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Chapter 3  第三章
Elements of Cultural Systems
文化系统的要素
OBJECTIVES After completing this chapter, you should be able to
目标 完成本章后,您应该能够
  1. Define culture  定义文化
  2. Identify elements of culture as a system
    将文化要素识别为一个系统
  3. Describe institutional subsystems within a culture
    描述文化中的制度子系统
  4. Describe the means by which cultures develop and change
    描述文化发展和变化的方式
Souree
Dodd, C. (1998). Dynamics of intercultural communication ( 5 thed), Boston, IMA: MCGraw-Hin. Chapter 3, Pp.34-59.
Dodd, C. (1998). 跨文化交流的动态 (第 5 版), 波士顿, IMA: MCGraw-Hin. 第 3 章, 第 34-59 页。

Facing World Events  面对世界事件

Cultural differences are certainly broader than the following incidents, but even such unusual examples remind us of a diverse world. For example, Hindu ritual practices of cleansing differ from Islamic rituals. When we consider food and drink differences travelers encounter among different regions of the world, one can identify the meaning of at least a modest level of cultural difference. In 1979 and the early 1980s, during Iran’s poltical transition, dissenters to the resurgence of a Moslem natlon sometimes fell victim on a trail of executions and severe punishments. The Kurdish group in Iraq is victimized by an ethnocentric Iraqi power elite. Vandalism at a certain level in Singapore is punishable by “caning.” Perhaps such an application of law and social control should be no more surprising than practices in portions of the United States not so many years ago when thieves were hanged for stealing a horse, but released or mildly punished for taking a life. The violation of minority rights and human ethics of fairness in the United States all too often sound like silent cries for the perpetrators but are actually loud cries of minority injustice. The mass suicide of nine hundred persons in Jonestown, Guyana, starvation in Ethiopia, crisis in the former Yugoslavia, war lords in Somalia, and a massacre in Beijing all remind us that ours is a world of different cultures.
文化差异无疑比以下事件更为广泛,但即使是这些不寻常的例子也提醒我们这个多元化的世界。例如,印度教的清洗仪式与伊斯兰教的仪式有所不同。当我们考虑旅行者在世界不同地区所遇到的饮食差异时,可以识别出至少一种适度的文化差异的意义。在 1979 年及 1980 年代初期,伊朗的政治过渡期间,反对穆斯林国家复兴的异议人士有时成为了处决和严厉惩罚的受害者。伊拉克的库尔德人群体则受到以民族中心主义为主的伊拉克权力精英的迫害。在新加坡,某种程度的破坏行为会受到“鞭刑”的惩罚。也许这种法律和社会控制的应用并不比几年前美国某些地区的做法更令人惊讶,当时小偷因偷马而被绞死,但因杀人而被释放或轻微惩罚。在美国,少数群体权利和公平人道伦理的侵犯往往听起来像是对施害者的无声呼喊,但实际上是对少数群体不公正的强烈呐喊。 在圭亚那乔恩斯敦九百人集体自杀、埃塞俄比亚饥荒、前南斯拉夫危机、索马里军阀以及北京大屠杀的事件都提醒我们,我们生活在一个拥有不同文化的世界。
Source: Potpourri of news reports.
来源:新闻报道的混合。
To discuss “perceived cultural differences” we recognize two presuppositions, One is an affirmation of our common humanity, that is, we live in a global community across nations and cultures and often share common needs, hopes, and technology. A second presupposition recognizes that groups of people, nations, continents represent a world divided - not merely by political boundaries but by cultural bariers Some vivid reminders of differences occur nightly on each evening’s news where examples of diversity in language, ritual, social rules, custom and law, world view, values, and ethnocentrism are but a few categories of dissimilarity.
为了讨论“感知的文化差异”,我们承认两个前提。一个是对我们共同人性的肯定,即我们生活在一个跨越国家和文化的全球社区中,常常分享共同的需求、希望和技术。第二个前提认识到,人群、国家和大陆代表了一个被划分的世界——不仅仅是由政治边界划分的,还有文化障碍。每晚新闻中生动的差异提醒我们,语言、仪式、社会规则、习俗和法律、世界观、价值观以及民族中心主义等多样性的例子只是几种不同类别的差异。
A recognition of cultural differences is not meant to create despair. Rather, as the central model from chapter one indicates, effective intercultural communicators try to understand diversity in its many forms and to develop competency skills and strategies in order to achieve effective outcomes when encountering contrasting cultures. This chapter should help readers understand how cultures are systems of interrelated elements, beginning on the inside with each culture’s identity, beliefs, values, and world view among people who view each other as a group. The elements described in this chapter are found almost universally. They become a common framework to guide our observations of cultural diversity.
对文化差异的认识并不是为了制造绝望。相反,正如第一章的中心模型所示,有效的跨文化交流者试图理解多样性及其多种形式,并发展能力技能和策略,以便在遇到对比文化时实现有效的结果。本章应帮助读者理解文化是相互关联元素的系统,从每种文化的身份、信仰、价值观和世界观开始,这些元素在彼此视为一个群体的人之间存在。本章所描述的元素几乎在全球范围内都能找到。它们成为指导我们观察文化多样性的共同框架。

Defining Culture and lits Influence on Communication
定义文化及其对沟通的影响

Almost 200 definitions of culture define it in numerous ways such as community, social class differences, minorities, social groups, nationalities, geopolitical units, societies, and so on. All these emphasize culture’s multifaceted nature. However, in our examination of culture, we choose to underscore those features of culture that contribute most to culture’s influence on communication. We define culture here as follows:
几乎有 200 个文化的定义以多种方式定义文化,例如社区、社会阶层差异、少数群体、社会团体、国籍、地缘政治单位、社会等。所有这些都强调了文化的多面性。然而,在我们对文化的研究中,我们选择强调那些对文化在交流中影响贡献最大的文化特征。我们在此将文化定义如下:
Culture is the holistic interrelationship of a group’s identity, beliefs, values, activities, rules, customs, communication patterns, and institutions,
文化是一个群体的身份、信仰、价值观、活动、规则、习俗、沟通模式和制度的整体相互关系
This chapter explores the implications of these definitional concepts as factors that make up a system or culture. As you will read, people have learned intriguing ways of doing and thinking that significantly organize their world. You will see how culture is a powerful vehicle for socialization. Culture influences how we adapt and learn, language, habits, customs, expectations, and roles-it shapes thinking, acting, and communicating according to group expectations. Many cultural imprints are subtle and elusive, if not beyond conscious recognition at times. Cuilture is so basic to human behavior that we cannot ignore its pervasive influence which in recent years has been taken into account in communication research.
本章探讨了这些定义概念作为构成系统或文化的因素的影响。如您所读到的,人们已经学会了有趣的做事和思考方式,这些方式显著地组织了他们的世界。您将看到文化是社会化的强大载体。文化影响我们如何适应和学习、语言、习惯、风俗、期望和角色——它根据群体期望塑造思维、行为和沟通。许多文化印记是微妙而难以捉摸的,有时甚至超出了意识的认知。文化对人类行为是如此基本,以至于我们无法忽视其广泛的影响,近年来这一点已在传播研究中得到了考虑。
Before we turn to elements of culture, it is important to understand the overall reasons why culture influences communication. First, culture teaches significant rules, rituals, and procedures. Attitudes toward time, how to dress, when and what to eat, when to come and go, and how to work, illustrate this first function of cul ture. The overall process of learning these things is called socialization which refers to developing a sense of proper and improper behavior and communicating within those cultural rules. 1 As an example, think over any one of thousands of rules your culture or your family (an obvious significant cultural unit) may have taught you. What is polite, crude, or expected all fall under this rubric of rules, rituals, and procedures. These are very important, for they become the stuff of inclusion, boundarysetting, and self-worth They define human development within the context of any one specific culture.
在我们讨论文化元素之前,理解文化影响沟通的整体原因是很重要的。首先,文化教授重要的规则、仪式和程序。对时间的态度、如何穿着、何时以及吃什么、何时来去以及如何工作,说明了文化的第一个功能。这些事物的整体学习过程被称为社会化,它指的是在这些文化规则内发展适当和不适当行为的意识并进行沟通。作为一个例子,想想你文化或家庭(一个显而易见的重要文化单位)可能教给你的成千上万条规则中的任何一条。什么是礼貌、粗鲁或期望的,都属于这些规则、仪式和程序的范畴。这些非常重要,因为它们成为包容、设定边界和自我价值的基础。它们在任何特定文化的背景下定义人类发展。
Second, culture reinforces values. What is good or evil, what is truth, and core understanding of the world are taught in a cultural context Consequently, we develop approaches to thoughts and beliefs about the world. Among the Kissi tribe of Kenya, for example, the grandmother assumes special responsibility for telling her grandchildren stories about the importance of family honesty, loyalty, and the nature of good and evil. Culture teaches us what is beautiful or ugly, sexy or unappealing. As one overseas document for living abroad reminds us, culture teaches the value of hard work, thrift, privacy, competition, fair play, and directness. 2 2 ^(2){ }^{2}
其次,文化强化价值观。什么是善恶,什么是真理,以及对世界的核心理解都是在文化背景中教授的。因此,我们发展了对世界的思考和信仰的方式。例如,在肯尼亚的基西部落中,祖母承担着特别的责任,向孙子孙女们讲述关于家庭诚实、忠诚以及善恶本质的重要性。文化教会我们什么是美丽或丑陋,性感或不吸引人。正如一份关于海外生活的文件提醒我们的,文化教会了勤奋、节俭、隐私、竞争、公平竞争和直率的价值。
Third, culture teaches relationship with others. These relationships formed ing culture generate a dynamic of roles and expectations. For example, where to stand, how to smile, when to visit, and the level of formality in language are highly influenced by the nature of the relationship with the interactant. Culture teaches these and hundreds of other aspects of forming and maintaining relationships. How does this happen?
第三,文化教会了与他人的关系。这些在文化中形成的关系产生了角色和期望的动态。例如,站在哪里、如何微笑、何时拜访以及语言的正式程度都受到与互动者关系性质的高度影响。文化教会了这些以及其他数百个形成和维持关系的方面。这是如何发生的?
First, each culture encourages a particular communication style expected within each culture. In the science fiction “Star Trek” series the classic Klingons exhibit a demanding and harsh communication style. In many of the stories most of the Klingons interact ineffectively with other cultures, preferring confrontational
首先,每种文化都鼓励在其内部预期的特定沟通风格。在科幻系列“星际迷航”中,经典的克林贡人展现出一种苛刻和严厉的沟通风格。在许多故事中,大多数克林贡人与其他文化的互动效果不佳,倾向于对抗性。

Culture is more than a place. Culture encompasses the identity, values, activities, rules, customs, communication patterns, and institutions. © Jim Harrison/Stock Boston.
文化不仅仅是一个地方。文化包括身份、价值观、活动、规则、习俗、沟通模式和机构。© Jim Harrison/Stock Boston。

