Did Zaya Paṇḍita Translate the Astasähasrikā Twice? 萨亚·潘迪塔是否翻译过《八千颂赞经》两次?
Natalia Yampolskaya 纳塔利娅·扬波尔斯卡娅
The biography of Zaya pandita Nam mkha'i rGya mtsho (1599-1662) titled "The Moonlight" (Oir. sarayin gerel) lists the Astasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā sutra as one of the 186 texts translated by the great Oirat scholar. His biographer and disciple Ratnabhadra does not specify which of these scriptures were written down in the Mongolian script, and which in the Clear Script (Oir. todo biciq). There has been some controversy as to the time period when these translations took place, because the list of Zaya pandita's works is introduced as the texts translated "from the tiger year to the tiger year" (Oir. baras jil-ēce baras jil kürtele). As Ratnabharda does not indicate the elements of these tiger years, there are three possible ways to understand these dates: 1638-1650 (1638 being the year when Zaya pandita returned from Tibet), 1650-1662 (after he created the Clear Script in 1648 and until he passed away), or 1638-1662. The latter version has been argued as the most believable one: it covers the period starting from Zaya pandita's return from Tibet, when he was actively travelling and teaching in the Mongolian and Dzungar lands. 扎雅班迪塔·南嘎伊·嘉措(1599-1662)的传记题为《月光》(Oir. sarayin gerel),列出了阿舍多薩千智般若波羅蜜經 作为这位伟大的维吾尔学者翻译的 186 部文献之一。 他的传记作者和弟子拉特那巴德拉没有明确指出这些经典中哪些是用蒙古文写的,哪些是用清文(Oir. todo biciq)写的。关于这些翻译发生的时间段存在一些争议,因为扎雅班迪塔的作品清单被介绍为从“虎年到虎年”(Oir. baras jil-ēce baras jil kürtele)翻译而来。由于拉特那巴德拉没有指明这些虎年的具体时间,有三种可能的理解方式:1638-1650(1638 年扎雅班迪塔从西藏返回的年份),1650-1662(在他于 1648 年创立清文后直至去世),或 1638-1662。后者被认为是最可信的版本:它涵盖了从扎雅班迪塔从西藏返回开始的时期,当时他积极在蒙古和准噶尔地区旅行和教学。
Today the literary legacy of Zaya pandita is known to almost entirely consist of works in todo bičiq, although his biography suggests that he started translating Tibetan scriptures at least seven years prior to the introduction of the new alphabet in 1648. According to Ratnabhadra, in 1641 the Mongolian Jasaytu qajan asked his teacher to translate the Pha chos (part of the highly venerated scripture of the Tibetan ' gdams school), and in 1643 he translated another voluminous collection of texts, Ma Ni bka' 'bum (a corpus of teachings traditionally attributed to the king Srong btsan sgam po of Tibet), while staying at Öljeitü keyid on the river Irtysh with Dalai darqan corri. The latter account is supported by the information from the colophon, as the Mongolian translation of Ma Ni bka' 'bum has come down to us in a Beijing blockprint. 今天,扎亚班迪塔的文学遗产几乎完全是用托多比奇克语写的作品,尽管他的传记表明,他在 1648 年引入新字母之前至少七年开始翻译藏文经典。根据拉特纳巴德拉的说法,1641 年,蒙古人贾萨依图喀然请他的老师翻译《法藏》(藏传佛教 'gdams 学派的一部备受尊崇的经典的一部分),并在 1643 年在伊尔特什河畔的乌尔杰图凯伊德与达赖达尔坎卓里一起翻译了另一部大量文集《玛尼噶' '部(传统上被认为是西藏王宋赞赞普的教导文集),后者的记载得到了铭文的支持,因为《玛尼噶' '部》的蒙古文译本以北京的雕版印刷形式传世。
Few other Mongolian translations attributed to Zaya pandita are known today. Three are kept at the Institute of Oriental Manucripts, St. Petersburg (IOM RAS). One of them is a late century copy of the Mahāmokṣa sutra (Tib. Thar pa chen po) in Mongolian, preserved in fragments and attributed to Zay-a pandita based on its colophon. The text was examined by György Kara who found that it almost literally coincides with the Oirat versions of the same sutra, suggesting that it could be initially translated into Mongolian and later re-written in the Clear Script. Another Mongolian translation by Zaya pandita preserved at IOM RAS is that of the Vajracchedikā sutra. Aleksei Sazykin compared this manuscript with two other versions of the same text in the Clear Script that have two different colophons. One of them partly reproduces the colophon of the Mongolian translation, and the text appears to be a re-write of the Mongolian one in todo bičiq. The other version in the Clear Script is a "genuine Oirat composition". In a similar way Sazykin proved that the Oirat version of the story of Chos skyid dākini is a re-write of Zaya pandita's own earlier Mongolian translation. These cases show that it was not uncommon for Zaya pandita to rework his early translations into Oirat after he created the Clear Script. It can be gathered from the instance of the Vajracchedikā sutra that at times he chose to create new translations even when a re-write in the Clear Script had already been available. 今天已知的扎雅班迪塔(Zaya pandita)所译的其他蒙古文翻译作品很少。其中三部保存在圣彼得堡东方手稿研究所(IOM RAS)。其中一部是 世纪晚期的《大涅槃经》(藏文:ཐར་པ་ཆེན་པོ)的蒙古文抄本,保存为碎片,根据其后记归属于扎雅班迪塔。这部文本由贾吉·卡拉(György Kara)检查,发现它几乎与同一经文的维吾尔文版本完全一致,这表明它可能最初是翻译成蒙古文,后来以清文重新书写。 IOM RAS 保存的另一部扎雅班迪塔的蒙古文翻译是《金刚经》。亚历克谢·萨兹金(Aleksei Sazykin)将这份手稿与两份具有两个不同后记的清文版本进行了比较。其中一份部分复制了蒙古文翻译的后记,文本似乎是对蒙古文版本进行了托陀碧齐克(todo bičiq)的改写。清文的另一版本是一个“真正的维吾尔创作”。 萨兹金以类似的方式证明,维吾尔文版的《卓斯吉达金尼传》是扎雅班迪塔早期蒙古文翻译的改写。 这些案例表明,扎雅班迪塔在创作清文后重新翻译他早期的作品成为回鹘语并非罕见。从金刚经的例子可以看出,有时他选择创作新的翻译,即使清文版本已经存在。
The collection of IOM RAS holds another rare manuscript (shelfmark Mong. Q1) that contains the Mongolian translation of the Aṣtasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā sutra by Zaya pandita. IOM RAS 的收藏中还有一份罕见的手稿(书架编号为 Mong. Q1),其中包含了扎雅·班迪塔(Zaya pandita)翻译的《阿育王菩提心经》的蒙古文版本。
His Oirat translation of the same text has come down to us in a xylographic edition and at least one manuscript, which allows to compare the Mongolian and Oirat texts. This paper proceeds to look into the differences between them in an attempt to define the kinship between the two works of Zaya pandita. 他的奥伊拉特语翻译的同一文本以木刻版本和至少一份手抄本的形式传世,这使得我们能够比较蒙古文和奥伊拉特文本。本文继续探讨两者之间的差异,试图界定扎雅·班迪塔两部作品之间的亲缘关系。
The text sources are briefly described below. The Oirat translation is the first to be discussed, because its colophons are intact and provide helpful data to base further arguments upon. The colophon of the Mongolian manuscript is partly damaged, and an account of this source will be more advantageous when preceded by the description of the Oirat one. 以下是文本来源的简要描述。首先讨论的是 Oirat 翻译,因为它的后记完整,并提供了有助于进一步论证的数据。蒙古手稿的后记部分受损,在描述 Oirat 版本之前,对这一来源的描述将更有利。
