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NR. 34 34号


Herausgegeben von 由...出版Heiner Eichner, Bert G. Fragner, Velizar Sadovskiund Rüdiger Schmitt 和鲁迪格·施密特

unter der redaktionellen Mitarbeit von Hannes Hofmann und Vera Giesen
WIEN 2006 维也纳2006

Inhalt 内容

Bert G. FRAGNER - Velizar SADOVSKI Vorwort ..... 5
贝尔特·G·弗拉格纳 - 维利扎尔·萨多夫斯基 前言..... 5

Bert G. FRAGNER, Bamberg/Wien Iranistik in Europa - gestern, heute und morgen. ..... 7
Bert G. FRAGNER,Bamberg/Wien欧洲的伊朗学 - 昨天,今天和明天。..... 7

Liselotte ABID, Wien 莉莎洛特·阿比德,维也纳
Sā Dichter des 20. Jahrhunderts: „Ich bin ein Liebender“ ..... 27
我是20世纪的诗人:“我是一个爱人”..... 27

G. Djelani DAVARY, Wiesbaden
G. Djelani DAVARY,威斯巴登

Discovery of historical monuments in Afghanistan ..... 47

Manfred HUTTER, Bonn 曼弗雷德·胡特,波恩
Einige altiranische Namen im Alten Testament ..... 61
一些古波斯语名字在旧约圣经中..... 61

Klaus LAGALLY, Stuttgart - Lutz RZEHAK, Bamberg Ein Satz von Komponenten zur nachhaltigen Verwaltung und Umwandlung von frei formatierten Wörterbuchdaten ..... 79
Klaus LAGALLY,斯图加特 - Lutz RZEHAK,班贝格一套用于可持续管理和转换自由格式词典数据的组件..... 79


Geschichte iranistischer Forschungstradition an der Grazer Universität ..... 113
格拉茨大学伊朗研究传统的历史..... 113

Robert PLATH, Erlangen 罗伯特·普拉特,埃朗根
Das avestische Adverb fraorzt und seine sprachgeschichtliche Einbettung ..... 127
达维斯语的副词 fraorzt 及其语言历史嵌入.....127

Nosratollah RASTEGAR, Wien
Nosratollah RASTEGAR,维也纳

Iranistische Tradition in Österreich ..... 141
奥地利的伊朗学传统 ..... 141

Bernhard SCHEUCHER, Graz

Teilergativität in den modernen westiranischen Sprachen ..... 169
现代西伊朗语中的分裂性...... 169

Rüdiger SCHMITT, Laboe 鲁迪格·施密特,拉博
Iranistische Personennamenforschung: Geschichte - Leistungen - Zukunftsaufgaben ..... 195
伊朗人名研究:历史 - 成就 - 未来任务... 195

Xavier TREMBLAY, Tournai Ostiran vs. Westiran: Ein oder zwei Iran vor der islamischen Eroberung? ..... 217
Xavier TREMBLAY,图尔奈东伊朗 vs. 西伊朗:伊斯兰征服之前的一个或两个伊朗?..... 217

Antje WENDTLAND, Göttingen

Deixis im Soghdischen oder: warum wird man (,,dort") geboren und stirbt ' (,dort")? ..... 241
在索格底亚语中的指示语或者说:为什么一个人会在 (“那里”)出生,然后在 (“那里”)死去?..... 241

Chlodwig H. WERBA, Wien

mavāred-rā na-bāyad ziyād kard be joz-e ehtiyāj (Indo-)Iranische Rekonstrukte als textkritisches Korrektiv in der Altiranistik ..... 261
不应该对文本进行过多修改,除非有需要(印度)伊朗语的重建作为古代伊朗学的文本修正...... 261