if not a warlike style of communication, a style that rarely produces positive outcomes (unless you are a Klingon who likes to blast people out of the universe). Areas like loudness, pitch, rate, and certain stances and gestures characterize communication behaviors. A specific culture expects an “ideal” communication style. The contrasts are striking, such as when an American speaking in a “normal” conversational voice seems loud to a “quiet” Thai national who interprets the American to be angry. This case illustrates the ideal cultural communication styles in conflict, a conflict rooted in each culture’s communication expectations.
如果不是一种好斗的交流风格,这种风格很少产生积极的结果(除非你是一个喜欢将人从宇宙中轰出去的克林贡人)。交流行为的特征包括音量、音调、语速以及某些姿态和手势。特定文化期望一种“理想”的交流风格。对比非常明显,例如,当一个美国人以“正常”的对话音量说话时,对一个“安静”的泰国人来说似乎很大声,而泰国人则将美国人的表现解读为愤怒。这个案例说明了理想文化交流风格之间的冲突,这种冲突根植于每种文化的交流期望。
Second, culture has the power to shape perception. However you describe it, culture shapes perception by exercising the human tendency to categorize others. These stereotypes engendered are not always accurate but they persist as powerful images, feelings, and beliefs our culture impresses. 3 3 ^(3){ }^{3}
其次,文化具有塑造感知的力量。无论你如何描述,文化通过发挥人类对他人进行分类的倾向来塑造感知。这些产生的刻板印象并不总是准确的,但它们作为我们文化所灌输的强大形象、情感和信念而持续存在。
In sum, culture is something like a glue that bonds people together. There are some tendencies that typify some group members and areas where individual differences persist. 4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} In any event, we can describe a culture in terms of its elements or features which we discuss next.
总之,文化就像一种粘合剂,将人们紧密联系在一起。有一些倾向可以典型地表现出某些群体成员的特征,以及个体差异持续存在的领域。 4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} 无论如何,我们可以通过其元素或特征来描述一种文化,接下来我们将讨论这些内容。
Culture is like luggage we carry. From it we unconsciously lift daily needs: survival, information, interpersonal relationships, goals, rules, rituals, communication style, expectations, and institutional expectations. Sometimes that means applying rules, while other times it involves operationalizing values. Or, we engage in a ritual all too familiar “back home” but misunderstood in a new culture. We begin in this chapter to open a cultural suitcase and unfold its contents. As we open each pocket, we explore an interrelated set of group identity, beliefs, values, activities, rules and customs, institutions, and communication patterns arising from these.
文化就像我们携带的行李。从中我们无意识地提取日常需求:生存、信息、人际关系、目标、规则、仪式、沟通风格、期望和制度期望。有时这意味着应用规则,而其他时候则涉及将价值观具体化。或者,我们参与一种在“家乡”中非常熟悉但在新文化中被误解的仪式。在本章中,我们开始打开一个文化手提箱,展开其内容。当我们打开每个口袋时,我们探索一组相互关联的群体身份、信仰、价值观、活动、规则和习俗、制度以及由此产生的沟通模式。
Elements of Culture  文化元素
Figure 3.1  图 3.1
This model demonstrates elements of culture composing a system. The inner core lies at the most significant level. The second and third set of elements are tied to the core, but remain an area for some degree of flexibility, fad, and change.
该模型展示了构成系统的文化元素。内核位于最重要的层面。第二和第三组元素与核心相连,但在某种程度上保持灵活性、时尚和变化的空间。
The model presented in figure 3.1 visually expresses these cultural elements. We can describe culture as a system since these elements as major components interact on members of a culture. 5 5 ^(5){ }^{5} The inner elements of a cultural system are the mainspring that deal with the identity, beliefs, values, and world view of a culture. The next level out from the inner section can be described as the areas of activity, rules and customs, and communication patterns of a group. Finally, the outer boundary of a cultural system involves the institutions of a culture. The next sections of the chapter explore these elements.
图 3.1 中呈现的模型直观地表达了这些文化元素。我们可以将文化描述为一个系统,因为这些主要组成部分在文化成员之间相互作用。 5 5 ^(5){ }^{5} 文化系统的内在元素是处理文化的身份、信仰、价值观和世界观的主要动力。内层区域外的下一个层级可以描述为一个群体的活动领域、规则和习俗以及沟通模式。最后,文化系统的外部边界涉及文化的机构。本章的下一部分将探讨这些元素。
The Inner Core of Culture
文化的内核
History. A culture’s identity, often associated with its historical development and tradition, is a cornerstone to understanding culture In the United States, for example, a family tree and family lineage afford identity and purpose, perhaps more in some regions than in others. Cultural history generates insight into norms of groups and individual behavior and explains many attitudes that seem to be shared by cultural members.
历史。一个文化的身份,通常与其历史发展和传统相关,是理解文化的基石。例如,在美国,家谱和家族血统赋予身份和目标,可能在某些地区比其他地区更为明显。文化历史为群体和个体行为的规范提供了洞察,并解释了许多似乎被文化成员共享的态度。
Among the Ga and Ewe tribes of Ghana, a high respect if not fear exists toward the neighboring Ashanti tribe who are described with unusual “strength and power.” Their attitude has historical origins. In the slave trading days, the Ashanti outnumbered
在加纳的 Ga 和 Ewe 部落中,对邻近的阿散蒂部落存在着高度的尊重,甚至是恐惧,他们被描述为具有非凡的“力量和权力”。他们的态度有历史渊源。在奴隶贸易时期,阿散蒂部落的人数超过了

Traditions and historical roots, illustrated by these Mayan ruins in Guatemala, are a part of culture that contribute to the current life of a group of people. © Peter Menzel/Stock Boston.
传统和历史根源,通过这些位于危地马拉的玛雅遗址得以体现,是文化的一部分,促进了一个群体当前的生活。© Peter Menzel/Stock Boston.

and conquered neighboring tribes and sold them on the coast as slaves to European and American dealers. This historical origin permeates contemporary relationships of the Ashanti and their tribal neighbors. As another example, communication with various tribal Indians from Central and South America would be incomplete without a knowledge of their ancestral heritage, which includes being conquered by Spaniards and a 450-year history of submissiveness to social and economic domination.
并征服了邻近的部落,并将他们作为奴隶出售给欧洲和美国的商人。这一历史起源渗透了阿散蒂人及其部落邻居之间的当代关系。另一个例子是,与来自中美洲和南美洲的各种部落印第安人的沟通,如果没有对他们祖先遗产的了解将是不完整的,这包括被西班牙人征服以及 450 年的社会和经济统治的顺从历史。
Cultures have various ways of expressing their history, heritage, and traditions. Among some cultures, a totem-often displayíng elaborate artistry-may show tribal history. The totem’s importance lies in its symbol as a record of the past, a reminder that for some cultures is a pervasive part of the present. In other cultures, the past is written or perhaps recalled orally by local historians who specialize in memorization of a culture’s history, This was the case for the noted American author Alex Haley whose quest for his African heritage led to interviews with West African tribal members who had memorized generations of orally recorded history.
文化有多种方式来表达它们的历史、遗产和传统。在某些文化中,图腾——通常展示精美的艺术作品——可能展示部落的历史。图腾的重要性在于它作为过去的记录的象征,对于某些文化来说,这是一个普遍存在于现在的部分。在其他文化中,过去是由当地历史学家书写的,或者可能通过口头传承被回忆起,这些历史学家专门记忆文化的历史。这正是著名美国作家亚历克斯·哈雷的情况,他对非洲遗产的追寻促使他与西非部落成员进行访谈,这些成员记忆了几代口头记录的历史。
In any case, the roots of history for most cultures are long extending from the past to influence the present. The power of origins and history provides a social, continuity, an identity, as if to say, “This is who 1 am,” a point we turn to next.
无论如何,大多数文化的历史根源都从过去延伸至今,影响着现在。起源和历史的力量提供了一种社会性、连续性和身份,仿佛在说:“这就是我是谁,”这是我们接下来要讨论的重点。
Identity. Members of every culture have a sense of social Identification: who they are and why In other words, cultures can be likened to a group personality. The idea is akin to theorists who make an analogy between groups and individuals, declaring both have a “personality.” Raymond Rodgers once explained that, through its folklore, a culture identifies itself with archetypal figures, such as heroes, and that these ideals become models to measure personal and group success. 7 7 ^(7){ }^{7}
身份。每个文化的成员都有一种社会认同感:他们是谁以及为什么。换句话说,文化可以比作一种群体个性。这个想法类似于一些理论家将群体与个体进行类比,宣称两者都有“个性”。雷蒙德·罗杰斯曾解释说,通过其民俗,一个文化将自己与原型人物(如英雄)认同,这些理想成为衡量个人和群体成功的标准。

INTERCULTURAL INSIGHT  跨文化洞察

The Past Meets Modernity
过去与现代的交汇

No matter how a culture records its history, the point for the intercultural communicator is to appreciate a culture’s past. For example, many European visitors to the United States wonder at the North American’s fascination for the new and Innovative. Enthusiasm for more efficient bulldings, to replace old structures that could be remodeled, along with a quest for the latest gadgetry or technology contrast with cultures that belleve in preservation and sufficiency of existing material objects. In many cultures, tradition is so important that anything new is viewed suspiciously. The effective intercultural communicator appreciates these emphases and sources of cultural pride and seeks to learn the history and geography of another person in order to understand possible attitudes and values, which are essential elements in intercultural communication.
无论一种文化如何记录其历史,对于跨文化传播者来说,理解一个文化的过去是关键。例如,许多欧洲游客对北美人对新事物和创新的热情感到惊讶。对更高效建筑的热情,以取代可以改造的旧结构,以及对最新小工具或技术的追求,与那些相信保护和现有物质对象足够的文化形成对比。在许多文化中,传统是如此重要,以至于任何新事物都被怀疑。有效的跨文化传播者理解这些强调和文化自豪感的来源,并寻求了解他人的历史和地理,以便理解可能的态度和价值观,这些都是跨文化交流的基本要素。
One’s cultural identity affects interpersonal relationships and expectations of individual activity. From a sense of social identity (who we are), one receives a sense of personal identity (whol am ). That principle is seen especially clearly in those cultures described as collective rather than individual, where individualism is often subjugated to group decisions made by the leaders in that culture. Among the Ashanti tribe, individual decisions are made with the approval of the maternal uncle, maternal grandfather, and one’s father, and rarely by the individual acting alone.
一个人的文化身份影响人际关系和个人活动的期望。从社会身份的感知(我们是谁),人们获得个人身份的感知(我是谁)。这一原则在那些被描述为集体而非个体的文化中尤为明显,在这些文化中,个人主义往往屈从于由该文化的领导者做出的集体决策。在阿散蒂部落,个人决策是在母舅、外祖父和父亲的批准下做出的,个人单独行动的情况则很少。
Cultural beliefs. Each culture has an interpretation of reality, or perceptual “window;” through which people see self and others. In this sense, beliefs are a culture’s view of what is true or false, They also hold conceptions of how to arrive at the difference between truth and falsehood.
文化信仰。每种文化都有对现实的解释,或感知的“窗口”;通过这个窗口,人们看待自己和他人。从这个意义上说,信仰是文化对真与假的看法。它们还包含了如何区分真理与虚假的观念。
Beyond what is merely truth; cultures have concepts of ultimate significance and of long-term importance, known as values, Finally, what a culture believes about nature and the workings of the cosmos is called world view. World view is a specific belief system about the nature of the universe. More than just an outlook or philosophy of life, world view functions as a central construct related influencing how much control one believes is available (see chapter 5 on values and world view details).
超越单纯的真理;文化有着终极意义和长期重要性的概念,称为价值观。最后,一个文化对自然和宇宙运作的信仰被称为世界观。世界观是关于宇宙本质的特定信仰体系。世界观不仅仅是生活的观点或哲学,它作为一个中心构造,影响着一个人相信自己拥有多少控制权(参见第 5 章关于价值观和世界观的详细内容)。
A final area of cultural belief is a culture’s pattern of thought and its sense of logic. For instance, many people in the Western Hemisphere accept causeeffect reasoning. Solutions to problems are simply a matter, they reason, of altering or controlling the causes to alter or control the desired effects. In contrast, some eastern cultures reason that no one can know the causes of life events and that the events are part of a natural plan that humans should not try to understand completely but to accept. Thus, the intercultural difference in this example is the divergent approach the interactants experience in the use of evidence Cultural interactants may differ in a variety of ways including linear-
文化信仰的最后一个领域是文化的思维模式及其逻辑感。例如,许多西半球的人接受因果推理。他们认为,解决问题仅仅是改变或控制原因以改变或控制所需效果的问题。相比之下,一些东方文化则认为,没有人能够知道生活事件的原因,这些事件是自然计划的一部分,人类不应试图完全理解,而应接受。因此,在这个例子中,跨文化差异在于互动者在使用证据时所经历的不同方法。文化互动者可能在多种方式上存在差异,包括线性-

