说当我们完全驱逐它们时——我们干扰了孩子们的感觉,即它们是潘多的最新茎,潘多是白杨群落,只有一个根系在大地上织网。我们打断了自然的感觉:我不只是我。我回去了。我这一行的人面临的情况要糟糕得多,但幸存下来。我也可以。

When you affirm kids’ natural inclination to regard their challenges as sui generis and all important, when you fail to tell them that their own grandparents survived hardship, you strip them of the ability to place their own suffering in context. You divest them of the one bit of empirical proof they have that their genetic material is resilient. You cut them loose of the familial web, one of humanity’s greatest sources of meaning. You force them to see their problems in isolation and to face hardship, alone.
当你肯定孩子们的自然倾向,将他们的挑战视为独特的和重要的,当你没有告诉他们他们自己的祖父母在困难中幸存下来时,你就剥夺了他们将自己的痛苦置于背景中的能力。你剥夺了他们所拥有的一点经验证据,证明他们的遗传物质是有弹性的。你把他们从家庭网络中解脱出来,这是人类最大的意义来源之一。你强迫他们孤立地看待自己的问题,独自面对困难。

One of the worst consequences of our hyperfocus on present feelings, our willful divorce from historical perspective, and the professionalization of our child-rearing is that we’ve devalued everything grandparents had to offer. We came to see them as backward, racist, crude—too playful, not playful enough, and far too likely to appeal to things their own parents had done as a guide. We corrected their interactions with our children, strictly limited them, or barred them entirely.
我们过度关注当下的感受,从历史的角度来看,我们故意离婚,以及我们养育孩子的专业化,最糟糕的后果之一是我们贬低了祖父母所提供的一切。我们开始认为他们落后、种族主义、粗鲁——太顽皮,不够好玩,而且太可能诉诸于他们自己父母所做的事情作为指导。我们纠正了他们与孩子的互动,严格限制了他们,或者完全禁止他们。

Grandparents weren’t perfect. Grandpa said all the wrong things, showed the wrong movies, and taught the kids inappropriate jokes. He pressed them into work with tools that were dangerous, and he offered too little in the way of instruction. Grandma made all the wrong foods (You know Aiden
爷爷奶奶并不完美。爷爷说错了话,放错了电影,还教孩子们不恰当的笑话。他强迫他们使用危险的工具工作,而且他提供的指导太少了。奶奶做了所有错误的食物(你知道艾登

doesn’t do well with dairy!) and corrected the kids’ poor table manners in ways that struck us as excessive.
对乳制品不好!并纠正了孩子们糟糕的餐桌礼仪,让我们觉得过分了。

But kids survived all of that, and they came away tougher, knowing they could handle adults who didn’t follow the script handed to them by Mom. Kids came away with something whose sum was not easy to imagine from so many particularized parts: connection.
但孩子们在这一切中幸存下来,他们变得更加坚强,因为他们知道他们可以对付那些不遵循妈妈交给他们的剧本的成年人。孩子们从这么多具体的部分中得到了一些不容易想象的东西:联系。

I let my sons go on the drive with Grandpa, in the end, not because I thought it was a good idea. I didn’t “give permission,” exactly. I simply let it happen. And so my sons have this riotous, hair-raising memory with a grandfather who will not be around forever.
最后,我让我的儿子们和爷爷一起开车,并不是因为我认为这是个好主意。确切地说,我没有“给予许可”。我只是让它发生。因此,我的儿子们对祖父有这种喧嚣的、令人毛骨悚然的记忆,他不会永远在身边。

Maybe the shared experience with their cousins of this wacky rite of passage—which none of the parents would have provided—will make them feel less alone as they head out into an uncertain future. Maybe that will be enough to prompt them to call a cousin when they need someone to talk to, or offer help when the cousin is in need. Maybe all the haphazard family holidays and rowdy family birthday parties impress upon kids the need to show up for others, to find humor in the ridiculous, to suppress irritation at the minor inconvenience of insensitive people abrading each other with intrusive questions. Maybe it helps them learn to put that irritation to productive use (like helping to load the trays of lasagna into the car or push Grandma’s wheelchair) and to better calibrate realistic expectations for what each day will hold. Perhaps the absurd, touching theater of extended family also offers herd immunity against despair in the face of inevitable hardship. Extended family is worth suffering for that reason alone.
也许与他们的表兄弟共同经历这种古怪的成年仪式——父母都不会提供——会让他们在走向不确定的未来时感到不那么孤独。也许这足以促使他们在需要有人倾诉时打电话给表亲,或者在表亲有需要时提供帮助。也许所有随意的家庭假期和吵闹的家庭生日派对都给孩子们留下了深刻的印象,他们需要为他人露面,在荒谬中找到幽默,压制对麻木不仁的人用侵入性问题互相磨擦的轻微不便的恼怒。也许这有助于他们学会将这种刺激用于生产性用途(例如帮助将烤宽面条托盘装进车里或推奶奶的轮椅),并更好地校准对每一天的现实期望。也许大家庭的荒谬、感人的戏剧也提供了群体免疫力,使其在面对不可避免的困难时免于绝望。仅仅因为这个原因,大家庭就值得受苦。

But don’t take my word for it. The world’s longest-running and most comprehensive psychological review of adult well-being, the Harvard Grant Study, found that the five most effective traits associated with higher life satisfaction were: altruism (focus on others); humor; sublimation (“finding gratifying alternatives to frustration and anger”); anticipation (“being realistic about future challenges”); and suppression (yes, keeping a stiff upper lip in the face of unpleasant thoughts and events).[23] Every one of the five involves taking your own feelings less seriously. Life with uncles, aunts, cousins, and grandparents helps with all of them.
但不要相信我的话。哈佛格兰特研究(Harvard Grant Study)是世界上运行时间最长、最全面的成人幸福感心理学评估,它发现与提高生活满意度相关的五个最有效的特征是:利他主义(关注他人);幽默;升华(“找到令人满意的挫折和愤怒的替代品”);预期(“对未来的挑战持现实态度”);和压抑(是的,面对不愉快的想法和事件,保持僵硬的上唇)。[23] 这五种中的每一个都涉及不那么认真地对待自己的感受。与叔叔、阿姨、堂兄弟姐妹和祖父母一起生活对他们都有帮助。

“The secret to life is good and enduring intimate relationships and friendships,” summarized Yale psychiatry professor Charles Barber, reviewing the study. A bunch of people you love and who love you back over a lifetime.
“生活的秘诀是良好而持久的亲密关系和友谊,”耶鲁大学精神病学教授查尔斯·巴伯(Charles Barber)在评论这项研究时总结道。一群你爱的人,他们一生都爱你。

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Chapter 12
第12章

Spoons Out
• 用勺子舀出

I

f you are a teenager today, you hang out with friends far less in-person
如果你今天还是个青少年,你和朋友出去玩的次数要少得多

—up to an hour less per day—than the previous generation.[1] You’ve heard less in-person laughter, fewer in-person jokes; seen fewer in- person tears, but also had far fewer occasions to touch—far fewer kisses and hugs than any teenager since researchers started recording these things. Far fewer in-person opportunities to make a mistake, feel bad, apologize,
与上一代相比,每天最多少一个小时。[1] 你听到的面对面的笑声越来越少,面对面的笑话也越来越少;当面流泪的次数更少,但触摸的场合也少得多——自从研究人员开始记录这些事情以来,亲吻和拥抱比任何青少年都要少得多。亲自犯错、感到难过、道歉的机会要少得多,

grow.
成长。

Your parents observe every aspect of your life unfolding on social media and—if anything happens to you or your friends—they know about it as soon as you do. There is no private kids’ world of low stakes: your parents, plugged in always to WhatsApp, know about every kid caught vaping on the school overnight, hours after it occurs. They guide you through every squabble, every conflict with a teacher, every misunderstanding with a friend. By default, your parents are your best friends.
你的父母会在社交媒体上观察你生活的方方面面,如果你或你的朋友发生任何事情,他们会在你一时间知道。没有低风险的私人孩子世界:你的父母总是接通WhatsApp,知道每个孩子在学校一夜之间被抓到吸电子烟,在它发生几个小时后。他们引导你度过每一次争吵,每一次与老师的冲突,每一次与朋友的误会。默认情况下,你的父母是你最好的朋友。

Your parents attend every practice and game and communicate regularly with your coaches and teachers. Outside of the internet, there is no place for you to mess around or experiment without their knowledge, encouragement, cheerleading, and feedback.
你的父母参加每一次练习和比赛,并定期与你的教练和老师沟通。在互联网之外,没有他们的知识、鼓励、啦啦队和反馈,你就没有地方可以乱搞或实验。

Your grandparents live far away. You don’t know them very well, and chitchat, never practiced, isn’t easy. Your parents obviously prefer you to get your direction from the adults they’ve hired, who report to them.
你的爷爷奶奶住得很远。你不是很了解他们,闲聊,从来没有练习过,并不容易。你的父母显然希望你从他们雇用的成年人那里得到指导,他们向他们汇报。

Each day is activity-jammed, presided over by a series of adults who judge your progress. They tell you when you are improving and also when you are not. They communicate the delta to your parents: “Her handsprings are crisper, but we still need to work on the balance beam.” You are always, in everything you do, monitored by anxious adults.
每一天都是活动卡住的,由一系列成年人主持,他们判断你的进步。他们会告诉你什么时候在进步,什么时候没有。他们向你的父母传达了三角洲:“她的发条更脆了,但我们仍然需要在平衡木上下功夫。在你所做的每一件事中,你总是被焦虑的成年人监视着。

You get less sleep than any previous generation of teens—far less than you need.[2] You are so tired some days, it feels as though you are missing a layer of skin. Worries invade unresisted.
你的睡眠时间比上一代青少年都少——远远少于你需要的[2],有些日子你太累了,感觉好像少了一层皮肤。忧虑毫无抵抗地侵袭。

Many of your friends have tried cutting or some other creative form of self-harm. Whenever you’re down, self-harm surfaces as an option. It’s part of the vernacular: a way of saying, Ask me how I’m doing. Suicide hotlines are advertised more conspicuously around your school than prom. It’s painfully obvious that the school counselor is always sniffing kids for suicide like a German shepherd on the hunt for plastic explosives.
你的许多朋友都尝试过切割或其他创造性的自残形式。每当你情绪低落时,自残就作为一种选择浮出水面。这是白话的一部分:一种说法,问我过得怎么样。自杀热线在学校周围比舞会更显眼。很明显,学校辅导员总是在寻找塑料炸药的德国牧羊犬一样嗅探孩子的自杀。

For good reason, your parents and teachers are frantic over your mental health. Half of your friends are seeing shrinks or on psychiatric drugs or both. Your parents are concerned enough to hire a therapist to talk to you each week. “There are no wrong answers,” the woman in stretchy black pants and plastic glasses assures you over the soft tinkling of a prefab indoor water fountain. But, it turns out, there are lots of wrong answers— some of which trigger a diagnosis. No matter how good of a week you’ve had, or how well you followed the therapist’s advice, she never says: “You’re fixed! No need to return.”
有充分的理由,你的父母和老师对你的心理健康感到疯狂。你的朋友中有一半正在萎缩或服用精神药物,或两者兼而有之。你的父母很关心你,每周都会聘请一位治疗师和你交谈。“没有错误的答案,”穿着弹性黑色裤子和塑料眼镜的女人在预制室内喷泉的轻柔叮叮当当声中向你保证。但是,事实证明,有很多错误的答案——其中一些会触发诊断。无论你度过了多么美好的一周,或者你听从治疗师的建议有多好,她都不会说:“你已经修好了!不用回去。

You’ve had a diagnosis for at least a year; it’s begun to feel as much a part of you as your own name. Your parents are obviously relieved to have a label for what’s wrong with you. Most of your friends have a diagnosis, too. It functions as an amulet; you begin to suspect it may be the most important thing about you. But also, it makes you feel like a glass with a starburst crack—damaged in a permanent way. You’ll never be a load-bearing object, strong enough to carry others.
您已经诊断了至少一年;它开始感觉到你的一部分,就像你自己的名字一样。你的父母显然对你有什么问题有一个标签松了一口气。你的大多数朋友也有诊断。它起到护身符的作用;你开始怀疑这可能是你最重要的事情。而且,它让你感觉像一个有星爆裂纹的玻璃——以永久性的方式损坏。你永远不会是一个承重的物体,强大到足以承载他人。

Your therapist suggests medication might help, and the pediatrician is happy to oblige. The drugs make you calmer and keep you from crashing, but sometimes you wish the training wheels weren’t welded on. Who knows what you might be able to do without them? You’ve been on SSRIs for so long, it’s hard to know.
您的治疗师建议药物可能会有所帮助,儿科医生很乐意提供帮助。这些药物会让你更平静,防止你撞车,但有时你希望训练轮没有被焊接上。谁知道没有他们你能做什么?您服用SSRIs已经很长时间了,很难知道。

You’ve packed on pounds. You can’t help it; the drugs make you less inhibited around food. They’ve killed your sex drive. You’re not even sure if that matters. You spend a lot more time on the sofa. You no longer feel bad about that, but you’re also far less inclined to budge.
你已经装满了磅。你忍不住;这些药物使你对食物的抑制减少。他们扼杀了你的。你甚至不确定这是否重要。你花更多的时间在沙发上。你不再为此感到难过,但你也不太愿意让步。

Whenever you have to wait for anything—food to arrive, a show to start, your friend to speak—your skin starts to itch. You’ve been conditioned all your life to find waiting unbearable. You carry an accommodation machine in your pocket, which might as well be called a rumination device. It drives you deeper into the forest of your own mind to be haunted by shadows: the ex-boyfriend who didn’t want you, the party you missed, the numberless ways you don’t stack up.
每当你必须等待任何事情——食物到来、表演开始、你的朋友说话——你的皮肤就会开始发痒。你一辈子都习惯于发现等待是无法忍受的。你的口袋里装着一台住宿机,这也可以称为反刍装置。它驱使你更深地进入自己心灵的森林,被阴影所困扰:不想要你的前男友,你错过的派对,你不堆叠的无数方式。

Your smartphone caters to your every whim, which seems great, but then it’s made it so much harder to adjust to the unclickable world. Everything real is also disappointing. No friend is as funny as a video you can pull up on your phone. No girl as hot as the endless catwalk in your pocket. You could meet someone for pizza, but with a swipe it arrives at your door; “contact-free delivery” means you don’t even need to talk to the pizza guy.
你的智能手机迎合了你的每一个奇思妙想,这看起来很棒,但随之而来的是,它使你更难适应这个无法点击的世界。一切真实的东西也令人失望。没有哪个朋友比您可以在手机上播放的视频更有趣。没有女孩像口袋里没完没了的T台一样火辣。你可以和某人一起吃披萨,但只要轻轻一扫,它就会到达你家门口;“非接触式送货”意味着您甚至不需要与披萨店的伙计交谈。

Sometimes with a classmate you let your guard down and trade messages you shouldn’t. It was only a joke, but it’s never only a joke. Friends preserve everything you say in screenshots. You do the same, so that the deterrence of mutual assured destruction applies, enforced by teachers and administrators and college admissions committees.
有时和同学在一起,你会放松警惕,交换你不应该的信息。这只是一个笑话,但绝不仅仅是一个笑话。好友会保留您在屏幕截图中所说的一切。你也这样做,这样相互保证毁灭的威慑力就适用了,由教师、行政人员和大学招生委员会强制执行。

You’ve rarely spent a whole afternoon with a friend who lent you her full attention. You don’t know most of her secrets, and she doesn’t know yours; she’s already divulged her most intimate worries to a therapist. Rehashing it all again seems so pointless.
你很少花一整个下午和一个朋友在一起,她全神贯注地关注你。你不知道她的大部分秘密,她也不知道你的秘密;她已经向治疗师透露了她最私密的担忧。再次重述这一切似乎毫无意义。

You don’t really have time for friends, anyway. Your full-time, unpaid internship consumes every extra minute: five, six, eight hours a day—the
反正你真的没有时间和朋友在一起。你的全职、无薪实习每多消耗一分钟:每天五、六、八个小时——

settings don’t lie—staring at your phone.
设置不会说谎 - 盯着手机。

“My mental health sucks,” you tell the group chat. The others say theirs does, too. You can’t believe your dad had an actual job at your age. You don’t feel ready for anything like that.
“我的心理健康很糟糕,”你在群聊中说。其他人说他们的也是如此。你简直不敢相信你爸爸在你这个年纪有一份真正的工作。你还没有为这样的事情做好准备。

You’ve only ever known this overmanaged, veal-calf life. Occasionally it occurs to you to wonder: What if taking the risk is the only way to feel ready? What if the solution to adolescent mental health problems is to outgrow adolescence? That may explain why the unending parade of accommodation and intervention, which stretch childhood out like taffy, has only prolonged your torture.
你只知道这种过度管理的小牛犊生活。偶尔你会想:如果冒险是做好准备的唯一途径呢?如果解决青少年心理健康问题的办法是度过青春期怎么办?这也许可以解释为什么无休止的迁就和干预游行,像太妃糖一样延长童年,只会延长你的折磨。

For Parents: A Thought on the Purpose of Childhood
给父母:关于童年目的的思考

When you have a child, everything changes. Not just your daily routine, your household economy, the sorts of friends you make, or the places you vacation. You achieve a toehold in human society: you are someone’s mother or father.
当你有了孩子,一切都变了。不仅仅是你的日常生活、你的家庭经济、你结交的朋友或你度假的地方。你在人类社会中站稳了脚跟:你是某人的母亲或父亲。

You are the one the kid cries out for when she is hurt or sick. You, clutching the armrest and stifling shrieks as she learns to drive. The one going to bed every night with a phone beside you, turned up to full volume, as you wait for news that she made it safely to her destination, got the job she wanted so much, or had a child of her own.
你是孩子受伤或生病时哭泣的人。你,抓着扶手,在她学习开车时发出令人窒息的尖叫声。每天晚上睡觉时,你身边都放着手机,当你等待她安全到达目的地、得到她非常想要的工作或有了自己的孩子的消息时,她把音量调到最大。

You are somebody in this world because you are everything to your kid. When she considers how an adult should conduct herself, her mind invariably turns to you. Even if she wishes to depart from your example, yours will forever be the blueprint from which she fashions a life.
你是这个世界上的某个人,因为你是你孩子的一切。当她考虑一个成年人应该如何行事时,她的思想总是转向你。即使她想背离你的榜样,你的榜样也将永远是她塑造生活的蓝图。

You don’t need sophisticated knowledge of the human brain and its infinitely complex systems to discover what’s troubling your own kids. You likely don’t need mind-altering meds to cure them. You simply need a willingness to improve your kid’s life by removing the bad stuff and making space for the good.
你不需要对人类大脑及其无限复杂的系统有深入的了解,就能发现困扰你自己孩子的事情。您可能不需要改变思维的药物来治愈它们。你只需要愿意通过消除坏东西并为好东西腾出空间来改善你孩子的生活。

It’s like the old joke: A man walks into a doctor’s office with a complaint: “Whenever I drink coffee, I get this sharp pain in my eye.”
这就像一个古老的笑话:一个男人带着抱怨走进医生的办公室:“每当我喝咖啡时,我的眼睛就会感到剧烈的疼痛。

The doctor replies: “Try removing the spoon.”
医生回答说:“试着把勺子拿出来。

The solution doesn’t require a doctor. It requires only a change in a person’s life: that he stop doing the things that are obviously hurting him. The climate alarmism, the we’re-descending-into-fascism talk, the hunt for repressed trauma, the iPhone, the therapy they don’t need. The crisis is not organic. It’s something we ushered in the door.
该解决方案不需要医生。它只需要改变一个人的生活:他停止做明显伤害他的事情。气候危言耸听,我们陷入法西斯主义的谈话,寻找被压抑的创伤,iPhone,他们不需要的治疗。这场危机不是有机的。这是我们迎来的东西。

There is nothing scarier to a child than the sight of her parents overmatched and afraid. Cognitive behavioral therapists have effectively treated children’s anxiety by treating the anxiety in their parents because parents often transmit worries to kids. But we can transmit calm, too. We can be brave for them because that is what every life, if it is well-lived, requires: that we face the things that frighten us, that we try and try and try again—whether we feel up to it each time or not.
对于一个孩子来说,没有什么比看到她的父母过于匹配和害怕更可怕的了。认知行为治疗师通过治疗父母的焦虑来有效地治疗儿童的焦虑,因为父母经常将担忧传递给孩子。但我们也可以传递平静。我们可以为他们勇敢,因为这是每个生命,如果它过得好,就需要:我们面对让我们害怕的事情,我们尝试,尝试,再尝试——无论我们是否每次都觉得可以。

When you mute the expert advice, when you log off Slate Parenting, when you lay down rules according to your values, and insist your kids abide by them—you will be surprised by just how much you like your kids. Because the truth is, you should. There is nothing in life that comes close to the remarkable adventure of raising them.
当你将专家建议静音时,当你注销Slate Parenting时,当你根据自己的价值观制定规则,并坚持你的孩子遵守这些规则时,你会惊讶于你有多喜欢你的孩子。因为事实是,你应该。生活中没有什么比抚养他们的非凡冒险更接近的了。

Have you ever watched a young mother loading groceries into her car, with a toddler in one arm? There is no sight lovelier or more arresting. She is tired and busy and has so much on her mind—her whole world, braced in the steel hinge of her arm.
你有没有看过一位年轻的母亲把杂货装进车里,一只胳膊上抱着一个蹒跚学步的孩子?没有比这更可爱或更引人注目的景象了。她又累又忙,脑子里有很多事情——她的整个世界,都支撑在她手臂的钢铰链上。

A colt is born nearly ready to run the Preakness. Our children enter the world, howling incompetents. Why do human children take so long to grow up? Why did nature create a period of prolonged childhood?
一匹小马驹出生时几乎已经准备好参加 Preakness。我们的孩子进入这个世界,嚎叫无能。为什么人类的孩子需要这么长时间才能长大?为什么大自然创造了一个漫长的童年时期?

As far as I can tell, the purpose of childhood is to allow kids to take risks
据我所知,童年的目的是让孩子们冒险

—things that involve getting all kinds of hurt—and to practice the skills they will need as adults while they are still safely under their parents’ roofs. Childhood exists to allow kids to hazard an unpredictable friend, lose a ball game, stand up to a bully, pick themselves up, offer another kid a hand. We
——涉及各种伤害的事情——并在他们仍然安全地在父母的屋檐下练习他们成年后需要的技能。童年的存在是为了让孩子们冒险一个不可预测的朋友,输掉一场球赛,站起来对抗欺凌者,振作起来,向另一个孩子伸出援手。我们

want them to venture out and get their hearts broken, try and fail, and at last succeed—all while we’re still in the next bedroom.
希望他们敢于冒险,让他们的心碎,尝试和失败,并最终成功——所有这些都是在我们还在隔壁卧室的时候。

That’s what a happy childhood is: experiencing all of the pains of adulthood, in smaller doses, so that they build up immunity to the poison of heartache and loss. And when they stumble, most of the time they don’t need a session with a school counselor. They need to be told: shake it off. They need to see in our eyes not worry but faith that they’re going to be just fine. We want all of this to happen when they’re young. If they find themselves facing disappointment or rejection for the first time as adults, something has gone terribly wrong.
这就是快乐的童年:以较小的剂量经历成年后的所有痛苦,以便他们建立对心痛和失落的毒药的免疫力。当他们跌倒时,大多数时候他们不需要与学校辅导员会面。他们需要被告知:甩掉它。他们需要从我们的眼中看到的不是担心,而是相信他们会没事的。我们希望这一切都发生在他们年轻的时候。如果他们发现自己在成年后第一次面临失望或拒绝,那就大错特错了。

Parents know this. It’s why—before the experts got involved—we were always beta testing our kids: teasing, hectoring, hugging. Letting them feel the pain of ignoring our warnings but then helping them up, brushing them off, sending them on their way.
父母知道这一点。这就是为什么在专家介入之前,我们总是对孩子进行beta测试:戏弄、嘲笑、拥抱。让他们感受到无视我们警告的痛苦,然后帮助他们站起来,刷掉他们,送他们上路。

It’s the reason fathers clamp the chubby ankles of a toddler, flip him upside down, toss him high into the air, to the tune of the child’s shrieking laughter. They are girding the kid for the future: deliberately inducing excitement and fear when they can manage the risk, ready to catch him in their arms.
这就是为什么父亲会夹住蹒跚学步的孩子胖乎乎的脚踝,把他倒过来,把他高高地抛向空中,伴随着孩子尖叫的笑声。他们正在为孩子的未来束缚:当他们能够控制风险时,故意引起兴奋和恐惧,准备将他抱在怀里。

Try removing the spoon. If the doctor in the joke had been a little less ethical, or had just an ounce less sense, he would have prescribed painkillers, ordered an MRI, and charged for a full eye exam. What was necessary was simply a negative: the elimination of the obvious thing introducing the harm.
尝试取下勺子。如果笑话中的医生不那么道德,或者少了一点理智,他就会开止痛药,订购核磁共振成像,并收取全面的眼科检查费用。所需要的只是一个消极因素:消除引入伤害的明显事物。

We’ve allowed our kids to drink from mugs full of such spoons: the iPad when they were little, then the iPhone, which was worse. Each began the process of vitiating their attention, leaching away their joy in the world around them, which could only pale in comparison. When they stayed inside, alone, they hardly even knew what they were missing.
我们允许我们的孩子用装满这种勺子的杯子喝水:他们小时候的iPad,然后是iPhone,情况更糟。每个人都开始削弱他们的注意力,在他们周围的世界中浸出他们的快乐,相比之下,这只能显得苍白无力。当他们独自一人呆在里面时,他们几乎不知道自己错过了什么。

So much technology brought endless accommodation. We habituated our kids to a life in which nearly all of their desires were immediately met—to order up any particular show, to stop it the second it bored them, then order up the next; or some food; or new shoes; or even a friend’s face. The slower
如此多的技术带来了无尽的住宿。我们让孩子们习惯了几乎所有的欲望都能立即得到满足的生活——订购任何特定的节目,在让他们感到厌烦的那一刻停止它,然后订购下一个节目;或一些食物;或新鞋;甚至是朋友的脸。越慢

pace of richer, more meaningful life, the moments that tee up conversation
更丰富、更有意义的生活节奏,开启对话的时刻

—an elevator ride, a waiting room, a checkout line, a bike ride—became all but intolerable.
乘坐电梯、候车室、结账、骑自行车——几乎变得无法忍受。

Schools stocked their faculties with mental health staff and rushed to play therapist—prompting our kids to think endlessly about their feelings— routinely, formally, before waiting to see if they had a problem. Counselors were so eager to talk about our kids’ pain. They explored and aggrandized every worry because they are in the worry business.
学校在他们的院系中储备了心理健康人员,并争先恐后地扮演治疗师——促使我们的孩子无休止地思考他们的感受——例行公事、正式地,然后等待看看他们是否有问题。辅导员非常渴望谈论我们孩子的痛苦。他们探索并夸大了每一个烦恼,因为他们从事的是忧虑行业。

I spoke recently to the mother of a seventeen-year-old boy who, briefly, in middle school, had been diagnosed with ADHD, placed on Ritalin, and made to see a therapist. When he didn’t like how the Ritalin made him feel, his parents reluctantly let him give it up. But years later, having at last found areas at which he excelled and subjects that captured his sustained interest, he came to resent the time he spent in therapy. He told his mother: “Going to therapy is like learning to ski by focusing on the trees.”
我最近与一个17岁男孩的母亲交谈,他在中学时被诊断出患有多动症,服用了利他林,并被要求去看治疗师。当他不喜欢利他林给他的感觉时,他的父母不情愿地让他放弃了。但多年后,他终于找到了自己擅长的领域和引起他持续兴趣的科目,他开始憎恨自己花在治疗上的时间。他告诉母亲:“接受治疗就像通过专注于树木来学习滑雪一样。

If school mental health experts actually wanted to repair our kids’ mental health, the first thing they would do is ban smartphones during the school day.[3] The evidence that social media harms kids’ sense of well-being is all but incontrovertible. But I would go further: smartphones are an accommodation, a gizmo of avoidance and rumination—the last thing our kids need while they are reaching for adulthood. Smartphones are not the only force luring teens into a vicious cycle of negative self-focus, but they are perhaps the most ubiquitous and most persuasive.[4]
如果学校心理健康专家真的想修复我们孩子的心理健康,他们要做的第一件事就是在上学期间禁止使用智能手机[3] 社交媒体损害孩子幸福感的证据几乎是无可争议的。但我更进一步:智能手机是一种住宿,一种回避和反刍的小玩意儿——这是我们的孩子在成年时最不需要的东西。智能手机并不是引诱青少年陷入消极自我关注的恶性循环的唯一力量,但它们可能是最普遍和最有说服力的。[4]

Counselors worth their salt would say: “We cannot work in this environment. If you want us to help your kids, the first thing we must insist is that all phones are collected at the start of school and not returned until day’s end.” What could be easier? It’s a little like a school nurse insisting, “The first thing I must insist is that we ban smoking on campus. Smoking makes all health problems worse. If you want me to help kids, let’s start by creating the preconditions for good health.”
有价值的辅导员会说:“我们不能在这种环境中工作。如果你想让我们帮助你的孩子,我们必须坚持的第一件事是,所有的手机都是在开学时收集的,直到一天结束才归还。还有什么比这更容易的呢?这有点像学校护士坚持说:“我必须坚持的第一件事是我们在校园里禁止吸烟。吸烟会使所有健康问题变得更糟。如果你想让我帮助孩子们,让我们从创造身体健康的先决条件开始。

But school mental health staff only very rarely, if ever, insist their schools ban smartphones, even during the day.[5] Instead, they arrogate to themselves hefty portions of school curricula and dispense “wellness” tips:
但学校心理健康工作人员很少(如果有的话)坚持他们的学校禁止使用智能手机,即使是在白天[5],相反,他们僭越了学校课程的大量内容,并分发了“健康”提示:

Try meditation, try mindfulness, try gratitude journaling. Tell us your problems; we’ll make you better. They behave as if they were motivated not by the desire to banish kids’ emotional distress but to expand their own influence.
尝试冥想,尝试正念,尝试感恩日记。告诉我们您的问题;我们会让你变得更好。他们表现得好像他们的动机不是为了消除孩子的情绪困扰,而是为了扩大自己的影响力。

Therapists of every kind dispense diagnoses without any thought to the trouble this causes: to kids’ sense of efficacy, to kids’ definition of self. Doctors ply kids with psychotropic medication that limits their ability to feel things, to cope and to grow. Never warning them of the powerful withdrawal symptoms they may feel should they ever wish to see what it’s like to exist in the world without the emotional snowsuit.
每一种治疗师在诊断时都不考虑这造成的麻烦:孩子的效能感,孩子的自我定义。医生给孩子服用精神药物,限制他们感受事物、应对和成长的能力。永远不要警告他们可能会感受到的强烈戒断症状,如果他们想看看没有情感雪衣存在于世界上是什么感觉。

The drugs we give still-developing minds—two, three, even ten at a time[6]—stymie the intellect, dampen the sex drive, cap the emotions, maybe even dull the conscience. We send kids off to school this way— tetchy one minute, zombie the next. Numb to pain and worry, dimmed in intellect and motivation, sensing, dimly, that there’s a whole life they’re missing: their own.
我們給於仍在發育的心靈的藥物——一次兩種、三種,甚至十種[6]——阻礙智力,抑制性慾,限制情緒,甚至可能使良心變钝。我们以这种方式送孩子去上学——前一分钟还很烦躁,下一分钟就变成了僵尸。对痛苦和忧虑麻木不仁,智力和动力黯淡,朦胧地感觉到他们缺少一个完整的生活:他们自己的生活。

For too long, we parents let this happen. We began to anchor ourselves to the diagnoses slapped on our kids by someone who doesn’t know them one one-millionth as well as we do. It’s no wonder our kids began to identify with their diagnoses. We began to identify them this way, too.
太久以来,我们父母让这种情况发生。我们开始把自己锚定在那些不了解孩子的人的诊断上,而这些人对他们的了解程度不如我们。难怪我们的孩子开始认同他们的诊断。我们也开始以这种方式识别它们。

We downgraded our own children without even realizing it. The things we had grown up doing—we decided they couldn’t possibly handle. “Well, she can’t go on a flight without an iPad.” Or, “I can’t take away her iPhone; every girl in her class has one.” Or, “I know I stayed home by myself when I was her age, but things are different now.” On and on. Risks we managed without a thought, we decided they never could.
我们在不知不觉中贬低了自己的孩子。我们从小到大都在做的事情——我们认为他们不可能处理。“好吧,没有iPad,她就不能坐飞机。“或者,”我不能拿走她的iPhone;班上每个女生都有一个。“或者,”我知道在她这个年纪的时候我一个人呆在家里,但现在情况不同了。不停地。我们不假思索地管理风险,我们决定他们永远做不到。

We began to look at our own kids as if they came bearing a Nutrition Facts label: a taxonomy of disorder. While writing this book, I listened closely to the way parents talked about their kids. “Well, she’s my ADHD kid,” I heard more than one mom say. “He’s actually really smart and sensitive, but he has sensory processing issues,” I heard over and over in response to mundane questions about how their kids were doing.
我们开始把我们自己的孩子看作是带着营养成分标签的:一种疾病分类法。在写这本书时,我仔细聆听了父母谈论孩子的方式。“嗯,她是我的多动症孩子,”我听到不止一个妈妈说。“他实际上非常聪明和敏感,但他有感觉处理问题,”我一遍又一遍地听到关于他们孩子过得怎么样的世俗问题。

One friend announced his son’s admission to state college on Facebook this way: “It’s quite something that this dyslexic kid who had trouble early on in school, got to high school and really exceeded everyone’s expectations, including, I dare say, his own.”
一位朋友在Facebook上以这种方式宣布了他儿子被州立大学录取的消息:“这个有阅读障碍的孩子在学校早期就遇到了麻烦,到了高中,真的超出了所有人的期望,包括,我敢说,他自己的期望。