The Oirat Translation 维吾尔翻译
This paper refers to the Oirat blockprint and manuscript published in Inner Mongolia in 2015 and 2016 (abbr. Oir.Xyl and Oir.Ms). 本文指的是 2015 年和 2016 年在内蒙古出版的维吾尔族刻本和手抄本(简称为 Oir.Xyl 和 Oir.Ms)。
The text has several colophons. First, the translation of the Tibetan colophon of the sutra (Oir.Xyl ff. 379r-381v; Oir.Ms. ff. 379r-382v). In the Tibetan tradition the Astasähasrikā Prajñāpāramitā is known in three versions referred to as phreng ba can, gzo sbyangs and sde can.) Zaya pandita based both his translations, Mongolian and Oirat, on the most widely spread version — phreng ba can. Various editions of phreng ba can share the same basic colophon, in shorter and longer versions, which attributes the original translation of the sutra to Śakyasena, Jñānasiddhi and Dharmatāsila. Zaya paṇita based his Oirat translation on a Tibetan edition that had an extended version of the colophon, very close to (but not identical with) those found in the Phug brag and Shey (Shel mkhar) manuscript Kanjurs: the colophon proper is followed by verses compiled from fragments of the Mangalagāthā and other texts. So far I have not located a Tibetan version the colophons of which would fully coincide with that translated by Zaya pandita. 文本中有几个跋文。首先是经文的藏文跋文翻译(Oir.Xyl ff. 379r-381v;Oir.Ms. ff. 379r-382v)。在藏传佛教传统中,《八千颂般若波罗蜜经》有三个版本,分别称为 phreng ba can、gzo sbyangs 和 sde can。 扎雅·班迪塔基于最广泛传播的版本 phreng ba can 进行了蒙古文和 Oirat 文的翻译。不同版本的 phreng ba can 共享相同的基本跋文,有短版和长版之分,将经文的最初翻译归功于释迦僧那、智慧成就和法性。扎雅·班迪塔基于一份藏文版本进行了 Oirat 文的翻译,该版本的跋文较为扩展,与 Phug brag 和 Shey(Shel mkhar)手抄本 Kanjurs 中发现的跋文非常接近(但并非完全相同):适当的跋文后面是由吉祥颂等文段编纂而成的诗句。到目前为止,我尚未找到一份藏文版本的跋文与扎雅·班迪塔翻译的完全吻合。
The Tibetan colophons are followed by the Oirat one (Oir.Xyl. ff. 381v-382r; Oir.Ms. 藏文的鉴藏文后面是回鹰文的(Oir.Xyl. ff. 381v-382r; Oir.Ms.
quriy-a, 2016). Two xylographs of the same edition are preserved at the Institute of Language and Literature, Ulaanbaatar. See: G. Gereimaa. Brief Catalogue of Oirat Manuscripts kept by Institute of Language and Literature, Vol. III. (Ulaanbaatar, 2005), № 455, 592[1]. quriy-a,2016 年)。同一版本的两个木刻本保存在乌兰巴托语言文学研究所。参见:G. Gereimaa。《乌兰巴托语言文学研究所奥伊拉特手稿简目录》,第三卷(乌兰巴托,2005 年),编号 455,592[1]。
(2) For more information on the Tibetan versions of see: Fabrizio Torricelli, "Un Libro Sacro Tibetano Nella Collezione De Filippi al Museo Nazionale d'Antropologia e Etnologia Di Firenze", Archivo per l'Antropologia e La Etnologia CXXIX (1999), pp. 273-285; Fabrizio Torricelli and Nikolai N. Dudka, "Manuscript LTWA No. 23476. A 'SDe Can' Sample of the BrGyad Stong Pa” , Tibet Journal, No. 24 (2) (1999), pp. 29-44. 有关藏文版本的更多信息,请参阅:Fabrizio Torricelli,“Un Libro Sacro Tibetano Nella Collezione De Filippi al Museo Nazionale d'Antropologia e Etnologia Di Firenze”,Archivo per l'Antropologia e La Etnologia CXXIX(1999 年),第 273-285 页;Fabrizio Torricelli 和 Nikolai N. Dudka,“Manuscript LTWA No. 23476. A 'SDe Can' Sample of the BrGyad Stong Pa”,《西藏学杂志》,第 24 期(2)(1999 年),第 29-44 页。
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ff. lines of alliterated verses that praise the sutra and state that it was translated by Zaya pandita at the request of Giškib and Cevang Cecen tayiji, singlehandedly written down on wooden boards by Ratnabhadra, and then copied onto paper by the scribe 'dun Bzang po, assisted by dge slong Chos rgya mtsho. This reflects the practice of translation that Zaya pandita is known to have followed: he did not write the text down, but translated orally while a disciple wrote the draft version on wooden boards covered with fat and ash. Later the draft was checked and the edited version was re-written on paper. ff. 行押韵颂扬经文的诗句,说明这部经文是扎雅班第塔应吉斯基布和切旺切尘泰吉的请求翻译而成,由拉特那巴德拉独自写在木板上,然后由抄写员 顿邦泽波抄写到纸上,得到德隆曲嘎措的协助。 这反映了扎雅班第塔的翻译实践:他并未亲自书写文本,而是口头翻译,弟子在覆盖脂肪和灰烬的木板上起草。后来,草稿经过检查,编辑版本重新写在纸上。
The blockprint edition has an additional colophon (f. 382r), according to which the text was edited (in order to correct the mistakes of the scribes who had copied Zaya pandita's translation over the years) and printed by the order of ldan Tshe ring khan (r. 1727-1745) in the water-dog year (1742). The text of the manuscript is very close to that of the blockprint, but there are variant readings. It is not known which of these editions is closer to the original wording of Zaya pandita. This is a problem researches have to face when it comes to dealing with the legacy of the creator of the Clear Script, as the absolute majority of texts attributed to him are only known through sources that date back to a much later period than his lifetime. 版木版本有一个额外的后记(f. 382r),根据这个后记,这个文本是由 ldan Tshe ring khan(在 1727-1745 年在水狗年(1742 年)下令编辑(为了纠正多年来复制 Zaya pandita 翻译的抄写员的错误)并印刷的。 手稿的文本与版木版本非常接近,但存在变体阅读。目前尚不清楚这些版本中哪一个更接近 Zaya pandita 原始措辞。这是研究人员在处理清文创始人的遗产时必须面对的问题,因为绝大多数被归因于他的文本只能通过比他生前晚得多的来源得知。
The Mongolian Translation 蒙古语翻译
The Manuscript Q1 (abbr. Mong.Q1) from the collection of IOM RAS is the only copy of this translation widely known today. In the absence of a large part of the colophon the authorship of Zaya pandita can only be deduced based on certain stylistic characteristics of the translation, as well as its vocabulary. György Kara was the first to draw attention to these peculiarities, as well as to the fact that it was one of the oldest discovered sources to preserve a text translated by Zaya pandita (he believes that the manuscript dates back to the century). Previously I have published a comprehensive account of this manuscript, as well as agruments in favour of G. Kara's hypothesis, which are summarised below. IOM RAS 收藏的手稿 Q1(缩写为蒙古 Q1)是当今广为人知的这一译本的唯一副本。 由于缺少大部分的后记,只能根据译文的某些风格特征以及词汇来推断扎雅班迪塔的作者身份。乔治·卡拉是第一个注意到这些特殊之处的人,他还指出这是发现的保存扎雅班迪塔译文的最古老来源之一(他认为手稿可以追溯到 世纪)。 之前我已经发表了关于这一手稿的全面介绍,以及支持 G.卡拉假设的论据, 以下是总结。