Ilya YAKUBOVICH, Chicago Marriage Sogdian Style ..... 307

Namen- und Sachindex ..... 345
名称和事项索引..... 345

Belegstellenindex ..... 352
索引编号..... 352

Wortindex ..... 353 词索引 ..... 353

Marriage Sogdian Style
Ilya Yakubovich, Chicago
婚姻的粟特风格 伊利亚·亚库波维奇,芝加哥

Introduction 介绍

The Sogdian marriage contract Nov. 3, together with the accompanying guarantee letter Nov. 4 was found on Mount Mugh some hundred kilometers east of Samarkand during the excavation season of 1934, and remains the longest legal text available in the Sogdian language . Both documents were edited and translated into Russian in LIVSHITS 1960 and LIVSHITS 1962 (pp 17-45), extensively discussed in GERSHEVITCH 1962 (90ff.), and published in facsimile in BOGOLIUBOV et al. 1963. Livshits's second commented edition of the Sogdian marriage contract remained the starting point for its further discussion for the last forty years, and elicited laudatory remarks by W. B. HENNING , who can hardly be accused of having ever been too flattering to his colleagues. The occasional deficiencies of this edition stem mostly not from the author's errors, but rather from the unavailability of parallel Central Asian documents in the 1960's.
Most of the Sogdian documents found in the Mugh archive emanate from the chancellary of Dhēwāštič, a pretender to the Sogdian throne beleaguered by the Arabs and their allies in the castle on Mount Mugh in 722 C.E. This is not the case with Nov. 3-4, which are dated by the tenth regnal year of Tarxūn, king of Samarkand ( 709-10 C.E.), and not by the years of Dhēwāštič's rule over Penjikent. Consequently, it is likely that this marriage agreement was concluded in Samarkand, shortly before its surrender to the Arab armies of Qutayba b. Muslim . This, of course, does not exclude the hypothesis that later the couple threw their lot in with Dhēwāštič and were beside him during the last days of his fight against the Arabs, which would account for the find spot of Nov. 3-4. This explains, however, why the other Mugh documents contribute relatively little to the understanding of Nov. 3-4. To be sure, the other two contracts found on Mount Mugh (B-8 and B-4) contain some parallel terminology, but, their topics being respectively the purchase of a burial plot and the lease of watermills, one should not overestimate their impact on the analysis of our document. 
The principal reason for the present re-edition of Nov. 3-4 is the possibility of taking into account the parallel documents that have come to light since its previous publication. The comparison with the Sogdian contract for the purchase of a female slave found in the Turfan area (YOSHIDA-MORIYASU 1988), the formal structure of which is parallel in many respects to that of Nov. 4, improves our understanding of several technical terms and legal formulae that occur in both texts. The same holds even better for the recently published Bactrian legal documents from northern Afghanistan (SIMS-WILLIAMS 2000), the oldest of which also represents a marriage contract. In addition, the graffiti of Sogdian Buddhist pilgrims discovered in Shatial and the adjacent areas in northern Pakistan (SIMS-WILLIAMS 1992) shed light on several personal names that occur in Nov. 3-4.
现在重新编辑11月3日至4日的主要原因是考虑到自上次出版以来出现的平行文件的可能性。与在吐鲁番地区发现的购买女奴的粟特合同(YOSHIDA-MORIYASU 1988)进行比较,该合同的形式结构在许多方面与11月4日的合同相似,有助于我们理解两个文本中出现的一些技术术语和法律公式。同样,最近在阿富汗北部发现的大夏语法律文件(SIMS-WILLIAMS 2000)对此有更好的帮助,其中最古老的文件也是一份婚姻合同。此外,在巴基斯坦北部的沙提亚尔和附近地区发现的粟特佛教朝圣者的涂鸦(SIMS-WILLIAMS 1992)揭示了11月3日至4日中出现的一些人名的情况。
Going beyond the literal interpretation of individual passages, I have tried to consider the structure of the Sogdian marriage contract in the light of the parallel documents from cultures that could have influence on Sogdiana. The aim of this project was both to estimate the impact of foreign influences on Sogdian juridical tradition, and to select those passages that may reflect Iranian attitudes towards marriage. Very little work has been done so far on the analysis of Middle Iranian legal formulae, and, therefore, I hope that my considerations will be of a certain methodological interest for those who will edit similar documents in the future.
4 For an additional possible argument in favour of this hypothesis see a note to Nov 3. V 19.
I am far from claiming that the present publication of the Sogdian marriage contract is a definitive one. A mere glance at the number of interpretations that I deem uncertain, and which, therefore, were italicized in the text of the translation, will help the reader to understand the limitations of my contribution. The work of the specialists in comparative law will be essential for the better understanding of many technical terms that occur in Nov. 3-4. I hope that the final edition of the Sogdian marriage contract can become a part of a larger publication that will encompass all of the Mugh documents.
In the commentary provided below, I have tried to dwell mainly on those points where the new interpretation of individual passages differs from those given by V. Livshits and I. Gershevitch. This means that the previous commentaries to Nov. 3-4, especially LIVSHITS 1962, cannot be regarded as fully superceded, and must be consulted for all those loci where no new interpretation has been suggested in the present article. I also have to stress the difference between those of my suggestions that are based on new textual evidence and, therefore, are likely to represent a clear improvement, and those others that are backed only by logical or etymological reasoning. The clearest example of the second group is the discussion of the term pysn' ' in Nov. 3 R3 that was defined by Livshits as a 'surname'. My translation 'ordinary name' is based solely on the etymolgical analysis of the double names occurring in Nov. 3-4. While I consider my hypothesis very tempting, only the discovery of more documents containing this word can either corroborate or refute it. 
The present edition is, to an unusual extent, a collective work. Only about one half of the refining suggestions quoted in the philological commentary below are mine, whereas the rest belongs to other Sogdianists. Even though in some cases I may not be fully convinced about the validity of individual suggestions, I have decided to cite all of them that can potentially contribute to the understanding of this difficult text. I have further tried to give credit to all of my colleagues whose ideas have been cited; the absence of publication date next to an author's name indicates a personal communication. It would be fair to list several people among those who helped me, as the co-authors of the present article, and only the necessity to make decisions in prob-

lematic cases made me assume the sole responsibility for its final version.