sequential, time-ordered patterns vs. configurational picture patterns, causeeffect vs. no cause, spiritual relations vs. nonspiritual factors, etc. All these remind us of cultural differences in what philosophers call ontology (the study of being and reality) and epistomology (the study of how we learn truth). These are not merely differences perceived in far-away cultures in exotic continents, for failure in working with cultural diversity in many regions of the globe has been traced to failure to examine learning style differences sometimes associated with minority cultures. 8 8 ^(8){ }^{8}
顺序的、时间排序的模式与构型图像模式,因果关系与无因果关系,精神关系与非精神因素等。所有这些都提醒我们哲学家所称的本体论(存在与现实的研究)和认识论(我们如何学习真理的研究)中的文化差异。这些不仅仅是远方异国文化中感知到的差异,因为在全球许多地区,未能处理文化多样性的问题已被追溯到未能审视有时与少数文化相关的学习风格差异。
From the inner core of cultural history, identity, and beliefs, we move to identifying a culture’s activities. These can be expressed in several ways, particularly in technology and material culture, cultural activity roles, and artistic expression.
从文化历史、身份和信仰的内核出发,我们转向识别文化的活动。这些活动可以通过多种方式表达,特别是在技术和物质文化、文化活动角色以及艺术表现方面。
Technology and material culture. Probably the most salient features to most tourists abroad are the perceived cultural differences in a culture’s technology, often viewed as its material culture-food, clothing, travel methods tools, and other technology. Unfortunately, some travelers offend host cultures by making light of their cultural methods of working out their basic material needs. Since technology is usually a matter of cultural invention and of intercultural contact with other technologies, it might be argued that no opportunities have arisen for acculturation of a technology, or perhaps the culture has rejected the technology.
技术与物质文化。对大多数海外游客来说,最显著的特征可能是文化技术的感知差异,这通常被视为其物质文化——食物、服装、旅行方式、工具和其他技术。不幸的是,一些旅行者通过轻视东道国文化满足基本物质需求的方法而冒犯了东道文化。由于技术通常是文化发明和与其他技术的跨文化接触的问题,可以说没有出现技术的文化适应机会,或者文化可能拒绝了该技术。
Too often, we prematurely judge a culture by its material features. A person who values technological features may overlook a rich cultural heritage in such areas as art, language, and interpersonal relationships. Unfortunately, such myopia can damage intercultural communication.
我们常常过早地通过一个文化的物质特征来判断它。一个重视技术特征的人可能会忽视在艺术、语言和人际关系等领域丰富的文化遗产。不幸的是,这种短视可能会损害跨文化交流。
Sometimes a culture’s technology and social functions intersect, For instance, an observer once described how women in a rural area of one East African country walked over a half mile to a river that supplied their families with wa-ter-two buckets at a time. One of this nation’s governmental agencies decided that a water pump and a central water system would enormously benefit the villagers. However, the water-gathering routine was a means of social interaction and a very important method of making new relationships, enjoying friendship, and keeping up with village news. The government field staff also did not recognize the fact that routine excretory functions were performed off the beaten paths to and from the river. When the new water system failed because no one used it, the government was shocked to leatn the reasons. The water system was abandoned, and life continued as before. This case illustrates that some methods and procedures are not always amenable to change without entire cultural imbalance and repercussions.
有时,一个文化的技术和社会功能会交叉。例如,一位观察者曾描述过,某个东非国家的农村地区的女性需要步行超过半英里到一条为她们的家庭提供水的河流,每次提两个水桶。该国的一个政府机构决定安装水泵和中央供水系统,这将极大地惠及村民。然而,取水的日常活动是社交互动的一种方式,也是建立新关系、享受友谊和了解村庄新闻的重要方法。政府的现场工作人员也没有意识到,日常排泄活动是在通往河流的偏僻小路上进行的。当新的供水系统因无人使用而失败时,政府对原因感到震惊。供水系统被遗弃,生活照旧。这个案例说明,一些方法和程序并不总是能够在不造成整个文化失衡和后果的情况下进行改变。
Material culture does not exist merely as a feature with functional value. Overt material culture may reflect a more subtle, covert peculiarity (much like the tip of an iceberg revealing only a small part of the total iceberg). For example, the Yir Yoront tribe of Australia had a central tool-the stone axe-for securing food, shelter, and warmth. Beyond its function of value as a material object, however; the stone axe symbolized masculinity and respect for elders. In short, the stone axe represented authority, which was a controlling feature for these people, bonding together
物质文化不仅仅作为具有功能价值的特征存在。显性的物质文化可能反映出更微妙、隐秘的特性(就像冰山一角仅揭示了整体冰山的一小部分)。例如,澳大利亚的 Yir Yoront 部落有一个中心工具——石斧——用于获取食物、住所和温暖。然而,除了作为物质对象的功能价值之外,石斧还象征着男性气概和对长者的尊重。简而言之,石斧代表了权威,这是这些人群的一个控制特征,紧密地将他们联系在一起。
Food preparation and eating habits are a significant area of difference for sojourners to new cultures, as for example in rural Jordan. © Owen Franken/Stock Boston.
食品准备和饮食习惯是新文化中的暂居者之间一个显著的差异领域,例如在约旦的农村地区。© Owen Franken/Stock Boston。


elements of their culture. Although the men owned the stone axes, women and children borrowed and used the tool according to customary rules of social relationships, and, in the process, reinforced the cultural glue of respect anid authority. In fact, this artifact of material culture had such symbolic value that the subsequent introduction of the steel axe totally disrupted the social and economic bases of the cul-
他们文化的元素。尽管男性拥有石斧,女性和儿童根据社会关系的习俗规则借用和使用这一工具,并在此过程中加强了尊重和权威的文化纽带。事实上,这一物质文化的工艺品具有如此象征意义,以至于随后的钢斧引入完全破坏了该文化的社会和经济基础。


intruder in the lives of a busy, younger generation. This attitude is changing, but these role expectations have enormous emotive qualities, and contribute to acting out these societal conceptions. In a type of self-fulfilling prophecy, some elderly people actually perform less efficiently, develop more health problems, and feel alienated because of societal expectations.
在忙碌的年轻一代生活中,入侵者。这种态度正在改变,但这些角色期望具有巨大的情感特质,并促使人们表现出这些社会观念。在一种自我实现的预言中,一些老年人实际上表现得更低效,发展出更多的健康问题,并因社会期望而感到疏离。

2. Occupational roles. Occupational role behaviors are also culturally defined. The consequence is that a person in a certain occupation is expected to perform in a role-prescribed manner: Police officers, lawyers, doctors, and salespersons play certain roles congruent with social expectations. For instance, a police officer usually does not crack jokes while handing out a citation, not because of lacking a sense of humor but because of the social role.
2. 职业角色。职业角色行为也是文化定义的。其结果是,某个职业的人被期望以角色规定的方式表现:警察、律师、医生和销售人员扮演与社会期望一致的特定角色。例如,警察在发出罚单时通常不会开玩笑,这并不是因为缺乏幽默感,而是因为社会角色的要求。

3. Friendship roles. Egven our relationships with friends, professors, family, and strangers are mediated by societal expectations. We usually communicate in full accordance with those unspoken but expected cultural rules for each role. For instance, bowing in certain Asian cultures correlates with the perceived social relationship: the higher the status of the person, the lower one should bow.
3. 友谊角色。即使我们与朋友、教授、家人和陌生人的关系也受到社会期望的影响。我们通常完全遵循这些无言但被期望的文化规则进行沟通。例如,在某些亚洲文化中,鞠躬与感知的社会关系相关:一个人的地位越高,鞠躬的幅度就应该越低。

4. Gender roles責 Role differences also involve the differing expectations of males and females. Not only are gender roles organizing factors for a culture, they also widely vary from culture to culture. Almost every culture, for example, has a division of labor decisively determined by the individual’s gen. der: Among the Boran herdsmen of Kenya, women are expected to complete all household duties, gardening, and milking while the men tend to the herds. Traditional Vietnamese women are expected to eat smaller quantities of food than men at each meal, no matter how hungry they are. 11 11 ^(11){ }^{11} In a research study investigating Hispanic males and Anglo females in North American dual cultural marriages, Baldwin suggested that the wife’s overinvolvement in the community or at work runs contrary to a perceived ideal role type and contributes to communication dissatisfaction. 12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} In other words, gender role expectations are culturally variant and when the ideal cultural expectations are not met, conflict arises.
4. 性别角色责任的差异也涉及男性和女性的不同期望。性别角色不仅是文化的组织因素,而且在不同文化之间广泛变化。例如,几乎每种文化都有一个由个体性别决定的劳动分工:在肯尼亚的博兰牧民中,女性被期望完成所有家庭事务、园艺和挤奶,而男性则负责放牧。传统越南女性被期望在每餐中吃比男性更少的食物,无论她们有多饿。 11 11 ^(11){ }^{11} 在一项研究调查北美双文化婚姻中的西班牙裔男性和盎格鲁女性时,鲍德温建议,妻子在社区或工作中的过度参与与被认为的理想角色类型相悖,并导致沟通不满。 12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} 换句话说,性别角色期望在文化上是多样的,当理想的文化期望未能实现时,冲突就会出现。
The decision making and authority positions of men and women are constantly changing within cultures. Power, often associated with decision making, comes in variant forms. The Boran women of Kenya, again, decide who in the family gets the greatest allotment of milk. The role and the power attendant to that role hold survival significance in that culture. Power-status relationships, traditionally associated with gender, are decreasing at a rapid rate among world cultures. Nevertheless, norms and cultural roles still are highly defined and stylized in a number of regions. Effective communication adaptation requires understanding and cultural sensitivity to these norms.
男性和女性的决策和权威地位在文化中不断变化。权力,通常与决策相关,呈现出多种形式。肯尼亚的博兰女性再次决定家庭中谁获得最多的牛奶配给。该角色及其相关的权力在该文化中具有生存的重要性。传统上与性别相关的权力地位关系在世界文化中迅速减少。然而,在许多地区,规范和文化角色仍然高度明确和风格化。有效的沟通适应需要理解和对这些规范的文化敏感性。
Roles serve in three ways to embody a culture’s activities. First, roles help guide personal and social behavior. Second, they serve as standards in a stabilizing function, allowing members to predict certainty about what otherwise would amount to ambiguity in role relationships. Third, they give identification, as if to satisfy a need to know self and others. However, roles can be a source of stress, especially if (1) a person dopes not fit a cultural role, (2) there appears to be no adequate role model or if the guidance is too ambiguous, or (3) if a person is attempting to play multiple roles.
角色以三种方式体现文化的活动。首先,角色帮助指导个人和社会行为。其次,它们作为稳定功能的标准,使成员能够预测在角色关系中本可能存在的模糊性。第三,它们提供身份认同,仿佛是为了满足对自我和他人了解的需求。然而,角色也可能成为压力的来源,特别是如果(1)一个人不适合文化角色,(2)似乎没有足够的角色榜样或指导过于模糊,或者(3)一个人试图扮演多个角色。