The last intact folio of the manuscript (f. 387) contains the main part of the Tibetan colophon of the sutra. Although only a small piece of the next folio (f. 388) has survived, its recto side preserves fragments of seven lines of text that show that the colophon continued. In the table below the fragments of text that can be seen on folio are presented in the first column, while the second and third columns demonstrate the respective passage from this colophon in the Oirat translation, and the Tibetan text (the corresponding words are shown in bold type): 手稿的最后完整的一页(第 387 页)包含了经文的藏文后记的主要部分。尽管下一页(第 388 页)只有一小部分幸存下来,但其正面保留了七行文本的碎片,显示出后记的延续。在下表中,可以看到在第 页上的文本碎片,这些碎片显示在第一列中,而第二列和第三列展示了这个后记在维吾尔语翻译和藏文中的相应段落(相应的词以粗体显示)。
The colophon of the Phug brag Kanjur volume is quoted here, because its text is very close to the edition used by Zaya pandita (the actual edition that he used is not known). 普巴堪珠经卷的题记在这里引用,因为其文本与扎雅班第达使用的版本非常接近(他实际使用的版本不详)。
Not only does this comparison prove that this is indeed the continued colophon of the sutra, it also highlights one of the important differences between the Mongolian and Oirat texts in question - the way names and titles are rendered. In the Mongolian text the Tibetan words are left in their original form, while in the Oirat one most of them are translated: the term lo tsA ba (translator) becomes kelemürči, and even some of the personal names are mongolised (Tib. dpal rin chen chos skyong - Oir. coq erdeni nom tedküqči; Tib. dpal' byor rgyal mtshan - Oir. coq učiral ilayuqsan belge; Tib. kun dga' chos bzang - Oir. bükün tālaqči sayin nom). Translating names this way is not the most commonly used approach, and the fact that Zaya pandita chose to follow it suggests that he strove to make the text sound natural in his native language. 这种比较不仅证明了这确实是经文的续篇,还突显了蒙古文和卫拉特文之间一个重要的区别——即姓名和头衔的表达方式。在蒙古文中,藏文词保留其原始形式,而在卫拉特文中,大部分译成了蒙古语:译词“洛扎巴”(翻译者)变成了“克勒穆尔齐”,甚至一些人名也被蒙古化(藏文“帕仁钦曲杨” - 卫拉特文“措克尔德尼诺姆特克齐”;藏文“帕尔坚赞” - 卫拉特文“措克乌齐拉伊拉尤克桑贝尔格”;藏文“昆噶曲赞” - 卫拉特文“布昆塔拉其赛因诺姆”)。这种翻译姓名的方式并不是最常用的方法,而扎雅班第塔选择遵循这种方式表明他努力使文本在母语中听起来自然。
The verso side of the damaged folio contains fragments of another six lines of text: 损坏的对开页的背面包含另外六行文本的碎片:
I have not located corresponding passages in the other Oirat or Tibetan colophons of the Asṭasāhasrikā, which goes to show that this Mongolian translation did not contain the longer version of the Tibetan colophon that one finds in the Oirat translation by Zaya pandita. I assume that the colophon ended at the part that describes the editing lineage (which would correspond to the words salyan arilyan üyiledbei, f. 380r, line 3 of the Oir.Xyl), and did not continue with the verses that one finds in the blockprint (f. 380r, line 3 - f. 381v, line 31). The fragments of text on folio 388v must belong to the original Mongolian colophon, but they are too short to reconstruct it. 我在其他《八千頌經》的其他卫拉特或藏文跋文中没有找到相应的段落,这表明这个蒙古文译本并不包含扎雅班第达的卫拉特译本中所发现的藏文跋文的较长版本。我推测跋文可能在描述编辑谱系的部分结束(这对应于卫拉特译本中的 salyan arilyan üyiledbei 一词,f. 380r,第 3 行),并没有继续包括在刻印本中发现的诗句(f. 380r,第 3 行至 f. 381v,第 31 行)。第 388v 页上的文本片段应属于原始的蒙古文跋文,但太短无法重建。
The most distinct characteristic of this Mongolian translation of the Aștasāhasrikā is its vocabulary which contains specific terms used in the other works of Zaya pandita, and not typically encountered in classic Mongolian texts: ilay-un tegüs(-ün) ülegsen instead of ilaju tegiss nögčigsen for the Tibetan bcom ldan 'das (buddha), gêlong instead of ayay-q-a tegimlig for the Tibetan dge slong (monk), dayin-i darun instead of dayini daruysan for the Tibetan dgra bcom pa (arhat), batu oron for the Tibetan gnas brtan (elder), etc. 这部《阿斯塔萨哈斯里卡》的蒙古语翻译最显著的特点是其词汇,其中包含扎雅·班迪塔其他作品中使用的特定术语,而这些术语在经典蒙古文本中并不常见:ilay-un tegüs(-ün) ülegsen 代替 ilaju tegiss nögčigsen 用于藏文 bcom ldan 'das(佛陀),gêlong 代替 ayay-q-a tegimlig 用于藏文 dge slong(僧侣),dayin-i darun 代替 dayini daruysan 用于藏文 dgra bcom pa(阿罗汉),batu oron 代替藏文 gnas brtan(长者),等等。
The syntactic and stylistic peculiarities of this translation also reveal Zaya pandita's authorship. Researchers have repeatedly described him as a translator who preferred to render the Tibetan text word by word, copying the grammatical structures and word order. The following scheme shows a typical example of his translating technique: 这种翻译的句法和文体特点也显示出扎亚·潘迪塔的作者身份。研究人员已经多次描述他为一位偏爱逐字翻译藏文文本的译者,复制其语法结构和词序。下面的方案展示了他翻译技巧的典型示例:
shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa nyan to/ 舍日吉巴若图平巴念托
bilig baramid-i sonosumui: 毕利格巴拉米迪:索诺苏穆伊:
Here and onward the Tibetan Beijing (Peking) Kanjur edition of 1700 (abbr. Tib.Peking) is used as an example of the Tibetan text of the Astasähasriká (the phreng ba can version). 这里及以后,将使用 1700 年的西藏北京(北京)坎若版本(简称为 Tib.Peking)作为《八千颂经》(phreng ba can 版本)的西藏文本示例。
The translator allows only the slightest changes in the wording of the sentence: he adds the Vocative case marker ( ) which is not used in Tibetan (line 1), and uses the Accusative ( ) to mark the object (line 9). In this example, as well as throughout the whole text, the Tibetan auxiliary verb byed (to do) is often rendered with the help of the Mongolian verb uiiledku of the same meaning (line 3), although this verb does not have the same function in the Mongolian language. This translation pattern has been described as typical for the works of Zaya pandita. 翻译器只允许对句子的措辞进行微小的更改:他添加了在藏语中不使用的称呼格标记( )(第 1 行),并使用宾格( )来标记宾语(第 9 行)。在这个例子中,以及整个文本中,藏语助动词"byed"(做)经常被蒙古语具有相同含义的动词"uiiledku"替代(第 3 行),尽管这个动词在蒙古语中没有相同的功能。这种翻译模式被描述为扎雅班迪塔作品的典型特征。
In general the Mongolian translation of the Astasāhasrikā by Zaya pandita can be characterised by the following features: the Tibetan word order is almost never altered, the elements of original grammar (case endings, etc.) are left unchanged regardless of their functions in the grammar of the target language, terms and expressions are mechanically translated with fixed equivalents that do not change depending on the context. Altogether, this degree of devotion to the original text produces a Mongolian translation that is difficult to comprehend without addressing the Tibetan source, or at least having a command of the Tibetan language. 总的来说,扎雅班迪塔翻译的《千佛经》的蒙古语版本可以通过以下特点来描述:几乎从不改变藏语的语序,原始语法元素(格尾等)不管在目标语言的语法中的功能如何,都保持不变,术语和表达方式被机械地翻译为固定的等效词,不会根据上下文而改变。总的来说,对原始文本的这种忠实程度产生了一种蒙古语翻译,如果不涉及藏文来源,或者至少掌握藏文语言,就很难理解。