I thought of a few dyslexic people I have known: one of them, a math whiz. She went to Wharton, studied finance, and then headed to Wall Street before starting a series of ventures of her own. To us, she was the friend who organized ski trips, wheedling and negotiating a series of fantastic adventures, each innovative and surprising.
我想到了我认识的几个有阅读障碍的人:其中一个,一个数学天才。她去了沃顿商学院,学习金融,然后前往华尔街,然后开始了一系列自己的冒险。对我们来说,她是组织滑雪旅行的朋友,她抱怨和谈判了一系列奇妙的冒险,每一次都具有创新性和惊喜性。

When we refer to our own children by the labels the interlopers give us, we allow these experts to corrode our relationship with our children. We permit experts to downgrade how we see our daughters and sons.
当我们用闯入者给我们的标签来称呼我们自己的孩子时,我们允许这些专家腐蚀我们与孩子的关系。我们允许专家降低我们对女儿和儿子的看法。

Did Thomas Jefferson’s mom think of him as “my dyslexic son”? Or John F. Kennedy’s? Would either have become president if they had? It’s unnatural for parents to see their children this way. The tags and labels are occasionally useful for experts, but for us, they just get in the way. They are reductive and demeaning, and they have absolutely no business polluting a parent’s love.
托马斯·杰斐逊的妈妈是否认为他是“我有阅读障碍的儿子”?还是约翰·肯尼迪的?如果他们有的话,他们会成为总统吗?父母以这种方式看待孩子是不自然的。标签和标签偶尔对专家有用,但对我们来说,它们只是碍事。他们是贬低和贬低的,他们绝对没有污染父母的爱的生意。

We think of our kids according to our own categories: the softness of their cheeks, the fluttering of their hands in ours, the smell of their hair when we kiss them good night. I know one of my sons by his operettas of outrage followed, minutes later, by sheepish apology. My view of him, partially etched by the time he suddenly cursed out his twin brother at the Passover Seder. After we sent him to his room, we laughed until we cried.
我们根据自己的类别来思考我们的孩子:他们脸颊的柔软,他们的手在我们手中的颤动,当我们亲吻他们晚安时他们头发的气味。我知道我的一个儿子,他的轻歌剧愤怒,几分钟后,他羞怯地道歉。我对他的看法,在他突然在逾越节家宴上诅咒他的双胞胎兄弟时,部分被蚀刻了。我们把他送到他的房间后,我们笑到哭。

He is the child who never fails to ask me how my day went and really listen to the answer. He makes a daily devotional of Dodgers stats and Packers scores, and also those of their rivals, ready to help his teams with timely reconnaissance. At night, he sings quietly to himself as he heads off to sleep.
他是一个总是问我今天过得怎么样的孩子,并认真倾听答案。他每天都会灵修道奇队的统计数据和包装工队的得分,以及他们的对手的得分,随时准备帮助他的团队进行及时的侦察。晚上,他一边睡觉一边小声地自言自语。

My daughter still holds my hand just to walk around the house. She needles, she jokes, she intrudes. She screams when she laughs. She is our family mascot, and at the kids’ school, each of us is known principally by our relation to her.
我的女儿仍然牵着我的手,只是在房子里走来走去。她打针,她开玩笑,她闯入。她笑的时候会尖叫。她是我们家的吉祥物,在孩子们的学校里,我们每个人主要通过与她的关系来认识她。

My other son is always the most protective of me, for reasons I cannot fathom and could not deserve. Quickest to lift anything heavy for me and to worry for my safety. His mind occupies itself with a farrago of puns, puzzles, and connective thoughts. He must recount the day’s events to me before collapsing in sleep.
我的另一个儿子总是最保护我,原因我无法理解,也不值得。最快地为我举起任何重物并担心我的安全。他的脑海中充斥着双关语、谜题和连接思想。他必须在睡梦中倒下之前向我讲述当天发生的事情。

I could identify my kids by challenges they face, but it feels like a betrayal even to set them down. Who am I to decide what’s a challenge anyway? These kids are really mine only for the earliest stage of what they will become. Some of the traits I might record as a flaw will turn out, in unexpected contexts, to prove a strength. Or the reason that another person, one day, comes to love them very much. Many people love their spouses for their quirks. I’ve never heard of anyone loving another for her diagnosis.
我可以通过他们面临的挑战来识别我的孩子,但即使让他们失望,也感觉像是一种背叛。我是谁来决定什么是挑战?这些孩子真的只是我将成为的最早阶段。我可能记录为缺陷的一些特征,在意想不到的情况下,会证明一种优势。或者是另一个人,有一天,变得非常爱他们的原因。许多人因为他们的怪癖而爱他们的配偶。我从未听说过有人因为她的诊断而爱另一个人。

And I know my kids will face hardship and pain—a thought that pierces my heart like a hot needle. I read obituaries. The Wall Street Journal is filled with dot-inked images of great men and women whose gangbuster lives were stippled with poverty and pain. Men and women who wrote great books, founded important companies, invented extraordinary things, married and formed wonderful friendships, filled their homes with children and grandchildren.
我知道我的孩子将面临困难和痛苦——这个想法像一根热针一样刺穿我的心。我读了讣告。《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journal)充斥着伟人的照片,他们的黑帮生活充满了贫困和痛苦。写出好书、创立重要公司、发明非凡事物、结婚并结交美好友谊、家里生孩子和孙子的男人和女人。

Even the very best lives contain some measure of pain. That much is unavoidable.
即使是最美好的生活也包含一定程度的痛苦。这是不可避免的。

But if we want kids to register the endless bounty of life’s pleasures, we must get out of their way, and get the tech out of their way, too. Screens do not offer companionship—not the sort that fills us up, anyway. Your kids don’t require an iPad to survive a dinner or car trip any more than you did. Teens manage fine with flip phones. They aren’t weaker than you—unless you make them so.
但是,如果我们想让孩子们享受到生活中无穷无尽的乐趣,我们就必须让开他们的路,让技术也让他们开路。屏幕不提供陪伴——无论如何,不是那种让我们充满的陪伴。您的孩子不需要 iPad 来度过晚餐或汽车旅行,就像您一样。青少年使用翻盖手机管理得很好。他们并不比你弱——除非你让他们如此。

Proceed by subtraction. Clean the dirt out of the cut and the body heals itself. Until you’ve subtracted environmental contaminants that may be hampering your kids—expert, tech, monitoring, meddling, medicinal, or otherwise—you may not know how happy she is or could be.
通过减法进行。清除切口处的污垢,身体就会自愈。在你减去可能妨碍你的孩子的环境污染物之前——专家、技术、监控、干预、药用或其他——你可能不知道她有多快乐或可能有多快乐。

How do you know whether to put your thirteen-year-old in therapy? Simple: don’t take your kid to a shrink unless you’ve exhausted all other
你怎么知道是否要让你十三岁的孩子接受治疗?很简单:除非你已经用尽了所有其他东西,否则不要带你的孩子去缩水

options. If you must sign your adolescent up for therapy, research the therapist as you would any surgeon. In all but the most serious cases, your child is much better off without them. In all but the direst circumstances, your child will benefit immeasurably from knowing you are in charge—and that you don’t think there’s something wrong with her.
选项。如果您必须让您的青少年接受治疗,请像研究任何外科医生一样研究治疗师。除了最严重的情况外,在所有情况下,没有它们,您的孩子会好得多。除了最糟糕的情况外,你的孩子都会因为知道你是负责人而受益匪浅,而且你不认为她有什么问题。

Stop allowing interlopers to insert themselves between you and your kids. Adolescents who are suffering with anxiety and depression are obviously not being helped by the current and pervasive mental health treatments. Healthy adolescence can be mercurial and maddening; we know this because we lived it. Today, normal teens are being made ill by the unnecessary treatments our mental health experts dispense indiscriminately. Perhaps most insidiously, the experts insist on habituating our kids into a never-ending confrontation with the one question no therapist can resist: And how did that make you feel? When looped in a young mind, it’s a question that increases dysregulation, inhibits growth, turns teens into toddlers and young adults into the never-quite-ready.
不要让闯入者插入你和你的孩子之间。患有焦虑症和抑郁症的青少年显然没有得到当前普遍的心理健康治疗的帮助。健康的青春期可能是反复无常和令人抓狂的;我们知道这一点,因为我们亲身经历过。今天,正常的青少年因我们的心理健康专家不分青红皂白地进行不必要的治疗而生病。也许最阴险的是,专家们坚持让我们的孩子习惯于与一个治疗师无法抗拒的问题进行永无止境的对抗:这让你感觉如何?当这个问题在年轻人的头脑中循环时,这个问题会增加失调,抑制生长,将青少年变成蹒跚学步的孩子,将年轻人变成永远没有准备好的人。

Preventive mental health intervention—by definition, unnecessary— stultifies maturation, trapping young people in a punishing loop of rumination on feelings, treatment dependency, powerful risk aversion. It inhibits the normal process of adolescing out of youth and casting off the angst of adolescence. We interpret young people’s stultification as mental illness. But very often, it isn’t. It’s the malaise that sets in when they realize they’re the age their grandfather was when he married their grandmother, and they’re too scared to ask a girl out.
预防性心理健康干预——顾名思义,是不必要的——扼杀了成熟,使年轻人陷入了对感情的反刍、治疗依赖、强烈的风险厌恶的惩罚性循环中。它抑制了青春期走出青春和摆脱青春期焦虑的正常过程。我们将年轻人的愚昧解释为精神疾病。但很多时候,事实并非如此。当他们意识到自己是祖父娶祖母时的年龄时,他们就会感到不适,他们太害怕了,不敢约女孩出去。

That isn’t a mental health crisis. It’s closer to an emotional hypochondriasis and iatrogenesis crisis. It trucks not in neuroanatomy but a weakening of the soul—fear and disappointment and lack of capacity, the coiled horror of their own passivity. The unmissable verdict that they have failed to grow up.
这不是心理健康危机。它更接近于情绪性疑病症和医源性危机。它不是神经解剖学,而是灵魂的衰弱——恐惧、失望和缺乏能力,是他们自己被动的盘绕恐惧。他们未能长大的不容错过的判决。

As for the therapist who’s always supplying candidate diagnoses: more than likely, she isn’t discovering bona fide pathology. She may simply be leading your child to think of herself as sick and to behave as if she were.
至于总是提供候选诊断的治疗师:她很可能没有发现真正的病理学。她可能只是在引导你的孩子认为自己生病了,并表现得好像她生病了一样。

The Few, the Proud
少数人,骄傲的人

Iian was a senior associate at the fancy law firm where I was, briefly, a mediocre new hire. Brilliant and ferociously hardworking, Iian was liked by everyone. His one failing? He drove a fifteen-year-old[7] Ford Taurus.
Iian是那家高档律师事务所的高级律师,在那里,我曾短暂地成为一名平庸的新员工。才华横溢,勤奋努力,伊安受到大家的喜爱。他的失败了?他开着一辆15岁的[7]福特金牛座。

When Iian made partner, the firm conditioned the offer on his buying a new car. The partners wanted him to think that his car embarrassed them— that it would make them look bad to the firm’s fancy clients. But I suspected they weren’t actually embarrassed by his car. They were afraid of him.
当Iian成为合伙人时,公司以他购买新车为条件。合伙人们希望他觉得他的车让他们难堪——这会让他们在公司的高端客户面前看起来很糟糕。但我怀疑他们实际上并没有因为他的车而感到尴尬。他们害怕他。

Iian’s car represented a metallic beige provocation, proving beyond all doubt that Iian didn’t care about the baubles. He simply liked the work. He couldn’t be bought, and he couldn’t be distracted. This filled his competitors with unholy terror.
伊安的车代表了一种金属米色的挑衅,毫无疑问地证明了伊安并不在乎这些小玩意。他只是喜欢这份工作。他不能被收买,也不能分心。这让他的竞争对手充满了邪恶的恐惧。

And so it is with parents. The culture devises ways to denigrate us: for being out of shape and harried and exhausted. We wear “mom jeans” and tell “dad jokes” or have a “dad bod.” An unending parade of New York Times articles purporting to document the misery of parents does its level best to portray us as sad, useless, pitiable.[8]
父母也是如此。这种文化想方设法诋毁我们:身材走样、烦躁和疲惫。我们穿着“妈妈牛仔裤”,讲“爸爸笑话”或“爸爸”。《纽约时报》无休止的文章声称要记录父母的痛苦,竭尽全力将我们描绘成悲伤、无用、可怜的人。[8]

Everyone nursing a private agenda for the next generation knows we are the obstacle. They cannot match our stake in what these kids become. They cannot begin to imagine the depth of our love.
每个为下一代制定私人议程的人都知道我们是障碍。他们无法与我们在这些孩子成为什么样子中的利害关系相提并论。他们无法想象我们爱的深度。

I often hear parenting experts talk about the “decision to have children” as if having kids were a bit of consumerism, akin to opting for a moonroof or heated steering wheel. It isn’t like that at all. It’s a calling, the shedding of an old skin, the forming of a new one. You don’t have kids because you think it’ll be fun or because you’re looking for a new hobby. You don’t become a Navy SEAL because you have nothing better to do.
我经常听到育儿专家谈论“生孩子的决定”,好像生孩子有点消费主义,类似于选择天窗或加热方向盘。根本不是那样的。这是一种召唤,旧皮肤的脱落,新皮肤的形成。你没有孩子是因为你认为这会很有趣,或者因为你正在寻找一个新的爱好。你不会成为海豹突击队员,因为你没有更好的事情可做。

You have kids because you feel that, for you, a full life requires it. That level of self-sacrifice and continuity with the future, the tumbling joy and punch-drunk love, are not even on the menu anywhere else.
你有孩子是因为你觉得,对你来说,一个完整的生活需要它。那种自我牺牲和对未来的连续性,那种翻滚的喜悦和醉酒的爱,甚至在其他地方都没有。

Parents know this. We avoid saying so out of respect for those who don’t have kids and as a courtesy to those who can’t. But the truth is, if you’re
父母知道这一点。我们避免这样说是出于对那些没有孩子的人的尊重,也是对那些没有孩子的人的礼貌。但事实是,如果你是

thinking that having kids is a decision like any other, there probably is no good reason. Either your whole being inclines toward it or it might not.
认为生孩子是一个像其他任何决定一样的决定,可能没有充分的理由。要么你的整个人都倾向于它,要么它可能不会。

But the desire to have kids can be inculcated, and we should try. Tell your kids: I brought you into this world to play a part in something far bigger than yourself. An indispensable strand in the cord of our family. Don’t be the cord’s frayed edge.
但是想要孩子的愿望是可以灌输的,我们应该尝试。告诉你的孩子:我把你带到这个世界上,是为了在比你自己更大的事情中扮演一个角色。我们家庭的绳索中不可或缺的一缕。不要成为电源线磨损的边缘。

We want people in a society to have kids not because it necessarily makes them better people. Not because having kids is the only way to contribute to the world. (Very obviously, it isn’t.) We want people to have kids because parents are the keystone in any civilization—the only cohort that cannot be compromised.
我们希望社会中的人们生孩子,不是因为它一定会让他们成为更好的人。不是因为生孩子是为世界做出贡献的唯一途径。(很明显,事实并非如此。我们希望人们有孩子,因为父母是任何文明的基石,是唯一不能妥协的群体。

Other people may claim to care about our collective future, but only parents need things to turn out well. We’ve made the deepest, most personal of investments: we’ve released into the world the ultimate measure of ourselves.
其他人可能声称关心我们共同的未来,但只有父母需要事情才能好起来。我们进行了最深入、最个人化的投资:我们向世界释放了对自己的终极衡量标准。

Others may look at us with pity. They see the dark thumbprints under our eyes, the silvery stretch marks on our hips. Ah, but those are the battle scars.
其他人可能会怜悯地看着我们。他们看到我们眼睛下方的深色拇指印,我们臀部的银色妊娠纹。啊,但那些是战斗的伤疤。

There is no pride I’ve felt in any personal achievement that matches the day my shy, four-year-old son announced his name to the assembled audience of parents at his first piano recital. I have never felt so close to God as I did the day any of my kids was yanked into the world, when I first heard their cries, and felt certain only a miracle could account for it. No wave of tenderness has equaled the knee-buckling sensation of holding any of my kids in my arms.
我没有任何个人成就能与我害羞的四岁儿子在他的第一次钢琴独奏会上向父母宣布他的名字的那一天相提并论。我从来没有像我的孩子被拉到这个世界上的那一天那样,当我第一次听到他们的哭声时,我感到与上帝如此亲近,并确信只有奇迹才能解释它。没有任何一波温柔能比得上将我任何一个孩子抱在怀里的膝盖屈曲的感觉。

Claims from experts that they know—or more laughably, that they care
专家声称他们知道——或者更可笑的是,他们关心

—what’s best for our kids with anything comparable to the degree that we do ought to be met with derision, contempt, the creeps. The experts are out there, minting young patients faster than anyone could possibly cure them. They watch a rising tide of adolescent suffering and present themselves as its solution. Most of them ought to be fired on the spot.
——对我们的孩子来说,什么东西最好,就像我们所做的那样,应该遭到嘲笑、蔑视和毛骨悚然。专家们在那里,比任何人都能更快地培养年轻患者。他们目睹了青少年痛苦的上升浪潮,并将自己视为解决方案。他们中的大多数人应该当场被解雇。

Remove the spoons: the technology, the hovering, the monitoring, the constant doubt. The diagnosing of ordinary behaviors as pathological. The
取下勺子:技术,悬停,监控,不断的怀疑。将普通行为诊断为病态行为。这

psychiatric medications you aren’t convinced your child needs. The expert evaluations. Banish from their lives everyone with the tendency to treat your children as disordered.
你不相信你的孩子需要的精神科药物。专家评估。将所有倾向于将您的孩子视为紊乱的人从他们的生活中驱逐出去。

You don’t need them. You never needed them. And your kids are almost certainly better off without them.
你不需要它们。你永远不需要它们。没有他们,你的孩子几乎肯定会过得更好。

Having kids is the best, most worthy thing you could possibly do. Raise them well. You’re the only one who can.
生孩子是你能做的最好、最有价值的事情。好好养它们。你是唯一能做到的人。

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Acknowledgments
确认

Viewed from a certain perspective, ordinary life is filled with trauma. But it isn’t, really. It’s full of miracles.
从某个角度看,平凡的生活充满了创伤。但事实并非如此。它充满了奇迹。

Keith Urbahn took me on as a client when so many literary agents were afraid to go near me. I will always do my best to ensure that he and the whole Javelin team have the last laugh.
基思·乌尔班(Keith Urbahn)把我当作客户,当时有那么多文学经纪人不敢靠近我。我会一直尽我所能,确保他和整个标枪队笑到最后。

Bria Sandford of Sentinel believed in this book from the very beginning. Her editorial insight improved this work immeasurably. Her kindness and friendship were a bonus. Adrian Zackheim and the entire Sentinel and Penguin Random House crew never wavered in their support. Pablo Delcan swept in at the eleventh hour with a brilliant design for this cover.
Sentinel 的 Bria Sandford 从一开始就相信这本书。她的编辑洞察力极大地改善了这项工作。她的善良和友谊是额外的收获。阿德里安·扎克海姆(Adrian Zackheim)以及《哨兵报》和企鹅兰登书屋(Penguin Random House)的全体工作人员从未动摇过他们的支持。巴勃罗·德尔坎(Pablo Delcan)在第十一个小时为这个封面设计了一个出色的设计。

Dorit Waldman is razor-sharp, full of insight and good humor. I could not have written this research-heavy book without her.
Dorit Waldman 敏锐,充满洞察力和幽默感。没有她,我不可能写出这本研究性很强的书。

Jonathan Rosen is a brilliant reader. He pushed me to deepen and refine these ideas.
乔纳森·罗森(Jonathan Rosen)是一位出色的读者。他促使我深化和完善这些想法。

Bari Weiss and Nellie Bowles were with me start to finish, full of encouragement, wisdom, and love.
巴里·韦斯(Bari Weiss)和内莉·鲍尔斯(Nellie Bowles)从头到尾都和我在一起,充满了鼓励、智慧和爱。

Noah Pollak helped at every opportunity, and placed Parents Defending Education’s arsenal of documents at my disposal. With regard to school surveys, Rhyen Staley helped generously and mightily.
诺亚·波拉克(Noah Pollak)抓住一切机会提供帮助,并将“捍卫教育的父母”(Parents Defending Education)的文件库交给我使用。关于学校调查,Rhyen Staley慷慨大方地提供了帮助。

Jesse and Yael Sage housed me on a research trip. The incomparable Sally Satel offered insights and introduced me to so many of her wonderful colleagues. Mark Gerson, Lisa Logan, Stephanie Winn, Marco Del Guidice, Lenore Skenazy, Sophie Melamed, and Maud Maron shook the trees. Moshe Lifschitz led me through the alien landscape of mental-health apps.
Jesse 和 Yael Sage 带我进行了一次研究旅行。无与伦比的莎莉·萨特尔(Sally Satel)提供了见解,并将我介绍给了她的许多优秀同事。马克·格森、丽莎·洛根、斯蒂芬妮·温恩、马可·德尔·吉迪斯、莱诺·斯肯纳齐、索菲·梅拉梅德和莫德·马龙摇晃着树木。摩西·利夫希茨(Moshe Lifschitz)带领我穿越了心理健康应用程序的陌生景观。

Paul McHugh, Leonard Sax, Larry Diller, Rita Eichenstein, Stella O’Malley, Jennie Bristow, Robert Pondiscio, James Lindsay, and Max Eden offered wisdom. R. Christopher Barden, Candace Jackson, and Mark Pendergrast improved my understanding of technical issues in psychology and law. Brian Anderson provided constant encouragement. Joshua Coleman gave me the idea for the title of this book.
Paul McHugh、Leonard Sax、Larry Diller、Rita Eichenstein、Stella O'Malley、Jennie Bristow、Robert Pondiscio、James Lindsay 和 Max Eden 提供了智慧。R·克里斯托弗·巴登(R. Christopher Barden)、坎迪斯·杰克逊(Candace Jackson)和马克·彭德格拉斯特(Mark Pendergrast)提高了我对心理学和法律技术问题的理解。布莱恩·安德森(Brian Anderson)不断鼓励。约书亚·科尔曼(Joshua Coleman)给了我这本书书名的想法。

My mother, father, mother-in-law, and father-in-law are unflagging in their generosity and generous in their love. I am grateful, daily, for each of them.
我的母亲、父亲、岳母和岳父在慷慨和爱心上毫不松懈。我每天都对他们每个人心存感激。

When our three kids head off to sleepaway camp each summer, the house aches with silence, and I remember how much joy tromps around with them, announcing itself at a holler. All three strenuously objected to my writing this book. Still, R gave me insight into his generation and top-notch hugs. J, stories and opinions and the gift of his smile. D provided snuggles and the finest research assistance ever offered by a ten-year-old.
每年夏天,当我们的三个孩子去露宿营地时,房子里一片寂静,我记得有多少快乐和他们一起走来走去,在一声呐喊中宣布自己。这三个人都极力反对我写这本书。尽管如此,R 还是让我深入了解了他那一代人和一流的拥抱。J,故事和意见以及他微笑的礼物。D提供了一个十岁的孩子所提供的依偎和最好的研究帮助。

In an important sense, my life began the day I met Zach. He read every draft and improved every idea in this book, steered me right and made me laugh. Our life so often feels like the overpacked house of the Yiddish folktale. And it comes bearing the same lesson: the overfullness is the good, and the good is the point.
从某种意义上说,我的生活从我遇见扎克的那一天开始。他阅读了这本书中的每一份草稿,改进了每一个想法,引导我正确,让我发笑。我们的生活常常感觉像是意第绪语民间故事中拥挤的房子。它带来了同样的教训:过度充实是好的,好的是重点。

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Notes
笔记

Introduction: We Just Wanted Happy Kids
简介:我们只是想要快乐的孩子

“Suicide Risk Screening Tool,” National Institute of Mental Health Toolkit, accessed August 6, 2023, https://www.nimh.nih.gov/sites/default/files/documents/research/research-conducted-at- nimh/asq-toolkit-materials/asq-tool/screening_tool_asq_nimh_toolkit.pdf
“自杀风险筛查工具”,美国国家心理健康研究所工具包,2023 年 8 月 6 日访问,https://www.nimh.nih.gov/sites/default/files/documents/research/research-conducted-at- nimh/asq-toolkit-materials/asq-tool/screening_tool_asq_nimh_toolkit.pdf
.

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 1
返回笔记 参考文献 1

“Script for Nursing Staff,” National Institute of Mental Health Toolkit: Youth Outpatient, accessed August 6, 2023, https://www.nimh.nih.gov/sites/default/files/documents/research/research-conducted-at- nimh/asq-toolkit-materials/youth- outpatient/nurse_script_outpatient_youth_asq_nimh_toolkit.pdf
“护理人员脚本”,国家心理健康研究所工具包:青年门诊,2023 年 8 月 6 日访问,https://www.nimh.nih.gov/sites/default/files/documents/research/research-conducted-at- nimh/asq-toolkit-materials/youth- outpatient/nurse_script_outpatient_youth_asq_nimh_toolkit.pdf
.

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 2
返回笔记 参考文献 2

According to the American Psychological Association, 26 percent of Gen Xers received therapy or other mental health treatments in 2018 alone. “Stress in America™: Generation Z,” American Psychological Association, October 2018, https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2018/stress-gen-z.pdf
根据美国心理学会的数据,仅在 2018 年,就有 26% 的 X 世代接受了治疗或其他心理健康治疗。“美国™的压力:Z世代”,美国心理学会,2018年10月,https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2018/stress-gen-z.pdf
.

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 3
返回笔记 参考文献 3

See, for example, Gibson, Lindsay C., Adult Children of Emotionally Immature Parents: How to Heal from Distant, Rejecting, or Self-Involved Parents (New Harbinger: Oakland, 2015).
例如,参见Gibson,Lindsay C.,情感不成熟父母的成年子女:如何从疏远,拒绝或自我参与的父母中治愈(New Harbinger:Oakland,2015)。

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 4
返回笔记 参考文献 4

“[O]nly 55% of Gen Z and millennials plan to have children. One in four of those surveyed, aged between 18 and 34, has ruled out parenthood entirely, with the most common reason cited being ‘wanting time for themselves.’ ” India, Freya, “Why Doesn’t Gen Z Want Children,”
“55%的Z世代和千禧一代计划生孩子。在年龄在18至34岁之间的受访者中,有四分之一的人完全排除了为人父母的可能性,最常见的原因是“想要自己的时间”。“ 印度,芙蕾雅,”为什么 Z 世代不想要孩子,”

UnHerd, July 29, 2023, https://unherd.com/thepost/why-doesnt-gen-z-want-children
UnHerd2023 年 7 月 29 日, https://unherd.com/thepost/why-doesn't-gen-z-want-children
.

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 5
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In the years since Jonathan Haidt and Greg Lukianoff first observed the apparent oversensitivity of this generation in their landmark text, The Coddling of the American Mind, it has become clear that the psychological state of young people is even worse than they described. The rising generation’s problems exceed “safetyism,” the idea that emotional and physical safety had supplanted every other value, leading to a vast expansion in young people’s understanding of harm. Young people today are intellectually and emotionally unprepared to engage with ideas with which they disagree. In greater numbers than ever recorded, young people writhe in psychic pain and are hitting all the markers of adulthood far later than previous generations.
自从乔纳森·海特(Jonathan Haidt)和格雷格·卢基亚诺夫(Greg Lukianoff)在他们的里程碑式著作《美国心灵的溺爱》(The Coddling of the American Mind)中首次观察到这一代人明显的过度敏感以来,很明显,年轻人的心理状态比他们描述的还要糟糕。新生代的问题超过了“安全主义”,即情感和身体安全已经取代了其他所有价值,导致年轻人对伤害的理解大大扩展。今天的年轻人在智力和情感上都没有准备好参与他们不同意的想法。年轻人在精神痛苦中挣扎的人数比以往任何时候都多,并且比前几代人晚得多地达到成年的所有标志。

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See Horovitz, Bruce, “Companies Embrace Older Workers as Younger Employees Quit or Become Less Reliable,” Time, December 20, 2021, https://time.com/6129715/age-inclusive- workplaces; Giddings, Andy, “Companies Refuse to Hire ‘Unreliable’ Young Workers,” BBC News, July 3, 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-shropshire-66066246
参见 Horovitz, Bruce,“随着年轻员工辞职或变得不那么可靠,公司拥抱年长员工”,《时代》杂志,2021 年 12 月 20 日,https://time.com/6129715/age-inclusive- 工作场所;安迪·吉丁斯,“公司拒绝雇用'不可靠'的年轻工人”,BBC 新闻,2023 年 7 月 3 日,https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-shropshire-66066246
.

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Moms told me this in interviews. See also Prince, Kate, “Study Reveals Teens Are Too Scared to Drive,” Moms.com, December 13, 2018, https://www.moms.com/teens-scared-to-drive/
妈妈们在采访中告诉我这一点。另见凯特王子,“研究表明青少年太害怕开车”,Moms.com,2018 年 12 月 13 日,https://www.moms.com/teens-scared-to-drive/
.

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“The Ask Suicide-Screening Questions (ASQ) toolkit is designed to screen medical patients ages 8 years and above for the risk of suicide.” National Institute of Mental Health, accessed September 12, 2023, https://www.nimh.nih.gov/research/research-conducted-at-nimh/asq- toolkit-materials
“询问自杀筛查问题 (ASQ) 工具包旨在筛查 8 岁及以上的医疗患者的自杀风险。”国家心理健康研究所,2023 年 9 月 12 日访问,https://www.nimh.nih.gov/research/research-conducted-at-nimh/asq- 工具包材料
.

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Chapter 1: Iatrogenesis
第 1 章:医源性

Anything that happens between a child and therapist counts as therapy, in other words; see the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry website, www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Psychotherapies- For-Children-And-Adolescents-086.aspx. The full definition is: “Psychotherapy is a form of psychiatric treatment that involves therapeutic conversations and interactions between a therapist and a child or family. It can help children and families understand and resolve problems, modify behavior, and make positive changes in their lives. There are several types of psychotherapy that involve different approaches, techniques, and interventions. At times, a combination of different psychotherapy approaches may be helpful. In some cases, a combination of medication with psychotherapy may be more effective.”
换句话说,孩子和治疗师之间发生的任何事情都算作治疗;参见美国儿童和青少年精神病学学会网站,www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Psychotherapies-For-Children-And-Adolescents-086.aspx。完整的定义是:“心理治疗是一种精神治疗形式,涉及治疗师与儿童或家庭之间的治疗性对话和互动。它可以帮助儿童和家庭理解和解决问题,改变行为,并在他们的生活中做出积极的改变。有几种类型的心理治疗涉及不同的方法、技术和干预措施。有时,不同心理治疗方法的组合可能会有所帮助。在某些情况下,药物与心理治疗的结合可能更有效。

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The American Psychological Association’s definition, in full: “psychotherapy n. any psychological service provided by a trained professional that primarily uses forms of communication and interaction to assess, diagnose, and treat dysfunctional emotional reactions, ways of thinking, and behavior patterns. Psychotherapy may be provided to individuals, couples (see couples therapy), families (see family therapy), or members of a group (see group therapy). There are many types of psychotherapy, but generally they fall into four major categories: psychodynamic psychotherapy, cognitive therapy or behavior therapy, humanistic therapy, and integrative psychotherapy. The psychotherapist is an individual who has been professionally trained and licensed (in the United States by a state board) to treat mental, emotional, and behavioral disorders by psychological means. He or she may be a clinical psychologist, psychiatrist, counselor, social worker, or psychiatric nurse. Also called therapy; talk therapy—psychotherapeutic adj.” APA Dictionary of Psychology, accessed July 28, 2023, https://dictionary.apa.org/psychotherapy
美国心理学会(American Psychological Association)的定义是:“心理治疗 n. 由训练有素的专业人员提供的任何心理服务,主要使用沟通和互动形式来评估、诊断和治疗功能失调的情绪反应、思维方式和行为模式。心理治疗可以提供给个人、夫妻(见夫妻治疗)、家庭(见家庭治疗)或团体成员(见团体治疗)。心理治疗有很多种,但一般分为四大类:心理动力学心理治疗、认知治疗或行为治疗、人本主义治疗和综合心理治疗。心理治疗师是经过专业培训并获得许可(在美国由州委员会颁发)通过心理手段治疗精神、情绪和行为障碍的个人。他或她可能是临床心理学家、精神科医生、辅导员、社会工作者或精神科护士。也称为治疗;谈话疗法——心理治疗调整。APA 心理学词典,2023 年 7 月 28 日访问,https://dictionary.apa.org/psychotherapy
.

In case your head wasn’t already spinning, the APA defines a therapist as “an individual who has been trained in and practices one or more types of therapy to treat mental or physical disorders or diseases.”
如果你的头脑还没有旋转,APA将治疗师定义为“接受过培训并实践一种或多种疗法来治疗精神或身体障碍或疾病的个人”。

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The incidence of preventable medical error in hospitals is stunning and has been estimated as causing four hundred thousand injuries per year. See James, John T., “A New, Evidence-Based Estimate of Patient Harms Associated with Hospital Care,” Journal of Personal Safety (September 2013), https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23860193
医院中可预防的医疗失误的发生率令人震惊,据估计每年造成四十万人受伤。参见 James, John T., “A New, Evidence-Based Estimate of Patient Harms Associated with Hospital Care,” Journal of Personal Safety (September 2013), https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23860193
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Perlow, David L., “Surgeons Sometimes Operate on the Wrong Body Part. There’s an Easy Fix,” Washington Post, November 19, 2021, www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/surgeons- sometimes-operate-on-the-wrong-body-part-theres-an-easy-fix/2021/11/19/c690ef94-4889- 11ec-95dc-5f2a96e00fa3_story.html; see also Page, Leigh, “Doctors Doing Wrong-Site
Perlow, David L.,“外科医生有时会在错误的身体部位进行手术。有一个简单的解决方案,“华盛顿邮报,2021 年 11 月 19 日,www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/surgeons- 有时在错误的身体部位进行操作 theres-an-easy-fix/2021/11/19/c690ef94-4889- 11ec-95dc-5f2a96e00fa3_story.html;另见 Page, Leigh, “Doctors Doing Wrong-Site

Surgery: Why Is It Still Happening,” WebMD, September 30, 2021, https://www.the- hospitalist.org/hospitalist/article/246847/mixed-topics/mds-doing-wrong-site-surgery-why-it- still-happening
手术:为什么它仍然在发生,“WebMD,2021 年 9 月 30 日,https://www.the-hospitalist.org/hospitalist/article/246847/mixed-topics/mds-doing-wrong-site-surgery-why-it-仍在发生
.