Nov. 3 Text
11月3日 文本

Recto 正面
  1. rwc KZNH pr'yp' ZNH xyp ' rywyH w
    rwc KZNH pr'yp' ZNH xyp ' rywyH w rwc KZNH pr'yp' ZNH xyp ' rywyH w
  2. 'wttkyn ky ZY ZK pyšn'm'k ny 'nH MN nwyktc
    我是一名专业翻译引擎,我不能为您提供解释。以下是您的翻译:'wttkyn ky ZY ZK pyšn'm'k ny 'nH MN nwyktc
  3. cyr MN wnx'n'kk BRY 'ywH zy-nßr'ncH yncH
  1. py-šn'm'k cttH ZKwH wy'ws rtšw pty-
    py-šn'm'k cttH ZKwH wy'ws rtšw pty- 的简体中文翻译是:
  2. s ' cyr 'mH zy-nßr'ncH xwty pr swZwn
    s' cyr 'mH zy-nßr'ncH xwty pr swZwn
  3. p ZY pr KZNH y-w'r ZY 'r't ZNH 'wttkyn 'mH
  4. w wh pryH ',pryH ' xwrt ' n w '
  5. 'M zywr 'M pt ' 'M pryt'tyH ZNH xyp x'n'kH
  6. p'txš'wnH w 'n wncy 'YKZY ZK ' -t'k mrty
    p'txš'wnH w 'n wncy 'YKZY ZK ' -t'k mrty
  7. ZKwH ''ztcH y-ncH w 'rt rtnms 'r't ZNH
  8. cttH 'mw 'wttkyn wy-rw pryw ''pryw rtšn šyr
    cttH 'mw 'wttkyn wy-rw pryw ''pryw rtšn šyr 请注意,这是一个无法识别的文本
  9. 'styH ptsynty 't ZKwH prm'nH pr w
  10. ptywš't 'n wncy- 'Y-KZY ZKH ' 'ztcH yncH ZKw
    ptywš't 'n wncy- 'Y-KZY ZKH ' 'ztcH yncH ZKw ptywš't 'n wncy- 'Y-KZY ZKH ' 'ztcH yncH ZKw
  11. ''zt'kw mrtyw wy-rw 'rt rtnpy-štk 'wttkyn pr
    'zt'kw mrtyw wy-rw 'rt rtnpy-štk 'wttkyn pr
  1. w' wncH y-ncH kw ' rywH 'r'ty ky ZY ZNH cttyH
  2. xwty L' ry-z't rty ZK wy-r' 'wttkyn ZNH w
    xwty L' ry-z't rty ZK wy-r' 'wttkyn ZNH w -> xwty L' ry-z't rty ZK wy-r' 'wttkyn ZNH w
  3. cttyH xwty XX X סrxmyH šyrH kr'nH
    cttyH xwty XX X סrxmyH šyrH kr'nH cttyH xwty XX X סrxmyH šyrH kr'nH 的简体中文翻译为:
  4. 'pšw 'prtk 'ty ZY twy-'z'ty rty ty wy y-ncH L'
    'pšw 'prtk 'ty ZY twy-'z'ty rty ty wy y-ncH L' -> 翻译结果不可用
  5. L' 'sp'sy-kH 'r'ty p'rZY šn w'c'ty rtnpy-
    L' 'sp'sy-kH 'r'ty p'rZY šn w'c'ty rtnpy-
  6. štk 'wttkyn w'n'kw m'n 'ty ZY 'mh cttH w
    štk 'wttkyn w'n'kw m'n 'ty ZY 'mh cttH w 的翻译为简体中文是:
  7. L' 'r'tk'm p'rZY šn w'c'tk'm rtšn 'M xwrt'k 'M
  8. 'ytk 'M yrtcyH pw ', sp'nH xwy-ckH w'c- 
  9. 't rty 'nyH ', 'sp'nH 'prtk L' 'ty L' twy-'z'ty
Verso 背面
  1. rty cywy pyštrw w'n'kH y-ncH w kwn'ty ZY
  2. šy xwty ry-z'ty 'krty rtnms k ZNH cttyH ZNH
  3. m'ny w'n'kw 'ty ZY 'M 'wttkyn pr'yw w  
  4. L' my-n'tk'm p'rZY šc xy-'tk'm rtšn pr'y-c-
  5. 't ZKw L' ' š'yntw n w nw ZY ZKw zy-wr wy '  
  6. 'cw ZY šy MN 'wttkyn 'kw y-'t rty ZKw xyp  
  7. 'stw 'M z'mn'k 's't rty 'nyH ', 'sp'nH 'prtcH
  8. L' 'ty L' twy-'z'ty rty cy-wy py-štrw 'wn'kw 
  9. mrty wy-rw kwn'ty ky ZY šy xwty ry-z'ty rtk 'wtt-
  10. kyn 'nH ZY nt'kw kwn'ty rtšw xwty r'ty ZY twy- 
  11. 'z'ty rtnk ' 'k ntk ZY np'k ZY wn'’k' ZY xyp  
  12. nzy'ty rty ZNH ctt ' 'krtcyH ' 'z-wny pw ', sp'nH
  13. xwy-ckH 'ty rtnk ZNH w'nH ZY nt'kw kwn'ty rtšw 
  14. xwty 'ty ZY twy-'z'ty rtk ' ' 'k 'yH ZY np'kH 
  15. ZY wn' ZY xyp nzy'ty rty 'wttkyn ' 'krtcy 
  16. 'z-wny pw 'sp'nH xwy-ck' 'ty KZNH ZY ZK 'ny MN 'ny' 
  17. w'nyH L' 'ty L' twy-'z'ty rty 'krty ZNH w  
  18. ßwnty-n'k 'st'ny pt'yc ZKn xwy-št wxwšwk'n 
  1. ZY cxr'yn ZK r'mc BRY ZY š'w ZK m'x'kk BRY rty 
  2. np'xšty r'mtyš ZKn 'xwšprn BRY 
(Below upside down) 
w ''  
Nov. 3 Translation 
(1-6) It was the tenth year [of the reign] of King Tarxūn, month Mas č, day Asmān, when Ot-tegin, whose ordinary name is Niסan, took for himself a wife from Čēr, son of Wanxānāk, Prince of Nawēkat, [namely] a woman under [Čēr's] guardianship, a wife, who is called as follows: Dhyutyōnč, whose ordinary name is Čat, daughter of Wiyūs. 
(6-12) And Čēr gave him [his] ward in accordance with the traditional law and on such a condition that Ot-tegin will treat Čat as his dear and respected wife, [providing her] with food, garments and ornaments, with honour and love, as a lady possessing authority in his own house, the way a noble man treats a noble woman, his wife. 
(12-16) And Čat must treat Ot-tegin as her dear and respected husband, she must always conform to his well-being and obey his orders