The Mongolian and Oirat Translations Compared 蒙古语和卫拉特语翻译比较
I have not performed a full collation of the two texts, but an analysis of selected fragments from different chapters of the sutra in search of reccuring patterns that would indicate to their kinship. My observations are summarised below. An Appendix is introduced at the end of the article in order to illustrate the commentaries with extensive text material, as well as to allow the reader to from an independent opinion. It is a comparative table that contains the text of Chapter 32 of the Aștasāhasrikā Prajāpāramitā in Tibetan and the two translations by Zaya pandita (the lines of the table are numbered to facilitate reference). 8 我尚未对这两篇文本进行全面整理,但分析了经文不同章节的选定片段,以寻找表明它们亲缘关系的重复模式。我的观察总结如下。在文章末尾引入了一个附录,以详细文本材料说明评论,并让读者形成独立意见。这是一个比较表,包含了藏文《阿僧祇波罗蜜多经》第 32 章的文本,以及扎雅·班迪塔的两种翻译(表格的行数编号以便参考)。
The differences between the two translations vary in character: they include dialect differences, minor dissimilarities in content (missing words, etc.), and intentional improvements. The basic differences in grammar and vocabulary between Mongolian and Oirat will not be commented upon, as they would present themselves in both a re-write and a new translation. Below are several examples of clichés systematically used in the two translations to render the same Tibetan expressions: 两种翻译之间的差异在性质上有所不同:它们包括方言差异、内容上的轻微差异(缺少词语等)和有意的改进。蒙古语和卫拉特语之间的语法和词汇基本差异不会被评论,因为它们会在重写和新翻译中呈现出来。以下是两种翻译中系统地使用的几个陈词滥调的例子,以表达相同的藏语表达:
Tibetan
Mongolian
Oirat
bcom ldan 'das 波旦达
ilay-un tegŭs aulegsen burqan ' 伊莱-恩特古斯奥勒格森布尔坎'
yang dag par rdzogs pa 杨达巴尔佐巴
sayitur dousuqsan 说出来都是傻瓜
tshe dang ldan pa 特当兰帕
nasu tegülder 纳苏特古勒德
nasu tögäs 纳苏托盖斯
shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa 般若波罗蜜
bilig baramid 必利巴拉米德
biligiyin činadu küräqsen 毕力吉因·奇纳杜库雷克森
dri
gandari
ünür ideqçí 乌鲁木齐
rgyal mtshan 噶丹
dhuvaja
ilaүuqsan belget 伊拉乌克桑贝尔格
rig par bya'o 理工巴约
uqaydaqui
uxan dyiled
bka' stsal pa 巴卡萨尔帕
Yarliy bolor-un 亚尔利博洛尔-恩
zarliq bolboi 扎尔利克博尔博伊
dper na
adalidqabasu 领袖卡巴苏
uligerkulē 乌力格库勒
In the Mongolian text the word burqan (buddha) is usually added to the term ilap-un tegüs ülegsen (translation of the Tibetan bcom ldan 'das, renders the Sanskrit bhagavan - "blessed" , a honorific used to address the Buddha) to specify that it refers to the Buddha, although the word "buddha" is absent from the Tibetan text. 在蒙古文本中,通常将 burqan(佛陀)一词添加到 ilap-un tegüs ülegsen(藏文 bcom ldan 'das 的翻译,表示梵文 bhagavan - “受祝福的”,是用来称呼佛陀的尊称)一词中,以明确指出它指的是佛陀,尽管“佛陀”一词在藏文中并不存在。
There are passages in the text that are free from any other differences than these systematic ones, but these are usually simple short sentences that consist of clichés (see Appendix, lines 17-20, 24, 25, 30-32). It is likely that the same translator would render these standard passages, very common for a canonical sutra, in the same way even when translating the text anew. 文本中有一些段落,除了这些系统性的差异外,没有其他差异,但这些通常是由陈词滥调组成的简单短句(见附录,第 17-20、24、25、30-32 行)。很可能同一位译者在重新翻译文本时,也会以相同的方式呈现这些标准段落,这些段落对于经典经文来说非常常见。
Minor differences in content occur infrequently and are limited to occasional missing words or rearrangement of sequences in lists. Here is an example from Chapter 1 of the sutra where the qualities of the Buddha's listeners are listed (all of them arhats, free of contaminations, free of afflictions, empowered). In the Oirat translation the term "arhat (dayini daruqsan)" is repositioned in the list: 内容上的细微差异很少发生,仅限于偶尔缺少单词或列表中顺序重新排列。以下是《经文》第 1 章中佛陀听众的品质列表的一个例子(所有他们都是阿罗汉,没有玷污,没有烦恼,有力量)。在维吾尔语翻译中,“阿罗汉(达依尼达如赞)”一词在列表中重新排列:
Tib.Peking [1]: thams cad kyang dgra bcom pa/ zag pa zad pa/ nyon mongs pa med pa/ dbang du gyur pa Tib.Peking [1]: 他们各自是强大的人/ 聪明的人/ 无忧无虑的人/ 能够实现的
Oir.Xyl. [2r]: xamuq cu cuburil baran nisvanis ügei erkešil üyiledüqsen dayini daruqsan: Oir.Xyl. [2r]: 寻找并保护那位被称为尼斯瓦尼斯的女性,她是我们的希望和未来。
Differences like this emerge from technicalities: the translator (or editor) could use a different Tibetan text, or the scribes could make a mistake while copying. Unless proven otherwise, cases like this cannot be considered to be the result of intentional editing. 这样的差异源于技术细节:译者(或编辑)可能使用不同的藏文文本,抄写员在抄写时可能出现错误。除非有证据证明,这种情况不能被视为有意编辑的结果。
It is important to distinguish between the changes introduced by Zaya pandita himself and the results of later copying mistakes and editing. A deceptive example can be found in the beginning 重要的是要区分扎雅·班迪塔本人引入的变化和后来复制错误和编辑的结果。一个欺骗性的例子可以在开始处找到。
(1) Likewise, in line 2 of the Appendix in the Oirat version the list of cardinal directions is confused: the East is listed twice, first as , then as zöün züq. This mistake occurs in both the blockprint and the manuscript, but the source of it is not known. 同样,在 Oirat 版本的附录第 2 行中,基本方向列表混淆了:东方被列两次,首先是 ,然后是 zöün züq。这个错误在刻印本和手稿中都出现了,但其来源尚不清楚。
of Chapter 32, in the phrase bodhisattva-mahāsattva Sadāprarüdita obtained six million doors of samādhi (see Appendix, line 1). In the Oirat manuscript the word "doors" (Oir. öüde) is used, while in the blockprint it is replaced with "items" or "categories" (Oir. züyil). It is not clear which of the two versions is closer to the original text created by Zaya pandita, and which is a later change. 在第 32 章中,菩萨摩诃萨萨达波罗蜜多获得了六百万种三昧门(见附录,第 1 行)。在俄瑞特手稿中使用了“门”(俄瑞特语:öüde)这个词,而在雕版印刷中则用“项目”或“类别”(俄瑞特语:züyil)替代。目前尚不清楚哪个版本更接近扎雅·班迪塔所创作的原始文本,哪个是后来的更改。