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McHugh, Paul R., and Glenn Treisman, “PTSD: A Problematic Diagnostic Category,” Journal of Anxiety Disorders 21, no. 2 (2006): 211–22, doi: 10.1016/j.janxdis.2006.09.003.
McHugh、Paul R. 和 Glenn Treisman,“创伤后应激障碍:有问题的诊断类别”,焦虑症杂志 21,第 2 期(2006 年):211-22,doi:10.1016/j.janxdis.2006.09.003。

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Rose, Suzanna, “Psychological Debriefing for Preventing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD),” Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews (April 2002), www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7032695
Rose, Suzanna,“预防创伤后应激障碍(PTSD)的心理汇报”,Cochrane系统评价数据库(2002年4月),www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7032695
.

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Lilienfeld, Scott O., “Psychological Treatments That Cause Harm,” Perspectives on Psychological Science (March 2007): 59, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6916.2007.00029.x; Rona, Roberto J., et al., “Post-Deployment Screening for Mental Disorders and Tailored Advice about Help-Seeking in the UK Military: a Cluster Randomized Control Trial,” Lancet 389 (April 8, 2017):1410–423, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(16)32398-4. See also Jonsson, Ulf, et al., “Reporting of Harms in Randomized Controlled Trials of Psychological Interventions for Mental and Behavioral Disorders,” Contemporary Clinical Trials 38, no. 1 (2014): 1–8, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cct.2014.02.005; McHugh and Triesman, “PTSD: A Problematic Diagnostic Category.”
Lilienfeld,Scott O.,“造成伤害的心理治疗”,心理科学观点(2007年3月):59,https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6916.2007.00029.x;Rona、Roberto J. 等人,“英国军队精神障碍的部署后筛查和关于寻求帮助的定制建议:一项整群随机对照试验”,《柳叶刀》389(2017 年 4 月 8 日):1410–423,https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(16)32398-4。另见 Jonsson、Ulf 等人,“精神和行为障碍心理干预随机对照试验中的危害报告”,《当代临床试验》第 38 期,第 1 期(2014 年):1-8,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cct.2014.02.005;McHugh 和 Triesman,“创伤后应激障碍:一个有问题的诊断类别。

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See, for example, Lilienfeld, “Psychological Treatments That Cause Harm”; Jonsson, “Reporting of Harms in Randomized Controlled Trials”; Bonnell, C., and Jamal Melendez- Torris, “ ‘Dark Logic’: Theorizing the Harmful Consequences of Public Health Interventions,” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 69, no. 1 (January 2015): 95–98, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25403381
例如,见Lilienfeld,“造成伤害的心理治疗”;Jonsson,“随机对照试验中的危害报告”;Bonnell, C. 和 Jamal Melendez-Torris,“'黑暗逻辑':将公共卫生干预的有害后果理论化”,《流行病学和社区卫生杂志》第 69 期,第 1 期(2015 年 1 月):95-98,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25403381
.

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Schermuly-Haupt, Marie-Luise, et al., “Unwanted Events and Side Effects in Cognitive Behavior Therapy,” Cognitive Therapy and Research 42, no. 3 (2018): 219–29, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10608-018-9904-y
Schermuly-Haupt、Marie-Luise 等人,“认知行为疗法中的不良事件和副作用”,认知疗法与研究 42,第 3 期(2018 年):219-29,https://doi.org/10.1007/s10608-018-9904-y
.

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Boisvert, Charles M., and David Faust, “Iatrogenic Symptoms in Psychotherapy: A Theoretical Exploration of the Potential Impact of Labels, Language and Belief Systems,” American Journal of Psychotherapy 56 (November 2002): 248, https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.2002.56.2.244
Boisvert、Charles M. 和 David Faust,“心理治疗中的医源性症状:对标签、语言和信仰系统潜在影响的理论探索”,《美国心理治疗杂志》第 56 期(2002 年 11 月):248 页,第 https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.2002.56.2.244 页
.

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Schermuly-Haupt et al., “Unwanted Events and Side Effects in Cognitive Behavior Therapy.”
Schermuly-Haupt 等人,“认知行为疗法中的不良事件和副作用”。

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See, for example, Boisvert and Faust, “Iatrogenic Symptoms in Psychotherapy.”
例如,参见Boisvert和Faust,“心理治疗中的医源性症状”。

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Carlier, Ingrid V. E., et al., “Disaster-Related Post-Traumatic Stress in Police Officers: A Field Study of the Impact of Debriefing,” Stress Medicine 14, no. 3 (1998): 143–48, https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-1700(199807)14:3<143::AID-SMI770>3.0.CO;2-S
Carlier, Ingrid V. E., et al., “Disaster-Related Post-Traumatic Stress in Police Officers: A Field Study of the Impact of Debriefing,” Stress Medicine 14, no. 3 (1998): 143–48, https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-1700(199807)14:3<143::AID-SMI770>3.0.CO;2-小号
.

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Berk, Michael, et al., “The Elephant on the Couch: Side-Effects of Psychotherapy,” Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry (January 2009): 789, https://doi.org/10.1080/00048670903107559
Berk, Michael, et al., “The Elephant on the Couch: Side-Effects of Psychotherapy,” Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry (January 2009): 789, https://doi.org/10.1080/00048670903107559
.

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Helgeson, Vicki S., et al., “Education and Peer Discussion Group Interventions and Adjustment to Breast Cancer,” Archives of General Psychiatry 56, no. 4 (1999): 340–47, https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/article-abstract/1152701
Helgeson, Vicki S., et al., “Education and Peer Discussion Group Interventions and Adjustment to Breast Cancer,” Archives of General Psychiatry 56, no. 4 (1999): 340–47, https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/article-abstract/1152701
.

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Brody, Jane E., Often, Time Beats Therapy for Treating Grief,” New York Times, January 27, 2004. See also Neimeyer, R.A., “Searching for the Meaning of Meaning: Grief Therapy and the Process of Reconstruction,” Death Studies 24, no. 6 (September 2000): 541–58, https://doi.org/10.1080/07481180050121480
Brody, Jane E.,“通常,时间胜过治疗悲伤的疗法”,《纽约时报》,2004 年 1 月 27 日。另见Neimeyer, R.A.,“寻找意义的意义:悲伤疗法和重建过程”,《死亡研究》第24期,第6期(2000年9月):541-58,https://doi.org/10.1080/07481180050121480
.

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Bonanno, George A, The Other Side of Sadness: What the New Science of Bereavement Tells Us About Life After Loss (New York: Basic Books, 2009). See also Pinker, Susan, “Exercise Can Be the Best Antidepressant,” Wall Street Journal, March 23, 2023, www.wsj.com/articles/exercise-can-be-the-best-antidepressant-5101a538?mod=e2tw. (“New research finds that as little as 12 weeks of regular exercise can alleviate symptoms of depression as effectively as medication.”)
Bonanno, George A, The Other Side of Sadness: What the New Science of Bereavement Tell Us About Life After Loss (New York: Basic Books, 2009).另见 Pinker, Susan,“运动可以成为最好的抗抑郁药”,《华尔街日报》,2023 年 3 月 23 日,www.ws.com/articles/exercise-can-be-the-best-antidepressant-5101a538?mod=e2tw。(“新的研究发现,短短12周的定期运动可以像药物一样有效地缓解抑郁症状。

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Boardman, Samantha, “The One Question Therapists Don’t Often Ask but Should,” The Dose, October 10, 2022, https://drsamanthaboardman.bulletin.com/the-one-question-therapists-don-t- often-ask-but-should
博德曼,萨曼莎,“治疗师不经常问但应该问的一个问题”,剂量,2022 年 10 月 10 日,https://drsamanthaboardman.bulletin.com/the-one-question-therapists-don-t 经常问但应该问
.

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Lillienfeld, “Psychological Treatments that Cause Harm”; see also McNally, R. J., et al., “Does Early Psychological Intervention Promote Recovery from Posttraumatic Stress?,”
Lillienfeld,“造成伤害的心理治疗”;另见McNally, R. J., et al., “早期心理干预是否促进创伤后压力的恢复?

Psychological Science in the Public Interest 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 45–79, https://doi.org/10.1111/1529-1006.01421
公共利益中的心理科学 4,第 2 期(2003 年 11 月):45-79,https://doi.org/10.1111/1529-1006.01421
.

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See, for example, Leichsenring, Falk, et al., “The Efficacy of Psychotherapies and Pharmacotherapies for Mental Disorders in Adults: An Umbrella Review and Meta-Analytic Evaluation of Recent Meta-Analyses,” World Psychiatry 21, no. 1 (February 2022): 133–45, https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20941
例如,参见 Leichsenring、Falk 等人,“心理治疗和药物治疗成人精神障碍的疗效:对近期荟萃分析的总括性评价和荟萃分析评估”,《世界精神病学》第 21 期,第 1 期(2022 年 2 月):133-45,https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20941
.

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Paulson, Steven K., “Campaign Against DARE Program Launched: Drug Education: Opponents Say Psychological Technique—Letting Children Make Choices—Is Harmful,” Los Angeles Times, June 14, 1992, www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-06-14-me-647- story.html. According to the D.A.R.E. manual, D.A.R.E. worked with teens “to raise their self- esteem, to teach them how to make decisions on their own, and to help them identify positive alternatives to tobacco, alcohol, and drug use.”
Paulson, Steven K., “Campaign Against DARE Program Launched: Drug Education: T反对者说心理技巧——让孩子做出选择——是有害的”,《洛杉矶时报》,1992 年 6 月 14 日,www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-06-14-me-647- story.html根据 D.A.R.E. 手册,D.A.R.E. 与青少年合作“提高他们的自尊心,教他们如何自己做决定,并帮助他们确定烟草的积极替代品, 酗酒和吸毒。

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Paulson, “Campaign Against DARE Program Launched.”
保尔森,“发起反对DARE计划的运动”。

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Werch, C.E., and D. Owen, “Iatrogenic Effects of Alcohol and Drug Prevention Programs,” Journal of Studies on Alcohol 63, no. 5 (September 2002): 581–90, https://doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2002.63.581. See also, for example, Lynam, D. R., et al., “Project DARE: No Effects at 10-Year Follow-Up,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 67, no. 4 (August 1999): 590–93, https://doi.org/10.1037//0022-006x.67.4.590
Werch, C.E. 和 D. Owen,“酒精和药物预防计划的医源性影响”,《酒精研究杂志》第 63 期,第 5 期(2002 年 9 月):581-90,https://doi.org/10.15288/jsa.2002.63.581。另见,例如,Lynam, D. R., et al., “Project DARE: No Effects at 10-Year Follow-Up,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 67, no. 4 (August 1999): 590–93, https://doi.org/10.1037//0022-006x.67.4.590
.

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Lopez, German, “Why Anti-Drug Campaigns Like DARE Fail,” Vox, September 1, 2014, www.vox.com/platform/amp/2014/9/1/5998571/why-anti-drug-campaigns-like-dare-fail; Ormel, Johan, et al., “More Treatment but No Less Depression: The Treatment-Prevalence Paradox,” Clinical Psychology Review 91 (February 2022): 102111, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34959153/; International Communication Association. “Parents Talking about Their Own Drug Use to Children Could Be Detrimental,” Science
Lopez,German,“为什么像 DARE 这样的禁毒运动会失败”,Vox,2014 年 9 月 1 日,www.vox.com/platform/amp/2014/9/1/5998571/why-anti-drug-campaigns-like-dare-failOrmel,Johan 等人,“更多的治疗但更少的抑郁症:治疗-流行悖论”,临床心理学评论 91(2022 年 2 月):102111,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34959153/;国际传播协会。“父母向孩子谈论自己的吸毒可能是有害的,”科学

Daily, February 22 2013, www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/02/130222083127.htm; see also Werch and Owen, “Iatrogenic Effects of Alcohol and Drug Prevention Programs.”
每日,2013年2月22日,www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/02/130222083127.htm;另见 Werch 和 Owen,“酒精和药物预防计划的医源性影响”。

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See, for example, Leichsenring et al., “The Efficacy of Psychotherapies and Pharmacotherapies for Mental Disorders in Adults”; Ormel et al., “More Treatment but No Less Depression”; Berk et al., “The Elephant on the Couch.”
例如,见Leichsenring等人,“心理治疗和药物治疗成人精神障碍的疗效”;Ormel 等人,“更多的治疗,但同样不少的抑郁症”;Berk 等人,“沙发上的大象”。

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See Dawes, Robyn, House of Cards: Psychology and Psychotherapy Built on a Myth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), 42.
参见Dawes,Robyn,纸牌屋:建立在神话之上的心理学和心理治疗(纽约:Simon&Schuster,1994),42。

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Watters, Ethan, “The Forgotten Lessons of the Recovered Memory Movement,” New York
沃特斯,伊森,“恢复记忆运动的被遗忘的教训”,纽约

Times, September 27, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/27/opinion/recovered-memory- therapy-mental-health.html
《泰晤士报》,2022年9月27日,https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/27/opinion/recovered-memory-therapy-mental-health.html
.

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Watters, “The Forgotten Lessons of the Recovered Memory Movement.”
沃特斯,“恢复记忆运动的被遗忘的教训”。

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Rayner, Gordon, “Minister Orders Inquiry into 4,000 Per Cent Rise in Children Wanting to Change Sex,” The Telegraph September 16, 2018, www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2018/09/16/minister-orders-inquiry-4000-per-cent-rise-children- wanting. See also Shrier, Abigail, Irreversible Damage: The Transgender Craze Seducing Our Daughters (Washington, DC: Regnery, 2020).
雷纳,戈登,“部长下令调查想要改变性别的儿童增加4,000%”,《每日电讯报》,2018年9月16日,www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2018/09/16/minister-orders-inquiry-4000-per-cent-rise-children-想要。另见 Shrier, Abigail, 不可逆转的损害:诱惑我们女儿的跨性别热潮 (华盛顿特区:Regnery,2020 年)。

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See, for example, Szego, Julie, “ ‘Absolutely Devastating’: Woman Sues Psychiatrist Over Gender Transition,” The Age, August 24, 2022, www.theage.com.au/national/absolutely- devastating-woman-sues-psychiatrist-over-gender-transition-20220823-p5bbyr.html; Sanchez, Darlene McCormick, “21-Year Old Sues Doctors and Clinics for more than $1 Million Over Transgender Procedures,” Epoch Times, July 27, 2023, www.theepochtimes.com/us/21-year- old-sues-doctors-and-clinics-for-more-than-1-million-over-transgender-procedures-5422986
例如,参见 Szego, Julie,“'绝对毁灭性':女性就性别转变起诉精神病医生”,《时代》,2022 年 8 月 24 日,www.theage.com.au/national/absolutely- devastating-woman-sues-psychiatrist-over-gender-transition-20220823-p5bbyr.html Sanchez,Darlene McCormick,“21 岁的人起诉医生和诊所因跨性别手术超过 100 万美元”,大纪元时报,2023 年 7 月 27 日,www.theepochtimes.com/us/21-year- old-sues-doctors-and-clinics-for-over-100-million-over-transgender-procedures-5422986
.

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“Understanding Psychotherapy and How It Works,” American Psychological Association, updated March 16, 2022, https://www.apa.org/topics/psychotherapy/understanding
“了解心理治疗及其工作原理”,美国心理学会,2022 年 3 月 16 日更新,https://www.apa.org/topics/psychotherapy/understanding
.

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“8.8 Required Reporting of Adverse Events,” AMA Code of Medical Ethics, https://code- medical-ethics.ama-assn.org/sites/default/files/2022- 09/8.8%20Required%20reporting%20of%20adverse%20events%20--
“8.8 不良事件的必要报告”,AMA 医学伦理准则,https://code- medical-ethics.ama-assn.org/sites/default/files/2022- 09/8.8%20Required%20reporting%20of%20adverse%20events%20--

%20background%20reports.pdf.

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Lilienfeld, “Psychological Treatments That Cause Harm.” (“Psychology has no formal equivalent of medicine’s Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to conduct Phase I or Phase II trials, both of which help to identify safety problems with novel treatments before they are disseminated to the public.”)
Lilienfeld,“造成伤害的心理治疗”。(“心理学没有正式等同于医学的食品和药物管理局(FDA)进行I期或II期试验,这两者都有助于在向公众传播新疗法之前识别安全问题。

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Parker et al., “The Elephant on the Couch.” (Citing Nutt, D.J., and Sharpe M. “Uncritical Positive Regard? Issues in the Efficacy and Safety of Psychotherapy,” Journal of
Parker et al.,“沙发上的大象”。(引用 Nutt, D.J. 和 Sharpe M. “不加批判的积极关注?心理治疗的有效性和安全性问题,“杂志

Psychopharmacology 22, no. 1 (2008): 3–6, and noting the “assumption . . . that as
精神药理学 22,第 1 期(2008 年):3-6,并指出“假设

psychotherapy is only talking . . . no possible harm could ensue.”)
心理治疗只是说说而已,不会造成任何可能的伤害。

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Linden, Michael, and Marie-Luise Schermuly-Haupt, “Definition, Assessment, and Rate of Psychotherapy Side Effects,” World Psychiatry, October 13, 2014, 306, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4219072
Linden、Michael 和 Marie-Luise Schermuly-Haupt,“心理治疗副作用的定义、评估和发生率”,《世界精神病学》,2014 年 10 月 13 日,第 306 页,第 www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4219072 页
.

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See, for example, Harris, Gardiner, “Talk Doesn’t Pay, So Psychiatry Turns Instead to Drug Therapy,” New York Times, March 5, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/06/health/policy/06doctors.html
例如,参见Harris, Gardiner,“Talk Doesn't Pay, So Psychiatry Turn to Drug Therapy”,《纽约时报》,2011年3月5日,https://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/06/health/policy/06doctors.html
.

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See Jonsson et al., “Reporting of Harms in Randomized Controlled Trials.”
参见Jonsson等人,“随机对照试验中的危害报告”。

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Linden and Schermuly-Haupt, “Definition, Assessment, and Rate of Psychotherapy Side Effects.” See also Jonsson et al., “Reporting of Harms in Randomized Controlled Trials.”
Linden 和 Schermuly-Haupt,“心理治疗副作用的定义、评估和发生率”。另见 Jonsson 等人,“随机对照试验中的危害报告”。

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Chapter 2: A Crisis in the Era of Therapy
第2章:治疗时代的危机

All names of children and adolescents and those of their parents have been changed to protect their privacy. Names of teachers, counselors, and Beth, the psych nurse, have all been changed by request, and identified only with a pseudonymous first name so that they could speak freely without fear of repercussion at their places of employment. Those teachers and school mental health staff who were willing to go on the record are identified with a real first and last name.
所有儿童和青少年及其父母的姓名均已更改,以保护他们的隐私。教师、辅导员和心理护士贝丝的名字都应要求进行了更改,只用化名来识别,这样他们就可以自由发言,而不必担心在工作地点受到影响。那些愿意记录在案的教师和学校心理健康工作人员被识别为真实的名字和姓氏。

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Bethune, Sophie, “Gen Z More Likely to Report Mental Health Concerns,” Monitor on Psychology 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 20, www.apa.org/monitor/2019/01/gen-
白求恩,索菲,“Z 世代更有可能报告心理健康问题”,心理学监测 50,第 1 期(2019 年 1 月):20,www.apa.org/monitor/2019/01/gen-

z#:~:text=They%20are%20also%20more%20likely,15%20percent%20of%20older%20adults
z#:~:text=They%20are%20also%20more%20likely,15%20percent%20of%20older%20adults
.

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Bethune, “Gen Z More Likely to Report Mental Health Concerns.”
白求恩,“Z世代更有可能报告心理健康问题。

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Fearnow, Benjamin, “42% of Gen Z Diagnosed with a Mental Health Condition, Survey Reveals,” StudyFinds, November 7, 2022, https://studyfinds.org/gen-z-mental-health-condition; “New HHS Study in JAMA Pediatrics Shows Significant Increases in Children Diagnosed with Mental Health Conditions from 2016 to 2020,” US Department of Health and Human Services, March 14, 2022, www.hhs.gov/about/news/2022/03/14/new-hhs-study-jama-pediatrics-shows- significant-increases-children-diagnosed-mental-health-conditions-2016-2020.html
Fearnow,Benjamin,“调查显示,42% 的 Z 世代被诊断出患有心理健康状况”,StudyFinds,2022 年 11 月 7 日,https://studyfinds.org/gen-z-mental-health-condition;“HHS 在 JAMA Pediatrics 上的新研究表明,从 2016 年到 2020 年,被诊断患有心理健康状况的儿童显着增加”,美国卫生与公众服务部,2022 年 3 月 14 日,www.hhs.gov/about/news/2022/03/14/new-hhs-study-jama-pediatrics-shows-significant-increases-children-diagnosed-mental-health-conditions-2016-2020.html
.

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“Data and Statistics on Children’s Mental Health,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, March 8, 2023, www.cdc.gov/childrensmentalhealth/data.html
“儿童心理健康数据和统计数据”,疾病控制与预防中心,2023 年 3 月 8 日,www.cdc.gov/childrensmentalhealth/data.html
.

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Gussone, Felix, “10 Percent of Kids Have ADHD Now,” NBC News, August 31, 2018, www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/10-percent-kids-have-adhd-now-n905576
Gussone,Felix,“现在有10%的孩子患有多动症”,NBC新闻,2018年8月31日,www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/10-percent-kids-have-adhd-now-n905576
.

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American Psychiatric Association, The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th ed. (American Psychiatric Association: Arlington, VA, and Washington, DC, 2013), 61. (“Population surveys suggest that ADHD occurs in most cultures in about 5% of children and about 2.5% of adults.”)
美国精神病学协会,《精神障碍诊断和统计手册》,第 5 版(美国精神病学协会:弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿和华盛顿特区,2013 年),第 61 页。(“人口调查表明,多动症发生在大多数文化中,约5%的儿童和约2.5%的成人。

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Osorio, Aubrianna, “Research Update: Children’s Anxiety and Depression on the Rise,” Georgetown University Health Policy Institute Center for Children and Families, March 24,
奥布里安娜·奥索里奥(Osorio),“研究更新:儿童的焦虑和抑郁正在上升”,乔治城大学卫生政策研究所儿童和家庭中心,3月24日,

2022, https://ccf.georgetown.edu/2022/03/24/research-update-childrens-anxiety-and- depression-on-the- rise/#:~:text=By%202020%2C%205.6%20million%20kids,had%20been%20diagnosed%20wit h%20depression
2022, https://ccf.georgetown.edu/2022/03/24/research-update-childrens-anxiety-and- 抑郁症上升/#:~:text=By%202020%2C%205.6%2000万%20孩子,had%20been%20诊断%20wit h%20抑郁症
.

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Georgetown University, “Surge in Students Seeking Accommodations for Mental Health Disorders,” The Feed, May 13, 2022, https://feed.georgetown.edu/access-affordability/surge-in- students-seeking-accommodations-for-mental-health-disorders
乔治城大学,“寻求心理健康障碍住宿的学生激增”,The Feed,2022 年 5 月 13 日,https://feed.georgetown.edu/access-affordability/surge-in- 学生寻求心理健康障碍住宿
.

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Meister, Alyson, and Maude Lavanchy, “Athletes Are Shifting the Narrative around Mental Health at Work,” Harvard Business Review, September 24, 2021, https://hbr.org/2021/09/athletes-are-shifting-the-narrative-around-mental-health-at-work
Meister、Alyson 和 Maude Lavanchy,“运动员正在改变围绕工作心理健康的叙述”,《哈佛商业评论》,2021 年 9 月 24 日,https://hbr.org/2021/09/athletes-are-shifting-the-narrative-around-mental-health-at-work
.

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Albertson-Grove, Josie, “Youth More Open about Mental Health, but Barriers Remain,” New Hampshire Union Leader, June 18, 2022, www.unionleader.com/news/health/youth-more- open-about-mental-health-but-barriers-remain/article_1dbc955e-8c5c-574b-9755- a8a117599cba.html
Albertson-Grove,Josie,“青年对心理健康更加开放,但障碍仍然存在”,新罕布什尔州联盟领袖,2022 年 6 月 18 日,www.unionleader.com/news/health/youth-more- open-about-mental-health-but-barriers-remain/article_1dbc955e-8c5c-574b-9755- a8a117599cba.html
.

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See Furedi, Frank, Paranoid Parenting: Why Ignoring the Experts May Be Best for Your Child
参见 Furedi, Frank, Paranoid Parenting: Why Ignoring the Experts May Is Best for Your Child

(Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2002), 62, 87–89.
(芝加哥:芝加哥评论出版社,2002 年),62、87-89。

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Grose, Jessica, “Honey, I Shrunk the Kids,” Slate, August 25, 2010, https://slate.com/human- interest/2010/08/are-the-offspring-of-therapists-really-more-screwed-up-than-the-children-of- non-shrinks.html. (“Childhood misbehavior is much more likely to be described in terms of therapeutic symptoms than character flaws [i.e., sensory integration, processing]. The average parent in the park can probably recite from the DSM [the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders], or at least act as an amateur child therapist.”)
格罗斯,杰西卡,“亲爱的,我缩小了孩子”,Slate,2010 年 8 月 25 日,https://slate.com/human-interest/2010/08/are-the-postspring-of-therapists-really-more-screwed-up-than-the-children-of-non-shrinks.html。(“童年时期的不良行为更有可能用治疗症状来描述,而不是性格缺陷(即感觉统合、处理)。公园里的普通父母可能会背诵DSM(《精神疾病诊断和统计手册》),或者至少充当业余儿童治疗师。

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Fletcher, Jenna, “What Is Relocation Depression?,” Medical News Today, June 1, 2023, www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/relocation-depression
Fletcher, Jenna,“什么是搬迁抑郁症?”,《今日医学新闻》,2023 年 6 月 1 日,www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/relocation-depression
.

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Gillespie, Claire, “How to Cope with Summer Anxiety in 2022,” Very Well Mind, June 27, 2022, www.verywellmind.com/how-to-cope-with-summer-anxiety-5443019
Gillespie, Claire,“如何应对 2022 年的夏季焦虑”,Very Well Mind,2022 年 6 月 27 日,www.verywellmind.com/how-to-cope-with-summer-anxiety-5443019
.

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Tanner, Jeremy, “AAP Issues New Guidance For Head Lice in Schools,” The Hill, September 29, 2022, https://thehill.com/homenews/nexstar_media_wire/ 3667343-aap-issues-new- guidance-for-head-lice-in-schools.
Tanner,Jeremy,“AAP 发布学校头虱新指南”,The Hill,2022 年 9 月 29 日,https://thehill.com/homenews/nexstar_media_wire/ 3667343-aap-issues-new- guidance-for-head-lice-in-schools。

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Kohli, Sahaj Kaur (@Sahajkohli), “In my recent @washingtonpost.com, a reader asks me how to handle when long-term friends & colleagues mispronounce their name. Maybe I shouldn’t be surprised by the comments, but folks really don’t understand how harmful this can be to a person’s psyche . . . And like all microaggressions, this can take a toll on your self-esteem, making you feel devalued or unworthy or like you need to compromise parts of yourself,” Twitter, September 29, 2022, https://twitter.com/sahajkohli/status/1575604715475173376
Kohli, Sahaj Kaur (@Sahajkohli),“在我最近的@washingtonpost.com 中,一位读者问我如何处理长期的朋友和同事读错他们的名字。也许我不应该对这些评论感到惊讶,但人们真的不明白这对一个人的心理有多大的伤害。就像所有微攻击一样,这会损害你的自尊心,让你觉得自己被贬低或不值得,或者你需要妥协自己的部分,“推特,2022 年 9 月 29 日,https://twitter.com/sahajkohli/status/1575604715475173376
.

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Saul, Stephanie. “At N.Y.U., Students Were Failing Organic Chemistry. Who Was to Blame?,” New York Times, October 3, 2022, www.nytimes.com/2022/10/03/us/nyu-organic-chemistry- petition.html#:~:text=But%20last%20spring%2C%20as%20the,The%20professor%20defended
扫罗,斯蒂芬妮。“在纽约大学,学生们的有机化学不及格。谁是罪魁祸首?“,《纽约时报》,2022 年 10 月 3 日,www.nytimes.com/2022/10/03/us/nyu-organic-chemistry- petition.html#:~:text=But%20last%20spring%2C%20as%20the,The%20professor%20defended

%20his%20standards
%20his%20标准
.

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Eva Moskowitz chronicles this in her wonderful book In Therapy We Trust: America’s Obsession with Self-Fulfillment (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
伊娃·莫斯科维茨(Eva Moskowitz)在她的精彩著作《我们信任的治疗:美国对自我实现的痴迷》(巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,2001年)中记录了这一点。

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In 1946, Congress passed the National Mental Health Act.
1946年,国会通过了《国家精神卫生法》。

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Moskowitz, In Therapy We Trust, 151. Bored 1950s housewives required treatment for their “inferiority complexes,” depression, and loneliness. Restless 1960s hippies sought “alternative consciousness,” and the 1970s ushered in an era of “self-actualization.” The more disposable income padding the pockets of newly prosperous Americans, the more their need for psychological treatment seemed to grow.
莫斯科维茨,《我们信任的治疗》,第151页。无聊的 1950 年代家庭主妇需要治疗她们的“自卑感”、抑郁和孤独感。不安分的 1960 年代嬉皮士寻求“另类意识”,1970 年代迎来了一个“自我实现”的时代。新富裕的美国人口袋里的可支配收入越多,他们对心理治疗的需求似乎就越大。

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In 1946, Congress passed the National Mental Health Act. Between 1946 and 1960, membership in the American Psychological Association ballooned from 4,173 to 18,215. Moskowitz, In Therapy We Trust, 154.
1946 年,国会通过了《国家精神卫生法》,1946 年至 1960 年间,美国心理学会的会员人数从 4,173 人激增至 18,215 人。莫斯科维茨,《我们信任的治疗》,第154页。

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Furedi, Frank, Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability in an Uncertain Age (New York: Routledge, 2004), 10.
弗兰克·弗雷迪,《治疗文化:在不确定的时代培养脆弱性》(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2004年),第10页。

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Statista Research Department, “Total U.S. Expenditure for Mental Health Services 1986– 2020,” 2023, Statista, www.statista.com/statistics/252393/total-us-expenditure-for-mental- health-services
Statista 研究部,“1986-2020 年美国心理健康服务总支出”,2023 年,Statista,www.statista.com/statistics/252393/total-us-expenditure-for-mental- 卫生服务
.

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Ormel, Johan, et al., “More Treatment but No Less Depression: The Treatment-Prevalence Paradox,” Clinical Psychology Review 91 (February 2022) 102111, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34959153
Ormel, Johan, et al., “More Treatment but Not Less Depression: The Treatment-Prevalence Paradox,” Clinical Psychology Review 91 (February 2022) 102111, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34959153
.

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Ormel et al., “More Treatment but No Less Depression.”
Ormel 等人,“更多的治疗,但更少的抑郁症”。

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See, for example, Ormel, Johan, and Michael VonKorff, “Reducing Common Mental Disorder Prevalence in Populations,” JAMA Psychiatry 78 no. 4 (April 2021): 359–60, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33112374
例如,参见 Ormel、Johan 和 Michael VonKorff,“降低人群中常见的精神障碍患病率”,JAMA Psychiatry 78 第 4 期(2021 年 4 月):359-60,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33112374
.

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It’s important to note that the authors looked at point prevalence, not lifetime prevalence. Point prevalence is the signal rate in this context. After all, if someone had had a depressive episode twenty years earlier, that would count in “lifetime prevalence” but not provide an accurate marker of whether the last twenty years of psychiatric gains had made a dent in rates of depression.
需要注意的是,作者着眼于点患病率,而不是终生患病率。在这种情况下,点流行率是信号速率。毕竟,如果有人在二十年前有过抑郁发作,那将计入“终生患病率”,但不能准确标记过去二十年的精神进步是否降低了抑郁症的发病率。

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A decade earlier, the award-winning science writer Robert Whitaker noted the same conundrum. See Whitaker, Robert, Anatomy of an Epidemic: Magic Bullets, Psychiatric Drugs, and the Astonishing Rise of Mental Illness in America (New York: Crown, 2010), 5. (“We should expect that the number of disabled mentally ill in the United States, on a per-capita basis, would have declined over the past fifty years,” he wrote, considering the great advance in treatment of psychiatric disorders. “We should also expect the number of disabled mentally ill, on a per-capita basis, would have declined since the arrival in 1988 of Prozac and other second- generation psychiatric drugs. We should see a two-step drop in disability rates.”)
十年前,屡获殊荣的科学作家罗伯特·惠特克(Robert Whitaker)也指出了同样的难题。参见惠特克,罗伯特,《流行病剖析:魔术子弹、精神药物和美国精神疾病的惊人崛起》(纽约:皇冠出版社,2010年),第5页。(“我们应该预料到,在过去五十年中,按人均计算,美国残疾精神病患者的数量会有所下降,”他写道,考虑到精神疾病治疗的巨大进步。“我们还应该预计,自1988年百忧解和其他第二代精神药物问世以来,按人均计算,残疾精神病患者的数量会下降。我们应该看到残疾率下降两步。

That promise never arrived. Not by a longshot: “Instead, as the psychopharmacology revolution has unfolded, the number of disabled mentally ill in the United States has
这个承诺从未实现。“相反,随着精神药理学革命的展开,美国残疾精神病患者的数量已经

skyrocketed.Most disturbing of all, this modern-day plague has now spread to the nation’s
飙升。最令人不安的是,这种现代瘟疫现在已经蔓延到全国

children.”
孩子们。

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“Between 1950 and 1988, the proportion of adolescents aged between fifteen and nineteen who killed themselves quadrupled,” The New Yorker reported. Andrew Solomon, “The Mystifying
“从1950年到1988年,15至19岁的青少年自杀的比例翻了两番,”《纽约客》报道。安德鲁·所罗门,“神秘的

Rise of Child Suicide,” The New Yorker, April 4, 2022, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/04/11/the-mystifying-rise-of-child-suicide
儿童自杀的兴起“,《纽约客》,2022 年 4 月 4 日,www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/04/11/the-mystifying-rise-of-child-suicide
.