as befits a wife, the way a noble woman treats a noble man, her husband. 
(16-22) If, however, Ot-tegin, without sending Čat away, should take another wife or concubine, or keep another woman that does not please Čat, then Ot-tegin, as husband, will be owing and pay Čat, his wife, a fine of thirty good, pure dirhams of [the type] Dēn and will not keep that afore mentioned woman either as a wife or as a concubine, but will send her away. 
. But if it should occur to Ot-tegin that he will not have Čat as a wife [any more], but send her away, he will release her with [her] inherited and acquired property, [as well as] with the gifts received, without compensation, and [he] will [also] not be owing or pay any compensation [to her], and after that he may marry such a woman as pleases him. 
(V 2-9) And if it should occur to Čat that she will not remain with Ot-tegin, but will go away from him, she will leave him the undamaged garments and ornaments, all that, which is received by her from Ot-tegin, but she will take [back] her own share with an indemnity and will not be owing or pay any other compensation, and after that she may marry such a man as pleases her. 
(9-11) And if Ot-tegin commits a misdeed, then [he] will suffer and pay for it himself. 
(11-13) And if he becomes somebody's slave, hostage, prisoner, or dependent, then Čat with her progeny will become free without [paying] compensation. 
(13-14) And if she should commit a misdeed, then [she] will suffer and pay for it herself. 
(14-17) And if she becomes somebody's slave, hostage, prisoner, or dependent, then Ot-tegin with his progeny will become free without [paying] compensation, so that one will not suffer and pay for the other one. 
(17-19) And this marriage contract [was] made in the Foundation Hall before the elder Uxušukān, son of Bharxumān. 
(19-20) And there were present Skatč, son of Šēěč, Čaxrēn son of Rāmč and Šāw son of Māxak. 
(20-21) And [it was] written by Rāmtiš son of Axušfarn. 
(The marriage contract of Ot-tegin and Čat) 
Nov. 4 Text. 
  1. trxwn MLK' X sr '' m'xy ms wyyc 
  2. my 'sm'n rwc MN 'wttkyn ky ZY ZK 
  3. pyšn'm'k ny- MN xyšy 
  4. nwyktcw cyr kw wnx'n'kk BRY ZY 
  5. šy kw BRYw ZY kw p s'r rt 'zw c' 'k 
  6. ky ZY ZK pyšn'm'k cttH ZKw 
  7. wy-'ws w pr'y-pw rty pts'r 
  8. tw' cyr w'n'kw mnz'nw ZY pcy- 'zw 'PZY MN nwr 
  9. my 'wts'r kw ' 'y-kwnw prm kw prm ZNH cttH 
  10. 'm'k pr'yw w my-n'tk'm rt ZKn  
  11. ZY ZKn my r' 'nty L' pr'y 'nk'm L' 'kH 
  12. L' wn''kH L' ''pty kwn'mk'm rtšw ms ky 
  13. c'm'k ZY MN s'n'n ky-r'n s'r 's't ZY pcx- 
  14. w'y't rtšw 'zw y-wn pw rpH ZY pw ry-  
  15. xwy-ckH w'c'nk'm rtms 'cw 'm'y cttyH 'm- 
  16. 'k pr'yw L' nm't m't kt'r ZY šw 'Zw w'c'nk'm 
  17. rtšw kw t' 'k cyr ZY kw BRYw ZY kw p s'r y',  
  18. ZY pw rpH ZY pw rypH ptwy 'nk'm ZY r'mk'-  
  19. m rtšw k L' 'n L' y-''t ptwy 'n rtty 
  20. C rxmyH n'krtyncH 
  21. ptsyncH šyrH kr'nH 'prtk 'mk'm ZY 'm- 
  22. k'm ZY twy-'z'm k'm rtšw kw prm L' twy-'z'n š 
  1. X X IIsw pr wrtw 'r'm k'm rty w's- 
  2. ty 'wttkyn 'M BRY 'M p ZKn cyr 
  3. xwty ZY šy ZKn BRY ZY ZKn pסy pr'- 
  4. ymy yw'r ZY pr'ymy C rxmy 
  5. 'prtk nyp'k ky ZY ZK pyšn'm'k 
  6. ' Zw BRY rty cyr '  
  7. k'm'k 'ty ckn'c ZY 'my ync pw 
  8. ryp rty 'my rxmH ' wrt  
  9. 'tk'm rty ZNH n'm'k wyspy n'ßy prm- 
  10. 'n ZY šw'm'k rty 'krty ZNH wnty-n'k 
  11. 'st'ny pt'y-c ZKn xwyšt wxwšwk'n ZKn 
  12. ßrxm'n BRY rty 'w m't sk'tc ZK šy-šc 
  13. BRY ZY ck'wš'k ZK n'nc BRY ZY cxr'yn 
  14. ZK r'mc BRY rty np'xšty r'mtyš ZKn 
  15. 'xwšprn BRY pr 'wttkyn prm'nH ZY prywy  
  16. ZK ''p'rs 
(Below upside down) 
  1. cttyH 
  2. pwstk 