A culture’s artistic expressions become one keyhole through which to view and understand a culture. © Robert Frerck/Tony Stone ImagesClick/Chicago Ltd.
一个文化的艺术表现成为观察和理解该文化的一个钥匙孔。© Robert Frerck/Tony Stone ImagesClick/Chicago Ltd.
Artistic expression. Another element of cultural activity is the relevant artistic expressions of a particular culture. When we consider music, sculpture, painting, and weaving as reflections of underlying themes of a culture at a given time in its history, this element assumes deeper significance. The myriad of aesthetic differences and explanations of why one culture’s view of “beautiful” is another culture’s view of “ugly” go far beyond the scope of the artistic object or its manifestations. Artistic expression can reflect current, relevant themes of a culture, by which the investigator gathers more and better insight. Or an investigator may discover a bit of artistic work to hold only vestigial significance, meaning the art once held unusual significance but no longer holds the original meaning. For instance, a particular design and color of cloth among native Central Americans once identified tribalism but now means little more than pretty colors and design.
艺术表现。文化活动的另一个元素是特定文化的相关艺术表现。当我们将音乐、雕塑、绘画和编织视为某一文化在其历史特定时期的潜在主题的反映时,这一元素便具有了更深的意义。无数的美学差异以及为什么一个文化的“美”观念在另一个文化中被视为“丑”的解释,远远超出了艺术对象或其表现形式的范围。艺术表现可以反映文化的当前相关主题,从而使研究者获得更多更好的洞察。或者,研究者可能会发现某件艺术作品仅具有残余的意义,这意味着这件艺术曾经具有不寻常的意义,但现在不再具有原来的含义。例如,某种特定设计和颜色的布料在中美洲土著人中曾经标识部落主义,但现在仅意味着漂亮的颜色和设计。
The relation between language and culture is significant. Language and its categories filter, shape, and organize reality by the boundaries that linguistic systems draw, a point discussed in chapter 6. Of the thousands of language communities on earth, over one-fourth have yet to be written.
语言与文化之间的关系是重要的。语言及其类别通过语言系统所划定的界限过滤、塑造和组织现实,这一点在第六章中讨论。地球上成千上万的语言社区中,超过四分之一尚未被书写。
Language and culture. Every culture has a language and a set of interactional rules for conversation. In terms of language, we should understand the importance of categories of experience captured in a language that may not transfer to other cultures. For example, a Chinese man who spoke immaculate English was conversing with a North American who kept referring to words like “unique,” “individual,” and “self,” Although his English was proficient, he had a puzzled look on his face during the conversation. He finally asked, "What is this ‘individuality’
语言与文化。每种文化都有其语言和一套交际规则。在语言方面,我们应该理解语言中所捕捉的经验类别的重要性,这些类别可能无法转移到其他文化中。例如,一位说着流利英语的中国人与一位北美人交谈,后者不断提到“unique”、“individual”和“self”等词汇。尽管他的英语很流利,但在交谈过程中,他的脸上却流露出困惑的神情。他最终问道:“什么是‘individuality’?”
Communication Patterns  沟通模式
you keep referring to?" Although the grammar and vocabulary were similar, the concepts inherent in the North American’s use of English were quite different from the Chinese concept of humility wherein individuality is rarely brought forward. The example illustrates that intercultural communication is more than knowing the right words. It involves a vast array of cultural knowledge including application of meaningful experiences and categories within a culture.
你一直在提到的是什么?虽然语法和词汇相似,但北美人使用英语所固有的概念与中国的谦逊观念截然不同,后者很少强调个体性。这个例子说明,跨文化交流不仅仅是知道正确的词汇。它涉及广泛的文化知识,包括在文化内应用有意义的经验和类别。
As a side note to language and culture, we should point out how some cultural members use codes understood by only their fellow members in the culture. The use of jargon, slang, or “in-house” codes allow shorthand-type communication. Using such telegraphic code may convey great meaning for people who have experienced the in-house communication, but it obscures meaningful communication from individuals outside the culture.
作为对语言和文化的附注,我们应该指出一些文化成员如何使用只有他们文化中的同伴能够理解的代码。行话、俚语或“内部”代码的使用允许简化型的交流。使用这种电报式的代码可能对经历过内部交流的人传达了重要意义,但却使文化外部的个体难以进行有意义的交流。
Conversational rules. In addition to language and code, there are many conversational and interaction rules associated with communication patterns in a culture. This notion of interaction implies a set of communication rules expected in every interactional context. For example, there are certain words and phrases expected in greetings and leavings, In many African cultures you are expected to give signals of respect to other people who are older. For example, the word in one West African language that refers to older people is roughly translated “My grandfather” or “My grandmother,” conveying the idea that a person who is not really your grandfather or grandmother deserves the same respect as your own family.
对话规则。除了语言和代码之外,文化中与沟通模式相关的对话和互动规则还有很多。这种互动的概念暗示了在每个互动环境中预期的一套沟通规则。例如,在问候和告别时,有一些特定的词语和短语是被期待的。在许多非洲文化中,您需要向年长的人表示尊重。例如,在一种西非语言中,指代年长者的词大致翻译为“我的祖父”或“我的祖母”,传达了一个人虽然并不是真正的祖父或祖母,但同样值得获得与自己家人相同的尊重的理念。
Leave-taking rules also illustrate this principle of conversational and interaction rules. You can abruptly stop a conversation, or you can proceed with culturally appropriate rituals. For instance, Americans end briskly with a minor apology, such as, “Well, I have an engagement, and it’s time for me to go,” or “I’ve got to leave right now.” We typically thank people for the time together and offer summary statements, concluding the interaction with friendliness and smiles. However, for many cultures, leave-taking is a matter of the higher-status person breaking the conversation. Often there are more elaborate forms, and all of them take a great deal of time. Every culture has rules about forming relationships and using linguistic codes. The right form shows up not only in word choice, but in the tone of voice, pitch, volume, and number of expected words. For example, Middle Easterners are highly verbose, while Germans are more to the point. Furthermore, many cultures rely more on nonverbal cues than verbal codes. Great skill is necessary to read the situation and understand the use of silence, the flicker of an eyebrow, or the depth of a bow. However, in American culture, such features are not as important as the actual words spoken.
告别规则也说明了对话和互动规则的这一原则。你可以突然停止一段对话,或者可以按照文化上适当的仪式进行。例如,美国人通常会用轻微的道歉来迅速结束对话,比如说:“好吧,我有个约会,该走了,”或者“我现在得走了。”我们通常会感谢对方共度的时光,并提供总结性陈述,以友好和微笑结束互动。然而,对于许多文化来说,告别是由地位较高的人打断对话的事情。通常会有更复杂的形式,而这些形式都需要花费大量时间。每种文化都有关于建立关系和使用语言代码的规则。正确的形式不仅体现在用词选择上,还体现在语调、音高、音量和预期词数上。例如,中东人非常啰嗦,而德国人则更直接。此外,许多文化更依赖非语言线索而非语言代码。理解情境并理解沉默的使用、眉毛的轻微抖动或鞠躬的深度需要极大的技巧。 然而,在美国文化中,这些特征并不像实际说出的词语那样重要。
Adaptability and change. Another aspect of communication patterns in culture asks the likelihood of adaptation to changing circumstances. When circumstances dictate is there a tendency for members of a culture to adapt effectively? Cultures that adapt to change are often not afraid of innovation. Others are resistant. As a whole, adaptable cultures can be explained by apparent historical and traditional reasons. For example, Japan has demonstrated extraordinary adaptation into the world economy since World War II. Japanese values traditionally stress flexibility. By contrast, the ethnic wars of the mid-1990s in Europe and in Africa exposed tra-
适应性与变化。文化中交流模式的另一个方面是适应变化环境的可能性。当环境变化时,文化成员是否倾向于有效适应?适应变化的文化通常不害怕创新。而其他文化则表现出抵制。总体而言,适应性强的文化可以通过明显的历史和传统原因来解释。例如,自第二次世界大战以来,日本在全球经济中表现出了非凡的适应能力。日本的价值观传统上强调灵活性。相比之下,1990 年代中期在欧洲和非洲的民族战争暴露了


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任何在一个被认为是家庭的文化中被认为是常见的内容。我与文化人类学互动,得到了某些微笑。作为他们中的一个人,臀部和中部的某些部分并不需要关注。
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ditional cultures that place little value on communicating about change and adaptation. Conversely, adaptive communication stresses cultural competencies and intercultural motivation of effort and interpersonal communication opportunities.
传统文化对变革和适应的沟通重视较少。相反,适应性沟通强调文化能力和跨文化的努力动机以及人际沟通机会。
Ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is considered a negative element of communication patterns in a culture. More than simply an attitude, ethnocentrism refers to culturally shared notions of superiority in comparison with other cultures. Sadly, almost every culture exhibits some tendencies to judge others. The us-versus-them attitude is easily observed in interracial interactions when cultural categories remain stagnate or inflexible. In many nations, urbans look down upon rurals, elites scorn peasants, and white-collar employees devalue blue-collar employees. Sometimes national policies and activities favor practicing ethnocentrism. As an example, consider typical headline news stories: Iraqis Feel Superior to Iranians, Indians Belittle Pakistanis, Thais Devaluate Malaysians, Germans Isolate Turks, and Serbs Violate Croatians. Ethnocentrism causes war, takeover, and stands as the primary reason for incompetent and ineffective intercultural communication.
民族中心主义。民族中心主义被视为文化交流模式中的负面因素。它不仅仅是一种态度,民族中心主义指的是与其他文化相比的文化共享的优越感概念。遗憾的是,几乎每种文化都表现出某种评判他人的倾向。在种族间互动中,当文化类别保持停滞或不灵活时,"我们"与"他们"的态度很容易被观察到。在许多国家,城市人看不起农村人,精英蔑视农民,白领员工贬低蓝领员工。有时,国家政策和活动也倾向于实践民族中心主义。举个例子,考虑典型的头条新闻故事:伊拉克人觉得优于伊朗人,印度人贬低巴基斯坦人,泰国人贬低马来西亚人,德国人孤立土耳其人,塞尔维亚人侵犯克罗地亚人。民族中心主义导致战争、接管,并成为无能和无效的跨文化交流的主要原因。
Nonverbal communication. Every culture has some system of nonverbal be-haviors-gesture, touch, facial expression, and eye movement. The collective pattern of such behaviors, while usually in concert with spoken communication, is itself a symbol system. Nonverbal behavior, in this sense, becomes nonverbal communication and is loaded with cultural expectations. Researchers agree that a culture’s nonverbal communication system is the most powerful communication system available, although not without its liabilities. The differences in nonverbal behavior among cultures can cause breakdowns in intercultural communication.
非语言沟通。每种文化都有一些非语言行为的系统——手势、触摸、面部表情和眼动。此类行为的集体模式,虽然通常与口头沟通相辅相成,但本身就是一种符号系统。从这个意义上说,非语言行为变成了非语言沟通,并充满了文化期望。研究人员一致认为,一个文化的非语言沟通系统是最强大的沟通系统,尽管也有其缺陷。不同文化之间的非语言行为差异可能导致跨文化沟通的障碍。

1… Spatial relations One facet of nonverbal behaviors involves use of space. As a part of the dynamic interrelationship with other cultural elements, space is correlated with information and meaning inferences. Space is related to relationship development, perceptions of feelings and moods, inferences about intentions, and generalizations about personality. Inferences about spatial usage also leave wide ambiguities. For example, when a male from Saudi Arabia stands close to a U.S. male from the Midwest, the U.S. male may be conditioned to back away. The Saudi is confused by this cool and abrupt reception. How quickly intercultural communication fails!
空间关系 非语言行为的一个方面涉及空间的使用。作为与其他文化元素动态相互关系的一部分,空间与信息和意义推断相关。空间与关系发展、对情感和情绪的感知、对意图的推断以及对个性的概括相关。关于空间使用的推断也留下了广泛的模糊性。例如,当一名来自沙特阿拉伯的男性站在一名来自美国中西部的男性附近时,美国男性可能会习惯性地后退。沙特男性对这种冷淡和突然的接待感到困惑。跨文化交流是多么容易就失败了!

2. Time. Time is also considered a facet of nonverbal behavior. Time’s implications for intercultural communication begins with understanding how time is culturally rooted, and our use of time is wedded to our culture’s cognitive perceptions surrounding time. Some cultures view time with great precision and expect you to be precise also. For example, Americans, Britons, Canadians, and Germans expect punctuality. A large share of these peoples’ relationships are governed by the clock-and with some rigor: “Sorry I arrived a few minutes late,” “Wow, look at the time! I’ve got to go.” Furthermore, impressions in a time-conscious culture are based on one’s ability to adhere to cultural rules about the time system.
2. 时间。时间也被视为非语言行为的一个方面。时间对跨文化交流的影响始于理解时间是如何根植于文化中的,我们对时间的使用与我们文化对时间的认知感知密切相关。一些文化对时间的看法非常精确,并期望你也能做到精确。例如,美国人、英国人、加拿大人和德国人都期望守时。这些民族的许多关系都受到时间的支配,并且相当严格:“抱歉,我迟到了几分钟”,“哇,看看时间!我得走了。”此外,在一个注重时间的文化中,印象是基于一个人遵守关于时间系统的文化规则的能力。
By contrast, some cultures, such as African, Latin American, and Malaysian, are less time conscious. In these cultures, time does not dominate, except for situations where punctuality is the rule. Norms in the less time-conscious cultures
相比之下,一些文化,如非洲文化、拉丁美洲文化和马来西亚文化,对时间的意识较弱。在这些文化中,时间并不占主导地位,除非在守时是规则的情况下。在这些对时间意识较弱的文化中,规范