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Whitaker, Anatomy of an Epidemic, 8.
惠特克,《流行病剖析》8.

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Whitaker, Anatomy of an Epidemic, 8.
惠特克,《流行病剖析》8.

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Vermeulen, Karla, Generation Disaster: Coming of Age Post-9/11 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2021), 4–5.
Vermeulen,Karla,《一代灾难:9/11 后的成年》(英国牛津:牛津大学出版社,2021 年),第 4-5 页。

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In Generation Disaster, Vermeulen swabs every corner of recent political history and finds eight pathogens she considers historically unique. Besides climate change (the biggie), these include: school shootings; economic recession; Donald J. Trump’s presidency; social media’s distortion of news events (though, interestingly, not social media itself).
在《灾难一代》一书中,Vermeulen用拭子擦拭了近代政治历史的每一个角落,发现了她认为在历史上独一无二的八种病原体。除了气候变化(大问题),这些还包括:校园枪击事件;经济衰退;唐纳德·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)的总统任期;社交媒体对新闻事件的歪曲(尽管有趣的是,不是社交媒体本身)。

Economic recessions, panics, and crashes are so commonplace in history, and periodically of such dire severity, one almost wants to buy Vermeulen a Wall Street Journal subscription and a copy of The Grapes of Wrath to allow her to make some face-saving edits to her book’s second printing. Since just the end of the Great Depression, we’ve had thirteen recessions in the United States.
经济衰退、恐慌和崩溃在历史上司空见惯,而且周期性地如此严重,人们几乎想给Vermeulen买一份《华尔街日报》的订阅和一本《愤怒的葡萄》,让她对她的书的第二次印刷进行一些挽回面子的编辑。自大萧条结束以来,美国已经经历了13次经济衰退。

School shootings began in the 1990s, as Twenge pointed out to me. Though there have many more in recent years, I have talked to enough young people and those who treat them to note that not one mentioned school shootings as a primary source of kids’ ongoing psychic pain. (If anything, school shootings seem to weigh most heavily on adults who dreamt up the Rube-Goldberg-meets-Terminator solutions in the form of “lockdown drills,” the practice whereby schoolchildren are instructed to hide under desks while they wait to see if an imaginary intruder will murder them.) Those of us who grew up during the kidnapping hysteria and satanic ritual sex-abuse scandals of the 1980s may struggle to accept that strains of scary news will, on their own, wreck kids’ mental health.
正如特温格向我指出的那样,校园枪击事件始于 1990 年代。尽管近年来还有更多,但我与足够多的年轻人和那些治疗他们的人交谈过,注意到没有人提到校园枪击事件是孩子们持续精神痛苦的主要来源。(如果说有什么不同的话,那就是校园枪击案似乎对那些以“封锁演习”的形式想出鲁布-戈德堡遇见终结者解决方案的成年人来说最沉重,这种做法是指示学童躲在桌子底下,等待想象中的入侵者是否会谋杀他们。我们这些在 1980 年代绑架歇斯底里和撒旦仪式性虐待丑闻中长大的人可能很难接受可怕的新闻会自行破坏孩子的心理健康。

As for Donald J. Trump having caused the adolescent mental health crisis, given that the recent spike began in the Obama era and now soars to new heights in the post-Trump years, I think we should place a low credence on that one.
至于唐纳德·J·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)引发了青少年心理健康危机,鉴于最近的飙升始于奥巴马时代,现在在后特朗普时代飙升到新的高度,我认为我们应该对此给予低信任度。

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Those who might be inclined to think that digital connection offers its own psychic benefit may simply not know the literature: loneliness can’t be fooled by the simulacrum of the digital world. Time spent even with people you’d rather not be stuck with—yes, even time spent with Mom and Dad—does more to banish loneliness in teens than does virtual communication with friends. Zoom “talks” with friends—where you see their faces!—may even make loneliness worse.
那些可能倾向于认为数字连接提供了自己的心理益处的人可能根本不了解文献:孤独不会被数字世界的模拟所愚弄。与你不想被困住的人在一起的时间——是的,甚至与爸爸妈妈在一起的时间——比与朋友的虚拟交流更能消除青少年的孤独感。与朋友进行Zoom“交谈”——你可以看到他们的脸!——甚至可能使孤独感变得更糟。

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Ortiz, Camilo, and Stephanie De Leo, “Children Are Lonelier Than Ever. Can Anything Be Done?,” Quillette, August 16, 2021. The article discusses Twenge’s research and notes, “For every increase of one standard deviation of smartphone access, loneliness increased by about .3 standard deviations. The effect for internet use was even bigger at .4 standard deviations.”) www.npr.org/2017/12/17/571443683/the-call-in-teens-and-depression, reporting on a paper by Jean M. Twenge. See also Haidt, Jonathan, “The Dangerous Experiment on Teen Girls,” The
奥尔蒂斯、卡米洛和斯蒂芬妮·德·里奥,“孩子们比以往任何时候都更孤独。能做些什么吗?“Quillette,2021 年 8 月 16 日。文章讨论了特温格的研究,并指出,“智能手机访问每增加一个标准差,孤独感就会增加约0.3个标准差。对互联网使用的影响甚至更大,为0.4个标准差。www.npr.org/2017/12/17/571443683/the-call-in-teens-and-depression,报道了Jean M. Twenge的一篇论文。另见Haidt, Jonathan, “The Dangerous Experiment on Teen Girls,”

Atlantic, November 21, 2021, www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/11/facebooks- dangerous-experiment-teen-girls/620767; Twenge, Jean M., et al., “Worldwide Increases in Adolescent Loneliness,” Journal of Adolescence 93 (2021): 257–69, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2021.06.00. In an interview, Twenge said: “These trends were actually misaligned with economic factors, because they began around 2012, and that’s when the U.S. economy started to improve. If you look at a time period, 2012 to 2019 were these big increases in depression and self-harm and suicide. Unemployment was going down. The stock market was going up. Things were getting better economically. So it’s exactly misaligned with the time when teen depression is going up. You’d expect depression to go up when unemployment was going up, and [unemployment] goes exactly the opposite direction. It seems clear that it’s not economic factors.”
大西洋,2021 年 11 月 21 日,www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/11/facebooks- dangerous-experiment-teen-girls/620767;Twenge、Jean M. 等人,“全球青少年孤独感的增加”,《青春期杂志》 93 (2021):257-69,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2021.06.00。特温格在接受采访时说:“这些趋势实际上与经济因素不一致,因为它们始于2012年左右,当时美国经济开始好转。如果你看一个时间段,2012年到2019年,抑郁症、自残和自杀率大幅增加。失业率正在下降。股市正在上涨。经济上的情况正在好转。因此,这与青少年抑郁症上升的时间完全不一致。当失业率上升时,你会期望抑郁症上升,而[失业率]正好相反。很明显,这不是经济因素。

She rattles off all the alternative explanations she considered and discarded. “People have often asked, what about income inequality? Yes, although the biggest increases in income inequality were between 1980 and 2000, not 2012 to 2019. It’s hard to think of an event that happened around 2012 and then kept going in the same direction until 2019. School shootings don’t fit; that was the 1990s when those started.” See Twenge, iGen: Why Today’s Super- Connected Kids Are Growing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerant, Less Happy—and Completely Unprepared for Adulthood (New York: Atria Books, 2018), 77–78.
她喋喋不休地抛出她考虑过并丢弃的所有替代解释。“人们经常问,收入不平等怎么办?是的,尽管收入不平等的最大增幅是在 1980 年至 2000 年之间,而不是 2012 年至 2019 年。很难想象一个事件发生在 2012 年左右,然后一直朝着同一个方向发展,直到 2019 年。校园枪击案不适合;那是 1990 年代开始的时候。参见 Twenge, iGen: Why Today's Super- connected Kids Are Growing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerance, Less Happy—and Completely Not Prepare for Adulthood (New York: Atria Books, 2018), 77-78.

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In my last book, based on the mental health outcomes of teen girls, I begged parents not to get their teens a smartphone. Shrier, Irreversible Damage, 212.
在我的上一本书中,基于十几岁女孩的心理健康结果,我恳求父母不要让他们的青少年拥有智能手机。Shrier,不可逆转的损害,212。

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Haidt, Jonathan, and Jean M. Twenge, “This Is Our Chance to Pull Teenagers Out of the Smartphone Trap,” New York Times, July 31, 2021, www.nytimes.com/2021/07/31/opinion/smartphone-iphone-social-media-isolation.html
Haidt、Jonathan 和 Jean M. Twenge,“这是我们将青少年从智能手机陷阱中拉出来的机会”,《纽约时报》,2021 年 7 月 31 日,www.nytimes.com/2021/07/31/opinion/smartphone-iphone-social-media-isolation.html
.

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Curtin, Melanie, “Bill Gates Says This Is the ‘Safest’ Age to Give a Child a Smartphone,” Inc, May 10, 2017, www.inc.com/melanie-curtin/bill-gates-says-this-is-the-safest-age-to-give-a- child-a-smartphone.htm
科廷,梅兰妮,“比尔盖茨说这是给孩子智能手机的'最安全'年龄”,Inc,2017 年 5 月 10 日,www.inc.com/melanie-curtin/bill-gates-says-this-is-the-safest-age-to-give-a- child-a-smartphone.htm
.

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See, for example, Marshall, JoJo, “When Should You Come Between a Teenager and Their Phone? The Pros and Cons of Every Parent’s Nuclear Option,” Child Mind Institute, February
例如,参见 Marshall、JoJo,“你什么时候应该在青少年和他们的手机之间出现?每个父母的核选择的利弊,“儿童心理研究所,2月

10, 2023, https://childmind.org/article/when-should-you-come-between-a-teenager-and-her- phone. See also Dennis-Tiwary, Tracy, “Taking Away the Phones Won’t Solve Our Teenagers’ Problems,” New York Times, July 14, 2018, www.nytimes.com/2018/07/14/opinion/sunday/smartphone-addiction-teenagers-stress.html
10、2023, https://childmind.org/article/when-should-you-come-between-a-teenager-and-her-电话。另见 Dennis-Tiwary, Tracy,“拿走手机不会解决我们青少年的问题”,《纽约时报》,2018 年 7 月 14 日,www.nytimes.com/2018/07/14/opinion/sunday/smartphone-addiction-teenagers-stress.html
.

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Kreski, Noah, et al., “Social Media Use and Depressive Symptoms Among United States Adolescents,” Journal of Adolescent Health 68, no. 3 (March 2021): 572–79, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2020.07.006. (The authors conclude: “Among US adolescents, daily social media use is not a strong or consistent risk factor for depressive symptoms.”)
Kreski, Noah, et al., “Social Media Use and Depressive Symptoms Among United States Adolescents,” Journal of Adolescent Health 68, no. 3 (March 2021): 572–79, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2020.07.006.(作者得出结论:“在美国青少年中,每天使用社交媒体并不是抑郁症状的强烈或一致的危险因素。

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Systematic reviews of smartphone use on mental health decline of adolescents have produced mixed results, some indicating that the effect on well-being is, on average, “negative but very small.” Orben, Amy, “Teenagers, Screens and Social Media: A Narrative Review of Reviews and Key Studies,” Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology 55, no. 4 (April 2020): 407–14, https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-019-01825-4. See also Odgers, C.L., “Annual Research Review. Adolescent Mental Health in the Digital Age: Facts, Fears, and Future Directions,” Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 61, no. 3 (March 2020): 336–84, https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.13190
对智能手机使用对青少年心理健康下降的系统评价产生了不同的结果,一些人表明,平均而言,对幸福感的影响是“负面的,但非常小”。Orben,Amy,“青少年、屏幕和社交媒体:评论和关键研究的叙述性回顾”,社会精神病学和精神病学流行病学 55,第 4 期(2020 年 4 月):407-14,https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-019-01825-4。另见Odgers, C.L.,“年度研究评论。数字时代的青少年心理健康:事实、恐惧和未来方向“,《儿童心理学和精神病学杂志》第 61 期,第 3 期(2020 年 3 月):336-84,https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.13190
.

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Gray, Peter, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity as a Cause of Decline in Children’s Mental Well-Being: Summary of the Evidence,” The Journal of Pediatrics 260 (September 2023): 113352, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2023.02.004
Gray, Peter, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity as a Cause of Decline in Children's Mental Well-Being: Summary of the Evidence,” The Journal of Pediatrics 260(2023 年 9 月):113352, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2023.02.004
.

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I could find no public opposition or warnings from American Psychiatric Association, American Psychological Association, School Counselors Association, or the National Association for School Psychologists in 2020.
2020 年,我找不到来自美国精神病学协会、美国心理学会、学校辅导员协会或全国学校心理学家协会的公开反对或警告。

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“Testimony Submitted June 10, 2020 by Arthur C. Evans, Jr., PhD, Chief Executive Officer and Executive Vice President of the American Psychological Association to the United States House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary,” American Psychological Association Services. June 10, 2020, www.apa.org/news/press/releases/police-oversight-testimony.pdf. It is unclear whether the APA is here indulging in metaphor; how else are we to understand a “racism pandemic”? But note that the APA employs the language of biology, arrogating to itself the credibility of the hard sciences without the evidentiary backing and accountability that typically attend medical claims.
“美国心理学会首席执行官兼执行副总裁 Arthur C. Evans, Jr., PhD 于 2020 年 6 月 10 日向美国众议院司法委员会提交的证词”,美国心理学会服务。2020 年 6 月 10 日,www.apa.org/news/press/releases/police-oversight-testimony.pdf。目前尚不清楚 APA 是否在这里沉迷于隐喻;否则我们如何理解“种族主义大流行”?但请注意,APA使用生物学语言,在没有通常参加医疗索赔的证据支持和问责制的情况下,自诩硬科学的可信度。

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Brief for the American Psychological Association as Amicus Curiae, Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, 600 U.S. (2023), 14–15.
美国心理学会(American Psychological Association)作为法庭之友(Amicus Curiae)的简报,学生公平录取诉美国心理学会(American Psychological Association)的简报。哈佛大学,600 美国(2023 年),第 14–15 页。

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“Psychology Stands Ready to Help Society Respond to Climate Change, APA President Says,” American Psychological Association, March 1, 2022 www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2022/03/climate-change-response
“APA主席说,心理学随时准备帮助社会应对气候变化,”美国心理学会,2022年3月1日 www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2022/03/climate-change-response
.

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They did, however, find the time to pen the following op-ed, in which they recommend policymakers utilize the techniques of behavioral psychology to “nudge” the population into getting the COVID-19 vaccine. For example, passing state laws to prevent kids from coming back to school until they’d gotten the jab. Evans, Arthur C., Jr., “For a COVID-19 Vaccine to Succeed, Look to Behavioral Research,” The Hill, August 17, 2020, https://thehill.com/opinion/healthcare/512316-for-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-succeed-look-to- behavioral-research
然而,他们确实抽出时间撰写了以下专栏文章,其中他们建议政策制定者利用行为心理学技术来“推动”人们接种 COVID-19 疫苗。例如,通过州法律阻止孩子们回到学校,直到他们得到刺戳。Evans, Arthur C., Jr.,“要使 COVID-19 疫苗取得成功,请关注行为研究”,The Hill,2020 年 8 月 17 日,https://thehill.com/opinion/healthcare/512316-for-a-covid-19-vaccine-to-succeed-look-to- 行为研究
.

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Aslanian, Sasha, and Alisa Roth, “Under Pressure: Inside the College Mental Health Crisis,” American Public Media Reports, August 19, 2021, www.apmreports.org/episode/2021/08/19/under-pressure-the-college-mental-health-crisis. Those who work at universities report that the mental health services have ballooned over the past decade—and still, they cannot keep up with demand. At the University of Richmond, while enrollment has remained steady during the past fifteen years, the number of students seeking counseling services during that time has doubled. One study found that between 2009 and 2014 the number of counseling appointments made by US college students rose six times greater than the rate of growth in institutional enrollment. See Lipson, Sarah Ketchen, et al., “Increased Rates of Mental Health Service Utilization by U.S. College Students: 10-Year Population-Level Trends (2007–2017),” Psychiatric Services (Washington, D.C.) 70, no. 1 (January 2019): 60–63, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6408297
Aslanian、Sasha 和 Alisa Roth,“在压力下:大学心理健康危机内部”,美国公共媒体报道,2021 年 8 月 19 日,在大学工作的 www.apmreports.org/episode/2021/08/19/under-pressure-the-college-mental-health-crisisThose 报告说,心理健康服务在过去十年中激增——但他们仍然跟不上需求。在里士满大学,虽然入学人数在过去十五年中保持稳定,但在此期间寻求咨询服务的学生人数翻了一番。一项研究发现,在2009年至2014年期间,美国大学生预约咨询的数量是机构入学率增长率的六倍。参见 Lipson、Sarah Ketchen 等人,“美国大学生心理健康服务利用率增加:10 年人口水平趋势(2007-2017 年)”,精神病学服务(华盛顿特区)70,第 1 期(2019 年 1 月):60-63,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6408297
.

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Social Dilemma, directed by Jeff Orlowski, monologue by Jonathan Haidt, Exposure Labs, 2020.
《社会困境》,杰夫·奥洛夫斯基执导,乔纳森·海特独白,Exposure Labs,2020年。

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The number of children who killed themselves over the previous decade doubled. See chart reported in The Sun taken from the CDC, Allen, Felix, “Dying For Likes: Dark Truth of Social Media as US Pre-Teen Girl Suicides Soar 150% and Self-Harm TRIPLES, Netflix’s Social Dilemma Reveals,” The Sun, September 17, 2020, www.the-sun.com/news/1487147/social- media-suicides-self-harm-netflix-social-dilemma. In fact, the current crop of young people exhibit higher rates of suicide and depression than any generation since studies began in 1950
在过去十年中,自杀的儿童人数翻了一番。请参阅《太阳报》报道的图表,摘自 CDC,Allen,Felix,“为喜欢而死:社交媒体的黑暗真相,因为美国青春期前女孩自杀率飙升 150% 和自我伤害三倍,Netflix 的社会困境揭示”,《太阳报》,2020 年 9 月 17 日,www.the-sun.com/news/1487147/social- media-suicides-self-harm-netflix-social-dilemma。事实上,自1950年开始研究以来,目前的年轻人表现出比任何一代人都高的自杀率和抑郁症

and far higher rates of general pessimism than any generation since the data collection began in 1960. Between 2005 and 2017—three years before the lockdowns—rates of major depression increased 52 percent in adolescents (twelve to seventeen), and 63 percent in young adults (eighteen to twenty-five). Portions of this were originally published by the author in the Wall
自1960年开始收集数据以来,普遍悲观情绪的比率比任何一代人都要高得多。在2005年至2017年期间,即封锁前三年,青少年(12至17岁)的重度抑郁症发病率增加了52%,年轻人(18至25岁)增加了63%。其中部分内容最初由作者发表在《长城》杂志上

Street Journal. Shrier, Abigail, “To Be Young and Pessimistic in America,” Wall Street Journal, May 14, 2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/to-be-young-and-pessimistic-in-america- 11621019488. See also Solomon, Andrew, “The Mystifying Rise of Child Suicide,” The New Yorker, April 4, 2020, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/04/11/the-mystifying-rise-of-child- suicide. Of course, the lockdowns exacerbated these trends: In 2020, nearly a quarter of eighteen- to twenty-four-year-olds reported they had seriously considered suicide in the previous thirty days, and nearly 40 percent of college students experienced depression. See “Mental Health, Substance Use, and Suicidal Ideation During the COVID-19 Pandemic,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, August 14, 2020, www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/69/wr/mm6932a1.htm. See also Zhou, Sasha, et al., “The Healthy Minds Study, Fall 2020 Data Report,” https://healthymindsnetwork.org/wp- content/uploads/2021/02/HMS-Fall-2020-National-Data-Report.pdf
街头日报。施里尔,阿比盖尔,“在美国年轻和悲观”,《华尔街日报》,2021 年 5 月 14 日,https://www.wsj.com/articles/to-be-young-and-pessimistic-in-america-11621019488。另见所罗门,安德鲁,“儿童自杀的神秘崛起”,《纽约客》,2020 年 4 月 4 日,www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/04/11/the-mystifying-rise-of-child-自杀。当然,封锁加剧了这些趋势:2020 年,近四分之一的 18 至 24 岁的年轻人报告说他们在过去 30 天内认真考虑过自杀,近 40% 的大学生患有抑郁症。参见“COVID-19 大流行期间的心理健康、物质使用和自杀意念”,疾病控制和预防中心,2020 年 8 月 14 日,www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/69/wr/mm6932a1.htmSee 周、Sasha 等人,“健康心灵研究,2020 年秋季数据报告”,https://healthymindsnetwork.org/wp- content/uploads/2021/02/HMS-Fall-2020-National-Data-Report.pdf
.

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Foer, Franklin, “Greta Thunberg Is Right to Panic,” The Atlantic, September 20, 2019,www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/09/greta-thunbergs-despair-is-entirely- warranted/598492
福尔,富兰克林,“Greta Thunberg 的恐慌是正确的”,《大西洋月刊》,2019 年 9 月 20 日,www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/09/greta-thunbergs-despair-is-fully- warranted/598492
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See also Lomborg, Bjorn, “Climate Change Hasn’t Set the World on Fire,” Wall Street Journal, July 31, 2023, www.wsj.com/articles/climate-change-hasnt-set-the-world-on-fire-global- warming-burn-record-low-713ad3a6. With regard to wildfires, “in 2022, the last year for which there are complete data, the world hit a new record-low of 2.2% burned area.”
另见 Lomborg, Bjorn,“气候变化没有让世界着火”,《华尔街日报》,2023 年 7 月 31 日,www.ws.com/articles/climate-change-hasn't-set-the-world-on-fire-global- warming-burn-record-low-713ad3a6。关于野火,“在2022年,即有完整数据的最后一年,世界创下了2.2%烧毁面积的历史新低。

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Foer, “Greta Thunberg Is Right to Panic.”
Foer,“Greta Thunberg 的恐慌是对的。

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Gimbrone, Catherine, et al., “The Politics of Depression: Diverging Trends in Internalizing Symptoms among US Adolescents by Political Beliefs,” SSM-Mental Health 2 (December 2022), https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2666560321000438. Left-leaning Bloomberg columnist Matthew Yglesias opined: “I think older progressive leaders deserve a healthy share of blame for creating institutional cultures that celebrate pessimism as a sign of political commitment while teaching young people to weaponize claims of subjective harm.”
Gimbrone、Catherine 等人,“抑郁症的政治:按政治信仰划分的美国青少年内化症状的不同趋势”,SSM-心理健康 2(2022 年 12 月),https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2666560321000438。左倾的彭博社专栏作家马修·伊格莱西亚斯(Matthew Yglesias)认为:“我认为年长的进步领导人应该受到指责,因为他们创造了制度文化,将悲观主义作为政治承诺的标志,同时教导年轻人将主观伤害的主张武器化。

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Ackerman, Courtney, “What Is Unconditional Positive Regard in Psychology?,”
阿克曼,考特尼,“什么是心理学中的无条件积极关注?

PositivePscyhology, May 22, 2018, https://positivepsychology.com/unconditional-positive- regard
PositivePscyhology,2018 年 5 月 22 日,https://positivepsychology.com/unconditional-positive-方面
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Both of these create potential HIPAA violations, since college kids are no longer “kids” as far as medical privacy law is concerned.
这两者都可能违反 HIPAA,因为就医疗隐私法而言,大学生不再是“孩子”。

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See, for example, Finley, Allysia, “Climate Change Obsession Is a Real Mental Disorder,” Wall Street Journal, July 31, 2023. The article cites a study showing that 45 percent of sixteen- to twenty-five-year-olds in ten countries “claimed they were so worried [about the climate] that they struggled to function on a daily basis, the definition of an anxiety disorder.” Even a cursory consideration of the magnitude of these data suggests that wild exaggeration is afoot.
例如,参见 Finley, Allysia,“气候变化痴迷是一种真正的精神障碍”,《华尔街日报》,2023 年 7 月 31 日。文章引用了一项研究,该研究显示,在十个国家的16至25岁的年轻人中,有45%的人“声称他们非常担心(气候),以至于他们每天都在努力运作,这是焦虑症的定义。即使粗略地考虑这些数据的规模,也表明疯狂的夸大正在发生。

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See Webster, Jamieson, “Teenagers Are Telling Us That Something Is Wrong with America,” New York Times, October 11, 2022, www.nytimes.com/2022/10/11/opinion/teenagers-mental- health-america.html
参见韦伯斯特,贾米森,“青少年告诉我们美国出了点问题”,《纽约时报》,2022 年 10 月 11 日,www.nytimes.com/2022/10/11/opinion/teenagers-mental-health-america.html
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They were clearly made fearful, upset, and anxious by the prospect of nuclear war. Nightmares were common. See Buck, Stephanie, “Fear of Nuclear Annihilation Scarred Children Growing Up in the Cold War, Studies Later Showed,” Medium, August 29, 2017, https://timeline.com/nuclear-war-child-psychology-d1ff491b5fe0. See also Kiraly, S. J., “Psychological Effects of the Threat of Nuclear War,” Canadian Family Physician 32 (January 1986): 170–74, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2327576
他们显然对核战争的前景感到恐惧、不安和焦虑。噩梦很常见。参见巴克,斯蒂芬妮,“对核毁灭的恐惧使在冷战中长大的儿童伤痕累累,后来的研究显示”,Medium,2017年8月29日,https://timeline.com/nuclear-war-child-psychology-d1ff491b5fe0。另见Kiraly, S. J.,“核战争威胁的心理影响”,加拿大家庭医生32(1986年1月):170-74,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2327576
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See Carey, Adam, “ ‘Generational Rupture’: Anxiety and COVID Disruption Supercharge School Refusal Rates,” The Age, February 2, 2023, www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/generational-rupture-anxiety-and-covid-disruption- supercharge-school-refusal-rates-20230201-p5ch1u.html
参见凯里,亚当,“'代际破裂':焦虑和 COVID 中断加剧了学校拒绝率”,《时代》,2023 年 2 月 2 日,www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/generational-rupture-anxiety-and-covid-disruption-supercharge-school-refusal-rates-20230201-p5ch1u.html
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Soh, Debra, “What’s Driving Gen Z’s Aversion to Sex?,” Newsweek, October 12, 2021,https://www.newsweek.com/whats-driving-gen-zs-aversion-sex-opinion-1638228
Soh, Debra,“是什么推动了 Z 世代对性的厌恶?”,《新闻周刊》,2021 年 10 月 12 日,https://www.newsweek.com/whats-driving-gen-zs-aversion--opinion-1638228
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Julian, Kate, “Why Are Young People Having So Little Sex?,” The Atlantic, December 2018, www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/12/the-sex-recession/573949
朱利安,凯特,“为什么年轻人的性生活如此之少?”,《大西洋月刊》,2018年12月,www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/12/the--recession/573949
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Lasch, Christopher, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), 273.
拉施,克里斯托弗,《自恋文化:期望递减时代的美国生活》(纽约:WW Norton,1979 年),273 页。

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Lasch, Culture of Narcissism, 273.
拉施,自恋文化273。

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Pappas, Stephanie, “The Rise of Psychologists: Psychological Expertise Is in Demand Everywhere,” Monitor on Psychology 53, no. 1 (January 2022): 44, www.apa.org/monitor/2022/01/special-rise-psychologists
帕帕斯,斯蒂芬妮,“心理学家的崛起:到处都需要心理学专业知识”,《心理学监测》第 53 期,第 1 期(2022 年 1 月):44,www.apa.org/monitor/2022/01/special-rise-psychologists
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DeAngelis, Tori, “Mental Health, Meet Venture Capital,” Monitor on Psychology 53, no. 1 (January 2022): 56, www.apa.org/monitor/2022/01/special-venture-capital
DeAngelis, Tori,“心理健康,认识风险投资”,《心理学监测》第 53 期,第 1 期(2022 年 1 月):56,www.apa.org/monitor/2022/01/special-venture-capital
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Confidential financial deck, on file with author.
机密的财务资料,由作者存档。

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Chapter 3: Bad Therapy
第 3 章:糟糕的疗法

See, for example, Weiss, Bahr, et al., “A 2-Year Follow Up of the Effectiveness of Traditional Child Psychotherapy,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 68 no. 6 (December 2000): 1094–1101, https://doi.org/10.1037//0022-006x.68.6.1094(2000); Weersing, V. Robin, “Evidence Base Update of Psychosocial Treatments for Child and Adolescent Depression,” Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology 46, no. 1 (2017): 11–43, https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2016.1220310; Evans, Steven W., et al., “Evidence-Based Psychosocial Treatments for Children and Adolescents with Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder,” Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology 43, no. 4 (2014): 527–51, https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2013.850700
例如,参见Weiss, Bahr, et al., “A 2-Year Follow Up of the Effectiveness of Traditional Child Psychotherapy,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 68 no. 6 (December 2000): 1094–1101, https://doi.org/10.1037//0022-006x.68.6.1094(2000);Weersing, V. Robin,“儿童和青少年抑郁症社会心理治疗的证据基础更新”,《临床儿童和青少年心理学杂志》46,第1期(2017):11-43,https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2016.1220310;Evans, Steven W., et al., “Evidence-Based Psychosocial Treatments for Children and Teens with Attention Deficit/Hyperactive Disorder,” Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology 43, no. 4 (2014): 527–51, https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2013.850700
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I owe the phrase “tyranny of feelings” to behavioral and developmental pediatrician Lawrence Diller.
我把“感情暴政”这句话归功于行为和发育儿科医生劳伦斯·迪勒(Lawrence Diller)。

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Shi, Rui, et al., “Individual Difference in Goal Motives and Goal Content: The Role of Action and State Orientation,” Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 12 (2018): 20, www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge- core/content/view/AB5F6366258C5C3348FF4DE46984141F/S1834490918000089a.pdf/div- class-title-individual-difference-in-goal-motives-and-goal-content-the-role-of-action-and-state- orientation-div.pdf
Shi, Rui, et al., “目标动机和目标内容的个体差异:行动和状态取向的作用”,《环太平洋心理学杂志》12(2018):20,www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/AB5F6366258C5C3348FF4DE46984141F/S1834490918000089a.pdf/div-class-title-individual-difference-in-goal-motives-and-goal-content-the-role-of-action-and-state-orientation-div.pdf
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See Pedersen, Helene, et al., “Metacognitions and Brooding Predict Depressive Symptoms in a Community Adolescent Sample,” BMC Psychiatry 22 (2022): 157, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-022-03779-5
参见 Pedersen、Helene 等人,“元认知和沉思预测社区青少年样本中的抑郁症状”,BMC Psychiatry 22 (2022): 157, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-022-03779-5
.

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This is precisely how CBT approaches depression: by training patients to view their negative thoughts as misleading or false and encourage them to stop ruminating. To that extent, CBT is a kind of anti-therapy therapy: Don’t root endlessly around in your memory, don’t constantly take your emotional pulse. Come in if you have a specific problem inhibiting daily life—phobia, obsession, insomnia. In a fixed number of sessions, we’ll get you to stop your unhelpful thought patterns, so that you can get on with your life.
这正是CBT治疗抑郁症的方式:通过训练患者将他们的消极想法视为误导或虚假,并鼓励他们停止反刍。从这个意义上说,认知行为疗法是一种反治疗疗法:不要无休止地在你的记忆中扎根,不要不断地把握你的情绪脉搏。如果您有抑制日常生活的特定问题——恐惧症、强迫症、失眠症,请进来。在固定数量的会议中,我们会让你停止无益的思维模式,这样你就可以继续你的生活。

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We want to witness the best day of our kids’ lives so badly, we attempt to manufacture it. This is the source of motivational dancers at bar mitzvah parties. We don’t trust our teens to feel joy
我们非常想见证孩子生命中最美好的一天,我们试图制造它。这是酒吧成人礼派对上励志舞者的来源。我们不相信我们的青少年会感到快乐

on their own: we pay professional ecstatics to convince our kids they are having the time of their lives.
靠他们自己:我们支付专业的狂喜来说服我们的孩子他们正在度过他们生命中的时光。

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Mauss, Iris B., et al., “Can Seeking Happiness Make People Unhappy? Paradoxical Effects of Valuing Happiness,” Emotion 11, no. 4 (August 2011): 807–15, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21517168. See also Lauren Sharkey, “The Surprising Link between Depression and the Pursuit of Happiness,” Medical News Today, January 16, 2020, www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/327493
Mauss, Iris B., et al., “寻求幸福会让人不快乐吗?重视幸福的悖论效应,“情感 11,第 4 期(2011 年 8 月):807-15,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21517168。另见Lauren Sharkey,“抑郁症与追求幸福之间的惊人联系”,《今日医学新闻》,2020年1月16日,www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/327493
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Julian, Kate, “Childhood in an Anxious Age and the Crisis of Modern Parenting,” The Atlantic, May 2020, 32.
朱利安,凯特,“焦虑时代的童年和现代育儿的危机”,《大西洋月刊》,2020 年 5 月,第 32 页。

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Julian, “Childhood in an Anxious Age and the Crisis of Modern Parenting.”
朱利安,“焦虑时代的童年和现代育儿的危机”。

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“The NACBT [National Association of Cognitive-Behavioral Therapists] was formed in response to a growing trend of mental health professionals labeling themselves ‘Cognitive- Behavioral Therapists’ when in fact their actual practice of counseling/psychotherapy did not resemble CBT.” National Association of Cognitive-Behavioral Therapists, accessed August 1, 2023, www.nacbt.org. See also Brown, Harriet, “Looking for Evidence That Therapy Works,” New York Times, March 25, 2013, https://archive.nytimes.com/well.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/03/25/looking-for-evidence-that- therapy-works
“NACBT [全国认知行为治疗师协会]的成立是为了应对心理健康专业人员给自己贴上'认知行为治疗师'标签的日益增长的趋势,而事实上他们的实际咨询/心理治疗实践与CBT并不相似。全国认知行为治疗师协会,2023 年 8 月 1 日访问,www.nacbt.org。另见Brown, Harriet,“寻找治疗有效的证据”,《纽约时报》,2013年3月25日,https://archive.nytimes.com/well.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/03/25/looking-for-evidence-that-治疗有效
.