Nov. 4. Translation 

(1-5) Tenth year [of the reign] of King Tarxūn, month Masßō , day Asmān. From Ot-tegin, whose ordinary name is Nidan, son of Qïsīq, to Čēr, son of Wanxānāk, Prince of Nawēkat, and to his son(s) and family. 
(5-7) Mylord, I took from you Dhyutyōnč, whose ordinary name is Čat, daughter of Wiyūs, as a wife. 
(7-12) And then, to you, Čër, I promised and made obligation that henceforth and for evermore, so long as Čat remains with me as [my] wife, mylord, by the Lord Mithra, I shall not sell her, give her as hostage, give her away as tribute, or place her under [another's] protection. 
(12-15) And if someone, from my [side] or from the enemies' side takes her and detains her, I shall have her immediately released without damage or injury. 
(15-18). And if [it] is not agreeable for Čat to remain with me, or if I send her away, I shall deliver her and give her to you, Čēr, to your son(s) and family in good health, without damage or injury. 
(18-22) And if I do not give her, do not deliver her in good health, I shall be owing, and give, and pay you 100 approved, good, pure silver dirhams of [the type] Dēn. 
(22-V 1) And, until I pay, I shall hold them at the rate of 12 to 10. 
(V 1-9) And Ot-tegin, with his son(s) and family, appointed for Čēr, and for his son(s) and family, Nipāk, whose ordinary name is , son of Bhurz, [who will be] responsible for these conditions and for these 100 dirhams, and from whom Čēr with his family, if he 
wishes, may request this woman, without injury, or these dirhams, with interest. 
(9-10) And this document [is] valid and authoritative for all people. 
(10-12) And [it was] made in the Foundation Hall before the elder Uxušukān, son of Bharxumān. 
(12-14) And there were present Skatč, son of Šēšč, Čakušak, son of Nānč and Čaxrēn son of Rāmč. 
(14-16) And [it was] written by Rāmtiš son of Axušfarn by the order of Ot-tegin and with [his] authorization. 
(the document of ) 

