LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ARCHAEOLOGY
晚期罗马与拜占庭考古学
Week 3: The archaeology of the countryside in the Late Roman East
第三周：晚期罗马帝国东部乡村考古学
PART 1: Late Roman History versus Archaeology (conventional and “New”)
第一部分：晚期罗马历史与考古学（传统与“新”视角）
Before we begin studying the archaeology of the Late Roman East in more detail, I will recapitulate the aims of this module and our practical approach.
在深入探讨晚期罗马帝国东部考古学之前，我将重申本模块的目标及我们的实践方法。
We explore the archaeology of the Late Roman East, including the so-called “End of Antiquity” and period of “Transition” towards the medieval or Byzantine era, so from roughly 300 to 800 AD.
我们探究晚期罗马帝国东部的考古学，涵盖所谓的“古代终结”及向中世纪或拜占庭时代过渡的时期，大致从公元 300 年至 800 年。
Our aim is engage critically with the modern historical reconstructions of this period. The archaeologist’s function is not , as was once assumed, to illustrate historians’ ideas. Archaeology is not the so-called “handmaid of history”. It is, or has become, a critical collaborator. Those of you who have already taken archaeological courses will understand that this discipline’s data, and so the reconstructions upon which it can work, differ from those of most historical enquiries. It is mostly NOT about excavating the flagship of Henry VIII (The “Mary Rose”). However we can identify spheres of shared interest, and that is what we do in this module. So, to organise ourselves to engage productively with Historians there is no engagement with narrative history as such, in other words with the fine detail of political, military, let alone diplomatic, events. It has been attempted (and Art Historians still try frequently), but it is more trouble than it is worth. You become tied up in unanswerable questions: is the siege of 586 or of 597? Is this the invasion of the 540s or the 560s?
我们的目标是批判性地参与这一时期现代历史重建的讨论。考古学家的作用，并非如以往所认为的，仅为历史学家的观点提供例证。考古学并非所谓的“历史的侍女”。它已成为，或正在成为，一个批判性的合作伙伴。已修读考古学课程的你们会明白，这一学科的数据及其可基于的重建工作，与大多数历史研究不同。它主要不在于挖掘亨利八世的旗舰（“玛丽·罗斯”号）。然而，我们可以识别出共同兴趣的领域，这正是本模块所关注的。因此，为了与历史学家进行富有成效的交流，我们并不直接涉足叙事历史本身，即政治、军事乃至外交事件的细枝末节。虽有人尝试（艺术史学家仍频繁尝试），但得不偿失。你会陷入无法解答的问题：是 586 年还是 597 年的围城？这是 540 年代还是 560 年代的入侵？
Instead we engage with historians at what one could call a “structural level” of historical change, and, to be specific, economic, cultural, and social changes. However, you will see that , in practice, we can sometimes comment on political and military history in general, but rarely with reference to its detailed narrative.
相反，我们在历史变迁的“结构层面”与历史学家对话，具体而言，是经济、文化和社会变迁。不过，你会发现，在实践中，我们有时也能对政治和军事史进行一般性评论，但很少涉及详细的叙事。
Now, to organise this approach, we assess historians’ ideas concerning five major aspects of the Late Roman world at the non-narrative or “structural” level. These will be
为了组织这一方法，我们评估历史学家关于晚期罗马世界在非叙事或“结构”层面上的五大方面的观点。这些方面包括：
The Late Roman “countryside”, a word much in favour at present, but more precisely rural settlement and land-use;
晚期罗马的“乡村”，这一词汇当前颇受青睐，但更准确地说，是农村定居点与土地利用；
The Late Roman city, or Late Roman urbanism;
晚期罗马城市，或晚期罗马城市化；
The Late Roman military world;
晚期罗马军事世界
Paganism and Christianity in Late Roman times;
晚期罗马时期的异教与基督教
Last but not least in importance, the economic sphere in terms of production, consumption, exchange, and redistribution.
最后但同样重要的是，经济领域，涉及生产、消费、交换和再分配。
After that, we will analyse the archaeology of the “transitional period” under essentially the same headings, but squeezed into three sessions. At some point there will also be a special session on coins and coinage (Numismatics), covering both of these period and even a prelude and postlude, so from about 250 to 850 AD.
之后，我们将分析“过渡时期”的考古学，基本沿用相同的主题，但压缩为三个部分。此外，还将特别安排一次关于硬币与铸币（钱币学）的专题讨论，涵盖这两个时期，甚至包括前奏与尾声，时间跨度大约从公元 250 年至 850 年。
So today we consider Theme 1, the Late Roman countryside, where most people lived, and we use the findings of the intensive survey or multi-period intensive interdisciplinary survey, which I introduced last week as a methodology of growing importance, but we will also use the findings of the so-called Extensive Surveys of the eastern Mediterranean world, which I must now briefly explain. I will then introduce the relevant aspects of historians’ vision of the countryside based solely on texts; then briefly illustrate the reality of one of my own multi-period intensive surveys in Greece(PART 2); and then take you through a synthesis of the findings of extensive and intensive surveys for the Late Roman period (PART 3).