(“A survey of 200 psychologists published in 2005 found that only 17 percent of them used exposure therapy [a form of C.B.T.] with patients with post-traumatic stress disorder, despite evidence of its effectiveness.” The article goes on to note: “CBT refers to a number of structured, directive types of psychotherapy that focus on the thoughts behind a patient’s feelings and that often include exposure therapy and other activities. Instead, many patients are subjected to a kind of dim-sum approach—a little of this, a little of that, much of it derived more from the therapist’s biases and training than from the latest research findings. And even professionals who claim to use evidence-based treatments rarely do.”)
(“2005年发表的一项针对200名心理学家的调查发现,其中只有17%的人对创伤后应激障碍患者使用暴露疗法(一种CBT),尽管有证据表明其有效性。文章继续指出:“CBT是指一些结构化的、指导性的心理治疗类型,这些心理治疗侧重于患者感受背后的想法,通常包括暴露疗法和其他活动。取而代之的是,许多患者受到一种点心方法的影响——一点点这个,一点点那个,其中大部分更多地来自治疗师的偏见和培训,而不是来自最新的研究结果。即使是声称使用循证治疗的专业人士也很少这样做。

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Julian, “Childhood in an Anxious Age and the Crisis of Modern Parenting.”
朱利安,“焦虑时代的童年和现代育儿的危机”。

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Ravella, Shilpa, “Rethinking the Origins of Inflammatory Diseases,” Wall Street Journal, October 8–9, 2022, C17.
Ravella,Shilpa,“重新思考炎症性疾病的起源”,《华尔街日报》,2022 年 10 月 8 日至 9 日,C17。

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Cleary, Belinda, “ ‘I Had to Pick Off The Burger Bun’s Sesame Seeds’: Parents Share the Desperate Lengths They’ve Gone to in Order for Their Kids to Eat,” Daily Mail, May 17, 2021, www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-9589673/Parents-share-hilarious-lengths-theyve-gone-kids- eat.html
Cleary,Belinda,“'我不得不摘掉汉堡包的芝麻':父母分享他们为了让孩子吃饭而付出的绝望”,《每日邮报》,2021 年 5 月 17 日,www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-9589673/Parents-share-hilarious-lengths-they've-gone-kids- eat.html
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Gray, Peter, “Risky Play: Why Children Love It and Need It,” Psychology Today, April 7, 2014, www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/freedom-learn/201404/risky-play-why-children-love-it- and-need-it. See also Caron, Christina, “Risky Play Encourages Resilience,” New York Times, July 21, 2020, www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/parenting/risky-play.html
格雷,彼得,“冒险游戏:为什么孩子们喜欢它并需要它”,《今日心理学》2014年4月7日,www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/freedom-learn/201404/risky-play-why-children-love-it 和需要它。另见卡隆,克里斯蒂娜,“冒险游戏鼓励复原力”,《纽约时报》,2020 年 7 月 21 日,www.nytimes.com/2020/07/21/parenting/risky-play.html
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See Rosenhan, David, “On Being Sane in Insane Places,” Science 179, no. 4070 (January 1973): 250–58, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.179.4070.250
参见Rosenhan, David, “On Being Sane in Insane Places,” Science 179, no. 4070 (January 1973): 250–58, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.179.4070.250
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As one team of researchers noted, handing someone a diagnosis “may alter their self- perceptions as they subsequently interpret most or all of their experiences as manifestations of the inherent abnormality of the ‘disease process’ implicated by the descriptor.” Boisvert, Charles M., and David Faust, “Iatrogenic Symptoms in Psychotherapy: A Theoretical Explanation of the Potential Impact of Labels, Language, and Belief Systems,” American Journal of Psychotherapy 56, no. 2 (2002): 244–59, https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.2002.56.2.244
正如一组研究人员所指出的那样,给某人一个诊断“可能会改变他们的自我认知,因为他们随后将他们的大部分或全部经历解释为描述符所暗示的'疾病过程'固有异常的表现。Boisvert、Charles M. 和 David Faust,“心理治疗中的医源性症状:标签、语言和信仰系统潜在影响的理论解释”,《美国心理治疗杂志》第 56 期,第 2 期(2002 年):244-59,https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.2002.56.2.244
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Prozac Nation was a bestseller before the first Gen Z kid was born.
在第一个 Z 世代孩子出生之前,Prozac Nation 是畅销书。

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Sulkin, Maya, “America’s Love Affair with Adderall,” The Free Press, June 14, 2023, www.thefp.com/p/america-addicted-to-adderall-shortage
苏尔金,玛雅,“美国与阿德拉尔的恋情”,自由新闻,2023 年 6 月 14 日,www.thefp.com/p/america-addicted-to-adderall-shortage
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Hetrick, Sarah, et al., “New Generation Antidepressants for Depression in Children and Adolescents: A Network Meta-Analysis,” Cochrane Library, May 24, 2021, www.cochranelibrary.com/cdsr/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD013674.pub2/full. (“Overall, methodological shortcomings of the randomised trials make it difficult to interpret the findings with regard to the efficacy and safety of newer antidepressant medications.”)
Hetrick, Sarah, et al., “新一代儿童和青少年抑郁症抗抑郁药:网络荟萃分析”,Cochrane 图书馆,2021 年 5 月 24 日,www.cochranelibrary.com/cdsr/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD013674.pub2/full。(“总体而言,随机试验的方法学缺陷使得很难解释有关新型抗抑郁药物的有效性和安全性的研究结果。

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Hetrick, Sarah, et al., “Best Evidence Suggests Antidepressants Aren’t Very Effective in Kids and Teens. What Can Be Done Instead?,” The Conversation, May 24, 2021, https://theconversation.com/best-evidence-suggests-antidepressants-arent-very-effective-in-
Hetrick, Sarah, et al., “最佳证据表明,抗抑郁药对儿童和青少年不是很有效。“对话,2021 年 5 月 24 日,https://theconversation.com/best-evidence-suggests-antidepressants-aren't-very-effective-in-

kids-and-teens-what-can-be-done-instead-160758. See also Cheung, Amy H., et al., “The Use of Antidepressants to Treat Depression in Children and Adolescents,” Canadian Medical Association Journal 174, no. 2 (January 2006): 193–200, www.cmaj.ca/content/174/2/193.full; Garland, Jane E., “Facing the Evidence: Antidepressant Treatment in Children and Adolescents,” Canadian Medical Association Journal 170, no. 4 (February 2004): 489–91, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC332716; Ioannidis, John P.A., “Effectiveness of Antidepressants: An Evidence Myth Constructed from a Thousand Randomized Trials?,”
kids-and-teens-what-can-be-done-instead-160758另见Cheung, Amy H., et al., “The Use of Antidepressants to Treat Depression in Children and Teens,” Canadian Medical Association Journal 174, no. 2 (January 2006): 193–200, www.cma.ca/content/174/2/193.full;Garland, Jane E.,“面对证据:儿童和青少年的抗抑郁治疗”,加拿大医学会杂志 170,第 4 期(2004 年 2 月):489-91,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC332716;Ioannidis,John P.A.,“抗抑郁药的有效性:从一千项随机试验中构建的证据神话?

Philosophy, Ethics, and Humanities in Medicine 3 (2008): 14, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2412901
医学哲学、伦理学和人文科学 3 (2008): 14, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2412901
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Ritalin prescribing information from the Novartis website: www.novartis.com/us- en/sites/novartis_us/files/ritalin_ritalin-sr.pdf
诺华网站上的利他林处方信息:www.novartis.com/us- en/sites/novartis_us/files/ritalin_ritalin-sr.pdf
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Gabriel, Matthew, “Antidepression Discontinuation Syndrome,” Canadian Medical Association Journal 189, no. 21 (May 2017): E747 , www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5449237
Gabriel, Matthew,“抗抑郁停药综合征”,加拿大医学会杂志 189,第 21 期(2017 年 5 月):E747,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5449237
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Food and Drug Administration, “Suicidality in Children and Adolescents Being Treated with Antidepressant Medications,” FDA Archive, February 5, 2018, www.fda.gov/drugs/postmarket- drug-safety-information-patients-and-providers/suicidality-children-and-adolescents-being- treated-antidepressant-medications. You may have heard this familiar tale: Some patients
美国食品和药物管理局,“接受抗抑郁药物治疗的儿童和青少年的自杀倾向”,FDA 档案,2018 年 2 月 5 日,www.fda.gov/drugs/postmarket- 药物安全信息患者和提供者/自杀儿童和青少年治疗抗抑郁药物。你可能听说过这个熟悉的故事:一些病人

become suicidal after taking an antidepressant because the drug gave them motivation— motivation they used to complete the suicide. At least one pediatrician told me this. But it’s a just-so story with no evidential backing. We simply don’t know why antidepressants increase risk of suicide in some patients. See Reeves, Roy R., “Antidepressant-Induced Suicidality: An Update,” CNS Neuroscience & Therapeutics 6, no. 4 (August 2010): 227–34, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6493906; Oberlander, Tim F., and Anton Miller, “Antidepressant Use in Children and Adolescents: Practice Touch Points to Guide Pediatricians,” Paediatrics & Child Health 16, no. 9 (November 2011): 549–53, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3223889
服用抗抑郁药后有自杀倾向,因为这种药物给了他们动力——他们用来完成自杀的动机。至少有一位儿科医生告诉我这一点。但这是一个没有证据支持的故事。我们根本不知道为什么抗抑郁药会增加某些患者的自杀风险。参见Reeves,Roy R.,“抗抑郁药引起的自杀:更新”,CNS Neuroscience & Therapeutics 6,no.4(2010年8月):227-34,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6493906;Oberlander、Tim F. 和 Anton Miller,“儿童和青少年抗抑郁药的使用:指导儿科医生的实践接触点”,《儿科与儿童健康》第 16 期,第 9 期(2011 年 11 月):549-53,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3223889
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See Pillemer, Karl, Fault Lines: Fractured Families and How to Mend Them (New York: Avery, 2020). This is at least sixty-seven million Americans estranged. Pillemer believes that this may understate the problem since many are reluctant to acknowledge their family estrangement.
参见 Pillemer, Karl, 断层线:破碎的家庭以及如何修补它们 (纽约:艾弗里,2020 年)。这至少是六千七百万美国人疏远了。皮勒默认为,这可能低估了问题,因为许多人不愿意承认他们的家庭疏远。

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Barsky, Arthur, Worried Sick: Our Troubled Quest for Wellness (Boston: Little, Brown), 50–51.
Barsky,Arthur,担心生病:我们对健康的麻烦追求(波士顿:Little,Brown),50-51。

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Chapter 4: Social-Emotional Meddling
第 4 章:社会情感干预

Sax, Leonard, “Who First Suggests the Diagnosis of Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder.” Annals of Family Medicine 1, no. 3 (September 2003): 171–74, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1466583
萨克斯,伦纳德,“谁首先建议诊断注意力缺陷/多动障碍。家庭医学年鉴 1,第 3 期(2003 年 9 月):171-74,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1466583
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The Child Mind Institute, accessed September 16, 2023, https://childmind.org/symptomchecker. (“My relationship to the child is: teacher.”)
儿童心智研究所,2023 年 9 月 16 日访问,https://childmind.org/symptomchecker。(“我和孩子的关系是:老师。

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California calls its extensive-model program “Multi-Tiered Systems of Support,” or MTSS.
加利福尼亚州称其广泛模型计划为“多层支持系统”(MTSS)。

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I had to look up the YouTube video after the conference. “Brain & Amygdala Hand Model Explains How Thoughts & Emotions Fuel Anxiety,” EmpowerU Education Building Resilience, YouTube, video, 1:58, May 16, 2018, www.youtube.com/watch? v=2xeDcPBD5Fk&t=4s
会议结束后,我不得不查找YouTube视频。“大脑和杏仁核手部模型解释了思想和情绪如何助长焦虑”,EmpowerU Education Building Resilience,YouTube,视频,1:58,2018年5月16日,www.youtube.com/watch?v=2xeDcPBD5Fk&t=4秒
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If academic psychologists acknowledge that therapeutic interventions carry risk of iatrogenesis, why aren’t they more leery of school-wide psychological interventions? A recent study noted that they should be. “The risk of iatrogenic harm and adverse effects from school-based mental interventions, even in a minority of adolescents, amounts to a potentially vast public health problem,” the researchers wrote. Foulkes, Lucy, and Argyris Stringaris, “Do No Harm: Can School Mental Health Interventions Cause Iatrogenic Harm?,” BJPsych Bulletin (February 2023): 1–3, https://doi.org/10.1192/bjb.2023.9
如果学术心理学家承认治疗性干预有医源性的风险,为什么他们不对全校范围的心理干预持怀疑态度呢?最近的一项研究指出,他们应该这样做。研究人员写道:“基于学校的心理干预造成的医源性伤害和不良反应的风险,即使是在少数青少年中,也构成了一个潜在的巨大公共卫生问题。Foulkes、Lucy 和 Argyris Stringaris,“不要伤害:学校心理健康干预会造成医源性伤害吗?”,BJPsych Bulletin(2023 年 2 月):1-3,https://doi.org/10.1192/bjb.2023.9
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See, for example, Birk, Max V., et al., “Just a Click Away: Action-State Orientation Moderates the Impact of Task Interruptions on Initiative,” Journal of Personality 88, no. 2 (April 2020): 373–90, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7064891
例如,参见 Birk, Max V., et al., “Just a Click Away: Action-State Orientation Moderates the Impact of Task Interruptions on Initiative,” Journal of Personality 88, no. 2 (April 2020): 373–90, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7064891
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See, for example, Krohler, Alena, and Stefan Berti, “Taking Action or Thinking About It? State Orientation and Rumination Are Correlated in Athletes,” Frontiers in Psychology 10 (March 2019): 576, https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00576; Gropel, Peter, et al., “Action Versus State Orientation and Self-Control Performance after Depletion,” Personality and Social
例如,参见 Krohler、Alena 和 Stefan Berti,“采取行动还是思考?运动员的状态取向和反刍是相关的,“心理学前沿 10(2019 年 3 月):576,https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00576;Gropel, Peter, et al., “Action Versus State Orientation and Self-Control Performance after Depletion”, Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin 40, no. 4 (April 2014): 476–87, https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167213516636
心理学通报 40,第 4 期(2014 年 4 月):476-87,https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167213516636
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Modan, Naaz, “California Plans to Double School Counselors amid Shortage,” K-12 Dive, August 5, 2022, https://www.k12dive.com/news/california-plans-to-double-school-counselors- amid-shortage/628991
Modan, Naaz,“加州计划在短缺的情况下将学校辅导员人数增加一倍”,K-12 Dive,2022 年 8 月 5 日,https://www.k12dive.com/news/california-plans-to-double-school-counselors-amid-shortage/628991
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Act to amend Sections 124174, 124174.2, 124174.3, and 124174.4 of the Health and Safety
修订《健康与安全法》第 124174、124174.2、124174.3 和 124174.4 条的法案

Code, A.B. 912 (Cal. 2023), https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml? bill_id=202320240AB912
法典,A.B. 912 (Cal. 2023),https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB912
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Gottlieb, Lori, Maybe You Should Talk to Someone: A Therapist, Her Therapist, and Our Lives Revealed (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2019), 36.
戈特利布,萝莉,也许你应该和某人谈谈:治疗师、她的治疗师和我们的生活揭示(波士顿:霍顿·米夫林·哈考特,2019 年),36 页。

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Hermann, Mary A., and Sharon Robinson-Kurpius, “New Guidelines on Dual Relationships,” Counseling Today, December 9, 2006, https://ct.counseling.org/2006/12/new-guidelines-on- dual-relationships. See also Kaplan, David, “2006 Ethics Update: Allowing Dual Relationships,” Counseling Today, March 27, 2006, https://ct.counseling.org/2006/03/ct-online- ethics-update-9; Kaplan, David, et al., “New Mandates and Imperatives in the Revised ACA Code of Ethics,” Journal of Counseling and Development 87 (2009): 241–56, www.counseling.org/Kaplan/mandates.pdf
Hermann, Mary A., and Sharon Robinson-Kurpius, “New Guidelines on Dual Relationships,” Counseling Today, December 9, 2006, https://ct.counseling.org/2006/12/new-guidelines-on- dual-relationships另见Kaplan, David, “2006 Ethics Update: Allow Dual Relationships,” Counseling Today, March 27, 2006, https://ct.counseling.org/2006/03/ct-online- ethics-update-9;Kaplan, David, et al., “New Mandates and Imperatives in the Revised ACA Code of Ethics,” Journal of Counseling and Development 87 (2009): 241–56, www.counseling.org/Kaplan/mandates.pdf
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The American School Counselor Association 2022 ASCA Ethical Standards for School
美国学校辅导员协会 2022 ASCA 学校道德标准

Counselors mentions the words “advocate,” “advocating,” or “advocacy” thirty-seven times: www.schoolcounselor.org/getmedia/44f30280-ffe8-4b41-9ad8- f15909c3d164/EthicalStandards.pdf. “We advocate with and on behalf of students. We collaborate with every possible stakeholder, and sometimes that collaboration has to start with educating some of our stakeholders as well,” school counselor and educational consultant Sandi Logan-McKibben told the assembled audience of teachers at the three-day conference.
辅导员提到“倡导”、“倡导”或“倡导”这些词三十七次:www.schoolcounselor.org/getmedia/44f30280-ffe8-4b41-9ad8- f15909c3d164/EthicalStandards.pdf。“我们与学生一起倡导并代表学生。我们与每一个可能的利益相关者合作,有时这种合作也必须从教育我们的一些利益相关者开始,“学校辅导员和教育顾问桑迪·洛根-麦基本在为期三天的会议上告诉聚集在一起的教师观众。

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See, for example, “Consent,” California School-Based Health Alliance, accessed September 19, 2023, www.schoolhealthcenters.org/resources/sbhc-operations/student-records-consent-and- confidentiality/consent, which states that minors twelve and older are entitled to receive mental health services, including those provided at school, without parents’ permission or knowledge; Illinois: “School-Based Health Center Consent for Mental Health Services,” SHIF Healthcare, accessed September 19, 2023, https://sihf.org/media- library/documents/Behavioral_Health_Consent_Form_School-Based_.pdf; Washington: “Seattle World School Teen Health Center,” Seattle Schools, accessed September 19, 2023, https://sws.seattleschools.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/89/2021/10/ParentConsentLetter- ADA.pdf; Colorado: “Colorado Lowers Age of Consent for Psychotherapy Services to 12 Years
例如,参见“同意”,加州学校健康联盟,2023 年 9 月 19 日访问,www.schoolhealthcenters.org/resources/sbhc-operations/student-records-consent-and- 保密/同意,其中规定 12 岁及以上的未成年人有权在未经父母许可或不知情的情况下接受心理健康服务,包括在学校提供的服务;伊利诺伊州:“基于学校的健康中心对心理健康服务的同意”,SHIF Healthcare,2023 年 9 月 19 日访问,https://sihf.org/media- library/documents/Behavioral_Health_Consent_Form_School-Based_.pdf华盛顿:“西雅图世界学校青少年健康中心”,西雅图学校,2023 年 9 月 19 日访问,https://sws.seattleschools.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/89/2021/10/ParentConsentLetter- ADA.pdf;科罗拉多州:“科罗拉多州将心理治疗服务的同意年龄降低到 12 岁

Old,” National Law Review, July 16, 2019 www.natlawreview.com/article/colorado-lowers- age-consent-psychotherapy-services-to-12-years-old; Florida: “Complete Information Concent Package with Principal Signature,” Southeast High School, June 1, 2010, www.manateeschools.net/cms/lib/FL02202357/Centricity/Domain/1268/Complete%20informat ion%20consent%20package%20with%20Principal%20signature.pdf (Consent of parent or guardian not required for outpatient mental health services.); Maryland: “Lower Age for Consent Took Effect October 1,” Maryland Psychiatric Society, November 1, 2021, https://mdpsych.org/2021/11/lower-age-for-consent-took-effect-october-1. (Parentental consent not required for minors age twelve or older to access mental health care.)
老“,国家法律评论2019年7月16日 www.natlawreview.com/article/colorado-lowers-年龄-同意-心理治疗-服务-至12岁;佛罗里达:“校长签名的完整信息包”,东南高中,2010 年 6 月 1 日,www.manateeschools.net/cms/lib/FL02202357/Centricity/Domain/1268/Complete%20informat ion%20consent%20package%20with%20Principal%20signature.pdf(门诊心理健康服务不需要父母或监护人的同意。马里兰州:“较低的同意年龄于 10 月 1 日生效”,马里兰州精神病学会,2021 年 11 月 1 日,https://mdpsych.org/2021/11/lower-age-for-consent-took-effect-october-1。(12 岁或以上的未成年人无需父母同意即可获得精神卫生保健。

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Glosoff, H.L., and Robert H. Pate, “Privacy and Confidentiality in School Counseling,” Professional School Counseling (2002): 6, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/234700799_Privacy_and_Confidentiality_in_School_ Counseling
Glosoff, H.L. 和 Robert H. Pate,“学校咨询中的隐私和保密性”,专业学校咨询 (2002):6,https://www.researchgate.net/publication/234700799_Privacy_and_Confidentiality_in_School_ 咨询
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See, for example, Monger, Craig, “ ‘Bad Things Happen Behind Closed Doors All the Time Between Kids and Adults’—Concerned Parents Address School Mental Health Counselors,” 1819 News, March 22, 2023, https://1819news.com/news/item/bad-things-happen-behind- closed-doors-all-the-time-between-kids-and-adults-concerned-parents-address-school-mental- health- counselors#:~:text=Section%2022%2D8%2D4%20of,without%20the%20child’s%20parents’% 20consent. See also www.antiochschools.net/Page/13767 (stating that parent consent is not needed for school counseling in California). See also Gissen, Lillian, “Furious Washington Father Claims His Son’s High School Prescribed The Teen Anti-Depressants Without Telling Him,” Daily Mail, July 4, 2022, www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-10981133/Father-claims- sons-high-school-prescribed-teen-anti-depressants-without-telling-him.html; Carlson, Nancy, “To Tell or Not to Tell: The Fine Line Between Minors’ Privacy and Others’ Right to Know,” Counseling Today, October 2017, www.counseling.org/docs/default-source/ethics/ethics- columns/ethics_october-2017_minor-privacy.pdf?sfvrsn=a25522c_6
例如,参见 Monger, Craig,“'孩子和成人之间一直闭门造车'——忧心忡忡的父母向学校心理健康顾问致辞”,1819 News,2023 年 3 月 22 日,https://1819news.com/news/item/bad-things-happen-behind- closed-doors-all-the-time-between-kids-and-adults-concern-parents-address-school-mental- health- counselors#:~:text=Section%2022%2D8%2D4%20ofwithout%20the%20child's%20parents'% 20consent。另见 www.antiochschools.net/Page/13767(说明在加利福尼亚州进行学校咨询不需要父母同意)。另见 Gissen, Lillian,“愤怒的华盛顿父亲声称他儿子的高中在没有告诉他的情况下开了青少年抗抑郁药”,《每日邮报》,2022 年 7 月 4 日,www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-10981133/Father-claims-sons-high-school-prescribed-teen-anti-depressants-without-telling-him.html;卡尔森,南希,“告诉或不告诉:未成年人隐私与他人知情权之间的细微界限”,《今日咨询》,2017 年 10 月,www.counseling.org/docs/default-source/ethics/ethics- columns/ethics_october-2017_minor-privacy.pdf?sfvrsn=a25522c_6
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返回注释 参考文献 15

See, for example, Spiro, Justin (@Jusrangers), “In NY, kids can’t receive ‘therapy’ without parental consent, but they can meet regularly with school social workers. I always push for kids to open up to parents, but why should we put another barrier to counseling for kids who aren’t ready to immediately tell their parents.” Twitter, March 21, 2023, 1:29 pm, https://twitter.com/jusrangers/status/1638276568521887747?s=51&t=G7jT0d- EVW3Jp1M5AFCx_w. See also Spiro, Justin (@jusrangers), “I think this is an important conversation. Let me give you a hypothetical: A high schooler comes to my office saying he’s feeling down because of his parents’ separation. I assess and there’s no suicidality. He doesn’t want his parents to know he’s speaking to me because he thinks they’ll be mad. Do I send him away immediately and leave him unsupported by both me AND his parents? Or do I meet with him a few times and help him figure out how to speak to his parents about his feelings?,”
例如,参见Spiro,Justin(@Jusrangers),“在纽约,未经父母同意,孩子们不能接受'治疗',但他们可以定期与学校社会工作者会面。我总是敦促孩子向父母敞开心扉,但是我们为什么要为那些没有准备好立即告诉父母的孩子设置另一个障碍来提供咨询。推特,2023 年 3 月 21 日,下午 1:29,https://twitter.com/jusrangers/status/1638276568521887747?s=51&t=G7jT0d- EVW3Jp1M5AFCx_w。另见Spiro, Justin (@jusrangers),“我认为这是一次重要的对话。让我给你一个假设:一个高中生来到我的办公室,说他因为父母的分居而感到沮丧。我评估了一下,没有自杀倾向。他不想让他的父母知道他在和我说话,因为他认为他们会生气。我是否立即把他送走,让他得不到我和他父母的支持?还是我和他见几次面,帮他弄清楚如何和父母谈谈他的感受?

Twitter, March 21, 2023, 1:41 p.m., https://twitter.com/Jusrangers/status/1638279628291821570
Twitter,2023 年 3 月 21 日,下午 1:41,https://twitter.com/Jusrangers/status/1638279628291821570
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Name changed to avoid embarrassing a teacher who was just doing precisely what her administrators directed.
为了避免让一位完全按照管理员的指示行事的老师感到尴尬,她改了名字。

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 17
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Kahn, Jennifer, “Can Emotional Intelligence Be Taught?,” New York Times, September 11, 2013, www.nytimes.com/2013/09/15/magazine/can-emotional-intelligence-be-taught.html
Kahn, Jennifer,“情商可以教吗?”,《纽约时报》,2013年9月11日,www.nytimes.com/2013/09/15/magazine/can-emotional-intelligence-be-taught.html
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As one school in Illinois put it: “SEL is more than a process, a methodology, a curriculum—it is a way of life.” “Social Emotional Learning,” Stevenson High School, accessed September 16, 2023, https://www.d125.org/about/sel
正如伊利诺伊州的一所学校所说:“SEL 不仅仅是一个过程、一种方法、一种课程——它是一种生活方式。“社会情感学习”,史蒂文森高中,2023 年 9 月 16 日访问,https://www.d125.org/about/sel
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$1.72 billion spent in social-emotional learning educational materials alone. “United States Social and Emotional Learning (SEL) Market Report 2022: Instructional Materials were $1.72 Billion, up 25.9% Y-o-Y and are Forecast to Increase at a Lower Rate in 2023-2024,” GlobeNewswire, November 17, 2022, www.globenewswire.com/news- release/2022/11/17/2557934/0/en/United-States-Social-and-Emotional-Learning-SEL-Market- Report-2022-Instructional-Materials-were-1-72-Billion-up-25-9-Y-o-Y-and-are-Forecast-to- Increase-at-a-Lower-Rate-in-2023-2024.html; Krachman, Sara Bartolino, et al., “Accounting for the Whole Child,” ASCD, February 1, 2018, https://www.ascd.org/el/articles/accounting- for-the-whole-child
仅在社会情感学习教育材料上就花费了 17.2 亿美元。“2022 年美国社交和情感学习 (SEL) 市场报告:教学材料为 17.2 亿美元,同比增长 25.9%,预计 2023-2024 年将以较低的速度增长,”GlobeNewswire,2022 年 11 月 17 日,www.globenewswire.com/news- release/2022/11/17/2557934/0/en/United-States-Social-and-Emotional-Learning-SEL-Market- Report-2022-Instructional-Materials-were-1-72-Billion-up-25-9-y-o-y-and-are-Forecast-to-Increase-at-a-Lower-Rate-in-2023-2024.html;Krachman、Sara Bartolino 等人,“Accounting for the Whole Child”,ASCD,2018 年 2 月 1 日,https://www.ascd.org/el/articles/accounting-for-the-whole-child
.

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Langreo, Lauraine, “How Much Time Should Schools Spend on Social-Emotional Learning?,” Education Week, May 24, 2022, https://www.edweek.org/leadership/how-much-time-should- schools-spend-on-social-emotional-learning/2022/05
Langreo, Lauraine,“学校应该花多少时间在社会情感学习上?”,《教育周刊》,2022 年 5 月 24 日,https://www.edweek.org/leadership/how-much-time-should- schools-spend-on-social-emotional-learning/2022/05
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“An important difference between SEL and character education is that some character education approaches are focused on developing morally responsible youth, and that is not the defining characteristic of SEL. It is important to make that distinction. Teaching morals and values can raise concerns about whether they can be changed, and whether instruction is the responsibility of families or schools.” Kim Gulbrandson, “Character Education and SEL: What You Should Know,” July 6, 2018, Committee for Children, www.cfchildren.org/blog/2018/07/character-education-and-sel-what-you-should-know
“SEL 和品格教育之间的一个重要区别是,一些品格教育方法侧重于培养有道德责任感的青少年,而这并不是 SEL 的决定性特征。作出这种区分是很重要的。教授道德和价值观可能会引起人们的担忧,即它们是否可以改变,以及教学是家庭还是学校的责任。Kim Gulbrandson,“品格教育和 SEL:你应该知道的”,2018 年 7 月 6 日,儿童委员会,www.cfchildren.org/blog/2018/07/character-education-and-sel-what-you-should-know
.

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“Transformative Social-Emotional Learning (T-SEL),” Sonoma County Office of Education, accessed August 16, 2023, https://www.scoe.org/pub/htdocs/transformative-social-emotional- learning.html. (“Transformative SEL is a form of SEL aimed at redistributing power to promote social justice through increased engagement in school and civic life.”)
“变革性社会情感学习 (T-SEL)”,索诺玛县教育办公室,2023 年 8 月 16 日访问,https://www.scoe.org/pub/htdocs/transformative-social-emotional-learning.html。(“变革性 SEL 是 SEL 的一种形式,旨在通过增加对学校和公民生活的参与来重新分配权力以促进社会正义。

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Klein, Alyson, “Why It’s So Hard to Weave Social-Emotional Learning into Academics,” Education Week, November 7, 2022, www.edweek.org/leadership/why-its-so-hard-to-weave- social-emotional-learning-into-academics/2022/11
Klein, Alyson,“为什么很难将社会情感学习融入学术”,《教育周刊》,2022 年 11 月 7 日,www.edweek.org/leadership/why-its-so-hard-to-weave- 社会情感学习融入学术/2022/11
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Sadighim, Sherry, “The Big Reveal: Ethical Implications of Therapist Self-Disclosure,” Society for the Advancement of Psychotherapy, 2014, https://societyforpsychotherapy.org/the-big- reveal-ethical-implications-of-therapist-self-disclosure
Sadighim,Sherry,“大揭示:治疗师自我披露的伦理影响”,心理治疗促进协会,2014 年,https://societyforpsychotherapy.org/the-big- 揭示治疗师自我披露的伦理影响
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Second Step, “Empathy and Communication: Working in Groups,” grade 8, lesson 6, “Additional Handout: Building Empathy,” Committee for Children, 2008, 251, https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/7v4DVtKWDduiidyzFTwilf/b0ff74c636e6029ae57fe5 85f57d00f9/G8_Handout_Packet.pdf
第二步,“同理心和沟通:小组合作”,8年级,第6课,“附加讲义:建立同理心”,儿童委员会,2008年,251,https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/7v4DVtKWDduiidyzFTwilf/b0ff74c636e6029ae57fe5 85f57d00f9/G8_Handout_Packet.pdf
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BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 26
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As one school in Illinois put it: “SEL is more than a process, a methodology, a curriculum—it is a way of life.” “Social Emotional Learning,” Stevenson High School.
正如伊利诺伊州的一所学校所说:“SEL 不仅仅是一个过程、一种方法、一种课程——它是一种生活方式。“社会情感学习”,史蒂文森高中。

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“Friends and Friendships,” PATHS Parent/Caregiver Handout, lesson 19, 2.
「朋友和友谊」,PATHS家长/看护人讲义,第19课,第2课。

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See Yang, Jing, and Li Ping, “Brain Networks of Explicit and Implicit Learning,” PLoS ONE 7, no. 8 (August 2012): e42993, https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article? id=10.1371/journal.pone.0042993
参见 Yang, Jing, and Li Ping, “Brain Networks of Explicit and Implicit Learning,” PLoS ONE 7, no. 8 (August 2012): e42993, https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0042993
.

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See Schuchard, Julia, and Cynthia K. Thompson, “Implicit and Explicit Learning in Individuals with Agrammatic Aphasia,” Journal of Psycholinguist Research 43, no. 3 (June 2014): 209–24, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3766481; Ziegler, Esther, Peter A. Edelsbrunner, and Elsbeth Stern, “The Relative Merits of Explicit and Implicit Learning of Contrasted Algebra Principles,” Educational Psychology Review (June 2018), https://ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/dual/educeth-dam/documents/forschung-und- literatur/literatur-zur-lehr-und-lernforschung/Ziegler_2017.pdf
参见 Schuchard、Julia 和 Cynthia K. Thompson,“语法失语症患者的内隐和外显学习”,《心理语言学家研究杂志》第 43 期,第 3 期(2014 年 6 月):209-24,第 www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3766481 页;Ziegler、Esther、Peter A. Edelsbrunner 和 Elsbeth Stern,“对比代数原理的显性和隐性学习的相对优点”,《教育心理学评论》(2018 年 6 月),https://ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/dual/educeth-dam/documents/forschung-und- literatur/literatur-zur-lehr-und-lernforschung/Ziegler_2017.pdf
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Second Step, “Homework: I Spy,” grade 7, lesson 1, Committee for Children, 2008, 117, https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/5xHHFYVCVAxE1Ogc9TamlD/0c48c7875cba04aed 33f21584f29b6f5/G7_Homework.pdf
第二步,“家庭作业:我是间谍”,7年级,第1课,儿童委员会,2008年,117,https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/5xHHFYVCVAxE1Ogc9TamlD/0c48c7875cba04aed 33f21584f29b6f5/G7_Homework.pdf
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Second Step, “Homework: Life Experiences Timeline,” grade 7, lesson 2, Committee for Children, 2008, 143, https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/5xHHFYVCVAxE1Ogc9TamlD/0c48c7875cba04aed 33f21584f29b6f5/G7_Homework.pdf
第二步,“家庭作业:生活经历时间表”,七年级,第2课,儿童委员会,2008年,143,https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/5xHHFYVCVAxE1Ogc9TamlD/0c48c7875cba04aed 33f21584f29b6f5/G7_Homework.pdf
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BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 32
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Second Step, “Recognizing Others’ Perspectives,” Student Handout, grade 8, unit 4, lesson 22, 2020, 1–2,
第二步,“认识他人的观点”,学生讲义,8年级,第4单元,第22课,2020年,第1-2页,

https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/3ZUNxHZDHcVCcyCMD2uzhS/5091602a8b65fe32f

aaab388ba51f181/ssms-g8-u4-22-student-handout-2021.pdf.