seem to address the issue of people first, schedules second. Caltural rules in these cases are centered around internal relationships rather than external schedules.
似乎优先考虑人而不是日程。在这些情况下,文化规则集中在内部关系而不是外部日程上。
Intercultural communication problems between time-conscious cultures and less time-conscious cultures involve task-conscious people, externally shaping their relationships with time and schedules, and interpersonal-relationship-conscious people, motivated by saving face and social hubrication. The task-conscious individual communicating with the people-conscious individual may experience unexplainable rebuffs. Such cool relationships are expected when our cultural time rules do not match those of the cultural system in which we are communicating. The powerful outcomes of nonverbal intercultural communication remain an area related to one part of adaptive communication competencies and skills.
时间意识文化与较少时间意识文化之间的跨文化沟通问题涉及以任务为导向的人,他们在外部塑造与时间和日程的关系,以及以人际关系为导向的人,他们受到面子和社会润滑的驱动。与以人际关系为导向的个体沟通的以任务为导向的个体可能会经历无法解释的冷淡反应。当我们的文化时间规则与我们所沟通的文化系统不匹配时,这种冷淡的关系是可以预期的。非语言跨文化沟通的强大结果仍然是与适应性沟通能力和技能的一部分相关的领域。
Communication of rewards, recognition, and gifts. Every culture has communication norms for offering gifts and rewards. Rewards, for instance, are obviously culturally conditioned with the norms of each culture in how it expresses recognition and reward. Initiation rites, when successfully completed, represent a cultural method for advancement in tribes and clans. Proper behavior is usually recognized in some way. In the case of an American manager working in Japan who insists on individually recognizing an outstanding employee may inadvertently create embarrassment. Traditional Japanese norms emphasize rewarding the group, not individuals who are singled out. Offering money, gifts, personal praise, written statements, future contracts, new titles, promotions in rank, acceptance into a group, initiation completion, and equality are but a few additional ways of showing recognition.
奖励、认可和礼物的沟通。每种文化都有提供礼物和奖励的沟通规范。例如,奖励显然受到每种文化的规范影响,反映了文化如何表达认可和奖励。成功完成的入会仪式代表了部落和家族中一种文化进步的方法。适当的行为通常会以某种方式得到认可。在一位美国经理在日本工作时,若坚持单独表彰一位杰出员工,可能会无意中造成尴尬。传统的日本规范强调奖励团队,而不是被单独挑出来的个人。提供金钱、礼物、个人赞扬、书面声明、未来合同、新头衔、晋升、接受入会、完成入会仪式和平等,仅是展示认可的几种额外方式。
Exercising reward or recognition follows communication norms conditioned by culture much in the same way as gift-giving. The communication norms for giving gifts vary widely between cultures. To not bring flowers or a beverage in some cultures is an insult. In other cultures, bringing gifts could seem to be “overachieving” or trying to compensate in some way to your host. From experience, I have learned to ask lots of questions about gift norms and to be a good receiver as well as a good giver.
行使奖励或认可遵循由文化条件化的沟通规范,方式与赠送礼物类似。不同文化之间赠送礼物的沟通规范差异很大。在某些文化中,不带花或饮料被视为一种侮辱。在其他文化中,带礼物可能会被视为“过于努力”或试图以某种方式补偿你的主人。通过经验,我学会了询问有关礼物规范的许多问题,并成为一个好的接受者和好的赠送者。
The most usual problem in intercultural communication concerning reward, recognition, and gift behavior is that an intercultural participant simply does not know the communication rules and expectations. Consequently, a manager representing a multinational corporation hires, makes assignments, and offers promotions according to his or her corporate culture’s methods: management by objectives, participatory decision making, and the like. However well-intentioned such methods often fail because they simply lack cultural fit.
在跨文化交流中,关于奖励、认可和赠礼行为最常见的问题是,跨文化参与者根本不知道沟通规则和期望。因此,代表跨国公司的经理根据其企业文化的方法进行招聘、分配任务和提供晋升:目标管理、参与式决策等。然而,这些方法尽管出于良好意图,往往失败,因为它们缺乏文化适应性。

Cultural Rules and Customs
文化规则和习俗

Every culture has rules of behavior ranging from everyday activity to the law of the land. Rules in this discussion generally refer to the regulations and expectations guiding the conduct about how things are to be accomplished. Many rules are expressed in everyday operations and interactions as customs. Customs in this sense are the procedures and operational habits assumed within a culture. For example, consider cultural rules and customs regarding opening a bank account. Perhaps for you the custom involves a few minutes of basic identification, signing
每种文化都有行为规则,从日常活动到国家法律。此讨论中的规则通常指的是指导行为的规定和期望,关于如何完成事情的方式。许多规则在日常操作和互动中以习俗的形式表达。在这个意义上,习俗是指在文化中假定的程序和操作习惯。例如,考虑关于开设银行账户的文化规则和习俗。也许对你来说,习俗涉及几分钟的基本身份识别、签名。


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在这些规则中,资源和它们的无意识作为指示未被解释的规则被规定为

a file copy, issuing checks, and depositing money. However, in many cultures the procedures of establishing a checking account can be rigorous and exasperating, involving extensive documentation, perhaps a character reference is summoned, and waiting for long periods before writing checks or withdrawing money are standard. For months the account might be scrutinized. Banking exemplifies numerous differences in cultural rules and custom.
文件复制、开支票和存款。然而,在许多文化中,开设支票账户的程序可能是严格而令人沮丧的,涉及大量的文档,可能需要提供品格证明,并且在开支票或取款之前,等待很长时间是常态。账户可能会被审查数月。银行业务体现了文化规则和习俗的众多差异。
Most people are aware of the way we are expected to perform in a culture. Unfortunately, the rules of a culture are rarely stated; nevertheless, we are expected to develop communication competence with those rules. In the American culture, for example, there are simple, but important expectations in the ritual of greeting. You are supposed to look someone in the eyes, touch them a certain way, and offer verbal recognition such as “Hello.” However, such a simple procedure is totally different in another culture. No wonder visitors experience uncertainty and anxiety for those accustomed to the American style of greeting. In other cultures, such a procedure may be marked by lack of eye contact and lack of touch with few spoken words. In some parts of Japanese culture one bows, presents a business card, and waits for the person of higher status to initiate the conversation.
大多数人都意识到在某种文化中我们被期望如何表现。不幸的是,文化的规则很少被明确说明;然而,我们被期望在这些规则下发展沟通能力。例如,在美国文化中,问候的仪式中有一些简单但重要的期望。你应该看着对方的眼睛,以某种方式触碰他们,并提供诸如“你好”的口头认可。然而,在另一种文化中,这样简单的程序则完全不同。难怪习惯于美国问候方式的访客会感到不确定和焦虑。在其他文化中,这样的程序可能表现为缺乏眼神接触和触碰,几乎没有口头交流。在日本文化的某些地方,人们会鞠躬,递上名片,并等待地位较高的人发起对话。
Another aspect of cultural rules is called rituals. Rituals refer to activities customarily followed in a culture conditioned by the standards and rules of that culture. Some rituals are formal, as in ceremonies, rites, formal occasions, initiations, solemn observances, or liturgies. Examples include weddings, births, funerals, baptisms, graduations, and a host of others. Other rituals are informal customary observances and lack the stiffness and solemnity of formal rituals. Examples include meeting friends after work, going to lunch at a certain place every week, crossing your fingers for good luck, or throwing bird seed at a wedding. In general, these are more casual. Rituals can be mixtures of formal and informal or be marked by a series of punctuations of formal/informal rituals (even routines) within a larger ritual.
文化规则的另一个方面被称为仪式。仪式是指在特定文化中习惯性遵循的活动,这些活动受到该文化的标准和规则的影响。一些仪式是正式的,例如仪式、典礼、正式场合、入会仪式、庄重的纪念活动或礼拜仪式。例子包括婚礼、出生、葬礼、洗礼、毕业典礼等许多其他活动。其他仪式则是非正式的习俗性庆祝活动,缺乏正式仪式的僵硬和庄重。例子包括下班后见朋友、每周在某个地方吃午餐、交叉手指以求好运,或在婚礼上撒鸟食。一般来说,这些仪式更加随意。仪式可以是正式和非正式的混合,或者在更大的仪式中标志着一系列正式/非正式仪式(甚至日常活动)的交替。
Most of us recognize that every culture has formalized systems to handle numerous aspects of a culture’s ultimate survival in ways that are accepted and often sanctioned by law, These formalized, sanctioned systems within a culture are called institutions. The ones we discuss here can be argued to be basic to life and survival. That is why cultures often present these as fundamental to the economic, legal, social, and spiritual nature of a culture.
我们大多数人都认识到,每种文化都有正式化的系统来处理文化生存的众多方面,这些方式被法律接受并常常受到法律的制裁。这些文化内部的正式化、受制裁的系统被称为制度。我们在这里讨论的这些制度可以说是生活和生存的基础。这就是为什么文化常常将这些视为文化经济、法律、社会和精神本质的基础。
Every culture has various mechanisms of dealing with economics and work, known as economic systems. Examples in most parts of the globe are well known, so let us mention a few of the more unusual illustrations of economic systems. A practice among farmers in certain parts of the United States is to “swap out” work, whereby one farmer helps another harvest crops and the second reciprocates. Money is sel dom exchanged in this process, although a system of informal record keeping keeps both parties aware of who owes whom. While monetary economic systems play a dominant role in most cultures today, this example reminds us that other methods of exchange exist according to unique cultural situations. Highlanders in Papua
每种文化都有各种应对经济和工作的机制,称为经济系统。全球大部分地区的例子众所周知,因此让我们提到一些更不寻常的经济系统示例。在美国某些地区,农民之间的一种做法是“交换”工作,即一个农民帮助另一个农民收割作物,而第二个农民则回报帮助。这个过程中很少交换金钱,尽管一种非正式的记录系统使双方都意识到谁欠谁。虽然货币经济系统在当今大多数文化中占主导地位,但这个例子提醒我们,根据独特的文化情况,存在其他交换方法。巴布亚的高地人
Institutions Within Cultures
文化中的机构
New Guinea traditionally used the sweet potato as one unit of exchange. A missionaty once described the mild surprise of foreign visitors to a church meeting where the indigenous church members contributed a large pile of sweet potatoes instead of money for a Sunday collection.
新几内亚传统上将甘薯作为一种交换单位。一位传教士曾描述过外国访客在一次教堂会议上的轻微惊讶,会议上土著教会成员贡献了一大堆甘薯,而不是钱用于周日的捐款。
Family as  家庭作为
Institution  机构
Like many other cultural elements, kinship is a highly integrated part of cultural experiences. The forms and institutions regarding family vary culturally, but family needs are universal. That is why institutions and laws regarding family exist, Although models of family organization and system change constantly, theorists believe that the family functionally serves to meet the demands of a particular cultural group. Anthropologist Robin Fox summarized this position:
像许多其他文化元素一样,亲属关系是文化体验中高度整合的一部分。关于家庭的形式和制度因文化而异,但家庭需求是普遍的。这就是为什么存在关于家庭的制度和法律,尽管家庭组织和系统的模型不断变化,理论家们认为家庭在功能上服务于满足特定文化群体的需求。人类学家罗宾·福克斯总结了这一观点:
I have tried to show how kinship systems are responses to various recognizable pressures within a framework of biological, psychological, ecological, and social limitations. Many anthropologists write as though kinship systems have dropped from the sky onto societies–they’re there because they’re there because. . . . In truth, they are there because they answer certain needs-do certain jobs. When these change, the systems change-but only within certain limits. 13 13 ^(13){ }^{13} Clearly, societies organize the family as they would any other aspect of a social group-to meet needs practically.
我试图展示亲属关系系统如何在生物、心理、生态和社会限制的框架内对各种可识别的压力作出反应。许多人类学家写作时仿佛亲属关系系统是从天而降到社会中的——它们存在是因为它们存在……实际上,它们之所以存在是因为它们满足某些需求——完成某些工作。当这些需求发生变化时,系统也会变化——但仅在某些限制范围内。显然,社会组织家庭的方式与组织社会群体的其他方面相同——以实际满足需求。
Because they face common problems and needs, family units adapt to meet those needs. For example, in cultures where economic needs exist for labor, a marriage model of polygamy has developed. (As an aside polygamy is the generic word for the more specific polygyny or two or more wives and polyandry for two or more husbands). Functional need-meeting may account for some of these models, but other cultural factors also account for marital norms: superstitions, magic, status, etc. Other basic models of marital units, such monogamy (one husband and one wife), and serial monogamy (a series of monogamous marriages with different partners) become institutionalized at various levels of acceptance within a culture.
由于家庭单位面临共同的问题和需求,因此它们会适应以满足这些需求。例如,在存在劳动力经济需求的文化中,发展出了多配偶制的婚姻模式。(顺便提一下,多配偶制是更具体的一夫多妻制或两个或多个妻子以及一妻多夫制或两个或多个丈夫的通用词。)功能性需求满足可能解释了这些模式中的一些,但其他文化因素也解释了婚姻规范:迷信、魔法、地位等。其他基本的婚姻单位模型,如一夫一妻制(一个丈夫和一个妻子)和系列一夫一妻制(与不同伴侣的一系列一夫一妻婚姻)在文化中以不同的接受程度制度化。
Researchers describe family units under two major classes. The first unit is the nuclear family, a unit referring to father, mother, and siblings. The second unit is the extended family, which includes the nuclear family and extends to incorporate the grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins, and so on. Descent groups refer to a common ancestory for group members. A collection of lineages where common descent is often demonstrated is a clan. Collections of clans may become a tribe in some cases. Marriage only within the clan (or any significant unit) is called endogamy. Marriage from outside the clan (or other significant unit) is called exogamy. Both endogamy and exogamy formats can result in social and economic relationships between the units involved.
研究人员将家庭单位分为两个主要类别。第一个单位是核心家庭,指的是父亲、母亲和兄弟姐妹。第二个单位是扩展家庭,包括核心家庭,并扩展到祖父母、叔叔、阿姨、表兄弟姐妹等。血统群体指的是群体成员的共同祖先。一个常常展示共同血统的家系集合被称为氏族。在某些情况下,氏族的集合可能成为部落。仅在氏族内(或任何重要单位)结婚被称为内婚。来自氏族外(或其他重要单位)的婚姻被称为外婚。内婚和外婚的形式都可能导致相关单位之间的社会和经济关系。
Kinship systems also involve the role of authority. Male-dominated authority patterns in the family are called patriarchal, while female-dominated authority patterns are called matriarchal. Finally, qualities of inheritance or naming, or both, that come through the mother’s side are found in matrilineal cultures. Patrilineal groups foster inheritance or naming, or both, emphasizing the father’s side.
亲属系统还涉及权威的角色。以男性为主的家庭权威模式称为父权制,而以女性为主的权威模式称为母权制。最后,母系文化中存在通过母亲一方传承的继承或命名特征,或两者兼有。父系群体则强调父亲一方的继承或命名,或两者兼有。