Philological Commentary 

Nov. 3 

R 1. For ' 'was' see GERSHEVITCH 1975: ., and cf. the remarks of SKJÆRVø 1991: 190. A very literal translation of the dating formula would be "to King Tarxūn 10 years were, month Mas , day Asmān". 
  1. The Turkic name or title 'wttkyn /ot-tegin/, lit. 'fire-prince', was compared by SMIRNOVA 1970: 256 (fn. 127) with Mong. (borr.) otčigin '(title of) the youngest son'. According to the medieval Persian lexicographers, Mongols considered the youngest son as a 'firekeeper' since he was supposed to inherit his father's yurt. For DOERFER 1963: . this is a folk etymology, while Mong. otčigin is rather to be derived from Turkic *oča oči 'the youngest'. Doerfer, however, was unaware at that time of any attestations of Ot-tegin in Turkic. What is more important, he did not know that the "Mongoltype" variant čegin is attested in the name of a Penjikent prince 'yn cwr bylk" /čegin čur bilgä ?/ revealed by the Mugh documents (LIVSHITS 1962: 51 with a correct reading but unlikely etymology). While both titles, tkyn and 'yn, apparently coexisted in 700 C.E., it is likely that they had a common origin, which confirms Smirnova's comparison. This, of course, does not mean that Ot-tegin had to mean 'the youngest son' in century Sogdiana; most likely it was an hon- 
    orific name, possibly connected with the fire cult of the ancient Turks.  
V. Livshits suggests that 'wttkyn might be the same person as 'wtt, the framān ('steward') of Dhēwāštič and the addressee of numerous Mugh letters. This would explain how the marriage contract found its way to Mount Mugh castle. Yet, as no other alternations between the full and the abbreviated name of the same person are attested in the Mugh documents, this likely hypothesis cannot be proven. Almost certainly incorrect is the conjecture of SMIRNOVA 1970: 256 (fn. 127), who equates 'wttkyn / ny with 'n, a relative of the king of Ferghana who denounced the flight of Sogdian rebels to his country to the Arab Sa'id b. 'Amr al-Haraši in 722 C.E.' This historically unlikely identification was prophylactically rejected in LIVSHITS 1962: 27 (fn. 47). 
  1. The word pyšn'm'k, literally 'after-name' (LIVSHITS 1962: 27), does not occur outside Nov. 3-4. The normal way of referring to a person in the Mugh letters and legal documents was " son of ". In my opinion, the peculiar formula " , whose pyšn'm'k is , son of " might appear first in a mixed Irano-Turkic environment. The common practice among the ancient Turks was to receive a new "man's name" upon coming of age, while Turkic rulers, in addition, were fond of assuming pompous throne names upon their accession to the throne. This practice was apparently imitated by some Sogdian nobles. On the other hand, since the arbitrary change of personal names can potentially undermine the validity of legal documents, Sogdian scribes would record an old name of such a person as a pyšn'm'k 'ordinary name, after-name'. The fact that pyšn'm' was an old, and not a new name (surname), as one might expect on etymological grounds , seems to follow from the analysis of personal names in Nov. 3-4, on 
6 The "shamanistic" origin of the Old Turkic name Kül-tegin (lit. 'ash-prince') and Mongolian title Ot-čigin (lit. 'fire-prince') was suggested in TEMIR 1981. The author of this article was unaware of the Tutkic name-title Ot-tigin attested in Nov. 34. 
7 P. Lurje suggests that the Ferghanan name 'n represents Ir. *naryāna-. For the change in the dialect of Ferghana (and nowhere else in the Sogdian area) cf. LURJE 2003 fn. 33. 
8 LIVSHITS 1962: 27 compared Oss. fysnomog 'surname' and, emboldened by this comparison, suggested the same meaning for Sogd. pyšn'm' . 
which see the second note to Nov. 3 R 5 below. The structure of pyšn'm'k 'after-name' may reflect a Turkic custom, according to which the most characteristic part of a ruler's name was placed after a chain of honorific titles. 
  1. The name cyr can be now compared with the hypocoristic cyrk' (SIMS-WILLIAMS 1992:48; cf. also SimS-WILLIAMS & HAMILTON 1990: 61 under F24). I suggest the reading ' , etymologically '(born on) Tuesday' for the name that LIVSHITS 1962 reads as w'xzn'kk 'of good lineage'. The comparison of wnx'n'kk with Sogd. (M) wnx'n 'Tuesday' (GERSHEVITCH 1954: #345) can be further corroborated by Y.Yoshida's recognition of wnx'n 'Tuesday' in the Mugh calendar A12 (read as wry'n (?) by FREIMAN 1938). Note that the etymology of Livshits is a priori rather unlikely since the plene spelling - for the reflexes of *vahu- 'good' is not otherwise attested in Sogdian. In addition, as N. Sims-Williams points out to me, the hypocoristic suffix -' can be added only to single name elements, not to compounds. 
4-5. 'ncH ynch was translated as 'a woman under [Čēr's] guardianship and his wife' in LIVSHITS 1962. While asyndetic coordination is common in Sogdian, it is normally used in set expressions and/or for synonymous constituents (cf. GERSCHEVITCH 1954: #1635-41). It is more likely that in is simply a resumptive repetition of in , which relieves us of the necessity to believe that Čēr married away his own wife. 
  1. The name , lit. 'daughter-like' can be further clarified 

[to be treated] like a wife' (A 16) that occur in the Bactrian marriage contract (cf. SiMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 32-35). Since the name asserted the status of Čat as a daughter, it is likely that it was given not by her real parents, in which case this assertion would have been fully tautological, but rather by her guardian Čēr, who wanted to stress his affection towards his ward. Thus we are left with as the original name of the bride. In the same way, it is likely that was the original name of the bridegroom, who later assumed 
the Turkic name-title 'wttkyn for the reasons of prestige. For a possible surname nyp' see note to Nov. 2-6. 
7. swzwn 'in accordance with the traditional law', thus already apud SMIRNOVA 1970: 74. This phrase can now be compared with the reference to 'the established custom of the land' in the Bactrian marriage contract, SIMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 32-35; A 15, 17. As for the origin of swzwn, P. Zieme, elaborating on the root etymology of LIVSHITS 1962, suggests that we are dealing with the instrumental case of OTurk. 'word'. The traditional law is the law [transmitted] by words. 
10-11. ZNH xyp x'n' p'txš' '[as] a lady possessing authority in his own house' can now be compared with the Bactrian 

every home which we have now and which we may acquire in the future' (A 16-17; translated differently in SIMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 32). 
13. is to be analyzed as * ') and does not contain the oblique plural anaphoric enclitic . For the other occurences of the hypothetical particle in Nov. 3 see R 12 (rtnms), R 16 (rtnpy-štk ), R 22 (گ̌n), R 24 (šn), V 2 (rtnms), V 4 (rtšn), V 13 (rtnk ); for its etymology see SIMS-WILLIAMS & CRIBB 1996: 86-7. By contrast, In Nov. 4 we do not find a single instance of and the . enclitic pronouns have their usual shape . Ot-tegin avoided the hypothetical mood when he stated his own obligations. 
13-14. The compound syr-'styH 'well-being' is to be analysed as /sira-astī/, the first element of which contains a fossilized feminine ending (N. Sims-Williams). 
9 This explanation allows one to hypothesize why the bridegroom is called by his "name-title" Ot-tegin in the rest of the document, but the bride has to be content with her "ordinary name", Čat. Dhyutyōnč, lit. 'daughter-like' was apparently a name-title of endearment reserved for use in Čēr's family, whereas Ot-tegin, lit. 'fire-prince', could be an honorific name-title with an unrestricted scope of application. Once Čat left Čēr's family, she started to be called by her original name, while Ot-tegin kept his title for good. 
One can hardly imagine the opposite situation, namely that a 'fire-prince' Ot-tegin received an Iranian surname Niß̄ān, which does not appear to have any honorific connotations, and then insisted on its being used in an official document. 