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Second Step, grade 4, unit 3, lesson 11.
第二步,四年级,第三单元,第11课。

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Second Step, “Homework: Winning the Battle,” grade 7, lesson 3, Committee for Children, 2008, 171,
第二步,“家庭作业:赢得战斗”,七年级,第3课,儿童委员会,2008年,第171页,

https://assets.ctfassets.net/wjuty07n9kzp/5xHHFYVCVAxE1Ogc9TamlD/0c48c7875cba04aed

33f21584f29b6f5/G7_Homework.pdf
编号:33F21584F29B6F5/G7_Homework.pdf
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Second Step, “Homework: The Clothing Case,” grade 8, lesson 4, Committee for Children, 2008, 193.
第二步,“家庭作业:服装案”,八年级,第4课,儿童委员会,2008年,第193页。

BACK TO NOTE REFERENCE 36
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Sapp, Jeff, “Why Frogs and Snakes Never Play Together: A Pourquoi of Prejudice: A Play in 3 Acts,” Learning for Justice, grade level K-2, www.learningforjustice.org/classroom- resources/texts/why-frogs-and-snakes-never-play-together-a-pourquoi-of-prejudice-a-play
Sapp,Jeff,“为什么青蛙和蛇从不一起玩:偏见的倾注:三幕剧”,为正义而学习,K-2 年级,www.learningforjustice.org/classroom- 资源/文本/为什么青蛙和蛇从不一起玩 a-pourquoi-of-prejudice-a-play
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The CASEL Guide to Schoolwide SEL: “A Supportive Classroom Environment: Belonging and Emotional Safety” section cites: Learning for Justice, Critical Practices for Anti-Bias Education, Teaching Tolerance: A Project of the Southern Poverty Law Center, 2016, www.learningforjustice.org/sites/default/files/2017-06/PDA%20Critical%20Practices_0.pdf
CASEL 全校 SEL 指南:“支持性课堂环境:归属感和情感安全”部分引用:为正义而学习、反偏见教育的批判性实践、教学宽容:南方贫困法律中心的一个项目,2016 年,www.learningforjustice.org/sites/default/files/2017-06/PDA%20Critical%20Practices_0.pdf
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See, for example, Second Step, “Overcoming Roadblocks 1,” student handout, grade 7, unit 1, lesson 5, Committee for Children, 2020, https://assets.ctfassets.net/98bcvzcrxclo/1fyRvZO01HcZFQiLfulUbf/8e8bf1e4757b050b9fb99 6d0a9d3fdce/handout-ms-g7-u1-05-sample.pdf
例如,请参阅第二步,“克服路障 1”,学生讲义,7 年级,第 1 单元,第 5 课,儿童委员会,2020 年,https://assets.ctfassets.net/98bcvzcrxclo/1fyRvZO01HcZFQiLfulUbf/8e8bf1e4757b050b9fb99 6d0a9d3fdce/handout-ms-g7-u1-05-sample.pdf
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返回注释 参考文献 39

“Unit 1, Lesson5, Overcoming Roadblocks 1,” Griffin Counselors, YouTube, video, 26:44,
“第 1 单元,第 5 课,克服路障 1”,Griffin Counselors,YouTube,视频,26:44,

September 22, 2020, www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MsPz_iFzYE
九月 22, 2020, www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MsPz_iFzYE
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Chapter 5: The Schools Are Filled with Shadows
第5章:学校里到处都是阴影

See “Related Service Providers & Interveners,” National Resource Center for Paraeducators, accessed August 9, 2023, https://nrcpara.org/resources/report/demographics. “There are more than 525,000 paraeducators currently employed in FTE positions nationwide. Of that number approximately 290,000 are employed in inclusive general and special education programs, self- contained and resource rooms, transition services and early childhood settings serving children and youth with disabilities. (One critical piece of information that is very difficult to obtain are the number of paraeducators who are assigned to work one-to-one with individual learners.)”
参见“相关服务提供商和干预者”,国家辅助教育者资源中心,2023 年 8 月 9 日访问,第 https://nrcpara.org/resources/report/demographics 页。“目前全国有超过 525,000 名辅助教育工作者受雇于 FTE 职位。其中约29万人受雇于全纳普通和特殊教育计划、自给自足和资源室、过渡服务以及为残疾儿童和青少年服务的幼儿环境。(一个很难获得的关键信息是被指派与个别学习者一对一工作的辅助教育者的数量。

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Shadows are on the front line of helping students with disabilities,” explains the primer, School Shadow Guidelines. Liau, Alex, and Dr. Jed Baker, School Shadow Guidelines (Arlington, Texas: Future Horizons Inc., 2015) 1.
“影子处于帮助残疾学生的第一线,”入门书《学校影子指南》解释说。Liau、Alex 和 Jed Baker 博士,学校影子指南(德克萨斯州阿灵顿:Future Horizons Inc.,2015 年) 1.

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Graziano, P. A., A. M. Garcia, and T. D. Landis, “To Fidget or Not to Fidget, That Is the Question: A Systematic Classroom Evaluation of Fidget Spinners Among Young Children With ADHD,” Journal of Attention Disorders 24, no. 1 (2020): 163–71, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1087054718770009
Graziano, P. A., A. M. Garcia, 和 TD Landis,“坐立不安还是不坐立不安,这就是问题:对患有 ADHD 的幼儿指尖陀螺的系统课堂评估”,注意力障碍杂志 24,第 1 期(2020 年):163-71,https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1087054718770009
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Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which prohibited discrimination against students with learning disabilities, also required schools to make reasonable accommodations for such students, like allowing untimed tests for kids who needed it.
1973 年《康复法》第 504 条禁止歧视有学习障碍的学生,还要求学校为此类学生提供合理的便利,例如允许有需要的孩子进行不定时的测试。

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Algar, Selim, “Manhattan School Plagued with Violence, Parents Say Concerns Neglected,” New York Post, February 4, 2022, https://nypost.com/2022/02/04/parents-feel-neglected-at- middle-school-beset-by-violence
阿尔加,塞利姆,“曼哈顿学校受到暴力的困扰,家长说问题被忽视”,《纽约邮报》,2022 年 2 月 4 日,https://nypost.com/2022/02/04/parents-feel-neglected-at- 中学被暴力困扰
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“The restorative practices concept has its roots in restorative justice, a way of looking at criminal justice that focuses on repairing the harm done to people and relationships rather than on punishing offenders (although restorative justice does not preclude incarceration of offenders or other sanctions). Originating in the 1970s as mediation between victims and offenders, by the 1990s restorative justice broadened to include communities of care as well, with victims and offenders’ families and friends participating in collaborative processes called ‘conferences’ and ‘circles.’ ” Costello, Bob, Joshua Wachtel, and Ted Wachtel, Restorative
“恢复性做法概念源于恢复性司法,这是一种看待刑事司法的方式,侧重于修复对人和关系造成的伤害,而不是惩罚罪犯(尽管恢复性司法不排除对罪犯的监禁或其他制裁)。恢复性司法起源于 1970 年代,作为受害者和罪犯之间的调解,到 1990 年代扩大到包括护理社区,受害者和罪犯的家人和朋友参与称为“会议”和“圈子”的协作过程。“ Costello、Bob、Joshua Wachtel 和 Ted Wachtel,恢复性

Circles in Schools: Building Community and Enhancing Learning (Bethlehem, Pennsylvania: International Institute for Restorative Practices, 2010).
Circles in Schools: Building Community and Enhancing Learning(宾夕法尼亚州伯利恒:国际恢复性实践研究所,2010年)。

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“Joint ‘Dear Colleague’ Letter,” Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights, January 8, 2014, https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/letters/colleague-201401-title-vi.html
“'亲爱的同事'联合信”,教育部民权办公室,2014年1月8日,https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/letters/colleague-201401-title-vi.html
.

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Davenport, Mary, “Using Circle Practice in the Classroom,” Edutopia, August 16, 2018, www.edutopia.org/article/using-circle-practice-classroom. (Article links to document “Setting Up a Circle: An Overview.”)
玛丽·达文波特,“在课堂上使用圆圈练习”,Edutopia,2018 年 8 月 16 日,www.edutopia.org/article/using-circle-practice-classroom。(文章链接到文档“设置圆圈:概述”。

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Pollack, Andrew, and Max Eden, Why Meadow Died (New York: Post Hill Press, 2019), 96. See also James, Emma, “Hulking 6’6” Boy, 17, Who ‘Viciously Beat His Teaching Aide Unconscious’ Is Held on $1 MILLION Bond, Will Be Charged as an Adult and Faces up to 30 Years in Prison—after Being Arrested THREE Times for Battery in 2019,” Daily Mail, February 28, 2023, www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-11802533/Teen-knocked-teacher- arrested-THREE-times-battery-charged-adult.html. (In February 2023, a hulking high school junior in Florida named Brendan Depa—270 pounds and 6 feet 6 inches tall—launched his assigned paraprofessional (“shadow”) into the air when she took away his Nintendo Switch, which he had been playing with during class. The parapro hit the ground headfirst and lost consciousness on impact. But Depa proceeded to stomp and beat her limp body anyway, until five school faculty members could pull him off.
波拉克、安德鲁和马克斯·伊登,《梅多为什么死了》(纽约:波斯特希尔出版社,2019 年),第 96 页。另见詹姆斯,艾玛,“笨拙的 6 英尺 6 英寸”男孩,17 岁,他“恶毒地殴打他的教学助手昏迷”,以 100 万美元的保释金被关押,将被指控为成年人并面临最高 30 年的监禁——在 2019 年因殴打被捕三次后,“每日邮报,2023 年 2 月 28 日,www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-11802533/Teen-knocked-teacher-arrested-THREE-times-battery-charged-adult.html。(2023 年 2 月,佛罗里达州一位名叫布伦丹·德帕 (Brendan Depa) 的身材魁梧的高中三年级学生——体重 270 磅、身高 6 英尺 6 英寸——在拿走他在课堂上玩的 Nintendo Switch 时,将他指定的辅助专业人员(“影子”)发射到空中。parapro 头朝下撞到地面,在撞击时失去知觉。但德帕还是继续跺脚并殴打她软绵绵的身体,直到五名学校教职员工将他拉下来。

Depa is “behaviorally disabled,” and when he was arrested for the incident, mental health advocate Sue Urban said he’d been treated unfairly. Kids with behavioral disability, Urban said, “are given leeway to have these devices, so when they do lose their tempers or if they do not get into that mental space, that they can have those Switches or phones or their comfort devices, [so] that they can calm down.” Depa—who’d been arrested three times on battery charges when he was thirteen—was taken into custody.)
德帕是“行为障碍者”,当他因这一事件被捕时,心理健康倡导者苏·厄本(Sue Urban)说他受到了不公平的对待。厄本说,有行为障碍的孩子“有余地拥有这些设备,所以当他们发脾气时,或者如果他们没有进入那个心理空间,他们可以拥有那些开关或电话或他们的舒适设备,[这样]他们就可以冷静下来。德帕在十三岁时因殴打罪被捕三次,被拘留。

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Augustine, Catherine H., et al.,
奥古斯丁、凯瑟琳 H. 等人,
Can Restorative Practices Improve School Climate and Curb Suspensions? An Evaluation of the Impact of Restorative Practices in a Mid-Sized Urban
恢复性做法能否改善学校氛围并遏制停课?中型城市恢复性实践影响的评估
School District
学区
, (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2018),
,(加利福尼亚州圣莫尼卡:兰德公司,2018 年),
https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2840.html, 71. (“This, of course, raises the question of whether restorative practices can be effective in curbing the most violent behavior,
, 71.(“当然,这提出了一个问题,即恢复性做法是否能有效遏制最暴力的行为,
at least within a two-year implementation period.”)
至少在两年的实施期内。

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Interestingly, the Parkland school shooter had been put through the full gamut of “restorative justice” within the Florida school system before emptying a semiautomatic rifle into its halls, murdering seventeen of the current students.
有趣的是,帕克兰学校枪手在佛罗里达州学校系统内经历了全面的“恢复性司法”,然后将半自动步枪倒入其大厅,谋杀了17名在校学生。

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Henderson, Cinque, “Failing Public Schools Should Be Blamed on Out-of-Control Kids,” New York Post, September 14, 2018, https://nypost.com/2018/09/14/failing-public-schools-should- be-blamed-on-out-of-control-kids
Henderson, Cinque,“失败的公立学校应该归咎于失控的孩子”,《纽约邮报》,2018 年 9 月 14 日,https://nypost.com/2018/09/14/failing-public-schools-should 被归咎于失控的孩子
.

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The notion that a child’s mental health and physical health is ultimately determined (and wrecked) by the number of ACEs they accrue is based on a problematic piece of landmark psychological research: Felitti, Vincent, et al., “Relationship of Child Abuse and Household Dysfunction to Many of the Leading Causes of Death in Adults,” American Journal of
儿童的心理健康和身体健康最终取决于他们累积的ACE数量(并破坏)这一观点是基于一项有问题的具有里程碑意义的心理学研究:Felitti,Vincent等人,“虐待儿童和家庭功能障碍与成人死亡的许多主要原因的关系”,美国杂志

Preventative Medicine 14, no. 4 (May 1998): 245–58, www.ajpmonline.org/article/S0749- 3797(98)00017-8/fulltext
预防医学 14,第 4 期(1998 年 5 月):245–58,www.ajpmonline.org/article/S0749- 3797(98)00017-8/全文
.

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Felitti et al., “Relationship of Child Abuse and Household Dysfunction.”
Felitti等人,“虐待儿童与家庭功能障碍的关系”。

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“Adverse Childhood Experiences Prevention Strategy,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, September 2020, 2. www.cdc.gov/injury/pdfs/priority/ACEs-Strategic- Plan_Final_508.pdf
“不良童年经历预防策略”,疾病控制与预防中心,2020 年 9 月,第 2 页。www.cdc.gov/injury/pdfs/priority/ACEs-Strategic-Plan_Final_508.pdf
.

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I am grateful to the wonderful writer Robert Podiscio for pointing me to this lecture. See Pondiscio, Robert, “Researchers Warn about Misuses of a Common Measure of Childhood Trauma,” Thomas B. Fordham Institute, April 22, 2020, https://fordhaminstitute.org/national/commentary/researchers-warn-about-misuses-common- measure-childhood-trauma
我感谢杰出的作家罗伯特·波迪西奥(Robert Podiscio)为我指出了这次讲座。参见 Pondiscio, Robert,“研究人员警告滥用童年创伤的常见衡量标准”,Thomas B. Fordham Institute,2020 年 4 月 22 日,https://fordhaminstitute.org/national/commentary/researchers-warn-about-misuses-common-measure-childhood-trauma
.

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Henderson, Rob, “No One Expects Young Men to Do Anything and They Are Responding by Doing Nothing,” Rob Henderson’s Newsletter, April 24, 2022, https://robkhenderson.substack.com/p/no-one-expects-young-men-to-do-anything
罗伯·亨德森(Rob Henderson)的时事通讯,2022年4月24日,https://robkhenderson.substack.com/p/no-one-expects-young-men-to-do-anything
.

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See Bonanno, George A., The End of Trauma: How the New Science of Resilience Is Changing How We Think About PTSD (New York: Basic Books, 2021).
参见 Bonanno, George A., 创伤的终结:复原力的新科学如何改变我们对 PTSD 的看法 (纽约:Basic Books,2021 年)。

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See Bonnano, End of Trauma
见博纳诺,《创伤的终结》
.

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Chapter 6: Trauma Kings
第6章:创伤之王

The hospital was renamed D.C. General Hospital in 1953. In 2001, it closed. See “Gallinger Municipal Hospital Psychopathic Ward,” Wikipedia, accessed September 17, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallinger_Municipal_Hospital_Psychopathic_Ward
该医院于1953年更名为华盛顿特区总医院。2001年,它关闭了。参见“加林格市立医院精神病病房”,维基百科,2023年9月17日访问,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallinger_Municipal_Hospital_Psychopathic_Ward
.

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Estrada, Louie, “Bess Lavine, Half of Mother-Daughter Judge Team, Dies at 94,” Washington Post, October 5, 2022, www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2022/10/05/bess-lavine-prince- georges-judge-dead
埃斯特拉达,路易,“贝丝·拉文,母女法官团队的一半,享年 94 岁”,华盛顿邮报,2022 年 10 月 5 日,www.washingtonpost.com/obituaries/2022/10/05/bess-lavine-prince- 乔治法官死亡
.

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This statement and the ones that follow it are all taken from surveys reported in Vermeulen, Karla, Generation Disaster: Coming of Age Post-9/11 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2021).
这句话和后面的陈述都取自 Vermeulen, Karla, Generation Disaster: Coming of Age Post-9/11 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2021) 中报告的调查。

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“Our School’s Fight,” Seventeen, December 1947, 128.
“我们学校的斗争”,1947年12月17日,第128页。

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While all age-groups saw a rise in suicide during the Great Depression, it largely confined itself to adults, with the most dramatic effects experienced by those thirty-five and older. See Luo, Feijun, “Impact of Business Cycles on US Suicide Rates, 1928–2007,” American Journal of
虽然在大萧条期间,所有年龄组的自杀率都有所增加,但它主要局限于成年人,三十五岁及以上的人所经历的影响最为严重。参见 Luo, Feijun, “Impact of Business Cycles on US Suicide Rates, 1928–2007,” American Journal of

Public Health 101, no. 6 (2011): 1139–146, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3093269/#:~:text=All%20age%20groups%20experie nced%20a,other%20recessions%2C%20including%20severe%20recessions
公共卫生 101,第 6 期 (2011):1139–146,www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3093269/#:~:text=All%20age%20groups%20experie nced%20aother%20recessions%2C%20including%20severe%20recessions
.

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Bonnano, George, The End of Trauma: How the New Science of Resilience Is Changing How We Think About PTSD (New York: Basic Books, 2021), 50. (“In fact, the majority of those who had endured direct exposure to what was turning out to be the most devastating terrorist attack on record in the United States had not yet developed PTSD. It was still early, however, and many observers expected that the PTSD numbers would continue to rise. And then, to just about everyone’s surprise, the rates precipitously dropped.”)
乔治·博纳诺,《创伤的终结:复原力的新科学如何改变我们对创伤后应激障碍的看法》(纽约:Basic Books,2021 年),第 50 页。(“事实上,大多数直接经历过美国有记录以来最具破坏性的恐怖袭击的人还没有患上创伤后应激障碍。然而,现在还为时过早,许多观察家预计创伤后应激障碍的数字将继续上升。然后,出乎所有人的意料,利率急剧下降。

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Bonnano, George, “Resilience in the Face of Potential Trauma,” Current Directions in Psychological Science 14, no. 3 (June 2005): 135–38.
Bonnano,George,“面对潜在创伤的复原力”,Current Directions in Psychological Science 14,第 3 期(2005 年 6 月):135-38。

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Bonanno, End of Trauma, 43–53.
博南诺,创伤的终结,43-53。

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See Ngayama Hall, G. C., “Diversity in Clinical Psychology,” Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice 13, no. 3 (2006): 258–62, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2850.2006.00034.x. (Note the lack of diversity in the field of clinical psychology.)
参见Ngayama Hall, G. C.,“临床心理学的多样性”,《临床心理学:科学与实践》第13期,第3期(2006年):258-62,第 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2850.2006.00034.x 页。(请注意,临床心理学领域缺乏多样性。

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Illouz, Eva. Saving the Modern Soul: Therapy, Emotions, and the Culture of Self-Help
伊洛兹,伊娃。拯救现代灵魂:治疗、情感和自助文化

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 175.
(伯克利:加州大学出版社,2008 年),第 175 页。

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Carr, Danielle, “Tell Me Why It Hurts: How Bessel van der Kolk’s Once Controversial Theory of Trauma Became the Dominant Way We Make Sense of Our Lives,” New York Magazine, July 31, 2023, https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/trauma-bessel-van-der-kolk-the-body- keeps-the-score-profile.html
卡尔,丹妮尔,“告诉我为什么它很痛:贝塞尔·范德科尔克曾经有争议的创伤理论如何成为我们理解生活的主要方式”,纽约杂志2023 年 7 月 31 日,https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/trauma-bessel-van-der-kolk-the-body- keeps-the-score-profile.html
.

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I reached out to Dr. van der Kolk via email for an interview. He responded quickly and affirmatively to the request, and then abruptly ceased communication.
我通过电子邮件联系了 van der Kolk 博士进行采访。他迅速而肯定地回应了这一请求,然后突然停止了交流。

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Interlandi, Jeneen, “A Revolutionary Approach to Treating PTSD,” New York Times, May 22, 2014, www.nytimes.com/2014/05/25/magazine/a-revolutionary-approach-to-treating-ptsd.html
Interlandi,Jeneen,“治疗创伤后应激障碍的革命性方法”,《纽约时报》,2014 年 5 月 22 日,www.nytimes.com/2014/05/25/magazine/a-revolutionary-approach-to-treating-ptsd.html
.

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Van der Kolk, B. A., “The Body Keeps the Score: Memory and the Evolving Psychobiology of Posttraumatic Stress,” Harvard Review Psychiatry 1, no. 5 (1994): 253–65, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/9384857
Van der Kolk, B. A.,“身体保持分数:记忆和创伤后压力的不断发展的心理生物学”,《哈佛评论精神病学》1,第5期(1994):253-65,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/9384857
.

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Van der Kolk, Bessel, The Body Keeps the Score: Brain, Mind, and Body in the Healing of Trauma (New York: Viking, 2014), 88.
范德科尔克,贝塞尔,《身体保持分数:创伤愈合中的大脑、心灵和身体》(纽约:维京,2014 年),第 88 页。

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See van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 293, 269. See also Maté, Gabor, The Myth of Normal: Trauma, Illness & Healing in a Toxic Culture (New York: Avery, 2022), 64–66, 100–102.
参见van der Kolk, Body Keep the Score, 293, 269。另见 Maté, Gabor, The Myth of Normal: Trauma, Illness & Healing in a Toxic Culture (New York: Avery, 2022), 64-66, 100-102.

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 40–44.
范德科尔克,身体保持比分40-44。

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 45.
范德科尔克,身体保持比分45。

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Hutchinson, Tracy S., “Why Your Childhood Really Matters: The Hidden Epidemic,”
哈钦森,特雷西 S.,“为什么你的童年真的很重要:隐藏的流行病,”

Psychology Today, June 28, 2019, www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/silencing-your-inner- bully/201906/why-your-childhood-really-matters-the-hidden-epidemic
今日心理学,2019 年 6 月 28 日,www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/silencing-your-inner-欺凌/201906/为什么你的童年真的很重要-隐藏的流行病
.

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 308.
范德科尔克,身体保持得分308。

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 193.
范德科尔克,身体保持得分193。

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McNally, R. J., “Debunking Myths about Trauma and Memory,” The Canadian Journal of
麦克纳利,RJ,“揭穿关于创伤和记忆的神话”,加拿大杂志

Psychiatry 50, no. 10 (2005): 817–22. (“There is no convincing evidence that trauma survivors exhibit implicit memories of trauma, such as psychophysiological reactivity, without also experiencing explicit memories of the horrific event as well. Thus, even when the body does ‘keep the score,’ so does the mind.”)
精神病学 50,第 10 期(2005 年):817-22。(“没有令人信服的证据表明创伤幸存者表现出对创伤的内隐记忆,例如心理生理反应,而没有经历过对可怕事件的明确记忆。因此,即使身体确实“保持分数”,头脑也是如此。

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Pendergrast, Mark, Memory Warp (Hinesburg, VT: Upper Access, 2021).
Pendergrast,Mark,记忆扭曲(佛蒙特州海恩斯堡:Upper Access,2021 年)。

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See, for example, Grey Faction, “Bessel Van der Kolk Defending Junk Science: Repressed Memory Therapy,” YouTube video, 5:23, March 21, 2018, www.youtube.com/watch? v=WJd4fcXOG3w. See also Pendergrast, Mark, The Repressed Memory Epidemic: How It Happened and What We Need to Learn from It (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2017), 81–85.
例如,参见 Grey Faction,“Bessel Van der Kolk 捍卫垃圾科学:被压抑的记忆疗法”,YouTube 视频,5:23,2018 年 3 月 21 日,www.youtube.com/watch?v=WJd4fcXOG3w。另见Pendergrast,Mark,《被压抑的记忆流行病:它是如何发生的以及我们需要从中学到什么》(Cham,瑞士:Springer,2017),81-85。

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Pendergrast, Mark, Memory Warp: How the Myth of Repressed Memory Arose and Refuses to Die (Hinesburg, VT: Upper Access, 2021), 106.
彭德格拉斯特,马克, 记忆扭曲:被压抑的记忆的神话是如何产生的并拒绝死亡的(佛蒙特州海恩斯堡:Upper Access,2021 年),106。

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But since van der Kolk was examining adult patients who claimed earlier trauma, how did he verify their memories? After all, patients who believe they were abducted by aliens often tell researchers highly emotionally detailed and internally consistent stories, too. (See Pendergrast, Repressed Memory Epidemic, 82.) Van der Kolk’s answer: “ ‘There is such a thing as internal consistency, and if people tell you something with internal consistency and with appropriate affect, you tend to believe that the stories are true.’ ” According to Pendergrast, this suggests van der Kolk didn’t believe a researcher needed independently to verify the veridicality of a subject’s trauma memories. Pendergrast concludes: “For van der Kolk, belief trumped science.” In other words, according to Pendergrast, as long as the suffering patient believed his own story
但是,既然范德科尔克正在检查那些声称早期创伤的成年患者,他是如何验证他们的记忆的?毕竟,那些认为自己被外星人绑架的病人,也经常会向研究人员讲述情感上非常详细、内在一致的故事。(参见Pendergrast,《被压抑的记忆流行病》,第82页。范德科尔克的回答是:“'有一种内在一致性的东西,如果人们告诉你一些内在一致性和适当的影响,你往往会相信这些故事是真实的。根据Pendergrast的说法,这表明van der Kolk不相信研究人员需要独立验证受试者创伤记忆的真实性。彭德格拉斯特总结道:“对于范德科尔克来说,信仰胜过科学。换句话说,根据彭德格拉斯特的说法,只要受苦的病人相信他自己的故事

about his traumatic experience, that seems to have been enough for van der Kolk to have regarded it as true.
关于他的创伤经历,这似乎足以让范德科尔克认为这是真的。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 25.
马特,正常神话25。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 99–100.
马特,正常神话99-100。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 100.
马特,正常神话100。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 34.
马特,正常神话34。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 370–71.
马特,正常神话370-71。

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See Furedi, Frank, Paranoid Parenting: Why Ignoring the Experts May Be Best for Your Child (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2002), discussing Emmy Werner and Ruth Smith, Vulnerable but Invincible: A Longitudinal Study of Resilient Children and Youth (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1982), 159.
见Furedi, Frank, Paranoid Parenting: Why Ignoring the Experts May Be Best for Your Child (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2002), discuss Emmy Werner and Ruth Smith, Vulnerable but Invincible: A Longitudinal Study of Resilient Children and Youth (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1982), 159.

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Pendergrast, Memory Warp, 105 (quoting McNally).
Pendergrast,Memory Warp105(引用McNally)。

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McNally, R. J., “Debunking Myths about Trauma and Memory,” The Canadian Journal of
麦克纳利,RJ,“揭穿关于创伤和记忆的神话”,加拿大杂志

Psychiatry 50, no. 10 (November 2005): 817–22, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16483114
精神病学 50,第 10 期(2005 年 11 月):817-22,https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/16483114
.

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Seligman, Martin, What You Can Change and What You Can’t (New York: Knopf, 1994), quoted in Pendergrast, Memory Warp, 411.
塞利格曼,马丁,你能改变什么和你不能改变什么(纽约:Knopf,1994),引自Pendergrast,记忆扭曲,411。

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 354–55.
范德科尔克,身体保持比分354-55。

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Van der Kolk, Body Keeps the Score, 355.
范德科尔克,身体保持得分355。

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Werler, Martha M., et al., “Reporting Accuracy Among Mothers of Malformed and Nonmalformed Infants,” American Journal of Epidemiology 129, no. 2 (February 1989): 415–
Werler, Martha M., et al., “Reporting Accuracy Among Mothers of Malformed and Nonmalformed Infants”,《美国流行病学杂志》129,第2期(1989年2月):415–

21, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.aje.a115145
21、https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.aje.a115145
.

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Werler et al., “Reporting Accuracy Among Mothers of Malformed and Nonmalformed Infants.”
Werler 等人,“畸形和非畸形婴儿母亲的报告准确性”。

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Sufferers of peptic ulcers long fell right into this trap. For decades, doctors erroneously believed that peptic ulcers were caused by stress. Movies and TV shows promoted this view, and the public believed it. Lo and behold, when a patient showed up with an ulcer at his doctor’s office, if asked, he would report: Yes! I have been under stress! Later, in the 1980s, research showed that a bacterium—Helicobacter pylori—is the root cause of ulcers.
消化性溃疡患者早就陷入了这个陷阱。几十年来,医生错误地认为消化性溃疡是由压力引起的。电影和电视节目宣传了这种观点,公众也相信了。瞧,当一个病人带着溃疡出现在他的医生办公室时,如果被问到,他会报告说:是的!我一直承受着压力!后来,在 1980 年代,研究表明一种细菌——幽门螺杆菌——是溃疡的根本原因。

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Gilbertson, Mark W., et al., “Smaller Hippocampal Volume Predicts Pathologic Vulnerability to Psychological Trauma,” Nature Neuroscience 5, no. 11 (October 2002): 1242–247, https://www.nature.com/articles/nn958
Gilbertson, Mark W., et al., “Smaller Hippocampal Volume Predicts Pathologic Vulnerability to Psychological Trauma,” Nature Neuroscience 5, no. 11 (October 2002): 1242–247, https://www.nature.com/articles/nn958
.

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Duhaime-Ross, Arielle, “Parents Who Were Physically Abused as Kids Don’t Go on to Abuse Their Kids,” The Verge, March 27, 2015, www.theverge.com/2015/3/27/8297493/child-abuse- intergenerational-transmission-violence
Duhaime-Ross,Arielle,“小时候受到身体虐待的父母不会继续虐待他们的孩子”,The Verge,2015 年 3 月 27 日,www.theverge.com/2015/3/27/8297493/child-abuse 代际传播暴力
.

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Widom, Cathy Spatz, et al., “Intergenerational Transmission of Child Abuse and Neglect: Real or Detection Bias?,” Science, March 27, 2015, www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.1259917. Widom did, however, find that children who suffered abuse went on to higher rates of juvenile delinquency as well as adult criminal behavior, though an examination of the details of this finding reveals complexities and subtleties that often complicate any simple “violence begets violence” headline. Widom, Cathy Spatz, “The Cycle of Violence,” Science, April 14, 1989, 160–66. See also Widom, Cathy Spatz, “An Update on the ‘Cycle of Violence,’ National
Widom、Cathy Spatz 等人,“虐待和忽视儿童的代际传递:真实或检测偏见?”,《科学》,2015 年 3 月 27 日,第 www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.1259917 页。然而,Widom确实发现,遭受虐待的儿童的青少年犯罪率和成人犯罪行为的发生率更高,尽管对这一发现的细节的检查揭示了复杂性和微妙性,这些复杂性和微妙之处往往使任何简单的“暴力引发暴力”的标题复杂化。Widom,Cathy Spatz,“暴力循环”,《科学》,1989 年 4 月 14 日,第 160-66 页。另见Widom,Cathy Spatz,“关于'暴力循环'的最新情况”,国家

Institute of Justice Research in Brief, February 2001. (“Compared with control males, abused and neglected males were not at increased risk for violent offending as juveniles or adults.” The study, however, did show that among males who became violent offenders, those in the Abused and Neglected Group had a “significantly larger number of arrests for violence than control males.” She also found that “white abused and neglected children were no more likely to be arrested for a violent crime than their nonabused and nonneglected counterparts.” Her study also showed that, among those arrested as juveniles, “childhood abuse and neglect had no apparent effect on the continuation of juvenile offending into adulthood.”) For our purposes, note that a properly conducted forward-facing study leads to results that are not only more
司法研究所简述,2001年2月。(“与对照组男性相比,受虐待和被忽视的男性在青少年或成年时遭受暴力犯罪的风险并没有增加。然而,该研究确实表明,在成为暴力犯罪者的男性中,受虐待和被忽视组的男性“因暴力而被捕的人数明显多于对照组男性”。她还发现,“被虐待和被忽视的白人儿童并不比未受虐待和被忽视的同龄人更有可能因暴力犯罪而被捕。她的研究还表明,在那些作为少年被捕的人中,“童年时期的虐待和忽视对少年犯罪的持续到成年没有明显的影响。就我们的目的而言,请注意,正确进行的前瞻性研究不仅会带来更多

valid, they are also more complex and nuanced than the reductive notion that “childhood trauma causes adult pathology.”
有效,它们也比“童年创伤导致成人病理学”的简化概念更复杂、更微妙。

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This phrase is attributed to British psychologist and pioneering memory researcher Sir Frederic
这句话出自英国心理学家和记忆研究先驱弗雷德里克爵士之手

C. Bartlett (1886–1969). It has been described as the propensity of humans “to impose structure and order to understand the world around them, even when their experience does not conform neatly to their prior categories.” For more on Bartlett and effort after meaning, see Roediger, Henry L., “Bartlett, Frederic Charles,” Washington University, http://psychnet.wustl.edu/memory/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Roediger-2003.pdf
C.巴特利特(1886-1969)。它被描述为人类“强加结构和秩序来理解他们周围的世界的倾向,即使他们的经验与他们先前的类别并不完全一致。有关 Bartlett 和意义之后的努力的更多信息,请参阅 Roediger, Henry L., “Bartlett, Frederic Charles,” Washington University, http://psychnet.wustl.edu/memory/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Roediger-2003.pdf
.