因此，今天我们探讨主题一，即晚期罗马乡村，那里是大多数人的生活之地。我们将运用上周介绍过的密集调查或多时期密集跨学科调查的方法论，这一方法日益重要。同时，我们也会利用东地中海世界所谓的广泛调查成果，这需要我稍作解释。接着，我将基于文本介绍历史学家对乡村的看法；随后简要展示我在希腊进行的一项多时期密集调查的实际案例（第二部分）；最后，带大家综合了解晚期罗马时期广泛与密集调查的发现（第三部分）。
You understood that intensive surveys record the visible remains of all periods, and of all kinds, from the monument “down” to the smallest artefact, in a relatively small geographical area, perhaps just a few square miles or kilometres, like my own surveys in Greece. The extensive survey typically records the visible remains of just one or two periods (or “cultural eras”, such as the Classical), across quite large geographical area, but without any systematic sampling of distributions of artefacts (whose techniques I illustrated last week). So, for instance, there are surveys of all Bronze-Age remains , surveys of all Classical remains, other than artefact scatters. And there are extensive surveys of Late Roman remains, e.g., of fortification and churches. Mostly, by virtue of being “extensive”, these are surveys of the countryside. This is the reason why they become of great value for the study of the Late Roman era in general, even if they were conducted decades ago under the banner of “Christian Archaeology”., as we shall see.
你们已经理解，密集调查记录的是相对较小地理区域内所有时期、所有类型的可见遗迹，从纪念碑“向下”至最小的手工艺品，如我在希腊的调查。而广泛调查则通常记录较大地理区域内仅一两个时期（或“文化时代”，如古典时期）的可见遗迹，但不系统采样手工艺品的分布情况（其技术我上周已展示）。例如，有专门针对青铜时代遗迹的调查，也有针对古典时期遗迹的调查，不包括手工艺品散布。还有针对晚期罗马遗迹的广泛调查，如防御工事和教堂。由于“广泛”性质，这些调查多集中于乡村。这就是它们对研究整个晚期罗马时代极具价值的原因，即便它们是在几十年前以“基督教考古学”名义进行的，我们将会看到这一点。
The model of the Late Roman countryside that modern historians created arrived in the 1960s in the great works of A.H.M.Jones, The Late Roman Empire, volumes 1 -3 of 1964, and The decline of the ancient world of 1966 (to which you already have electronic access, fortunately, as it will be our “core text”). Jones exploited Imperial Decrees and laws, by which the Late Roman state, from the time of Constantine the Great onwards, tried to bind tenant farmers to their landlords. But why? Perhaps mostly because the landlord would often have been the state itself, especially as it took lands from the cities for its own purposes. The state controlled vast area of land of all kinds. Jones also attached great importance to historical references to agri deserti, meaning abandoned fields, and to historical references to barbarian invasions and to droughts and famines, in other words to failures of the harvest, and concluded that the Late Roman world was experiencing long-term demographic and productive decline; in other words, that the population and agriculture were in long-term decline from a supposed earlier Roman “peak”. This would then logically lead to a wider economic crisis and political crisis, and so you explain the decline of the ancient world as a very long-term and almost inevitable process.
现代历史学家构建的晚期罗马乡村模型，在 20 世纪 60 年代通过 A.H.M.琼斯的巨著《晚期罗马帝国》（1964 年三卷本）和《古代世界的衰落》（1966 年）得以确立（幸运的是，你们已能电子访问，这将作为我们的“核心文本”）。琼斯利用帝国法令和法律，揭示了自君士坦丁大帝以来，晚期罗马国家试图将佃农束缚于地主。但为何如此？或许主要是因为地主往往就是国家本身，尤其是当国家为自身目的征用城市土地时。国家控制着各类广袤土地。琼斯还高度重视历史文献中提到的“荒废田地”（agri deserti），以及关于蛮族入侵、干旱和饥荒的记载，即收成失败，从而得出结论：晚期罗马世界正经历长期的人口和生产衰退；换言之，人口和农业从假定的早期罗马“高峰”长期下滑。这逻辑上会导致更广泛的经济和政治危机，从而将古代世界的衰落解释为一个漫长且几乎不可避免的过程。
Now to reach these conclusions Jones (and others) had to ignore , and indeed he ignored, great extensive surveys which had already occurred and been published, above all those of TCHALENKO, whose surveys of the Syrian countryside had been completely published by 1957 in 3 enormous volumes (which sadly were never bought for our library). These record an intensively occupied Roman AND Late Roman countryside. He is frequently cited by recent authors, e.g., Michael Decker, including his illustrations, so you could easily form an impression of the quality of his research. Jones also totally ignored (unless someone can prove me wrong!) the extensive surveys of “Early Christian” (i.e., Christian Late Roman) rural churches in districts of North Africa, which you can easily access via the works of William Frend in your bibliographies for Weeks 1-2 and 6
然而，琼斯（及其他人）得出这些结论时，不得不忽视，实际上也确实忽视了已经进行并发表的广泛调查，尤其是 TCHALENKO 的成果，他对叙利亚乡村的调查已于 1957 年完整出版，共三大卷（遗憾的是，我们的图书馆从未购入）。这些记录显示，罗马及晚期罗马时期的乡村人口密集。近期作者如 Michael Decker 频繁引用他的研究，包括其插图，因此你们不难对其研究质量形成印象。琼斯还完全忽视了（除非有人能证明我错了！）北非地区“早期基督教”（即基督教晚期罗马）乡村教堂的广泛调查，这些你们可以通过 William Frend 的著作在课程第 1-2 周和第 6 周的参考书目中轻松查阅。.