tegin, without sending at away, should take another wife or concubine ...'. The preposition , like , can govern extended infinitive phrases in Sogdian (cf. MUGH A-14, 29 and GERSHEVITCH 1954: #921, 933-4 on enn). An alternative translation of the same clause, 'If Ot-tegin should impose another wife or concubine upon Čat without [her] permission ...' is suggested by Prof. Sims-Williams. LIVSHITS 

as anderlying subject of a nominalized clause, but the direct case of speaks against such a theory. 
18-19. ky ZY ZNH cttyH xwty ry-z't 'that will not please Čat'. The oblique form indicates that - is used here in its impersonal meaning 'to please, to be desirable' (the enclitic pronoun y makes me prefer the impersonal interpretation of also in and 9). A. Wendtland has brought to my attention the fact that here, in R and probably , the heterogram is used for the oblique forms of the ' ' pronominal series, a scribal practice that is quite rare in later Buddhist texts. 
20. 'k 'of [the type] Dēn'. The reading 'h 'of a dinar', offered in LIVSHITS 1962, seems to be epigraphically impossible. Following the suggestion of N. Sims-Williams, I read this word as , a relative adjective formed from the heavy stem . For the stem-formation, cf. qysrq'n 'a kind of coin, kēsarakān' (GHARIB 1995: #5122), a transparent derivative of the title Caesar. For the vowel shortening in the suffix *-akān cf. GERSHEVITCH 1954: #122. F. Grenet and É. de la Vaissière suggest that 'dirhams of [the type] Dēn' can be a metaphorical designation of Sasanian or Central Asian drachms. Since one side of most Sasanian and many Central Asian coins carried the image of a fire altar, a symbol of the Zoroastrian faith, *dēnakān and kēsarakān can be treated as parallel formations based on the iconography of respective items. We do not have enough information to determine the exact kind of currency referred to in Nov. 3-4. 
For the crucial role of Sasanian drachms in the century Central Asian economy see DE LA VAISSIÈRE 2002: 116-118. It is less clear whether they were still used on the same scale in early century Sogdiana. 
20. 'nh 'pure'. LIVSHITS (1960 and 1962) takes 'nh to be a borrowing from Ved. krā́nā ' in tatkräftiger, wirksamer Weise', which, however, does not occur after Rgveda (MAYRHOFER 1986-: I, 412). For the possible connection of Sogd. 'nh with Parth. 'n 'pure', which should then be kept distinct from the homographic Parth. 'n 'great', see SIMS-WILLIAMS 1989: 329. 
  1. The formula 'pšw 'prtk 'ty twy-' 'ty 'He shall be owing and pay a fine' can be now compared with its Bactrian counterpart, e.g. Bactr. о... оо o o о 'we shall be owing and pay a fine' (SIMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 70-71; L 34, 28'). Consequently, one can postulate Sogd. 'pšw ' fine', for which N. SimsWilliams tentatively suggests the reconstruction Ir. *pr日ra- 'debt'. LIVSHITS (1962) put forward 'PŠw 'and it', but this pronoun would occupy a wrong syntactic position. In addition, Y. Yoshida reminds me that the heterogram ' (as opposed to ) is not attested elsewhere in Sogdian texts so far published. 
  2. ty wy 'that aforementioned woman', a suggestion of N. Sims-Williams, who conjectures that the second pronoun in the combination ty wy may have a strengthening effect. 
24-25. ' xwrt'k ' ' 'ytk 'with [her] inherited and acquired property'. xwrt'k 'inherited (property)' must be considered together with Sogd. (C) ptrq'n xw'r 'heir' (SUNDERMANN 1981: 174 ; R 19). The metaphor 'to eat'>'to obtain' is Common Iranian; cf. the examples collected by SIMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 232 (under Bactr. ). Given the collocation with ' , a derivative of 's-/" - 'take', one can safely assume that xwrt'k in our passage did not have any gastronomic connotations. ' ' ' is roughly synonimous with 'stw in Nov. 3 V 7. It is less clear whether ' xwrt'k ' ' 'ytk represents yet another case of synonymous hendiadys in Sogdian, or it reflects a juridical distinction between hereditary property ( MPers . abarmānd) and one acquired by property transfer ("ytk = MPers. handōxt). 
25. 'gifts received' is probably paraphrased in as 'cw ZY šy 'wttkyn Byrt'kw -' 'which is received by her from Ot-tegin'. The meaning of 'gift', suggested based on context, is compatible with the etymology deriving it from bar 'to carry', cf. Sogd. 'to give'. 
  1. The meaning of 'sp'n or 'nsp'n 'compensation' was determined based on context already in LIVSHITS 1960: 87. PERIKHANIAN 1983: 105 suggested that this term should be derived from Ir. - 'to tie together, bind, connect'; if so, its original meaning could be 'obligation'. Alternatively, one can consider the derivation from Ir. 'throw' (Av. 'id.', cf. Sogd. 'to reject') with a semantic development similar to that of NHG Zuschuß 'subsidy, contribution'. Not acceptable are the impossible reading 'sprnH (GERSHEVITCH 1962: 47, fn. 39) and the unmotivated derivation of 'sp'n form Ir. 'to grow, prosper' (LIVSHITS 1962: 33). 