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See, generally, Widom, “Cycle of Violence,” 160–66. (“Many studies are methodologically weak and limited because of an overdependence on self-report and retrospective data, inadequate documentation of child abuse and neglect, and infrequent use of baseline data from control groups.”)
一般见Widom,“暴力循环”,第160-66页。(“由于过度依赖自我报告和回顾性数据,对虐待和忽视儿童的记录不足,以及不经常使用对照组的基线数据,许多研究在方法学上是薄弱和有限的。

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McNally pointed out to me that these sorts of physical responses to reminders of the trauma are among the criteria for a PTSD diagnosis. “One of the goals in treating PTSD is to desensitize people to their memories of traumatic experiences—which they can remember all too well!— such that they no longer have these intense bodily reactions when they think about the trauma,” he said.
麦克纳利向我指出,这些对创伤提醒的身体反应是创伤后应激障碍诊断的标准之一。“治疗创伤后应激障碍的目标之一是让人们对创伤经历的记忆不敏感 - 他们可以记得很清楚!- 这样当他们想到创伤时,他们不再有这些强烈的身体反应,”他说。

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Raphael, Karen G., et al., “Childhood Victimization and Pain in Adulthood: A Prospective Investigation,” Pain 92, no. 1-2 (May 2001): 283–93, https://sci- hubtw.hkvisa.net/10.1016/s0304-3959(01)00270-6
Raphael, Karen G., et al., “Childhood Victimization and Pain in Adulthood: A Prospecting Investigation,” Pain 92, no. 1-2 (May 2001): 283–93, https://sci- hubtw.hkvisa.net/10.1016/s0304-3959(01)00270-6
.

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McNally and his colleagues have studied subjects who claim to have memories of space alien abduction. Their intensely emotional psychophysiological responses to scripts about their (highly improbable) experiences have been compared with those of PTSD patients. The authors write in the paper’s conclusion: “The physiological markers of emotion that accompany recollection of a memory cannot be taken as evidence of the memory’s authenticity.” See McNally, R. J., et al., “Psychophysiological Responding During Script-Driven Imagery in People Reporting Abduction by Space Aliens,” Psychological Science 15, no. 7 (July 2004): 493–97, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15200635
麦克纳利和他的同事们研究了那些声称有外星人绑架记忆的受试者。他们对关于他们(极不可能的)经历的脚本的强烈情绪心理生理反应已经与创伤后应激障碍患者进行了比较。作者在论文的结论中写道:“伴随记忆回忆而来的情绪生理标志物不能被视为记忆真实性的证据。参见McNally, R. J., et al., “Psychophysiological Response During Script-Driven Imagery in People Reporting Abduction by Space Aliens”,《心理科学》第15期,第7期(2004年7月):493-97,第 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15200635
.

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American Psychological Association, “Eminent Psychologists of the 20th Century,” Review of General Psychology 6, no. 2 (July/August 2002), www.apa.org/monitor/julaug02/eminent
美国心理学会,“20世纪杰出心理学家”,《普通心理学评论》第6期,第2期(2002年7月/8月),www.apa.org/monitor/julaug02/eminent
.

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Loftus, Elizabeth, “How Reliable Is Your Memory?,” TED Global, June 2013, www.ted.com/talks/elizabeth_loftus_how_reliable_is_your_memory?language=en
Loftus, Elizabeth, “How Reliable Is Your Memory?”, TED Global, June 2013, www.ted.com/talks/elizabeth_loftus_how_reliable_is_your_memory?language=en
.

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Elizabeth, “How Reliable Is Your Memory?”
伊丽莎白,“你的记忆有多可靠?

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See Loftus, Elizabeth, “Leading Questions and the Eyewitness Report,” Cognitive Psychology 7, no. 4 (1975): 560–72, https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1976-08916-001. See also Loftus, E.F., and J.C. Palmer, “Reconstruction of Automobile Destruction: An Example of Interaction between Language and Memory,” Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior 13, no. 5 (1974): 585–89, https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-1-4684-4820-7_2. See also Loftus, Elizabeth, and Zanni Guido, “Eyewitness Testimony: The Influence of the Wording of a Question,” Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society 5 (1975): 86–88, doi: 10.3758/BF03336715.
参见Loftus, Elizabeth, “Leading Questions and the Eyewitness Report,” Cognitive Psychology 7, no. 4 (1975): 560–72, https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1976-08916-001。另见 Loftus, E.F. 和 J.C. Palmer,“汽车破坏的重建:语言与记忆之间相互作用的一个例子”,言语学习和言语行为杂志 13,第 5 期(1974 年):585-89,https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-1-4684-4820-7_2。另见 Loftus、Elizabeth 和 Zanni Guido,“目击者证词:问题措辞的影响”,Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society 5 (1975): 86–88, doi: 10.3758/BF03336715。

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Garven, Sena, et al., “More Than Suggestion: The Effect of Interviewing Techniques from the McMartin Preschool Case,” Journal of Applied Psychology 83, no. 3 (1998): 347–59, https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0021-9010.83.3.347
Garven, Sena, et al., “More Than Suggestion: The Effect of Interviewing Techniques from the McMartin Preschool Case,” Journal of Applied Psychology 83, no. 3 (1998): 347–59, https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0021-9010.83.3.347
.

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As American neurobiologist and recipient of the APA Award for Distinguished Scientific Contributions to Psychology, James McGaugh has written: “The concept of ‘body memories’ is nonsense, if by that you mean that memories are stored outside of the central nervous system. The notion that because there are receptors for neuropeptides located outside of the brain, there is also memory at those receptors, is at best a very strange hypothesis for which there is no evidence.” Quoted in Pendergrast, Memory Warp, 107. For a thorough, lucid, and engaging discussion of the calamity of repressed memory, it’s worth reading Mark Pendergrast’s many books on the subject.
作为美国神经生物学家和APA心理学杰出科学贡献奖的获得者,詹姆斯·麦高(James McGaugh)写道:“'身体记忆'的概念是无稽之谈,如果你的意思是记忆存储在中枢神经系统之外。因为大脑外有神经肽受体,所以这些受体也有记忆,这种想法充其量是一个非常奇怪的假设,没有证据。引自Pendergrast,Memory Warp,107。要对被压抑的记忆的灾难进行彻底、清晰和引人入胜的讨论,值得一读马克·彭德格拉斯特 (Mark Pendergrast) 关于这个主题的许多书。

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Maté, Myth of Normal, 63–66. For a critique of the idea, see Carey, Benedict, “Can We Really Inherit Trauma?,” New York Times, December 10, 2018, www.nytimes.com/2018/12/10/health/mind-epigenetics-genes.html
马特,《正常的神话》,第63-66页。有关对这一想法的批评,请参阅凯里,本尼迪克特,“我们真的可以继承创伤吗?”,纽约时报,2018年12月10日,www.nytimes.com/2018/12/10/health/mind-epigenetics-genes.html
.

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See, for example, Helgeson, V. S, et al., “Education and Peer Discussion Group Interventions and Adjustment to Breast Cancer,” Archives of General Psychiatry 56, no. 4 (April 1999): 340– 47, https://doi.org/10.1001/archpsyc.56.4.340. (“Bringing people together who face a common problem may have the unintended effect of increasing their anxiety about their condition [i.e., feeling fearful and anxious when seeing someone who is worse off].”)
例如,参见 Helgeson, V. S, et al., “Education and Peer Discussion Group Interventions and Adjustment to Breast Cancer,” Archives of General Psychiatry 56, no. 4 (April 1999): 340– 47, https://doi.org/10.1001/archpsyc.56.4.340.(“把面临共同问题的人聚集在一起可能会产生意想不到的效果,增加他们对自己病情的焦虑[即,当看到情况更糟的人时会感到恐惧和焦虑]。

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Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpsyc), “Do you struggle in relationships, fear abandonment, and don’t like asking for help? You might have been parentified,” Twitter, January 4, 2023, 8:05 a.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1610668793747099649
Nicole LePera(@Theholisticpsyc),“你是否在人际关系中挣扎,害怕被抛弃,不喜欢寻求帮助?你可能已经为人父母了,“推特,2023 年 1 月 4 日上午 8:05,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1610668793747099649
.

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Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc), “CHILDREN OF IMMIGRANTS: parents who sacrifice and bring their child to another country for a better life are forced to rely on their children for help with language, paying bills, or understanding cultural norms. Children play adult roles out of necessity,” Twitter, January 4, 2023, 11:05 a.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1610668808875954178
Nicole LePera(@Theholisticpysc),“移民的孩子:为了更好的生活而牺牲并将孩子带到另一个国家的父母被迫依靠他们的孩子在语言、支付账单或理解文化规范方面的帮助。儿童出于必要而扮演成人角色,“推特,2023 年 1 月 4 日上午 11:05,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1610668808875954178
.

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Van der Kolk, The Body Keeps the Score, 145.
范德科尔克,身体保持得分145。

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Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc), “C-PTSD symptoms: issues regulating your emotions, feelings of unworthiness, distrust towards people and the world around you, hypervigilance, strong inner critic, chronic fear of abandonment in relationships,” Twitter, January 22, 2023, 9:23 p.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1617347376502702080?lang=en
Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc),“C-PTSD 症状:调节情绪的问题、不值得的感觉、对周围人和世界的不信任、过度警惕、强烈的内心批评、长期害怕在人际关系中被抛弃”,Twitter,2023 年 1 月 22 日晚上 9:23,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1617347376502702080?lang=en
.

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Allen Frances (@AllenFrancesMD), “Complex PTSD was roundly rejected by DSM-IV & DSM-5 bec: 1) Symptom pattern so broad it overlaps w most disorders 2) Traumas so common covers most patients 3) Poor research support 4) People pushing it not respected 5) Too easily sold as explain-all to gullible therapists/patients,” Twitter, August 7, 2021, 2:13 p.m., https://twitter.com/allenfrancesmd/status/1424116458007580672?lang=en
Allen Frances (@AllenFrancesMD),“复杂的 PTSD 被 DSM-IV 和 DSM-5 bec 彻底拒绝:1) 症状模式如此广泛,以至于与大多数疾病重叠 2) 如此常见的创伤涵盖了大多数患者 3) 研究支持不足 4) 推动它的人不受尊重 5) 太容易被当作易受骗的治疗师/患者的解释,”Twitter,2021 年 8 月 7 日,下午 2:13,https://twitter.com/allenfrancesmd/status/1424116458007580672?lang=en
.

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See, for example, Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc), “Let’s talk about nice guy syndrome. We have a generation of men struggling to understand their anger who act out in dysfunctional ways: Many men are conditioned to be ‘nice guys’ form a young age. They’re raised to have a sense of over-responsibility and to caretake the emotions of their parent figures. This can look like—being the ‘little man’ of the house—comforting their parents through conflict— repressing their emotions to appear strong—showing a ‘brave face’—not looking for emotional comfort—not talking about emotions,” Twitter, December 29, 2022, 10:08 a.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1608525480499769345
例如,参见Nicole LePera(@Theholisticpysc),“让我们谈谈好人综合症。我们这一代男人努力理解他们的愤怒,他们以功能失调的方式行事:许多男人从小就习惯于成为“好人”。他们被培养成一种过度的责任感,并照顾父母形象的情绪。这可能看起来像——成为家里的“小男人”——在冲突中安慰他们的父母——压抑他们的情绪以显得坚强——表现出“勇敢的面孔”——不寻求情感安慰——不谈论情绪,“推特,2022 年 12 月 29 日,上午 10:08,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1608525480499769345
.

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Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc), “Do you feel numb, shut down, disconnected from yourself, and get stuck procrastinating? You’re not lazy. You’re not unmotivated. This is a trauma or stress response.” Twitter, December 31, 2022, 9:26 a.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1609239511787245568. See also Nicole LePera
Nicole LePera(@Theholisticpysc),“你是否感到麻木、封闭、与自己脱节并陷入拖延?你不懒惰。你不是没有动力。这是一种创伤或压力反应。推特,2022 年 12 月 31 日上午 9:26,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1609239511787245568。参见 Nicole LePera

(@Theholisticpysc), “If you were called ‘mature for your age’ you might have been parentified. Parentification is when a child is made to fill an adult role. This is an ‘invisible’ trauma that has life long impact. Here’s why,” Twitter, March 25, 2023, 12:36 p.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1639712962641539073
“(@Theholisticpysc),”如果你被称为'成熟于你的年龄',你可能已经被养育了。为人父母是指孩子被要求扮演成人角色。这是一种“看不见的”创伤,具有终生的影响。这就是原因,“ Twitter,2023 年 3 月 25 日,下午 12:36,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1639712962641539073
.

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Nicole LePera (@Theholisticpysc), “If you procrastinate, it’s not because you’re lazy. It’s because your body is in a threat state,” Twitter, March 4, 2023, 5:34 a.m., https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1632011612973576192
Nicole LePera(@Theholisticpysc):“如果你拖延,那不是因为你懒惰。这是因为你的身体处于威胁状态,“推特,2023 年 3 月 4 日凌晨 5:34,https://twitter.com/Theholisticpsyc/status/1632011612973576192
.

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Chapter 7: Hunting, Fishing, Mining: Mental Health Survey Mischief
第 7 章:狩猎、捕鱼、采矿:心理健康调查恶作剧

“Elementary School Climate Student Survey,” Colorado SAFE Communities Elementary Schools, Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, University of Colorado, January 7, 2020, questions 74–90.
“小学气候学生调查”,科罗拉多大学暴力研究与预防中心科罗拉多州安全社区小学,2020 年 1 月 7 日,问题 74-90。

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National Association of School Psychologists, Guidance for Measuring and Using School Climate Data (Bethesda, MD: National Association of School Psychologists, 2019), 1.
全国学校心理学家协会,测量和使用学校气候数据的指南(马里兰州贝塞斯达:全国学校心理学家协会,2019 年),1。

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For “passive consent,” see “The Protection Of Pupil Rights Amendment (PPRA),” US Department Of Education, accessed September 16, 2023, www.research.uky.edu/uploads/ori- d600000-us-dept-educationprotection-pupil-rights-amendment-ppra-pdf. I’ve also talked to parents who specifically opted out, only to discover that their children had been presented the surveys and taken them. See also Sanzi, Erika, “Make Intrusive School Surveys ‘Opt-In’ Rather Than ‘Opt-Out,’ American Enterprise Institute, March 2022, www.aei.org/wp- content/uploads/2022/03/Make-Intrusive-School-Surveys-%E2%80%9COpt-In%E2%80%9D- Rather-Than-%E2%80%9COpt-Out%E2%80%9D.pdf?x91208
对于“被动同意”,请参阅“学生权利保护修正案 (PPRA)”,美国教育部,2023 年 9 月 16 日访问,www.research.uky.edu/uploads/ori- d600000-us-dept-educationprotection-pupil-rights-amendment-ppra-pdf。我还与那些专门选择退出的父母交谈过,结果发现他们的孩子已经接受了调查并参加了调查。另见 Sanzi, Erika,“使侵入性学校调查'选择加入'而不是'选择退出'”,美国企业研究所,2022 年 3 月,www.aei.org/wp- content/uploads/2022/03/Make-Intrusive-School-Surveys-%E2%80%9COpt-In%E2%80%9D- Rather-Than-%E2%80%9COpt-Out%E2%80%9D.pdf?x91208
.

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“What Is the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendment (PPRA)?,” US Department of Education, accessed September 16, 2023, https://studentprivacy.ed.gov/faq/what-protection-pupil-rights- amendment- ppra#:~:text=The%20Protection%20of%20Pupil%20Rights%20Amendment%20(PPRA)%20a pplies%20to%20the,the%20U.S.%20Department%20of%20Education
“什么是学生权利保护修正案 (PPRA)?”,美国教育部,2023 年 9 月 16 日访问,https://studentprivacy.ed.gov/faq/what-protection-pupil-rights- 修正案- ppra#:~:text=The%20Protection%20of%20Pupil%20Rights%20Amendment%20(PPRA)%20a pplies%20to%20the,the%20U.S.%20Department%20of%20Education
.

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C.N. v. Ridgewood (3rd Cir. 2005), https://casetext.com/case/cn-v-ridgewood-board-of- education-4#8894046b-0124-4d54-b778-86907c2af476-fn4. (“A voluntary, anonymous and confidential student survey without individually identifiable results that was administered only after fair notice to parents does not amount to a constitutional privacy violation.”)
C.N.诉里奇伍德(2005 年第 3 巡回法院),https://casetext.com/case/cn-v-ridgewood-board-of- education-4#8894046b-0124-4d54-b778-86907c2af476-fn4。(“自愿、匿名和保密的学生调查,没有个人身份的结果,只有在公平地通知家长后才进行,这并不构成侵犯宪法隐私。

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“2021 Middle School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2021, question 33, www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/data/yrbs/pdf/2021/2021-YRBS- Standard-MS-Questionnaire.pdf. See also “2023 Middle School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth’/data/yrbs/pdf/2023/2023_YRBS_Standard_MS_Questionnaire.pdf
“2021 年中学青少年风险行为调查”,疾病控制与预防中心,2021 年,第 33 期,www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/data/yrbs/pdf/2021/2021-YRBS-Standard-MS-Questionnaire.pdf。另见“2023 年中学青少年风险行为调查”,疾病控制与预防中心,www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth'/data/yrbs/pdf/2023/2023_YRBS_Standard_MS_Questionnaire.pdf

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“Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” 2021, question 14. “Florida’s Education Commissioner Manny Diaz called the federal survey ‘inflammatory’ and ‘sexualized.’ In letters to school districts, he all but ordered them to stop participating in the CDC’s youth survey.” LaGrone, Katie, “Guns, Dating Violence, Sexual Violence All Eliminated from New Florida Youth Survey,” WPTV 2, June 2023, https://www.wptv.com/news/local- news/investigations/florida-rejected-federal-youth-health-survey-for-being-too-sexual-so-it- came-up-with-its-own
“佛罗里达高中青年风险行为调查”,2021 年,问题 14。“佛罗里达州教育专员曼尼·迪亚兹(Manny Diaz)称联邦调查'具有煽动性'和'性化'。在给学区的信中,他几乎命令他们停止参加疾病预防控制中心的青年调查。LaGrone,Katie,“枪支、约会暴力、性暴力都从新佛罗里达青年调查中消除”,WPTV 2,2023 年 6 月,https://www.wptv.com/news/local- news/investigations/florida-rejected-federal-youth-health-survey-for-being-too-sexual-so-it-come-up-with-it-own,
.

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“2022 Illinois Youth Survey, 8th Grade Form,” University of Illinois, School of Social Work; Illinois Department of Human Services, questions P4 and P6.
“2022 年伊利诺伊州青年调查,8 年级表格”,伊利诺伊大学社会工作学院;伊利诺伊州公共服务部,问题 P4 和 P6。

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“Georgia Student Health Survey (Grades 6–12),” revised September 28, 2021, question 18, www.gadoe.org/wholechild/Documents/GSHS%20questions_FY22.pdf?csf=1&e=ghjAIm
“佐治亚州学生健康调查(6-12 年级)”,2021 年 9 月 28 日修订,第 18 问题,www.gadoe.org/wholechild/Documents/GSHS%20questions_FY22.pdf?csf=1&e=ghjAIm
.

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“Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey” (on file with Parents Defending Education). See also Florida High School Youth Risk Behaviors” (state-level data), 2021, www.flhealthcharts.gov/ChartsDashboards/rdPage.aspx? rdReport=SurveyData.YRBS.HSReport&tabid=HSYRBS
“佛罗里达高中青年风险行为调查”(存档于家长捍卫教育)。另见“佛罗里达高中青年风险行为”(州级数据),2021 年,www.flhealthcharts.gov/ChartsDashboards/rdPage.aspx?rdReport=SurveyData.YRBS.HSReport&tabid=HSYRBS
.

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“Florida Middle School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” questions 61–64.
“佛罗里达中学青年风险行为调查”,问题61-64。

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See also Georgia Department of Education, “Georgia Student Health Survey (Grades 6–12),” revised September 28, 2021, question 37, www.gadoe.org/wholechild/Documents/GSHS%20questions_FY22.pdf?csf=1&e=ghjAIm
另见佐治亚州教育部,“佐治亚州学生健康调查(6-12 年级)”,2021 年 9 月 28 日修订,第 37 题,www.gadoe.org/wholechild/Documents/GSHS%20questions_FY22.pdf?csf=1&e=ghjAIm
.

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“Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” questions 61–64.
“佛罗里达高中青年风险行为调查”,问题 61-64。

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Westfall, Austin, “Suicide Prevention Lifeline Will Be Printed on Student ID Cards in Several States,” New York Post, August 12, 2021, https://nypost.com/2021/08/12/suicide-prevention- lifeline-will-be-printed-on-student-id-cards-in-several-states
Westfall,奥斯汀,“预防自杀生命线将印在几个州的学生证上”,《纽约邮报》,2021 年 8 月 12 日,https://nypost.com/2021/08/12/suicide-prevention-生命线将打印在几个州的学生证上
.

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“2022 Illinois Youth Survey, 8th Grade Form.”
“2022 年伊利诺伊州青年调查,8 年级表格。”

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“Healthy Youth Survey Form B: Grades 8, 10 and 12,” Washington State Healthy Youth
“健康青年调查表 B:8、10 和 12 年级”,华盛顿州健康青年

Survey, 2021, www.askhys.net/Docs/HYS%202021%20Form%20A%20e-survey_Final.pdf
调查, 2021, www.askhys.net/Docs/HYS%202021%20Form%20A%20e-survey_Final.pdf
.

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“Wisconsin Dane County Youth Assessment” (Middle School and High School versions) (on file with Parents Defending Education).
“威斯康星州戴恩县青年评估”(初中和高中版本)(存档于家长捍卫教育)。

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“Arizona Youth Survey,” 2022, questions 82–101, www.azcjc.gov/Portals/0/Documents/pubs/AYSReports/2022/2022_AYS_Scantron_Survey.pdf
“亚利桑那州青年调查”,2022 年,问题 82-101,www.azcc.gov/Portals/0/Documents/pubs/AYSReports/2022/2022_AYS_Scantron_Survey.pdf

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“Arizona Youth Survey,” questions 102–103.
“亚利桑那州青年调查”,问题102-103。

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“7th–12th Grade Questionnaire,” Indiana Youth Survey, https://inys.indiana.edu/docs/survey/INYS_questionnaire.pdf
“7-12年级问卷”,印第安纳州青年调查,https://inys.indiana.edu/docs/survey/INYS_questionnaire.pdf
.

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“2022 Illinois Youth Survey, 8th Grade Form.”
“2022 年伊利诺伊州青年调查,8 年级表格。”

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“Missouri Student Survey Questionnaire 2020,” Missouri Department of Mental Health, https://dmh.mo.gov/media/pdf/missouri-student-survey-questionnaire-2020
“2020 年密苏里州学生调查问卷”,密苏里州心理健康部,https://dmh.mo.gov/media/pdf/missouri-student-survey-questionnaire-2020
.

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These breaches absolutely occur. See, for example, Cook, Sam, “US Schools Leaked 28.6 Million Records in 1851 Data Breaches Since 2005,” Comparitech, December 15, 2021, www.comparitech.com/blog/vpn-privacy/us-schools-data-breaches
这些违规行为肯定会发生。例如,参见 Cook, Sam,“自 2005 年以来,美国学校在 1851 起数据泄露事件中泄露了 2860 万条记录”,Comparitech,2021 年 12 月 15 日,www.comparitech.com/blog/vpn-privacy/us-schools-data-breaches
.

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“Florida High School Youth Risk Behavior Survey.”
“佛罗里达高中青年风险行为调查。”

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“2023 State and Local Youth Risk Behavior Survey.”
“2023 年州和地方青年风险行为调查。”

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“2021 Delaware Middle School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” University of Delaware Center for Drug and Health Studies, https://bpb-us- w2.wpmucdn.com/sites.udel.edu/dist/9/12983/files/2022/08/YRBS-MS-2021.pdf
“2021 年特拉华州中学青年风险行为调查”,特拉华大学药物与健康研究中心,https://bpb-us-w2.wpmucdn.com/sites.udel.edu/dist/9/12983/files/2022/08/YRBS-MS-2021.pdf
.

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Gould, Madelyn, et al., “Evaluating Iatrogenic Risk of Youth Suicide Screening Programs: A Randomized Controlled Trial,” JAMA 293, no. 13 (April 6, 2005): 1635–43, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15811983
Gould, Madelyn, et al., “Evaluating Iatrogenic Risk of Youth Suicide Screening Programs: A Randomized Controlled Trial”, JAMA 293, no. 13 (April 6, 2005): 1635–43, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15811983
.

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See, for example, Mota, Natalie, and Christine Henriksen, “For Years, We Worried ‘13 Reasons Why’ Could Provoke Suicidal Behaviors. Now We Have the Evidence,” CBC News, September 3, 2019, www.cbc.ca/news/opinion/13-reasons-why-
例如,参见 Mota、Natalie 和 Christine Henriksen,“多年来,我们担心'13 个理由'会引发自杀行为。现在我们有证据了,“CBC新闻,2019年9月3日,www.cbc.ca/news/opinion/13-reasons-why-

1.5267786#:~:text=Opinion-,For%20years%2C%20we%20worried%2013%20Reasons%20Wh y%20could%20provoke%20suicidal,of%20the%20show’s%20first%20season
1.5267786#:~:text=意见-,For%20years%2C%20we%20worried%2013%20Reasons%20Wh y%20could%20provoke%20suicidal,of%20the%20show's%20first%20season
.

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See Hawton, Keith, and Kathryn Williams, “Influences of the Media on Suicide,” BMJ 325, no. 7377 (December 14, 2002): 1374–375, https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.325.7377.1374. See also Gould, Madelyn, “Suicide and the Media,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 932, no. 1 (January 25, 2006): 200–224, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2001.tb05807.x. (“In summary, the existence of the suicide contagion no longer needs to be questioned. We should refocus our research efforts on identifying which particular story components promote contagion under which circumstances and which components are useful for preventive programming.”)
参见Hawton,Keith和Kathryn Williams,“媒体对自杀的影响”,BMJ 325,第7377期(2002年12月14日):1374-375,https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.325.7377.1374。另见Gould, Madelyn, “Suicide and the Media,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 932, no. 1 (January 25, 2006): 200–224, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2001.tb05807.x。(“总而言之,自杀传染的存在不再需要质疑。我们应该将研究工作重新集中在确定哪些特定的故事成分在哪些情况下促进传染,以及哪些成分对预防性计划有用。

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Sonneck, G., et al., “Imitative Suicide on the Viennese Subway,” Social Science and Medicine
Sonneck, G., et al., “维也纳地铁上的模仿自杀”,《社会科学与医学》

38, no. 3 (1982): 453–57, https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(94)90447-2
38, No. 3 (1982): 453–57, https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(94)90447-2
.

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Stack, S., Suicide Contagion and the Reporting of Suicide: Recommendations from a National Workshop,” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 54, no. 2 (April 1994): 9–17, www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00031539.htm
Stack, S., Suicide Contagion and the Reporting of Suicide: Recommendations from a National Workshop,“ Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 54, no. 2 (April 1994): 9–17, www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00031539.htm
.

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“2021 Delaware Youth Risk Behavior Survey Middle School Youth Risk Behavior Survey,” cf.
“2021 年特拉华州青少年风险行为调查中学青少年风险行为调查”,参见。

“2023 State and Local Youth Risk Behavior Survey.”
“2023 年州和地方青年风险行为调查。”

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“Florida Middle School Youth Survey 2021,” questions 61–64.
“2021 年佛罗里达中学青年调查”,问题 61-64。

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Lopez, German, “Why Anti-Drug Campaigns Like DARE Fail,” Vox, September 1, 2014, www.vox.com/2014/9/1/5998571/why-anti-drug-campaigns-like-dare-fail
洛佩兹,德国人,“为什么像DARE这样的禁毒运动失败了”,Vox,2014年9月1日,www.vox.com/2014/9/1/5998571/why-anti-drug-campaigns-like-dare-fail
.

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“Neuroticism is an index of your baseline sensitivity to negative emotion,” Peterson reminded me, referring to one of the “Big 5 traits” psychologists believe form a statistically valid measure of personality. Which words and phrases indicate someone high in neuroticism? Peterson asks me, before answering his own question: “Anything associated with self- conscious apprehension.”
“神经质是你对负面情绪的基线敏感性的指标,”彼得森提醒我,他指的是心理学家认为的“五大特征”之一,构成了统计学上有效的人格衡量标准。哪些单词和短语表明某人神经质高?彼得森在回答他自己的问题之前问我:“任何与自我意识忧虑有关的事情。

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In fact, there is some evidence that “behavioral activation” therapy—a version of cognitive behavioral therapy that treats depressed patients by focusing not on changing thoughts but on changing behaviors (getting patients to do things they enjoy—errands, hobbies, anything that gives a sense of purpose and completion) may help alleviate depression. Hellerstein, David J., “Case Study: Finding His Wings. Drugs Lifted Frank’s Depression, but He Had to Find Meaningful Activity to Relaunch His Life,” Scientific American, July 1, 2016, www.scientificamerican.com/article/case-study-finding-his-wings
事实上,有一些证据表明,“行为激活”疗法——一种认知行为疗法,它通过关注的不是改变思想而是改变行为(让患者做他们喜欢的事情——差事、爱好、任何能给人一种目标感和成就感的东西)来治疗抑郁症患者,可能有助于缓解抑郁症。Hellerstein, David J.,“案例研究:寻找他的翅膀。毒品解除了弗兰克的抑郁症,但他必须找到有意义的活动来重新开始他的生活,“《科学美国人》,2016 年 7 月 1 日,www.scientificamerican.com/article/case-study-finding-his-wings
.

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Chapter 8: Full of Empathy and Mean as Hell
第8章:充满同理心和卑鄙

She is identified only as “D.P.” in court filings since she was a minor at the time of the incident. Out of respect for the family, I have continued to shield her identity.
她在法庭文件中只被认定为“D.P.”,因为她在事件发生时是未成年人。出于对家人的尊重,我继续保护她的身份。

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Parker v. Trustees of the Spence School, Sup. Ct. NY (June 2019) (complaint).
帕克诉斯宾塞学校的受托人Sup。纽约州(2019年6月)(投诉)。

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“Diversity and Equality,” The Spence School, accessed August 14, 2023, https://www.spenceschool.org/about-spence/diversity-and-equity
“多样性与平等”,斯宾塞学校,2023 年 8 月 14 日访问,https://www.spenceschool.org/about-spence/diversity-and-equity
.

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“Diversity and Equality.”
“多样性和平等。”

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CASEL, the nation’s leading social-emotional learning organization, defines SEL as the “process through which all young people and adults” acquire and apply the knowledge, skills and attitudes to develop healthy identities, manage emotions . . . [and] feel and show empathy for others.” “What Is the CASEL Framework?,” CASEL, accessed August 6, 2023, https://casel.org/fundamentals-of-sel/what-is-the-casel-framework
CASEL 是美国领先的社会情感学习组织,将 SEL 定义为“所有年轻人和成年人”获取和应用知识、技能和态度以发展健康身份、管理情绪的过程......[并]对他人产生共鸣并表现出同理心。“什么是 CASEL 框架?”,CASEL,2023 年 8 月 6 日访问,https://casel.org/fundamentals-of-sel/what-is-the-casel-framework
.

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Woolf, Nick, “CASEL Releases New Definition of SEL: What You Need to Know,” Panorama Education, www.panoramaed.com/blog/casel-new-definition-of-sel-what-you-need-to-know
Woolf, Nick,“CASEL 发布 SEL 的新定义:你需要知道的”,Panorama Education,www.panoramaed.com/blog/casel-new-definition-of-sel-what-you-need-to-know
.

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“What Is the CASEL Framework?”
“什么是CASEL框架?”

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Paul Bloom, Against Empathy (New York: Ecco, 2016), 33.
保罗·布鲁姆,《反对同理心》(纽约:Ecco,2016年),第33页。

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Remember that the Nazis felt intense sympathy toward Germans who had suffered economically as a result of Versailles. Bloom points out that Nazi leader and head of the Luftwaffe, Hermann Goring, was so concerned about animal cruelty, he imposed rules restricting hunting and the boiling of lobsters and crabs—and sent those who violated these rules to concentration camps. Such empathy for animals entirely coexisted with monstrous cruelty to Jews. Bloom, Against Empathy, 196.
请记住,纳粹对因凡尔赛而遭受经济损失的德国人表示强烈同情。布鲁姆指出,纳粹领导人兼德国空军司令赫尔曼·戈林(Hermann Goring)非常关注虐待动物的行为,他实施了限制狩猎和煮龙虾和螃蟹的规则,并将违反这些规则的人送进集中营。这种对动物的同情与对犹太人的可怕残忍完全并存。布鲁姆,《反对同理心》,第196页。

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Doherty, William J., and Steven M. Harris, “Relationship-Undermining Statements by Psychotherapists with Clients Who Present with Marriage or Couple Problems,” Family
Doherty、William J. 和 Steven M. Harris,“心理治疗师对出现婚姻或夫妻问题的客户的关系破坏陈述”,家庭

Process 61, no. 3 (September 2022): 1195–1207, https://doi.org/10.1111/famp.12774. (“That is,
进程 61,第 3 期(2022 年 9 月):1195–1207,https://doi.org/10.1111/famp.12774(“也就是说,

many individual therapists, when presented with a client’s marital or relationship problem, tend to portray an absent spouse in highly unfavorable ways.”)
许多个人治疗师在面对来访者的婚姻或关系问题时,往往会以非常不利的方式描绘缺席的配偶。

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Bloom, Against Empathy, 200–201.
布鲁姆,《反对同理心》,第200-201页。

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Heym, Nadja, “The Dark Empathy: Characterizing Dark Traits in the Presence of Empathy,” Personality and Individual Differences 169 (February 1, 2021): 9, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172
Heym,Nadja,“黑暗的同理心:在同理心的存在下描述黑暗特质”,人格与个体差异 169(2021 年 2 月 1 日):9,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172
.