:.\therefore A mismeeting potatoes
:.\therefore 一次错误的会议土豆

cultural  文化

but famly exist. theorists ular cul-
但家庭存在。理论家们通常文化-
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md unit ncorposfer to a ommon : a tribe lled enlled e x e x exe x onomic authorted auor namrilineal asizing
Universally, societies have some form of governing organization functioning on both a formal and an informal level. On the formal level, such governing organizations originate because of self-appointment, inherited rights, vote, consensus, or political takeover. A less obvious informal method of accruing perceived power, status, and leadership also exists. In various cultural groups, some leaders are assumed to have a certain degree of supernatural power. Many years ago, a group of South Sea islanders considered the power of mana (special power or magic) to dwell in certain individuals. This impersonal power was believed to cause its recipients to possess the equivalent of what we might term “power,” since persons who were perceived to have high degrees of mana usually had greater financial prowess, inherent status, and attributed power. Individuals believed this power also resided because of some special charm or incantation formula. The term for this perceived power stuck-the word can still refer to a special leadership.
普遍而言,社会都有某种形式的治理组织,在正式和非正式层面上运作。在正式层面,这种治理组织的产生源于自我任命、继承权、投票、共识或政治接管。还有一种不太明显的非正式方式来积累被感知的权力、地位和领导力。在各种文化群体中,一些领导者被认为拥有一定程度的超自然力量。许多年前,一群南海岛民认为 mana(特殊力量或魔法)的力量存在于某些个体之中。这种非个人的力量被认为使其接受者拥有我们可能称之为“权力”的等价物,因为被认为拥有高程度 mana 的人通常具有更强的财务能力、固有地位和被赋予的权力。人们相信这种力量也源于某种特殊的魅力或咒语公式。这个被感知的力量的术语依然存在——这个词仍然可以指代一种特殊的领导力。
Aside from the concept of impersonal supernatural power residing in or near a person, traditional leadership in political organizations among traditional cultures seems closely linked with age and economic qualities. In Ghana, for example, village chieftainship and eldership appear to be related closely to man’s age (usually over 50 years old), economic ability (usually higher economic status), and family.
除了个人身上或附近存在的非个人超自然力量的概念外,传统文化中的政治组织的传统领导似乎与年龄和经济特征密切相关。例如,在加纳,村庄的首领和长老似乎与男性的年龄(通常超过 50 岁)、经济能力(通常较高的经济地位)和家庭密切相关。
Related to formal and informal political systems in a culture is the concept of social control. All cultures have methods of dealing with violations of norms (accepted modes of behavior) and laws. Societal punishment appears to be universal, although consequences vary from fines to banishment or death. For example, two visitors in an African country unknowingly walked through sacred African j u j u j u j u ju-juj u-j u ground, a religiously special place, and were fined the national equivalent of one month’s wages. Physical punishment also exemplifies differing cultural solutions to the universal need for order as “caning” in Singapore illustrates.
与文化中的正式和非正式政治系统相关的是社会控制的概念。所有文化都有处理违反规范(被接受的行为方式)和法律的方法。社会惩罚似乎是普遍存在的,尽管后果从罚款到放逐或死亡各不相同。例如,两个游客在一个非洲国家无意中走过神圣的非洲 j u j u j u j u ju-juj u-j u 土地,这是一个宗教上特殊的地方,结果被罚款相当于一个月的工资。身体惩罚也体现了不同文化对普遍秩序需求的不同解决方案,正如新加坡的“打手心”所示。
Like every other element of culture, social control develops from specific cultural contexts. This chapter opened with several examples related to social control. A difficulty arises when we compare social control in one culture with its counterpart in another culture. Many international persons, for example, believe that the United States is far too lenient in its punishment for certain crimes; conversely, many U.S. citizens believe that some countries have enacted overly strict laws. Evaluation of cultural methods of social control depends on examining each culture from its own perspective.
像文化的其他元素一样,社会控制源于特定的文化背景。本章以几个与社会控制相关的例子开头。当我们将一种文化中的社会控制与另一种文化中的对应概念进行比较时,会出现困难。例如,许多国际人士认为美国对某些犯罪的惩罚过于宽松;相反,许多美国公民认为某些国家制定的法律过于严格。对文化社会控制方法的评估取决于从各自文化的角度进行审视。
How a culture addresses the health of cultural members also poses a significant cultural system. As Harris and Moran observe, the very concept of meaningful health can differ among cultures. 14 14 ^(14){ }^{14} The methodologies by which people are medically treated can range from chemical medication by highly educated medical specialists to herbal application by village practioners.
文化如何处理文化成员的健康也构成了一个重要的文化系统。正如哈里斯和莫兰所观察到的,有意义的健康这一概念在不同文化中可能有所不同。 14 14 ^(14){ }^{14} 人们接受医疗治疗的方法可以从受过高等教育的医疗专家的化学药物治疗到村庄从业者的草药应用不等。
Hospitals and medical clinics are relatively new innovations in some cultures, and sometimes an interesting mixture of the traditional medicines with the modern medicines appears in hospital rooms. In Papua New Guinea, family medical tradition has sometimes combined with modem hospitalization as family members take turns in groups staying with a patient, cooking food, and practically camping out in the patient’s room. Health information is a topic currently significant for those
医院和医疗诊所在某些文化中相对较新,有时在病房中会出现传统医学与现代医学的有趣混合。在巴布亚新几内亚,家庭医疗传统有时与现代住院治疗相结合,家庭成员轮流分组陪伴患者,做饭,实际上是在患者的房间里露营。健康信息是当前对那些人来说一个重要的话题。
Political/ Institutions  政治/机构
working in developing countries. Not only is it important to understand the health system of a culture in order to manage it effectively from within, but the nature of health delivery is equally important in order to disseminate health information.
在发展中国家工作。不仅理解一个文化的健康系统对于从内部有效管理它至关重要,而且健康服务的性质同样重要,以便传播健康信息。
Cultural differences related to health care delivery unfortunately correspond to differential quality of life questions. Traditionally disadvantaged ethnic populations in the United States have higher than average infant mortality rates and overall fewer life span years on the average. While socioeconomic factors play some role in these differences, other cultural factors intervene. We have adapted several of Richard Brislin’s observations concerning reasons for poor physical and mental health associated with culture: 15 15 ^(15){ }^{15}
与医疗服务相关的文化差异不幸地对应于不同的生活质量问题。美国传统上处于劣势的少数民族群体的婴儿死亡率高于平均水平,整体寿命年数也低于平均水平。虽然社会经济因素在这些差异中起到了一定作用,但其他文化因素也在其中发挥作用。我们已经调整了理查德·布里斯林关于与文化相关的身体和心理健康不良原因的若干观察: 15 15 ^(15){ }^{15}
  1. lack of financial resources causes people to wait too long before calling a health professional;
    缺乏财务资源导致人们在寻求健康专业人士的帮助时等待时间过长;
  2. traditional remedies may be used either because modern medicine is too expensive or because it is seen as ineffective;
    传统疗法可能被使用,既因为现代医学太昂贵,也因为它被视为无效;
  3. little trust in health subsystems or in health professionals;
    对健康子系统或健康专业人士缺乏信任;
  4. inadequate or inaccurate information provided for families;
    提供给家庭的信息不足或不准确;
  5. cultural values toward the age at which mothers pay more attention to their infant’s health needs;
    母亲更加关注婴儿健康需求的年龄的文化价值观;
  6. accurate indicators of physical or psychological distress are not viewed as significant indicators of illness to report. In other words, symptoms a certain culture looks to as a sign of illness may be inaccurately linked to the real illness, and conversely, symptoms that modern health professionals look for in examinations may seem irrelevant to an acculturated individual;
    身体或心理痛苦的准确指标并不被视为需要报告的重要疾病指标。换句话说,某种文化所认为的疾病迹象的症状可能与真实疾病不准确地关联,而现代健康专业人员在检查中寻找的症状对一个适应文化的人来说可能显得无关紧要;
  7. nonverbal signs typically associated with certain psychological disorders (like depression) are culture-bound, especially clinical diagnoses that involve interaction and rapport qualities and facial expressions. Mental health experts must conduct clinical evaluations using cultural base lines of normality.
    与某些心理障碍(如抑郁症)通常相关的非语言信号是文化特定的,尤其是涉及互动、融洽特质和面部表情的临床诊断。心理健康专家必须使用文化正常性的基准进行临床评估。
  8. world view intervenes in preventing modern medicine; for example, a person who believes in animism (witches and spirits) needs to be evaluated in light of the entire culture’s beliefs. By western psychological standards, a person having a vision may seem mentally unstable, but by certain traditional African standards the person would be normal. We also can add fatalism, ancestor worship, the importance of silence, stoicism, language norms, and a host of other variables related to world view and values that intervene in accurate physical and mental health assessments.
    世界观干预了现代医学的预防;例如,一个相信万物有灵论(巫师和灵魂)的人需要在整个文化信仰的背景下进行评估。按照西方心理学标准,一个有幻觉的人可能看起来精神不稳定,但按照某些传统非洲标准,这个人则是正常的。我们还可以加入宿命论、祖先崇拜、沉默的重要性、斯多 icism、语言规范以及与世界观和价值观相关的许多其他变量,这些都干预了准确的身体和心理健康评估。
Cultural educational systems widely differ. In the British educational system, for instance, students are either university or vocational bound, influenced by testing by about age twelve or fourteen. Also, many nations emphasize more than one language in education from early childhood through high school. Many foreign universities are structured differently from those in the United States. At some universities, subjects are studied a year at a time, not by semester or quarter unit credits. The critical point for intercultural communication is recognizing diversity in educational subsystems and how those differences alter our perceptions and messages.
文化教育系统差异很大。例如,在英国教育系统中,学生在大约十二或十四岁时通过测试被分为大学或职业方向。此外,许多国家在从幼儿园到高中阶段的教育中强调多种语言的学习。许多外国大学的结构与美国的大学不同。在一些大学中,课程是按年学习的,而不是按学期或季度学分。跨文化交流的关键点在于认识到教育子系统的多样性,以及这些差异如何改变我们的感知和信息。
I the health e nature of mation. sorrespond hnic popu/ rates and ictors play ve adapted yysical and
我健康的自然信息。相应的技术人口/比率和因素发挥了适应性,身体和