The same phrase reveals an essentially different kind of variance - a change in word order that helps to avoid a mistake. As a result of following the Tibetan word order a mistake occurred in the Mongolian translation: the number six million (Tib. brgya stong phrag drug cu, i. e. "one hundred thousand times sixty") turned into one hundred thousand and sixty (Mong. Jayun mingyan jiran). In the Oirat version the word order is changed in such a way that the phrase retains its closeness to the original, but the meaning is not distorted: firan mingyan zoun, i. e. "sixty thousand hundred", which equals six million. This is just one of the many examples in which the Oirat translation demonstrates a cardinally different approach to rendering the source text: it reproduces the Tibetan text as closely as possible, but does not interfere with the principles of the target language grammar. The most oft-repeated pattern is shifting noun modifiers from post-position in Tibetan to pre-position in Oirat (see Appendix, lines 3, 9). 同一短语揭示了一种本质上不同的差异 - 一种改变词序的变化,有助于避免错误。由于遵循藏文的词序,在蒙古文翻译中发生了错误:六百万(藏文:བརྒྱ་སྟོང་ཕྲག་དྲུག་ཅུ,即“十万乘以六十”)变成了十万零六十(蒙古文:Jayun mingyan jiran)。在俄尔汗文版本中,词序被改变,使短语保持与原文的接近,但意思没有扭曲:firan mingyan zoun,即“六十千百”,相当于六百万。这只是俄尔汗文翻译展示出与源文本渲染的根本不同方法的众多例子之一:它尽可能地复制藏文文本,但不干涉目标语言语法原则。最常重复的模式是将藏文中的名词修饰语从后置转移到俄尔汗文中的前置(见附录,第 3、9 行)。
The Mongolian translation by Zaya pandita contains semantic errors rooted in the inflexibility of its vocabulary: Tibetan terms and expressions are rendered with fixed equivalents that do not change, regardless of the context. In the Oirat translation this mechanical approach is avoided. Let us consider two examples from Chapter 1 of the sutra. In the course of a dialogue between the Buddha's disciples on the subject of emptiness (súnyatā), Sāriputra asks Subhūti the following question: "But a thought which is no thought - does that thought exist?" In his Mongolian translation Zaya pandita meticulously reproduced every single element of the Tibetan sentence, but mistook the noun "thought" (Tib. sems) in its first occurrence for the verb "think", which he attached to the words yang ci (yang - but, moreover; - interrogative pronoun). This influenced the structure and meaning of the sentence: 扎雅班第塔的蒙古语翻译中存在语义错误,根源在于其词汇的僵化:藏语术语和表达被翻译为固定的等价词,不管上下文如何都不改变。在俄尔汗语翻译中避免了这种机械化的方法。让我们从经文第一章中考虑两个例子。在佛陀弟子关于空性(śūnyatā)的对话中,舍利弗向须菩提提出了以下问题:“但是一个无思想的思想 - 那个思想存在吗?”在扎雅班第塔的蒙古语翻译中,他细致地复制了藏文句子的每一个元素,但错误地将第一个出现的名词“思想”(藏文:sems)误认为动词“思考”,并将其附加到词语“yang ci”(yang - 但是,而且;ci - 疑问代词)上。这影响了句子的结构和含义。
Tib.Peking [3r]: yang ci sems gang sems med pa'i sems de yod dam Tib.Peking [3r]: 养持心,不生心,心的存在。
Mong.Q1 [5r]: basa yayun sedkimūi ali sedkil ügei-yin sedkil tere bui buyu: ("And what do you think, a thought of no thought - does it exhist?") 蒙.Q1 [5r]:巴萨亚云塞德基穆伊阿里塞德基尔乌格伊因塞德基尔特雷布伊布约:(“你认为,没有思想的思想存在吗?”)
In the Oirat translation the sentence is less faithful to the original in form: some words are left out (sems in its first occurrence, the Genetive case marker 'i), the pronoun tere (that) is placed before the noun sedkil (thought). As a result it renders the meaning more clearly: 在 Oirat 翻译中,句子在形式上对原文的忠实度较低:有些词被省略了(在其第一次出现时省略了“sems”,属格标记“i”),代词 tere(那)被放在名词 sedkil(思想)之前。因此,它更清晰地表达了含义。
Oir.Xyl. [4r]: ali youn sedkil ügei tere sedkil bui buyu: (Some non-thought - does that thought exist?) Oir.Xyl. [4r]: ali youn sedkil ügei tere sedkil bui buyu:(某些非思维 - 那个思维存在吗?)
Later in the text Subhūti urges Sāriputra to rethink his question asking: "A thought which is no thought - does that thought exist?" - is this argument of yours appropriate?. Once again the Mongolian translation follows Tibetan word by word, placing the pronouns ali and tere after the noun sedkil, which makes the sentence incomprehensible without a reference to Tibetan. 随后,舍利弗敦促舍利子重新思考他的问题:“一个无思想的思想——那个思想存在吗?”——你的论点是否合适?蒙古文翻译再次逐字跟随藏文,将代词阿里和特雷放在名词塞德基尔之后,这使得句子没有参考藏文就难以理解。
Tib.Peking [3v]: sems gang sems med pa'i sems de yod dam zhes smras pa'i khyod kyi brgal ba gang yin pa de ci rigs par 'gyur ram/ 西藏北京[3v]:心綱心體無所不在的心得有,如是說的教義的綱要因緣,這是如何變化的。
Mong.Q1 [5r-v]: sedkil ali sedkil ügei-yin sedkil tere bui buyu: kemen ügüleküi činu getülügsen ali mön tere yayu basa bolqu buyu: 蒙古.Q1 [5r-v]:色克力阿里色克力乌盖因色克力特热布伊布约:克门乌格勒奎奇努格吉勒格森阿里蒙特热牙玉巴萨博尔曲布约:
The Tibetan word brgal ba (objection, argument) is erroneously rendered as getülügsen, a form of the verb getülkü (cross, go beyond). The word brgal ba is ambiguous, it can be interpreted as a form of two different verbs: rgal ba (cross, go beyond) or rgol ba (object, disagree). Despite the clear context of the sentence the translator selected the wrong option, which characterises his choice as mechanical, with little attention paid to the meaning of the phrase. In the Oirat version this word is rendered correctly as temecekuii (argument, ccompetition). Just as in the previous example, the sentence does not reproduce every single word of the source language, which makes it shorter and more coherent: 藏语词 brgal ba(反对,争论)被错误地译为 getülügsen,这是动词 getülkü(越过,超越)的一种形式。brgal ba 这个词是模棱两可的,它可以被解释为两个不同动词的形式:rgal ba(越过,超越)或 rgol ba(反对,不同意)。尽管句子的上下文很明确,翻译者选择了错误的选项,这表明他的选择是机械的,对短语的含义关注不够。在维吾尔语版本中,这个词被正确地译为 temecekuii(争论,竞争)。就像前面的例子一样,这个句子没有复制源语言的每个单词,这使得它更简洁、更连贯。
The instances described above represent a principal difference in the translation techniques used in the Mongolian and Oirat texts. The Oirat translation remains close to the original in form, but tends to deviate from its exact wording when the target language calls for it: sentences retain their general structure, but words and phrases can be re-positioned (the most common example is shifting noun modifiers from post- to pre-position); certain words can be left out. These meaningful changes could only be introduced to the text by Zaya pandita, not by the later editors. But do they suggest that the old translation was simply re-written, or a new one was created independently? 上述描述的例子代表了蒙古文和卫拉特文中使用的翻译技术的主要区别。卫拉特文翻译在形式上保持接近原文,但在目标语言需要时往往会偏离其确切措辞:句子保留其一般结构,但单词和短语可以重新排列(最常见的例子是将名词修饰语从后置移到前置);某些单词可能会被省略。这些有意义的变化只能由扎雅·班迪塔引入文本,而不能由后来的编辑引入。但它们是否表明旧译文只是被简单地重写,还是独立创作了一篇新的译文?