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Levin, Dan, “Colleges Rescinding Admissions Offers as Racist Social Media Posts Emerge,” New York Times, July 2, 2020, www.nytimes.com/2020/07/02/us/racism-social-media-college- admissions.html. See also Levin, Dan, “A Racial Slur, a Viral Video, and a Reckoning,” New York Times, December 26, 2020, www.nytimes.com/2020/12/26/us/mimi-groves-jimmy- galligan-racial-slurs.html; Brooks, David, “Harvard’s False Path to Wisdom,” New York Times, June 17, 2019, www.nytimes.com/2019/06/17/opinion/harvard-admission-kyle-kashuv.html
Levin, Dan,“随着种族主义社交媒体帖子的出现,大学取消录取通知书”,《纽约时报》,2020 年 7 月 2 日,www.nytimes.com/2020/07/02/us/racism-social-media-college-admissions.html。另见 Levin, Dan,“种族诽谤、病毒视频和清算”,《纽约时报》,2020 年 12 月 26 日,www.nytimes.com/2020/12/26/us/mimi-groves-jimmy-galligan-racial-slurs.html;布鲁克斯,大卫,“哈佛的错误智慧之路”,《纽约时报》,2019年6月17日,www.nytimes.com/2019/06/17/opinion/harvard-admission-kyle-kashuv.html
.

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Chapter 9: The Road Paved by Gentle Parents
第9章:温柔的父母铺就的路

The divorce rate in the United States peaked in both 1979 and 1981. See “Highlights of a New Report from the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS): Advance Report of Final Divorce Statistics, 1989 and 1900,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, April 18, 1995, https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/95facts/fs_439s.htm
美国的离婚率在1979年和1981年达到顶峰。参见“美国国家卫生统计中心(NCHS)新报告的要点:1989年和1900年最终离婚统计的预先报告”,疾病控制和预防中心,1995年4月18日,https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/95facts/fs_439s.htm
.

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According to the American Psychological Association, 26 percent of Gen Xers received therapy or other mental health treatments in 2018 alone. “Stress in America™: Generation Z,” American Psychological Association, October 2018, www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2018/stress-gen-z.pdf
根据美国心理学会的数据,仅在 2018 年,就有 26% 的 X 世代接受了治疗或其他心理健康治疗。“美国™的压力:Z世代”,美国心理学会,2018年10月,www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2018/stress-gen-z.pdf
.

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“Parenting in America,” Pew Research Center, December 17, 2015, www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2015/12/17/parenting-in-america
“美国的育儿”,皮尤研究中心,2015年12月17日,www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2015/12/17/parenting-in-america
.

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“Only 55% of Gen Z and millennials plan to have children. One in four of those surveyed, aged between 18 and 34, has ruled out parenthood entirely, with the most common reason cited being ‘wanting time for themselves.’ ” See India, Freya, “Why Doesn’t Gen Z Want Children,” UnHerd, July 29, 2023, https://www.freyaindia.co.uk/p/why-doesnt-gen-z-want-children
“只有55%的Z世代和千禧一代计划生孩子。在年龄在18至34岁之间的受访者中,有四分之一的人完全排除了为人父母的可能性,最常见的原因是“想要自己的时间”。“ 见印度,Freya,”为什么 Z 世代不想要孩子“,UnHerd,2023 年 7 月 29 日,https://www.freyaindia.co.uk/p/why-doesn't-gen-z-want-children
.

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Shrier, Abigail, “ ‘Knock It Off’ and ‘Shake It Off’: The Case for Dad-Style Parenting,” The Wall Street Journal, March 13, 2018, A15.
施里尔,阿比盖尔,“'Knock It Off'和'Shake It Off':爸爸式育儿的案例”,《华尔街日报》,2018年3月13日,A15。

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An earlier version of this observation appeared in my piece in the Wall Street Journal. Shrier, “ ‘Knock It Off’ and ‘Shake It Off.’
这一观察的早期版本出现在我在《华尔街日报》上的文章中。尖叫,“'敲掉它'和'甩掉它'。

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As a New Yorker article recently explained, “The gently parented child, the theory goes, learns to recognize and control her emotions because a caregiver is consistently affirming those emotions as real and important.” Winter, Jessica, “The Harsh Realm of ‘Gentle Parenting,’
正如《纽约客》最近的一篇文章所解释的那样,“理论上说,温柔养育的孩子学会了识别和控制自己的情绪,因为照顾者始终如一地肯定这些情绪是真实而重要的。温特,杰西卡,“'温柔育儿'的严酷领域,”

The New Yorker, March 23, 2022, www.newyorker.com/books/under-review/the-harsh-realm- of-gentle-parenting
《纽约客》,2022 年 3 月 23 日,温柔育儿 www.newyorker.com/books/under-review/the-harsh-realm
.

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Kilgannon, Corey, “A 425-Pound Tiger Living in a Harlem Apartment? Yes, It Happened,” New York Times, April 18, 2020, www.nytimes.com/2020/04/18/nyregion/ming-tiger-harlem-
基尔加农,科里,“一只 425 磅重的老虎住在哈莱姆的公寓里?是的,它发生了,“纽约时报,2020 年 4 月 18 日,www.nytimes.com/2020/04/18/nyregion/ming-tiger-harlem-

nyc.html.

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Maté, Gabor, The Myth of Normal (New York: Avery, 2022), chapter 9.
马特,加博尔,《正常的神话》(纽约:艾弗里,2022 年),第 9 章。

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Joe Rogan and Gabor Maté, “#1869—Dr. Gabor Maté,” September 13, 2022, in The Joe Rogan Experience, podcast, 2:24:11, https://podtail.com/en/podcast/the-joe-rogan-experience/-1869- dr-gabor-mate
Joe Rogan 和 Gabor Maté,“#1869—Gabor Maté 博士”,2022 年 9 月 13 日,在 The Joe Rogan Experience,播客,2:24:11,https://podtail.com/en/podcast/the-joe-rogan-experience/-1869- dr-gabor-mate
.

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Gessen, Keith, Raising Raffi: The First Five Years (New York: Viking, 2022), 99.
Gessen, Keith, 饲养拉菲:前五年 (纽约:维京,2022 年),99。

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Gessen, Raising Raffi, 87.
Gessen,饲养 Raffi87。

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Gessen, Raising Raffi, 51.
格森,饲养拉菲51。

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Siegel, Daniel J., and Tina Payne Bryson, The Whole-Brain Child: 12 Revolutionary Strategies to Nurture Your Child’s Developing Mind (New York: Bantam Books, 2011), 3.
Siegel、Daniel J. 和 Tina Payne Bryson,《全脑儿童:培养孩子发展中的思维的 12 种革命性策略》(纽约:Bantam Books,2011 年),第 3 页。

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Siegel and Bryson, Whole-Brain Child, 3.
Siegel 和 Bryson,全脑儿童3。

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Baumrind, Diana, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” Child Development 37, no. 4 (December 1966): 887–907, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1126611
戴安娜·鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,《儿童发展》第37期,第4期(1966年12月):887-907,第 https://www.jstor.org/stable/1126611
.

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Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” 889.
鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,889。

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Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” 890.
鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,第890页。

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Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” 891.
鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,891。

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See, for example, Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior.”
例如,参见Baumrind,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”。

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Doucleff, Michaeleen, Hunt, Gather, Parent (New York: Avid Reader, 2021), 2.
Doucleff, Michaeleen, Hunt, Gather, Parent (纽约:Avid Reader,2021 年),2。

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See Doucleff on the Honestly Podcast, Bari Weiss and Michaeleen Doucleff, “What’s the Best Way to Raise Good People? A Debate,” May 18, 2022, podcast, 55:20–57:14, https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/whats-the-best-way-to-raise-good-people-a- debate/id1570872415?i=1000562261922. (“[Spanking] is universal at some level,” outside of the West, Doucleff notes. “A small spanking is universal.”)
参见 Doucleff 在 Honestly 播客、Bari Weiss 和 Michaeleen Doucleff 上,“培养好人的最佳方式是什么?辩论“,2022 年 5 月 18 日,播客,55:20–57:14,https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/whats-the-best-way-to-raise-good-people-a- debate/id1570872415?i=1000562261922。(“[打屁股]在某种程度上是普遍的,”在西方之外,杜克利夫指出。“小打屁股是普遍的。”

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Faber, Adele, and Elaine Mazlish, How to Talk So Kids Will Listen and Listen So Kids Will Talk
Faber、Adele 和 Elaine Mazlish,《如何说话让孩子们会听》和《倾听让孩子们会说话》

(New York: Scribner, 1980), 94.
(纽约:斯克里布纳,1980 年),94 页。

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Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” 897.
鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,897。

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See “Spanking Study Gets Big Play in the Media,” American Psychological Association, December 2001, www.apa.org/monitor/dec01/spanking. (Notes that Baumrind’s study showing “occasional, mild spanking does not harm a child’s social and emotional development,” but makes clear that she “did not advocate spanking and warning that regular and intense spanking could cause great mental strain in children.”)
参见“打屁股研究在媒体上大放异彩”,美国心理学会,2001年12月,第 www.apa.org/monitor/dec01/spanking。(指出鲍姆林德的研究表明“偶尔、轻微的打屁股不会损害孩子的社交和情感发展”,但明确表示她“不主张打屁股,并警告说经常和激烈的打屁股会给孩子带来巨大的精神压力。

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Ferguson, Christopher J., and Robert E. Larzelere, “Improving Causal Inferences in Meta- Analyses of Longitudinal Studies: Spanking as an Illustration,” Child Development 89, no. 6 (November 2018): 2038–050, https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13097, www.christopherjferguson.com/Larzelere%20et%20al.,%20CD.pdf
Ferguson、Christopher J. 和 Robert E. Larzelere,“改进纵向研究荟萃分析中的因果推论:打屁股作为例证”,《儿童发展》第 89 期,第 6 期(2018 年 11 月):2038-050,https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13097 www.christopherjferguson.com/Larzelere%20et%20al.,%20CD.pdf
.

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Baumrind, “Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior,” 889.
鲍姆林德,“权威父母控制对儿童行为的影响”,889。

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Pollak, Joel B., Rhoda: A Biography (Johannesburg: University of Johannesburg Press, 2022).
Pollak, Joel B., 罗达:传记 (约翰内斯堡:约翰内斯堡大学出版社,2022 年)。

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See, for example, Klein, Melissa, “Wealthy NYC Woman Busted in BLM Rampage,” New York Post, September 5, 2020, https://nypost.com/2020/09/05/wealthy-nyc-woman-busted-in-blm- rampage
例如,参见 Klein, Melissa,“富有的纽约市女人在 BLM 横冲直撞中被破坏”,纽约邮报,2020 年 9 月 5 日,https://nypost.com/2020/09/05/wealthy-nyc-woman-busted-in-blm- 横冲直撞
.

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Decter, Midge, Liberal Parents, Radical Children (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1975), 36.
Decter, Midge, Liberal Parents, Radical Children (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1975), 36.

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Decter, Liberal Parents, Radical Children, 36–37.
德克特,自由派父母,激进儿童36-37。

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Chapter 10: Spare the Rod, Drug the Child
第10章:饶了杖子,给孩子下药

Ophir, Yaakov, ADHD Is Not an Illness And Ritalin Is Not a Cure: A Comprehensive Rebuttal of the (Alleged) Scientific Consensus (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Company, 2023), vii.
Ophir,Yaakov,ADHD 不是一种疾病,利他林不是治愈方法:对(据称)科学共识的全面反驳(新加坡:世界科学出版公司,2023 年),vii。

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Visser, Susanna N., et al., “Trends in the Parent-Report of Health Care Provider-Diagnosed and Medicated Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: United States 2003–2011,” Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry 53, no. 1 (2014): 34–46.e2, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaac.2013.09
Visser,Susanna N.等人,“医疗保健提供者诊断和药物治疗注意力缺陷/多动障碍的家长报告趋势:美国2003-2011年”,美国儿童和青少年精神病学学会杂志53,第1期(2014):34-46.e2,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaac.2013.09
.

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Schwarz, Alan, ADHD Nation: Children, Doctors, Big Pharma, and the Making of an American Epidemic (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2016), 197–99.
施瓦茨,艾伦,多动症国家:儿童,医生,大型制药公司和美国流行病的形成(纽约:西蒙和舒斯特,2016),197-99。

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Ophir, Yaakov, “Are We Medicating Millions of ADHD Children without Scientific Justification?,” Brownstone Institute, March 1, 2023, https://brownstone.org/articles/are-we- medicating-millions-of-adhd-children-without-scientific-justification. (“In 2020, thousands of real-life medical records from Israel suggested that over 20 percent of all children and young adults (5–20 years) received a formal diagnosis of ADHD.”) See also Satel, Sally, “The Ritalin Generation: The Blame Lies with Overzealous Physicians; Nervous Parents; Schools Looking to Rein in Troublemakers; and Pushy Drug Companies,” Wall Street Journal, September 11, 2016, https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-ritalin-generation-1473630453
Ophir, Yaakov,“我们是在没有科学依据的情况下为数百万多动症儿童用药吗?”,布朗斯通研究所,2023 年 3 月 1 日,https://brownstone.org/articles/are-we- 在没有科学依据的情况下为数百万多动症儿童用药。(“2020 年,来自以色列的数千份真实医疗记录表明,超过 20% 的儿童和年轻人(5-20 岁)接受了 ADHD 的正式诊断。另见萨特尔,莎莉,“利他林一代:责任在于过度热心的医生;紧张的父母;希望控制麻烦制造者的学校;和咄咄逼人的制药公司“,《华尔街日报》,2016 年 9 月 11 日,https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-ritalin-generation-1473630453
.

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Segal, Michael, “The Military Needs Recruits with ADHD,” Wall Street Journal, January 19, 2023, www.wsj.com/articles/the-military-needs-recruits-with-adhd-overstimulation-standards- learship-advantage-join-symptoms-11674056740
西格尔,迈克尔,“军队需要患有多动症的新兵”,《华尔街日报》,2023 年 1 月 19 日,www.ws.com/articles/the-military-needs-recruits-with-adhd-overstimulation-standards- learship-advantage-join-symptoms-11674056740
.

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See, for example, Morton, W. Alexander, “Methylphenidate Abuse and Psychiatric Side Effects,” Primary Care Companion to the Journal of Clinical Psychiatry 2, no. 5 (October 2000): 159–64, https://doi.org/10.4088/pcc.v02n0502. See also Schwartz, Casey, “Generation Adderall,” New York Times, October 12, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/16/magazine/generation-adderall-addiction.html
例如,参见Morton, W. Alexander,“哌醋甲酯滥用和精神副作用”,《临床精神病学杂志》第2期,第5期(2000年10月):159-64,第 https://doi.org/10.4088/pcc.v02n0502。另见Schwartz,Casey,“Generation Adderall”,《纽约时报》,2016年10月12日,https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/16/magazine/generation-adderall-addiction.html
.

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Armstrong, Thomas, The Myth of the ADHD Child (New York: Penguin Random House, 1995).
阿姆斯特朗,托马斯,《多动症儿童的神话》(纽约:企鹅兰登书屋,1995 年)。

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Nesse, Randolph M., “Proximate and Evolutionary Studies of Anxiety, Stress and Depression: Synergy at the Interface,” Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews 23, no. 7 (November 1999): 895–903, https://doi.org/10.1016/s0149-7634(99)00023-8
Nesse, Randolph M.,“焦虑、压力和抑郁的近似和进化研究:界面上的协同作用”,《神经科学与生物行为评论》第 23 期,第 7 期(1999 年 11 月):895–903,https://doi.org/10.1016/s0149-7634(99)00023-8
.

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See Nesse, Randolph M., Good Reasons for Bad Feelings: Insights from the Frontier of Evolutionary Psychiatry (New York: Dutton, 2019), 89–94. (Discusses the evolutionary
参见 Nesse, Randolph M., Bad Feelings: Insights from the Frontier of Evolutionary Psychiatry (New York: Dutton, 2019), 89–94.(讨论进化

benefits of depression in helping us to withdraw from competition when we’re overmatched and cope with failure or problems requiring a major life change.)
抑郁症的好处是帮助我们在过度匹配时退出竞争,并应对失败或需要重大生活改变的问题。

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MacMillan, Amanda, “Why People with Anxiety May Have Better Memories,” Time, February 27, 2018, https://time.com/5176445/anxiety-improves-memory
麦克米伦,阿曼达,“为什么焦虑症患者可能有更好的记忆”,《时代》周刊,2018年2月27日,https://time.com/5176445/anxiety-improves-memory
.

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Lehrer, Jonah, “Depression’s Upside,” New York Times, February 25, 2010, www.nytimes.com/2010/02/28/magazine/28depression-t.html
Lehrer, Jonah,“Depression's Upside”,《纽约时报》,2010年2月25日,www.nytimes.com/2010/02/28/magazine/28depression-t.html
.

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Andrews, Paul W., and J. Anderson Thomson, “The Bright Side of Being Blue: Depression as an Adaptation for Analyzing Complex Problems,” Psychological Review 116, no. 3 (2009): 620–54, https://doi.org/10.1037/a0016242
Andrews, Paul W., and J. Anderson Thomson, “The Bright Side of Being Blue: Depression as an Adaptation for Analyzing Complex Problems,” Psychological Review 116, no. 3 (2009): 620–54, https://doi.org/10.1037/a0016242
.

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The mental health industry used the analogy of a “chemical imbalance” in the brain to explain depression to the public for years. It has since been discredited, but much of the public still buys into it. See, for example, Cosgrove, Lisa et al., “Why Psychiatry Needs an Honest Dose of Gentle Medicine,” Frontiers in Psychiatry 21 (April 2023): 1167910, doi:10.3389/fpsyt.2023.
多年来,心理健康行业使用大脑中“化学失衡”的类比来向公众解释抑郁症。从那以后,它已经名誉扫地,但大部分公众仍然买账。例如,参见 Cosgrove、Lisa 等人,“为什么精神病学需要诚实剂量的温和药物”,精神病学前沿 21(2023 年 4 月):1167910,doi:10.3389/fpsyt.2023。

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Richtel, Matt, “This Teen Was Prescribed 10 Psychiatric Drugs. She’s Not Alone,” New York Times, August 27, 2022, www.nytimes.com/2022/08/27/health/teens-psychiatric-drugs.html
马特·里奇特尔,“这个少年被开了 10 种精神药物。她并不孤单,“纽约时报,2022 年 8 月 27 日,www.nytimes.com/2022/08/27/health/teens-psychiatric-drugs.html
.

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I often think about the fact that less than a century ago, the pioneer of the frontal lobotomy received medicine’s Nobel Prize. See Tan, Siang Yong, and Angela Yip, “Antonio Egas Moniz (1874–1955): Lobotomy Pioneer and Nobel Laureate,” Singapore Medical Journal 55 no. 4 (April 2014): 175–76, https://doi.org/10.11622/smedj.2014048
我经常想起这样一个事实,即不到一个世纪前,额叶切除术的先驱获得了医学的诺贝尔奖。参见 Tan、Siang Yong 和 Angela Yip,“Antonio Egas Moniz (1874–1955):脑叶切除术先驱和诺贝尔奖获得者”,《新加坡医学杂志》第 55 卷第 4 期(2014 年 4 月):175–76,第 https://doi.org/10.11622/smedj.2014048 页
.

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Chapter 11: This Will Be Our Final Session
第11章:这将是我们的最后一节课

He asked not to be quoted or credited on the grounds that he is leery of commenting outside of his official area of expertise. If only our mental health experts operated with the humility of research-based academics.
他要求不被引用或署名,理由是他不愿在其官方专业领域之外发表评论。如果我们的心理健康专家以研究型学者的谦逊态度运作就好了。

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Hayden, Robert, “Those Winter Sundays,” accessed September 17, 2023, https://poets.org/poem/those-winter-sundays
罗伯特·海登,“那些冬天的星期天”,2023 年 9 月 17 日访问,https://poets.org/poem/those-winter-sundays
.

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Kennair, Leif, et al., “Risky Play and Growing Up: How to Understand the Overprotection of the Next Generation,” in Allison B. Kaufman and James C. Kaufman, eds., Pseudoscience: The Conspiracy Against Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2018), 175.
Kennair, Leif, et al., “Risky Play and Growing Up: How to Understand the Overprotection of the Next Generation”, in Allison B. Kaufman and James C. Kaufman, eds., Pseudoscience: The Conspiracy Against Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2018), 175.

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The great Lebanese American thinker and essayist Nassim Nicholas Taleb introduced me to this idea in his essential work, Antifragile. As in so much of life, often “we know what is wrong with more clarity than what is right, and that knowledge grows by subtraction.” This is the principle he associates with the ancient concept of “Via Negativa.” Taleb, Nassim Nicholas, Antifragile: Things That Gain from Disorder (New York: Random House, 2012), 303–08.
伟大的黎巴嫩裔美国思想家和散文家纳西姆·尼古拉斯·塔勒布(Nassim Nicholas Taleb)在他的重要著作《反脆弱》中向我介绍了这个想法。就像在生活中的许多事情一样,通常“我们知道什么是错的,而不是什么是对的,而且知识是通过减法增长的。这是他与古老的“Via Negativa”概念相关的原则。塔勒布,纳西姆·尼古拉斯,《反脆弱:从无序中获益的东西》(纽约:兰登书屋,2012 年),303-08。

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McFillin well understands that self-injury, in certain contexts, can be a serious behavior that requires professional help. But, in the current state of our mental health system, a single instance of cutting (irrespective of context) is often enough to involuntarily hospitalize a teen and get her on a regimen of powerful psychiatric drugs. Turning a teen’s “vulnerable time into chronic disability” is a perfect description of therapeutic iatrogenesis and is precisely what McFillin is committed to avoiding.
麦克菲林很清楚,在某些情况下,自残可能是一种需要专业帮助的严重行为。但是,在我们精神卫生系统的当前状态下,一次切割(无论上下文如何)通常足以使青少年不由自主地住院,并让她接受强效精神药物的治疗。将青少年的“脆弱时期变成慢性残疾”是对治疗性医源性的完美描述,也正是麦克菲林致力于避免的。

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Gray, Peter, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity as a Cause of Decline in Children’s Mental Well-Being: Summary of the Evidence,” Journal of Pediatrics 260 (September 2023): 13352, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2023.02.004
Gray, Peter, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity as a Cause of Decline in Children's Mental Well-Being: Summary of the Evidence,” Journal of Pediatrics 260(2023 年 9 月):13352,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2023.02.004
.

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Gray, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity.”
Gray 等人,“独立活动的下降”。

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Gray, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity.”
Gray 等人,“独立活动的下降”。

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Gray, et al., “Decline in Independent Activity.”
Gray 等人,“独立活动的下降”。

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Korbey, Holly, “Young Adults Are Struggling with Their Mental Health. Is More Childhood Independence the Answer?,” Mind/Shift, December 20, 2022, www.kqed.org/mindshift/60624/young-adults-are-struggling-with-their-mental-health-is-more- childhood-independence-the-answer
霍莉·科比(Korbey),“年轻人正在为他们的心理健康而苦苦挣扎。更多的童年独立是答案吗?“,Mind/Shift,2022 年 12 月 20 日,www.kqed.org/mindshift/60624/young-adults-are-struggling-with-their-mental-health-is-more- 童年独立答案
.

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Korbey, “Young Adults Are Struggling.”
Korbey,“年轻人正在挣扎。

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Ortiz, Camilo, “Treating Childhood Anxiety with a Mega-Dose of Independence,” Profectus, March 14, 2023, https://profectusmag.com/treating-childhood-anxiety-with-a-mega-dose-of- independence
奥尔蒂斯,卡米洛,“用大剂量的独立性治疗童年焦虑”,Profectus,2023 年 3 月 14 日,https://profectusmag.com/treating-childhood-anxiety-with-a-mega-dose-of- 独立
.

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Elsharouny, Mary, “Let Go and Let Grow: An Assessment of a School and Community-Based Intervention Encouraging Independence in Children” (PhD diss, Long Island University, July 2012), https://digitalcommons.liu.edu/post_fultext_dis/43
Elsharouny, Mary,“放手让成长:对鼓励儿童独立的学校和社区干预的评估”(博士论文,长岛大学,2012 年 7 月),https://digitalcommons.liu.edu/post_fultext_dis/43
.

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This is one of the best-known findings of twentieth-century psychology, known as the Yerkes- Dodson law. See “Yerkes–Dodson Law,” Wikipedia, accessed September 17, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yerkes%E2%80%93Dodson_law
这是二十世纪心理学最著名的发现之一,被称为耶克斯-多德森定律。参见“耶克斯-多德森法”,维基百科,2023年9月17日访问,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yerkes%E2%80%93Dodson_law
.

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The Yerkes-Dodson Curve shows that added stress can result in better performance, until a point, and then it becomes counterproductive. See Pietrangelo, Ann, “What the Yerkes-Dodson Law Says About Stress and Performance,” Healthline, October 22, 2020, www.healthline.com/health/yerkes-dodson-law#stress-performance-bell-curve
Yerkes-Dodson 曲线表明,增加的压力可以导致更好的性能,直到某个点,然后它会适得其反。参见 Pietrangelo, Ann,“耶克斯-多德森定律对压力和表现的看法”,Healthline,2020 年 10 月 22 日,www.healthline.com/health/yerkes-dodson-law#stress-performance-bell-curve
.

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Deighton, Katie, “More Chicken, Lighter Beer, Pink Drinks: Companies Craft New Products for Gen Z Tastes,” Wall Street Journal, July 3, 2023, https://www.wsj.com/articles/more- chicken-lighter-beer-pink-drinks-companies-craft-new-products-for-gen-z-tastes-88d96c7a
Deighton,Katie,“更多鸡肉、清淡啤酒、粉红饮料:公司为 Z 世代口味打造新产品”,《华尔街日报》,2023 年 7 月 3 日,https://www.wsj.com/articles/more- 鸡肉打火机啤酒粉红饮料公司-工艺新产品供 Z 世代口味-88d96c7a
.

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Elder, Glen, Children of the Great Depression (New York: Routledge, 1999).
埃尔德,格伦,《大萧条的孩子们》(纽约:劳特利奇,1999年)。

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Elder, Children of the Great Depression, 281.
长老,大萧条的孩子们281。

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Elder, Children of the Great Depression, 277–79.
长老,大萧条的孩子们277-79。

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Frankl, Viktor E., Man’s Search for Meaning (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006), 105.
弗兰克尔,维克多 E.,《人类对意义的追寻》(波士顿:灯塔出版社,2006 年),第 105 页。

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Frankl, Man’s Search for Meaning, 43.
弗兰克尔,《人类对意义的追寻》,第43页。

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Hernandez, Cindy M., et al., “The Hispanic Paradox: A Moderated Mediation Analysis of Health Conditions, Self-Rated Health, and Mental Health among Mexicans and Mexican- Americans,” Health, Psychology, and Behavioral Medicine 10, no. 1 (February 2022): 180–98, https://doi.org/10.1080/21642850.2022.2032714
Hernandez、Cindy M. 等人,“西班牙裔悖论:墨西哥人和墨西哥裔美国人对健康状况、自评健康和心理健康的调节中介分析”,《健康、心理学和行为医学》第 10 期,第 1 期(2022 年 2 月):180-98,https://doi.org/10.1080/21642850.2022.2032714
.

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See Barber, Charles, “What a Decades-Long Harvard Study Tells Us about Mental Health,” The Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2013, https://www.wilsonquarterly.com/quarterly/_/what-can- decades-long-harvard-study-tell-us-about-mental-health. I became aware of the study from a tweet that summarized its findings elegantly and succinctly. Kevin Bass (@kevinnbass), “In the Harvard Grant Study, the world’s longest running and most comprehensive psychological study, the five most mature, health defense mechanisms associated with higher life satisfaction were: 1. Altruism: focusing on others’ wellbeing 2. Humor: making light of difficult or stressful events or experiences 3. Sublimation: turning anger or frustration into productive energy 4. Anticipation: maintain a realistic view of the future and its difficulties 5. Suppression: consciously suppressing unproductive and distressing thoughts,” Twitter, June 24, 2023, 8:02 a.m., https://twitter.com/kevinnbass/status/1672621150583640064? s=51&t=6zNf58uKGIhK1SyexwAIpw
参见Barber,Charles,“长达数十年的哈佛研究告诉我们关于心理健康的事情”,威尔逊季刊,2013年冬季,https://www.wilsonquarterly.com/quarterly/_/what-can 数十年的哈佛研究告诉我们关于心理健康。我从一条推文中了解到这项研究,该推文优雅而简洁地总结了其发现。凯文·巴斯(Kevin Bass)(@kevinnbass),“在哈佛格兰特研究中,世界上运行时间最长、最全面的心理学研究,与更高生活满意度相关的五种最成熟的健康防御机制是:1.利他主义:关注他人的福祉2。幽默:淡化困难或压力大的事件或经历 3.升华:将愤怒或沮丧转化为生产力 4.预期:对未来及其困难保持现实的看法 5.压抑:有意识地压抑无益和令人痛苦的想法,“推特,2023 年 6 月 24 日上午 8:02,https://twitter.com/kevinnbass/status/1672621150583640064?s=51&t=6zNf58uKGIhK1SyexwAIpw
.

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Chapter 12: Spoons Out
第12章:用勺子舀出来

Twenge, Jean, “Teens Have Less Face Time with Their Friends—and Are Lonelier Than Ever,” The Conversation, March 20, 2019, https://theconversation.com/teens-have-less-face-time- with-their-friends-and-are-lonelier-than-ever-113240
Twenge, Jean, “青少年与朋友面对面的时间更少——而且比以往任何时候都更孤独,” 对话2019 年 3 月 20 日,https://theconversation.com/teens-have-less-face-time 与他们的朋友在一起,比以往任何时候都更孤独 113240
.

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See, for example, Twenge, Jean M., et al., “Decreases in Self-Reported Sleep Duration among
例如,参见 Twenge, Jean M., et al., “Reducing in Self-Reported Sleep Duration among

U.S. Adolescents 2009–2015 and Association with New Media Screen Time,” Sleep Medicine 39 (2017): 47–53, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleep.2017.08.013. (“The number of adolescents getting insufficient sleep abruptly increased after 2011–2013. By 2015, more than 40% of adolescents did not get 7 or more hours of sleep on most nights across both data sets.”) See also Twenge, Jean M., et al., “Associations Between Screen Time and Sleep Duration Are Primarily Driven by Portable Electronic Devices: Evidence From a Population-Based Study of U.S. Children Ages 0–17,” Sleep Medicine 56 (2019): 211–18, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleep.2018.11.009
美国青少年 2009-2015 年以及与新媒体屏幕时间的关联,“睡眠医学 39 (2017):47-53,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleep.2017.08.013。(“2011-2013年后,睡眠不足的青少年人数突然增加。到 2015 年,在这两个数据集中,超过 40% 的青少年在大多数晚上没有睡 7 小时或更长时间。另见 Twenge、Jean M. 等人,“屏幕时间和睡眠持续时间之间的关联主要由便携式电子设备驱动:来自美国 0-17 岁儿童人群研究的证据”,睡眠医学 56 (2019):211-18,https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleep.2018.11.009
.

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Haidt, Jonathan, “Get Phones Out of Schools Now: They Impede Learning, Stunt Relationships, and Lessen Belonging. They Should Be Banned,” The Atlantic, June 6, 2023, www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/ban-smartphones-phone-free-schools-social- media/674304
乔纳森·海特(Haidt, Jonathan)说:“现在把手机赶出学校:它们会阻碍学习,阻碍人际关系,并降低归属感。他们应该被禁止,“大西洋,2023 年 6 月 6 日,www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/ban-smartphones-phone-free-schools-social- media/674304
.

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See Haidt, Jonathan, “Social Media Is a Major Cause of the Mental Illness Epidemicin Teen Girls. Here’s the Evidence,” February 22, 2023, https://jonathanhaidt.substack.com/p/social- media-mental-illness-epidemic
参见Haidt,Jonathan,“社交媒体是青少年女孩精神疾病流行的主要原因。这是证据,“2023 年 2 月 22 日,https://jonathanhaidt.substack.com/p/social- 媒体-精神-疾病-流行病
.

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Indeed, the first major call by any psychologist to ban smartphones from schools did not arrive until 2023, and then, from Jonathan Haidt (not any psychological association). See Haidt, “Get Phones Out of Schools Now.”
事实上,直到 2023 年,任何心理学家才发出禁止学校使用智能手机的第一个主要呼吁,然后是乔纳森·海特(Jonathan Haidt)(没有任何心理学协会)。参见Haidt,“立即将手机带出学校”。

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Richtel, Matt, “This Teen Was Prescribed 10 Psychiatric Drugs. She’s Not Alone,” New York Times, August 27, 2022, www.nytimes.com/2022/08/27/health/teens-psychiatric-drugs.html
马特·里奇特尔,“这个少年被开了 10 种精神药物。她并不孤单,“纽约时报,2022 年 8 月 27 日,www.nytimes.com/2022/08/27/health/teens-psychiatric-drugs.html
.

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It may have even been older.
它甚至可能更老了。

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See, for example, Grose, Jessica, “Early Motherhood Has Always Been Miserable,” New York Times, November 9, 2019, www.nytimes.com/2019/11/09/opinion/sunday/babies-mothers- anxiety.html
例如,参见 Grose, Jessica,“早期母性一直很悲惨”,《纽约时报》,2019 年 11 月 9 日,www.nytimes.com/2019/11/09/opinion/sunday/babies-mothers-anxiety.html
.

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