= calling a
is too ex-  过于 ex-
on to their  继续他们的
ved as sig. ertain culal illness, for in ex-
某些慢性疾病,如糖尿病、高血压、高血脂、高血糖、高胆固醇、高血糖、高胆固醇血症、高胆固醇血症、高胆固醇血症等。

disorders at involve th experts ality.
涉及专家的障碍。

, a person :d in light
,a person :d in light

a person al African ancestor a host of accurate
一个个人的非洲祖先一系列准确的

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茎,进行一条车道的测试大学学分。y 在教育信息中。
Religious systems involve beliefs, ceremonies, places of worship, norms of respect, and linguistic concepts surrounding worship and spiritual issues. Many visitors to mosques and temples, for instance, neglect basic etiquette by failing to remove their shoes or observe other norms of respect Recognizing the external elements of religiosity in a particular culture not only prevents cultural mistakes but also can affect insights into macrocultural patterns, cultural beliefs, and cultural values. For example, during the holy month for Moslems, fasting occurs from dawn to dusk. As told by a Thai participant, several Thai workers (mostly Buddhist) who worked side by side with Islamic workers failed to appreciate the significance of the period of time and the rituals associated with the fasting. Consequently, the organizational climate during that month was tense and negatively altered communication patterns, work productivity, and morale. Understanding basic religious beliefs, significant holidays, and religious practices can facilitate effective intercultural communication. Elements and institutions around which cultures are organized have been identified. What phenomena account for a culture’s changes? The topic of explaining culture shift is complex. Our discussion of cultural elements would be incomplete without briefly exploring social forces and theories leading to change.
宗教系统涉及信仰、仪式、礼拜场所、尊重规范以及围绕崇拜和精神问题的语言概念。例如,许多参观清真寺和寺庙的访客忽视基本礼仪,没有脱鞋或遵守其他尊重规范。认识到特定文化中宗教性的外部元素不仅可以防止文化错误,还可以影响对宏观文化模式、文化信仰和文化价值的洞察。例如,在穆斯林的圣月期间,从黎明到黄昏进行禁食。一位泰国参与者提到,几位与伊斯兰工人并肩工作的泰国工人(大多数是佛教徒)未能理解这一时间段及其相关仪式的重要性。因此,该月的组织气候紧张,负面影响了沟通模式、工作生产力和士气。理解基本宗教信仰、重要节日和宗教实践可以促进有效的跨文化沟通。已经识别出文化组织的元素和机构。 是什么现象导致文化的变化?解释文化转变的话题是复杂的。我们对文化元素的讨论如果不简要探讨导致变化的社会力量和理论,将是不完整的。
How cultures have developed, and more specifically, how they have dealt with innovation and adaptation during that development over time is a topic that can assist our understanding of culture as a variable in the communication process. In this closing section, we highlight several main directions to explain cultural development and change.
文化是如何发展的,更具体地说,它们在这一发展过程中如何处理创新和适应,这是一个可以帮助我们理解文化作为沟通过程中变量的话题。在这一结尾部分,我们强调了几个主要方向来解释文化的发展和变化。
The first explanation involves what occurs when cultures borrow or in some other way come into contact with innovation in its many forms. External contact of one culture meeting another can produce change in one or the other or both. When the Pilgrims ventured to the United States, some of their habits changed; partially because of culture contact, they borrowed survival skills from Native Americans, such as planting and eating corn and other foods. Sometimes, cultural borrowing occurs deliberately as part of someone’s agenda or strategy. In the case of the Australian stone axe culture mentioned earlier in this chapter, acceptance of a culturally foreign object proved disastrous.
第一个解释涉及文化在借用或以其他方式接触创新的多种形式时所发生的情况。两种文化的外部接触可以导致其中一种或两种文化的变化。当朝圣者冒险来到美国时,他们的一些习惯发生了变化;部分原因是文化接触,他们从美洲土著那里借用了生存技能,例如种植和食用玉米及其他食物。有时,文化借用是作为某人议程或策略的一部分而故意发生的。在本章前面提到的澳大利亚石斧文化的案例中,接受一种文化上外来的物品被证明是灾难性的。
Many years ago, blackbirds were brought into the United States from England to control insects. However, today in some mid-southern states, these birds are creating an enormous health problem and millions of dollars of grain loss each year. Another example also illustrates this point. A hearty ground cover useful in Japan was imported to the United States for planting along roadsides. For some reason, the plant life grew so well that it became uncontrollable, covering fence lines, large trees, and waterways.
许多年前,黑鸟从英国引入美国以控制昆虫。然而,如今在一些中南部州,这些鸟类造成了巨大的健康问题,每年造成数百万美元的粮食损失。另一个例子也说明了这一点。一种在日本有用的坚韧地被引入美国,用于沿路种植。由于某种原因,这种植物生长得非常好,以至于变得无法控制,覆盖了围栏、巨树和水道。
There is little question that cultural borrowing can significantly alter culture. We only have to think of a few cases of imported products to illustrate this consequence: international foods, technology, and clothing all represent significant
毫无疑问,文化借用可以显著改变文化。我们只需想几个进口产品的例子来说明这一后果:国际食品、技术和服装都代表了重要的
Religious Institutions  宗教机构
Theories of Cultural Development and Change
文化发展与变迁理论

Cultural Borrowing and Innovation Acceptance
文化借用与创新接受

ways cultural borrowing affects our lives. Culture contact that leads to change can be planned or unplanned. When planned, the culture contact typically is part of a strategic plan or special effort.
文化借用如何影响我们的生活。导致变化的文化接触可以是计划好的或非计划好的。当是计划好的时,文化接触通常是战略计划或特别努力的一部分。

Cultural Crisis   文化危机

Sometimes, cultural changes are the result of uncontrollable forces, such as floods, hurricanes, volcanic eruptions, and other spontaneous events that cause physical relocation or psychological alteration. Just as disasters create a need for cultural realignment, these cataclysmic changes and crises in the life and history of a group of people can also forge a new culture from the old. For example, the severe Guatemalan earthquakes of a few years ago, toppled entire barrios built on billsides and engulfed mountain villages, and led to cultural change in the massive relocation that followed. The settled villagers of the mountains became the new settlers in plains regions. This shift has caused alteration of endogamy, authority structure, and language.
有时,文化变化是不可控力量的结果,例如洪水、飓风、火山爆发以及其他导致身体迁移或心理改变的自发事件。正如灾难创造了文化重新调整的需求,这些灾难性的变化和一个群体生活与历史中的危机也可以从旧文化中锻造出新文化。例如,几年前危地马拉发生的严重地震摧毁了建在山坡上的整个社区,淹没了山村,并导致随之而来的大规模迁移中的文化变化。定居在山区的村民成为平原地区的新定居者。这一转变导致了内婚、权力结构和语言的变化。
Contrived, human-made forces can be just as cataclysmic, and at least as forceful, as natural disasters in shaping cultural destinies. Wars, political coups, and installation of high dams along rivers seriously alter culture. For example, war-torn Vietnam, among other things, left a trail of refugees, many of whom settled in the United States. In some cases, highly skilled physicians, lawyers, or engineers worked at menial jobs as a result of their immigration. Family structures were also altered. Many of the younger Vietnamese showed greater acculturation capabilities than their elders. Despite family pressure to let the elders make decisions, pressure from the new culture sometimes pushed the younger generation toward family leadership and individualism.
人为的、人工制造的力量在塑造文化命运方面可以与自然灾害一样具有灾难性,甚至同样强大。战争、政治政变以及在河流上修建高坝严重改变了文化。例如,饱受战争摧残的越南,除了其他因素外,留下了一条难民的足迹,其中许多人定居在美国。在某些情况下,高技能的医生、律师或工程师因移民而从事低技能工作。家庭结构也发生了变化。许多年轻的越南人表现出比他们的长辈更强的文化适应能力。尽管家庭施加压力让长辈做决定,但新文化的压力有时推动年轻一代走向家庭领导和个人主义。
As World War II encroached upon the South Pacific, New Guinea islanders were dramatically confronted with strange new ways. The war brought guns, machines of all sorts, vehicles, and hundreds of other things needed for life support and battle. The alien aircraft dropping their packaged cargoes from the sky surprised the islanders and yet enticed them toward these “miracles.” When the hardware was removed at the war’s end, an unusual cult developed. This new culture was termed the “cargo cult,” and one of its tenets rested on the expectation of a return of the cargo. To this day, the quasi-religious culture still anticipates the return of the cargo.
随着第二次世界大战逼近南太平洋,新几内亚岛民被奇怪的新方式所震撼。战争带来了枪支、各种机器、车辆以及数百种生活和战斗所需的其他物品。那些从天空中投下包装货物的外来飞机让岛民感到惊讶,同时也吸引他们向这些“奇迹”靠近。战争结束时,硬件被移除,形成了一种不寻常的崇拜。这种新文化被称为“货物崇拜”,其一个信条是期待货物的回归。直到今天,这种准宗教文化仍然期待货物的回归。
Some economic changes induce social change. The Aswân High Dam on the Nile River has affected Egyptian rural life. Some observers believe that the many economic benefits of the dam may be partially balanced by its social effects. Many villagers have shifted occupations and live in newly formed towns, a move that has eroded traditional lines of authority. The farmer, now a factory worker at a fertilizer plant, sometimes loses his personal pride as his superiors devaluate his former life. Once prosperous river villages now lie under water, swept by the currents of a lake newly formed for a developing nation.
一些经济变化引发社会变革。尼罗河上的阿斯旺大坝影响了埃及的农村生活。一些观察者认为,大坝带来的许多经济利益可能部分被其社会影响所抵消。许多村民已转行,居住在新形成的城镇,这一变化削弱了传统的权威界限。农民现在成为化肥厂的工人,有时会因为上级贬低他过去的生活而失去个人的自尊。曾经繁荣的河边村庄如今淹没在水下,被为发展中国家新形成的湖泊的水流所冲刷。

Ecological Change  生态变化

While cultural cataclysms have an immediate crisis-centered impact on a culture’s development, cultural experts recognize that a culture’s ecology also has a longterm, gradual impact. Certain environmental features may influence a culture’s diet, dress, religion, and marriage partnerships.
虽然文化灾难对文化发展有直接的危机中心影响,但文化专家认识到文化的生态也有长期、渐进的影响。某些环境特征可能会影响文化的饮食、服装、宗教和婚姻伴侣。

Figure 3.2  图 3.2
Model of cultural symbiosis based on environmental factors.
基于环境因素的文化共生模型。

as floods, yysical reultural rea group of atemalan l engulfed followed. ions. This
由于文本内容不完整且含有拼写错误,无法进行准确翻译。请提供更清晰的文本。

t t tt least as al coups, example, hom setrs, or enitructures ilturation ake deciration to-
t t tt 至少作为所有政变的例子,家庭设置,或结构的插图采取决策到-

islanders ;uns, maョ support sky surthe hard v v vv culture n of a rehe return m on the he many ts. Many love that at a fer3 his forcurrents sultures
岛民;uns,maョ支持天空 surthe 艰难 v v vv 文化 n 的一个重返 m 在他许多 ts 上。许多人爱在 fer3 他的 forcurrents sultures。
Ecological environment is important to culture for at least two reasons. One is that, as population increases, available land decreases. This population pressure pushes natural boundaries to their limit, and new frontiers are colonized. We see that today in news stories about the rain forests. As a result of the new frontier environment, changes in agricultural practices, dress, diet, and word usages emerge. Also, hierarchy and structure, power, economic, and political changes occur.
生态环境对文化的重要性至少体现在两个方面。其一,随着人口的增加,可用土地减少。这种人口压力将自然边界推向极限,新的边界被开垦。我们在今天关于雨林的新闻报道中可以看到这一点。由于新的边界环境,农业实践、服装、饮食和用词的变化随之出现。此外,等级和结构、权力、经济和政治的变化也会发生。
A second reason that environment influences culture involves the distribution of products, services, and materials in the importing and exporting with other cul tures. For example, if the environment of culture C contains necessary items for cultures A and B, a symbiotic relationship develops. Symbiosis refers to fulfilling mutual needs between two or more cultures. Suppose that groups A, B, and C contain environmental productions of timber (A), wheat (B), and fish © (figure 3.2). Inasmuch as all three cultures desire these things, economic exchanges develop and symbiotic relationships crystallize.
环境影响文化的第二个原因涉及与其他文化的产品、服务和材料的进出口分布。例如,如果文化 C 的环境中包含文化 A 和 B 所需的必要物品,就会形成共生关系。共生是指两个或多个文化之间满足相互需求的关系。假设 A、B 和 C 三个群体分别包含木材(A)、小麦(B)和鱼(C)(见图 3.2)。由于这三种文化都渴望这些东西,经济交换发展起来,共生关系得以形成。
As economic interplay heightens, significant social changes may occur, different from cultural traditions. Members of a submissive culture may now become fierce bargainers or symbiosis may escalate; or, endogamous cultures (marrying inside their own group) may find attractive marriage partners outside their traditional social units.
随着经济互动的加剧,可能会发生与文化传统不同的重大社会变化。处于顺从文化中的成员可能会变得成为激烈的讨价还价者,或者共生关系可能会升级;或者,内婚文化(在自己群体内结婚)可能会在其传统社会单位之外找到有吸引力的婚配对象。
Dominant Theme Analysis  主导主题分析
Another theory for explaining culture examines the major themes of a culture. The renown anthropologist Ruth Benedict explained how dominant ideas and themes of a culture not only signify values but serve to guide activities, rules, and customs. In other words, these fundamental cultural themes act as a dominant force on action and thought.
另一种解释文化的理论考察了文化的主要主题。著名人类学家鲁思·本尼迪克特解释了文化的主导思想和主题如何不仅象征着价值观,还指导活动、规则和习俗。换句话说,这些基本的文化主题在行动和思想上起着主导作用。
Among the Zuni Indians, for instance, two cultural themes stand out. According to Zuni tradition, men submerge their activities into those of the entire group and claim no personal authority. A second theme is nonviolence. Even under attacks of insult and abuse, accepted behavioral systems provide nonviolent outlets.
在祖尼印第安人中,有两个文化主题突出。根据祖尼的传统,男性将他们的活动融入整个群体,并不声称个人权威。第二个主题是非暴力。即使在受到侮辱和虐待的攻击下,接受的行为系统也提供了非暴力的发泄方式。
National and regional cultures illustrate key themes that drive the nature of a culture. In Asian cultures, group harmony and subjecting self to the group is a predominant theme, a value strongly influencing culture. Some employees in Japan so identify with the company, for instance, that they introduce themselves with the company name first and then their own name. In one case, a Japanese engineer with an electronics firm so identified with the company that he called himself NJT Kanakamani, where NJT refers to the corporation and Kanakamani to his name.
国家和地区文化展示了推动文化本质的关键主题。在亚洲文化中,群体和谐以及将自我服从于群体是一个主要主题,这一价值观对文化产生了强烈影响。例如,在日本,一些员工如此认同公司,以至于他们首先用公司名称介绍自己,然后再说自己的名字。在一个案例中,一位与电子公司合作的日本工程师如此认同公司,以至于他称自己为 NJT Kanakamani,其中 NJT 指代公司,Kanakamani 指代他的名字。
Functionalism Another theory of culture is called functionalism, developed by Bronislaw Malinowski around 1944. From his work with the Trobriand islanders, he reasoned that cultural systems are an outgrowth of three underlying human needs: basic, derived, and integrative. Culture develops and organizes its values and practices around what the culture considers ways to deal with those needs. Basic needs refer to survival needs, such as food, water, and shelter. Derived needs refer to “social coordination,” including division of labor, distribution of food, and social control. The third need is integrative, or, as Nanda continues, the need for security and social harmony met by magic, knowledge, myth, and art. 16 16 ^(16){ }^{16} Malinowski’s fundamental notion was that every aspect of culture can be summarized by one of these three needs and that cultures develop to satisfy these needs in ways functional for their situation and with their particular resources. 17 17 ^(17){ }^{17}
功能主义 另一种文化理论被称为功能主义,由布罗尼斯瓦夫·马林诺夫斯基于 1944 年左右发展而来。通过与特罗布里恩岛居民的工作,他推断文化系统是三种基本人类需求的衍生物:基本需求、派生需求和整合需求。文化围绕文化所认为的应对这些需求的方式发展和组织其价值观和实践。基本需求指的是生存需求,如食物、水和住所。派生需求指的是“社会协调”,包括劳动分工、食物分配和社会控制。第三种需求是整合需求,或者正如南达所继续提到的,通过魔法、知识、神话和艺术满足的安全和社会和谐的需求。 16 16 ^(16){ }^{16} 马林诺夫斯基的基本观点是,文化的每一个方面都可以用这三种需求中的一种来概括,文化的发展是为了以适合其情况和特定资源的方式满足这些需求。 17 17 ^(17){ }^{17}