The abovementioned tendencies manifest themselves throughout the text, but are not followed consistently. Moreover, there are examples of the opposite. See Appendix, line 5: in the Mongolian translation the pronouns assume their natural position before the nouns (ene yosun, ene neres), while in ther Oirat text they are put in post-position (yosu ene, nere ene), following the Tibetan model (tshul 'di, ming , 'di). A similar pattern can be found in line 33, the name and number of the chapter (the thirty second chapter called "Entrustment"): in the Mongolian version the number precedes the word "chapter"(fucin qoyadurar bölög), while in the Oirat text the Tibetan word order 上述倾向在整个文本中表现出来,但并不一贯。此外,还有相反的例子。请参见附录,第 5 行:在蒙古文翻译中,代词在名词之前占据了它们的自然位置(ene yosun, ene neres),而在 Oirat 文本中,它们被放在后置位置(yosu ene, nere ene),遵循藏文模式(tshul 'di, ming, 'di)。类似的模式也可以在第 33 行找到,即章节的名称和编号(第三十二章名为“委托”):在蒙古版本中,数字在“章节”一词之前(fucin qoyadurar bölög),而在 Oirat 文本中,遵循藏文的顺序。
to "mongolise" the word order, and suggest that Zaya pandita translated the text anew, without reference to his earlier Mongolian translation. 将词序“蒙古化”,并建议扎雅·班迪塔重新翻译文本,而不参考他早期的蒙古语翻译。
Conclusions 结论
The arguments considered above, combined with the extra-textual data, suggest that the Oirat text is not an improved version of the Mongolian one, but a new, independently created translation: 上面考虑到的论点,再加上额外的文本数据,表明回鹘文本并非蒙古文本的改进版本,而是一种新的、独立创作的翻译
The Mongolian text had a different colophon, and the Oirat colophon describes the act of translation without references to an older one. 蒙古文本的题记不同,而卫拉特文的题记描述了翻译行为,没有提及旧的版本。
The differences between the Mongolian and Oirat texts reveal the tendency to improve the quality of translation (correct mistakes, etc.), but that is not always the case. An improved adaptation of an older translation would aim at perfecting the text at all times. 蒙古文和卫拉特文之间的差异显示了改善翻译质量(纠正错误等)的倾向,但并非总是如此。对旧译文的改进适应旨在始终完善文本。
The similarities between the two texts can be explained by the strictness and predictability of the sutra narrative that does not allow for variety, as well as by the fact that they were translated by the same person. 两个文本之间的相似之处可以通过经文叙事的严谨和可预测性来解释,这种叙述方式不允许多样性,同时也因为它们是由同一个人翻译的。
A comparison of the two texts demonstrates the evolution of Zaya pandita's translation skills. While the earlier translation is but a verbatim reproduction of the Tibetan text with the help of Mongolian words, the Oirat one reveals a mature, thoughtful approach to rendering the scripture in one's native language. It is manifested in both the preference for translated terms over foreign words, and the adjustment of syntactic structures to the principles of Oirat grammar. 两篇文本的比较展示了扎雅班迪塔翻译技巧的演变。早期的翻译只是通过蒙古语词汇辅助直译藏文,而俄尔套文则展现了一种成熟、深思熟虑的方式来将经文翻译成本土语言。这体现在对翻译术语的偏好而非外来词的使用,以及将句法结构调整到俄尔套语法原则的方面。
Appendix. Chapter 32 of the Astasâhasrika Prajăpăramita 附录。《八千颂般若波罗蜜多经》第 32 章
Tibetan, Peking Kanjur, Vol. 46 藏文,北京大藏经,第 46 卷
Mongolian, Ms. Q1 蒙古,Q1 女士
Oirat blockprint, 1742 1742 年的 Oirat 版画
1
然而,那些具有菩提心的众生,菩提心者,称为众生中最伟大的。他们是六根清净的,不受六根的玷污
rab 'byor byang chub sems dpa'
sems dpa' chen po rtag tu ngus [310v]
ting nge 'dzin gyi sgo brgya stong
phrag drug cu thob ma thag tu/
苏布提纳苏达乌伊拉奇菩提萨德瓦摩哈萨德瓦:吉兰明言走恰尼祖伊利奥洛德萨察:
subuti nasuda uyilaqči bodhi
sadw mahā sadw: jiran mingyan zoun
diyāni zưyili olōd saca:
Appendix. Chapter 32 of the Astasāhasrikă Prajappäramita ( Continued) 附录。《八千颂般若波罗蜜多经》第 32 章(续)
bkur stir bya bla mar bya rjed par bya mchod par bya ri mor bya bsnyen bkur bya ste kun dga' bo 'di na nga'i rjes su bstan pa'o//
布库尔斯提尔布拉玛尔布拉杰帕尔布拉曼乔帕尔布拉莫尔布拉森延布库尔帕尔布库尔布库尔斯坤达博'迪纳我瑞斯苏班师傅//
Additional signs in Mongolian/Oirat 蒙古语/卫拉特语中的额外符号
Bibliography 参考文献
G. Gerelmaa. Brief Catalogue of Oirat Manuscripts kept by Institute of Language and Literature, Vol. III. . (Ulaanbaatar, 2005). G. Gerelmaa. 蒙古国语言文学研究所藏维吾尔文文献简目录,第三卷。 (乌兰巴托,2005 年)。
Heissig, Walther. Die Pekinger lamaistischen Blockdrucke in mongolischer Sprache: Materialien zur mongolischen Literaturgeschichte (Wiesbaden, 1954). Heissig, Walther. 《北京喇嘛教蒙古语木刻印本:蒙古文学史资料》(1954 年,威斯巴登)。
Istoriya Choidzhid-dagini. Faksimile rukopisi / Transliteratsiya teksta, perevod s mongol'skogo, issledovanie i kommmentariy A. G. Sazykina. Otv. red. S. Y. Neklyudov (Moskva, 1990). 《蔡特吉达吉的故事。手稿复制品/蒙古文转写、翻译、研究和评论 A.G.萨兹金。主编 S.Y.涅克柳多夫(莫斯科,1990 年)。》
Kara, György. Books of the Mongolian Nomads: More Than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian, trans. John G. Krueger, Indiana University Uralic and Altaic Series 171 (Bloomington, 2005). 卡拉,乔治。《蒙古游牧民的书籍:八个多世纪的蒙古文写作》,约翰·G·克鲁格尔译,印第安纳大学乌拉尔和阿尔泰系列 171(布卢明顿,2005 年)。
Radnabhadra, "Lunniy svet": istoriya rabdzham Dzaya-pandity. Faksimile rukopisi; perevod s oyratskogo G. N. Rumyantseva i A. G. Sazykina; transliteratsiya teksta, predisloviye, primechaniya i ukazateli A. G. Sazykina ( 20 ankt-Peterburg, 1999). Radnabhadra,《月光》:贤者达雅·潘迪蒂的故事。手稿复制品;从俄尔汉语翻译的 G.N.鲁缅采夫和 A.G.萨兹金;文本音译、序言、注释和索引 A.G.萨兹金(20 世纪圣彼得堡,1999 年)。