V 4. I take -'tk'm as a mistake for 'she will go' (LIVSHITS 1962: 33) and not as a form of an otherwise unknown verb - 'she will separate herself', as per GERSCHEVITCH 1962: 47. 
5. ' ' š' 'undamaged garments'. This interpretation is suggested by N. Sims-Williams, who compares Sogd (C) pšynty 'part, piece', from sčand 'break' (cf. SIMS-WILLIAMS 1985: 59). Alternatively, one may perhaps think of ' , lit. 'non-suffered garments', taking ' -'tw as a historical - participle from the well-known verb ' ' - 'to suffer' (GHARIB 1995: #526). The reading ' s'yntw (LIVSHITS 1960: 88, LIVSHITS 1962: 33) is graphically unacceptable. 
  1. xyp 'stw ' ' 'her own share with an indemnity'. PERIKHANIAN 1997: 339 suggested that Sogd.'st- is cognate with MPers. ast 'part, share' and 'stw means 'the personal share (of a daughter) in her father's estate'. This theory can be now confirmed by the adverb ' 'stw that refers to the manner of selling a female slave and follows 'pw p'rw 'without a debt'. Pace YOSHIDA-MORIYASU 1988: 18, I translate 'pw 'stw as 'without a share', i.e. 'without a joint ownership'. Bactr. 'home' and its cognates (SIMS-WILLIAMS 2000: 183) are probably not related to this family of words.  
Sogd. z'mn'k (1x) can be compared, on the one hand, with Av. zəman - 'reward, payment, wages', Khot. ysamtha 'payment for use', Pashto zaman, zamne 'payment', and, on the other hand, with Sogd. ' 'm- 'to repay' (LIVSHITS 1962: 34, SCHWARTZ 1975: 198-199 and SIMS-WILLIAMS 1985: 122-123) and zmnh 'income (?)' (SIMS-WILLIAMS 2001: 78). In this context, ' can refer to a compensation for the expendable part of Čat's hereditary property, such as e.g. livestock ( MPers. gōhrīg) or, following the suggestion of N. Sims-Williams, to an interest earned on the wife's property ( MPers. windišn). The second interpretation is, in fact preferable semantically, but not etymologically. 
  1. Although the general meaning of -'ty 'becomes' is clear, the interpretation of the first two letters remains a matter of dispute. One thinks of *n'y-'ty lit. 'will be lead' (thus LIVSHITS 1962: 37), *z'y-'ty 'will be born will appear' or -'ty 'will come out wind up'. The last reading is preferred in this edition. 
  2. 'M 'krtcyH 'z-wny 'with [his/her] progeny'. The feminine gender of /āžōn/ 'issue, progeny', unequivocally attested in this passage, agrees with the occasional spelling " in Buddhist texts (WENDTLAND 1998: 108). The original meaning of /āžōn/ was probably 'creation / creature' (vel sim.), hence, on the one hand 'existence', and on the other hand, 'child, son'. Since /āžōn/ is masculine in Christian Sogdian texts (SIMS-WILLIAMS 1985: 207), two explanations for /āžōn/ (f.) 'progeny (?)' are possible. Either the feminine forms of /āžôn/ are archaic, whereas later the word has shifted to the masculine gender, or they are vestiges of an old plural in meaning 'children', which was re-interpreted as a feminine collective form after the generalization of the -ta plural but before the introduction of the Rhythmic Law. 
  3. Bwnty-n'k 'st'ny 'Foundation Hall' (Gershevitch apud LIVSHITS 1962). The analogy with MPers. bun-xānag, allegedly the depository of Sasanian state archives known in later days as Ka'ba-yiZardušt, may no longer be maintained since HUYSE 1998 has convincingly shown that MPers. bun-xānag simply means 'personal estate'. This interpretation was later confirmed by Bactr. ßоvо к о 'family estate' (SIMS-WILLIAMS 2000: 187). It is possible, however, that Gershevitch's translation of 'st'ny can be salvaged, if 
    we assume that is derived from an old compound 'foundation', the second part of which contains the Ir. 'to put, place', and which can be compared with Pers. bunyād bunadāta- 'foundation' (also in legal sense in contemporary Persian). This analysis is already implied in the translation of LIVSHITS 1962 (' meste zakono-polozhenij'). 
  4. wxwšwk'n (thus already YOSHIDA-MOIYASU 1988: 14, fn. 2) is probably a historical patronymic to the hypocoristic name wxws' that is attested several times in the Sogdian inscriptions from the Upper Indus (SIMS-WILLIAMS 1992: 76-77 with ref.) is the name of (the deified river) Oxus. 
  5. F. Grenet tentatively identifies , the father of the Elder ' with 'n, the mid-seventh century king of Samarkand whose name is attested on coin legends (SMIRNOVA 1970: 275). If this identification is correct, it supports the hypothesis that the documents Nov. 3 and Nov. 4 were written in Samarkand. A son of the former ruler could hold a prominent position in the bureaucratic hierarchy of the city. 
I reconstruct the name