Developing Intercultural  跨文化发展Skills in Knowledge of  知识技能Culture's Workings  文化的运作

  1. Respect the dignity and personhood of others. Even if you disagree with a culture’s values or any other aspect of a culture, you may wish to avoid arguing. Respect the rights of others in their cultural situation, and seek to understand the culture rather than to criticize it. Try to focus more on the people rather than their system.
    尊重他人的尊严和人格。即使你不同意某种文化的价值观或文化的其他方面,你也可能希望避免争论。尊重他人在其文化背景下的权利,努力理解文化而不是批评它。尽量更多地关注人而不是他们的制度。
  2. Do not let others’criticism get you down. In your attempts to learn a new culture, you will always find people who criticize your efforts to adapt and practice skills in intercultural communication. Be a bit thick-skinned. Even a friend’s criticism can be misguided if that person is unwilling to try to understand a new culture. Of course, if they are trying to tell you that you are reacting inappropriately, then be aware of their honest feedback. Keep in mind
    不要让他人的批评让你沮丧。在你尝试学习新文化的过程中,你总会遇到批评你适应和实践跨文化沟通技能努力的人。要有点厚脸皮。即使是朋友的批评,如果那个人不愿意尝试理解新文化,也可能是误导性的。当然,如果他们试图告诉你你的反应不当,那么要注意他们的诚实反馈。请记住

Iture. The id themes and custant force sand out. ff the enviolence. ; provide
Iture。主题和恒定力突出。环境的 ff;提供

nature of ;roup is a loyees in emselves Japanese he called takamani
群体的性质是员工在他们自己身上,日本人称之为 takamani

ronislaw ;, he reain needs: lues and e needs. Derived tribution a continie, myth, f culture velop to if partic-
罗尼斯劳(Ronislaw);,他仍然需要:价值和需求。如果文化的发展是一个持续的过程,那么神话和文化的发展就会对文化的发展产生影响。

ith a cularguing. derstand le rather
这就意味着,你要了解的是什么,而不是什么都不知道。

new culind prac-  新圆柱实践
Even a o underu are re, in mind
即使是 o underu 也在考虑中

there are times you could be experiencing culture shock, and friends can help a person keep balance and perspective.
有时你可能会经历文化冲击,而朋友可以帮助一个人保持平衡和视角。

3. Do not feel as if you have to be liked everywhere by everyone. The outgoing American may feel alienated in some cultures where members do not act as gregarious as the visitor may prefer. Everyone cannot be liked everywhere. Even if you feel that people do not like you, keep trying to communicate.
3. 不要觉得你必须在每个地方都被每个人喜欢。外向的美国人在一些文化中可能会感到孤立,因为那里的成员并不像访客所希望的那样热情。并不是每个人都能在每个地方被喜欢。即使你觉得人们不喜欢你,也要继续尝试沟通。

4. Work on adaptability. Studies show that being able to adapt quickly to new and different situations is essential to becoming a good intercultural communicator. In many circumstances, you may prefer to suspend judgment and listen to other people-and avoid merely reacting. Emotions quickly blind us, especially when frustration and emotional tensions are high anyway because of our arrival in a new culture.
4. 适应能力的培养。研究表明,能够迅速适应新环境和不同情况对于成为一名优秀的跨文化沟通者至关重要。在许多情况下,您可能更倾向于暂停判断,倾听他人,而不是仅仅做出反应。情绪很快会使我们失去理智,尤其是在由于我们进入新文化而导致挫折感和情绪紧张加剧时。

5. Work on initiative. Be willing to take social risks. Try to open yourself to new cultural experiences. The principles in this chapter, including this suggestion, do not apply only to cultures outside the United States. Showing initiative and creativity can help you in everyday interpersonal communication and relationships. The words of Shakespeare seem particularly important as you ingratiate yourself with others: “Our doubts are traitors and cause us to lose the good we oft might win by fearing to attempt.”
5. 积极主动。愿意承担社会风险。尝试向新的文化体验敞开自己。本章中的原则,包括这个建议,并不仅仅适用于美国以外的文化。展现主动性和创造力可以帮助你在日常人际沟通和关系中。莎士比亚的话在你迎合他人时显得尤为重要:“我们的怀疑是叛徒,使我们失去那些因害怕尝试而可能赢得的美好。”

6. Be observant. Part of becoming proficient in intercultural communication involves watching and listening. You may find it helpful to write in a diary or notebook the things you observed each day. Write down things people say, stories you hear, or anything you think is important. Later reflection can be an amazing tool for learning.
6. 要善于观察。掌握跨文化交流的一部分涉及观察和倾听。你可能会发现每天在日记或笔记本中记录你观察到的事情是有帮助的。写下人们所说的话、你听到的故事或任何你认为重要的事情。后来的反思可以成为学习的一个惊人工具。

7. Be ready for lack of privacy. One of the things many people value without realizing it, is personal privacy. In many cultures, privacy is viewed differently than you might expect. Rude as it may seeni to you, personal privacy simply may not be significant in another culture or may be expressed in very different ways than you have thought before.
7. 要准备好缺乏隐私。许多人在不自觉中重视的事情之一就是个人隐私。在许多文化中,隐私的看法可能与您预期的不同。尽管这对您来说可能显得粗鲁,但在另一种文化中,个人隐私可能根本不重要,或者可能以您之前未曾想到的非常不同的方式表达。

8. Do not superimpose your political values. All too often a person in an intercultural contact converses about political systems to the exclusion of other topics of conversation. In fact, some people get into violent arguments about politics and misjudge a culture because of its political norms. Remember, a culture can be appreciated for topics and areas other than politics.
8. 不要叠加你的政治价值观。在跨文化接触中,人与人之间常常只谈论政治制度,而忽略了其他话题。事实上,有些人会因为政治而发生激烈争论,并错误地评判一个文化的政治规范。请记住,一个文化可以因其政治以外的话题和领域而受到欣赏。

9. Recognize perceived roles of women. A number of cultures hold attitudes toward the role of women that may vary greatly from your attitudes. Though you may disagree with these attitudes, try to demonstrate respect for cultural traditions, whether you think they are right or wrong. Many intercultural relationships are lost trying to win ideological battles. You may win the argument but lose the relationship.
9. 认识到对女性角色的感知。许多文化对女性角色的态度可能与您的态度大相径庭。尽管您可能不同意这些态度,但请尽量尊重文化传统,无论您认为它们是对是错。许多跨文化关系因试图赢得意识形态斗争而失去。您可能赢得了争论,却失去了关系。

10. Respect tradition. Most of us who grew up in the United States have not leained the same respect for tradition that many members from other cultures hold. Many cultural members believe that traditional ways are tried and proven and that to disregard these matters is highly disrespectful.
10. 尊重传统。我们大多数在美国长大的人并没有像其他文化的许多成员那样对传统给予同样的尊重。许多文化成员认为,传统方式是经过验证的,忽视这些问题是非常不尊重的。

This Chapter in Perspective
本章的视角

This chapter defines culture and explores the key points of that definition through a systems model and a discussion of the many elements implied in the model. Beyond an appreciation for cultural elements, the chapter’s goal is to introduce the inner culture including a culture’s history, identity, beliefs, values, and world view. Culture can also be expressed by elements that surround a culture’s activities, rules and customs, and communication patterns. Cultures also develop formalized institutions surrounding the insuring continuation of basic survival needs in areas of economics, family, politics and governance, health, education, and religion. The chapter concludes with five major theories explaining how cultures develop and change.
本章定义了文化,并通过系统模型和对模型中隐含的许多元素的讨论探讨了该定义的关键点。除了对文化元素的欣赏外,本章的目标是介绍内在文化,包括文化的历史、身份、信仰、价值观和世界观。文化还可以通过围绕文化活动、规则和习俗以及沟通模式的元素来表达。文化还发展出围绕确保基本生存需求持续的正式机构,涉及经济、家庭、政治与治理、健康、教育和宗教等领域。本章最后总结了五个主要理论,解释了文化如何发展和变化。
We do not become experts in intercultural communication because we now know that culture is a system composed of interrelated elements and institutions. This discussion, however, may help set the stage for understanding. Sensitization to another person’s culture is a prerequisite for effective intercultural communication.
我们并不是因为现在知道文化是由相互关联的元素和制度组成的系统而成为跨文化交流的专家。然而,这一讨论可能有助于为理解奠定基础。对他人文化的敏感性是有效跨文化交流的前提。

Exercises  练习

  1. Interview an international student on your campus. Then explain, to your class or a small group, a cultural element, a cultural theory, or a system of culture from the international student’s home culture.
    采访你校园里的国际学生。然后向你的班级或小组解释一个文化元素、一个文化理论或国际学生家乡文化的文化体系。
  2. In almost every issue of National Geographic there are articles on other cultures. Pick an article that describes a culture of some interest to you, and give a brief synopsis. What theoretical point of view did the author of the article take concerning his or her description of the culture? Can you identify the major cultural variables uncovered in the article?
    在《国家地理》的几乎每一期中都有关于其他文化的文章。选择一篇描述您感兴趣的文化的文章,并给出简要概述。文章的作者在描述该文化时采取了什么理论视角?您能识别出文章中揭示的主要文化变量吗?

Endnotes  尾注

  1. Richard Brislin, Understanding Culture’s Influence on Behavior; 2d ed. (Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1993). Brislin explains how culture is learned through contact in numerous ways ranging across personal contacts, family, and numerous institutions in culture. Socialization thus occurs in context, not in isolation.
    理查德·布里斯林,《理解文化对行为的影响;第二版》(奥兰多:哈考特·布雷斯·乔瓦诺维奇,1993 年)。布里斯林解释了文化是如何通过个人接触、家庭和文化中的众多机构以多种方式学习的。因此,社会化是在特定背景下发生的,而不是孤立进行的。
  2. Overseas Diplomacy, U.S. Navy, Bureau of Navy Personnel, 1973.
    海外外交,美国海军,海军人事局,1973 年。
  3. Michael L. Hecht, Peter A. Andersen, and Sidney A. Ribeau, “The Cultural Dimensions of Nonverbal Communication,” in Handbook of International and Intercultural Communication, ed, Molefi Kete Asante and William B. Gudykunst (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1989).
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