Sazykin, A. G. "O periodizatsii perevodcheskoi deyatel'nosti oiratskogo Dzaya-pandity" // Pis'mennnye pamyatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. XII godichnaya nauchnaya sessiya LO IV AN SSSR (kratkie sooobscheniya). Chast' 1 (Moskva, 1977). pp. 134-140. 萨齐金,A.G.,“关于卫拉特族达雅-潘迪蒂翻译活动的时期划分”//东方民族文化史文献和问题。苏联科学院东方研究所第四实验室第十二届年度科学会议(简报)。第 1 部分(莫斯科,1977 年)。第 134-140 页。
Sazykin, Aleksei G. and György Kara, "A Fifth, Anonymous, Mongolian Translation of the 'Diamond Sutra'" // Mongolian Studies, Vol. 22 (1999). pp. 69-99. 萨兹金,阿列克谢·G.和贾吉·卡拉,“《金刚经》第五个匿名蒙古文译本” // 蒙古研究,第 22 卷(1999 年)。第 69-99 页。
Sazykin, A. G. Katalog mongol'skikh rukopisey i ksilografov Instituta vostokovedeniya Rossiyskoy Akademii nauk. Tom II (Moskva, 2001). 萨兹金,A.G.蒙古文手稿和木刻目录俄罗斯科学院东方研究所第二卷(莫斯科,2001 年)。
Torricelli, Fabrizio. "Un Libro Sacro Tibetano Nella Collezione De Filippi al Museo Nazionale d'Antropologia e Etnologia Di Firenze" // Archivo per l'Antropologia e La Etnologia CXXIX (1999). pp. 273-285. 托里切利,法布里齐奥。“佛罗伦萨国家人类学和民族学博物馆菲利皮收藏的一本西藏圣书” // 《人类学和民族学档案》CXXIX(1999 年)。第 273-285 页。
Torricelli, Fabrizio, and Nikolai N. Dudka. "Manuscript LTWA No. 23476. A 'SDe Can' Sample of the BrGyad Stong Pa" // Tibet Journal, No. 24 (2) (1999). pp. 29-44. 托里切利,法布里齐奥和尼古拉·杜德卡。“手稿 LTWA 编号 23476.《布吉亚德·斯通帕》的'SDe Can'样本” //《西藏杂志》,第 24 期(2)(1999 年)。第 29-44 页。
Tsendina, A. D. "Dva mongol'skikh perevoda tibetskogo sochineniya 'Kniga syna'" // Mongolica V (Sankt-Peterburg, 2001). pp. 54-74. 曾迪娜,A.D.,“两部蒙古语翻译的西藏文著作《儿子之书》” // 蒙古学 V(圣彼得堡,2001 年)。第 54-74 页。
Yakhontova, N. S. "Vliyanie tibetskogo yazyka na sintaksis oiratskikh perevodov" // Mongolica Pamyati Borisa Yakovlevicha Vladimirtsova (1884-1931) (Moskva, 1986). pp. 113-117. Yakhontova, N. S. "西藏语对维吾尔翻译的句法影响" // 蒙古学纪念鲍里斯·雅科夫列维奇·弗拉基米尔佐夫(1884-1931)(莫斯科,1986 年)。第 113-117 页。
Yampolskaya, N. V. "Ashtasahasrika-pradzhnyaparamita' v mongol'skom perevode oyratskogo Dzaya-pandity" // Strany i narody Vostoka XXXV (2014). pp. 391-401. Yampolskaya, N. V. "Ashtasahasrika-pradzhnyaparamita' v mongol'skom perevode oyratskogo Dzaya-pandity" // Strany i narody Vostoka XXXV (2014). стр. 391-401.
(1) The Astasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā, often referred to as the "Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines" (Tib. Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad stong pa; Mong. Bilig-ün činadu (kijajarar-a) kürügsen nayiman mingya-tu; Oir. Biligiyin činadu kürüqsen nayiman mingyan-tu). 《阿舍遮千文般若波罗蜜多经》,通常被称为“八千颂般若波罗蜜多经”。(藏:ཤེས་རབ་ཀྱི་ཕ་རོལ་ཏུ་ཕྱིན་པ་བརྒྱད་སྟོང་པ་;蒙:Билиг-үн чинаду (кижажарар-а) күрүгсэн наяман миңя-ту;鞑靼:Билигийин чинаду күрүүсэн наяман миңян-ту)。
(2) Radnabhadra, "Lunniy svet": istoriya rabdzham Dzaya-pandity. Faksimile rukopisi; perevod s oyratskogo G. N. Rumyantseva i A. G. Sazykina; transliteratsiya teksta, predisloviye, primechaniya i ukazateli A. G. Sazykina (Sankt-Peterburg, 1999), p. 166. The Aștasāhasrikă (Oir. naiman mingyan säluatü) is the sixth on the list, but nothing suggests that the texts are mentioned in a chronological order. (2) 拉德纳巴德拉,“月光之光”:贾亚-潘迪蒂的故事。手稿复制品;从奥伊拉特语翻译的 G.N.鲁梅扬采夫和 A.G.萨兹金;文本音译,前言,注释和索引 A.G.萨兹金(圣彼得堡,1999 年),第 166 页。阿斯塔萨哈斯里卡(Oir.奈曼明延萨鲁阿图)在名单中排名第六,但没有任何迹象表明这些文本是按时间顺序提及的。
(3) Radnabhadra, "Lunniy svet", p. 166 (f. 8v of the manuscript, lines 10-11). (3) 拉德纳巴德拉,“月光”,第 166 页(手稿第 8v 页,第 10-11 行)。
(4) This version was set forth by Aleksei Sazykin in: A. G. Sazykin, "O periodizatsii perevodcheskoi deyatel'nosti oiratskogo Dzaya-pandity" // Pis'meznnye pamyatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. XII godichnaya nauchnaya sessiya LO IV AN SSSR (kratkie soobscheniya). Chast' 1 (Moskva, 1977). pp. 134-140. (4) 这个版本是由阿列克谢·萨齐金在以下提出的:A. G. 萨齐金,“论卫拉特族达雅-班迪蒂的翻译活动的时期划分” // 东方民族文化史文献和问题。苏联科学院列宁格勒东方学研究所第十二届年会(简报)。第 1 部分(莫斯科,1977 年)。第 134-140 页。
(1) The blockprint is described by Walther Heissig in: Walther Heissig, Die Pekinger lamaistischen Blockdrucke in mongolischer Sprache: Materialien zur mongolischen Literaturgeschichte (Wiesbaden, 1954), No. 24. Valuable commentaries were given by Gyorgy Kara in: Gyðrgy Kara, Books of the Mongolian Nomads: More Than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian, trans. John G. Krueger, Indiana University Uralic and Altaic Series 171 (Bloomington, 2005), pp. 140-41 and note 243. G. Kara erroneously refers to the place of translation as Ablai-yin keyid (also known as Ablaikit), however the monastery of Ablai tayifi was not constructed until 1657. Both the biography and the colophon of the blockprint suggest that the translation took place at another monastery in that area Olleitu keyid, also known as Darqan corji-yin keyid. (1)这块木刻版由瓦尔特·海西格在《瓦尔特·海西格,蒙古语北京喇嘛教木刻印本:蒙古文学史资料》(Wiesbaden,1954),第 24 号中描述。乔治·卡拉在《乔治·卡拉,蒙古游牧民族的书籍:超过八个世纪的蒙古文写作》,约翰·G·克鲁格尔译,印第安纳大学乌拉尔-阿尔泰系列 171(布卢明顿,2005),第 140-41 页和注 243 中提供了宝贵的评论。G.卡拉错误地将翻译地点称为阿布莱因凯伊德(也称为阿布莱凯特),然而阿布莱太夷寺直到 1657 年才建成。木刻版的传记和后记都表明翻译是在该地区另一座寺庙奥勒伊图凯伊德(也称为达尔坎卓吉因凯伊德)进行的。
(2) Kara, Books of the Mongolian Nomads, pp. 142-43. (2)卡拉,《蒙古游牧民族的书籍》,第 142-43 页。
(3) Aleksei G. Sazykin, Gyorgy Kara, "A Fifth, Anonymous, Mongolian Translation of the 'Diamond Sutra'" // Mongolian Studies, Vol. 22 (1999), pp. 71-72. (3) 阿列克谢·萨齐金,乔治·卡拉,“《金刚经》第五个匿名蒙古文译本” // 蒙古研究,第 22 卷(1999 年),第 71-72 页。
(4) Istoriya Choidzhid-dagini. Faksimile rukopisi / Transliteratsiya teksta, perevod s mongol'skogo, issledovanie i kommmentariy A. G. Sazykina. Otv. red. S. Y. Neklyudov (Moskva, 1990), pp. 38-42. 《蔡特日亚·达吉尼的故事》。手稿复制本/文本转写,从蒙古语翻译,A. G. 萨兹金的研究和评论。主编 S. Y. 尼克留多夫(莫斯科,1990 年),第 38-42 页。
(3) The manuscript is listed in the catalogue of the collection: A. G. Sazykin, Katalog mongol'skikh rukopisey i ksilografov Instituta vostokovedeniya Rossiyskoy Akademii nauk. Tom II (Moskva, 2001), № 2639. 手稿列在收藏目录中:A. G. Sazykin,俄罗斯科学院东方研究所蒙古文手稿和木刻书目录。第二卷(莫斯科,2001 年),编号 2639。
(4)
Kara, Books of the Mongolian Nomads, p. 142 and note 245. 卡拉,《蒙古游牧民族的书籍》,第 142 页和注释 245。
(1) Natalia Yampolskaya, Jadamba. Eight Mongolian Translations of the Astasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā sūtra, Asiatische Forschungen 158 (Wiesbaden, 2018), pp. 48-52; N. V. Yampolskaya, “'Ashtasahasrika-pradzhnyaparamita' mongol'skom perevode oyratskogo Dzaya-pandity" // Strany i narody Vostoka XXXV (Moskva, 2014), pp. 391-401. (1) Natalia Yampolskaya, Jadamba. 阿斯塔薩哈斯里迦般若波羅蜜多經的八個蒙古譯本,亞洲研究 158 (威斯巴登,2018 年),第 48-52 頁;N. V. Yampolskaya,“阿斯塔薩哈斯里迦般若波羅蜜多”蒙古語譯本的八千頌本《大雅·潘地蒂》// 東方國家和民族 XXXV (莫斯科,2014 年),第 391-401 頁。
(1) Other Mongolian translators render this term in different ways, such as batuda ayči, ayali batu, čing oron or aqui sitügen, but batu oron is specific to Zaya pandita. For more information on the differences in vocabulary between eight Mongolian translation of the Astasãhasrikā see: Yampolskaya, Jadamba, pp. 95-119. 其他蒙古翻译者以不同方式译此术语,如巴图达阿依齐,阿亚力巴图,青敖隆或阿奇斯图根,但巴图敖隆是扎雅·班迪塔特有的。有关《八千颂赞经》八种蒙古翻译之间词汇差异的更多信息,请参阅:亚波尔斯卡娅,贾丹巴,第 95-119 页。
(2) See for example: A. D. Tsendina, "Dva mongol'skikh perevoda tibetskogo sochineniya 'Kniga syna'" // Mongolica V (Sankt-Peterburg, 2001), pp. 54-74; N. S. Yakhontova, "Vliyanie tibetskogo yazyka na sintaksis oiratskikh perevodov // Mongolica Pamyati Borisa Yakovlevicha Vladimirtsova (1884-1931) (Moskva, 1986), pp. 113-117. (2)例如参见:A. D. Tsendina,“Dva mongol'skikh perevoda tibetskogo sochineniya 'Kniga syna'” // Mongolica V(圣彼得堡,2001 年),第 54-74 页;N. S. Yakhontova,“Vliyanie tibetskogo yazyka na sintaksis oiratskikh perevodov // Mongolica Pamyati Borisa Yakovlevicha Vladimirtsova(1884-1931)(莫斯科,1986 年),第 113-117 页。
(1) The use of üiledkü to render the Tibetan byed is not exclusive to the works of Zaya pandita, but is one of the distinct features of his style. See: A. D. Tsendina, "Dva mongol'skikh perevoda tibetskogo sochineniya 'Kniga syna' ", p. 58; N. S. Yakhontova, "Vliyanie tibetskogo yazyka na sintaksis oiratskikh perevodov", p. 114. 使用üiledkü来翻译藏文 byed 并不仅限于扎雅·班迪塔的作品,而是他风格的一个显著特征之一。参见:A. D. Tsendina,“Dva mongol'skikh perevoda tibetskogo sochineniya 'Kniga syna'”,第 58 页;N. S. Yakhontova,“Vliyanie tibetskogo yazyka na sintaksis oiratskikh perevodov”,第 114 页。
(2) I have used Chpater 32 to illustrate comparative translation studies before, as it is short enough to be included in publications. The text of this chapter in eight different Mongolian translations can be found in: Natalia Yampolskaya, Jadamba, pp. 245-269. 我以前用第 32 章来说明比较翻译研究,因为它足够短,可以包含在出版物中。这一章的文本在八种不同的蒙古语翻译中可以找到:Natalia Yampolskaya, Jadamba, pp. 245-269。
(1) Oir.Ms. [4r]: ali yerü. (1) Oir.Ms. [4r]: 阿里耶如。
(1) Oir.Ms. [4r]: sedkil ugei tere sedkil bui buyu: kemen ogualeqsen cini temeceka tere bolxu buyu. In this case the Oirat blockprint and manuscript differ in several ways. The text of the blockprint follows Tibetan more closely (the word sedkil Tib. sems) is repeated thrice, the words aliba tere are used to render the Tibetan gang yin pa de ("that which is", a phrase that defines the word "argument"). In the manuscript the word sedkil occurs only twice, and the word aliba is omitted. It is problematic to comment on the nature of these differences, as it is not known which version is closer to the original. (1) Oir.Ms. [4r]:塞德基尔乌格伊特雷塞德基尔不乌伊:克门奥瓜勒森茨尼特梅策卡特雷博尔叙不乌伊。在这种情况下,卫拉特的雕版和手稿在几个方面有所不同。雕版的文本更接近藏文(塞德基尔藏文 sem)被重复三次,使用阿里巴特雷来翻译藏文刚因帕德(“那是”的短语,定义“论点”一词)。手稿中,塞德基尔一词仅出现两次,而阿里巴一词被省略。很难评论这些差异的性质,因为不清楚哪个版本更接近原始版本。