One of the things that you will notice in PART 3 of this lecture is that more recent surveys, both “extensive” and “intensive”, complement each other methodologically to suggest that the Late Roman countryside in the East was NOT, over the long term, abandoned or even declining. Of course there is much to discuss about CONDITIONS in the countryside, and we will return to them in a later meeting about the archaeology of the army and the archaeology of production etc., but, to begin with, let us consider the new-archaeological challenge which modern historians have recently accepted to be a serious problem that requires major revision of Jones’ ideas.
在本讲座第三部分，你们会注意到，近期的“广泛”与“密集”调查在方法论上相互补充，表明东部的晚期罗马乡村长期来看并未被遗弃，甚至没有衰退。当然，关于乡村的条件还有很多讨论空间，我们将在后续关于军队考古和生产考古等会议中回归这些话题。但首先，让我们考虑现代历史学家最近接受的一个新考古挑战，这被视为一个严重问题，需要对琼斯的观点进行重大修正。
By the way, if you are interested in, or have already studied during your first Degree, North Africa, there is plenty of relevant material, but we just can’t deal with it within our timeframe. But you can use it in your essay if you want to.
顺便提一下，如果你们对北非感兴趣，或在本科阶段已有所研究，相关材料丰富，但我们无法在课程时间内涵盖。不过，若愿意，你们可以在论文中使用这些资料。
Part 2: A case study of the methods and findings of an Eastern Mediterranean multi-period intensive interdisciplinary survey
第二部分：东地中海多时期密集跨学科调查方法与发现案例研究
SLIDE 1
幻灯片 1
This survey brought together the intensive artefactual survey of all cultural periods (Prehistoric to Post-medieval) of a landscape, topographical survey, and palaeo-environmental survey of the evolution of the this landscape, throughout the Holocene (post-glacial) era, to both complete the archaeological sequence of the principal settlements around the mouth or mouths of one of the great rivers of the Balkans and northern Greece, the Strymon (Struma in Slavonic languages), and to try to interpret this sequence as it moved topographically and diachronically around the “Delta” of the river. At the same time we assembled every kind of written source (Classical to Early Modern). This is therefore teamwork far beyond the expertise of an individual. The multi-period aspect helps to make better sense of each individual period too. The single-period (“Extensive”) survey cannot achieve this, but it has its own distinct advantages. What we should do then (and are doing) is combining the results of both kinds of survey (e.g, from “Extensive” framework to “Intensive” case study).
本次调查汇集了对某一景观所有文化时期（从史前到中世纪后）的密集人工制品调查、地形调查，以及对该景观在整个全新世（冰后期）演变过程的古环境调查，旨在完成巴尔干半岛和希腊北部主要河流之一——斯特里蒙河（斯拉夫语中称为斯特鲁马河）河口或各河口周边主要定居点的考古序列，并尝试从地形学和历时性角度解读这一序列在河流“三角洲”区域的变迁。同时，我们整合了从古典时期到近代早期的各类书面资料。因此，这是一项远超个人专业能力的团队合作。多时期视角有助于更好地理解每个单独时期。单一时期（“广泛性”）调查虽无法达到此目的，却有其独特的优势。我们应当（并且正在）做的是将两种调查的结果结合起来（例如，从“广泛性”框架到“密集型”案例研究）。
SLIDE 2
幻灯片 2
Here you see my map, extrapolated from the only accurate maps of the landscape of the Strymon Valley made before draining of lakes and marshes and re-bedding of the river. This can be used to explain why the river mouth has actually hardly moved over millennia (while it has changed shape within a small area), unlike most of the great rivers of Greece and Turkey). I am sorry about the lack of placenames on this version, but it is in colour, which is important for mapping ancient, LATE ROMAN, and medieval patterns in, and constraints on, land-use. The lakes and marshes, in blue and green respectively in the centre of the map, were vast. I think you can deduce the rivermouth’s location.
此处展示的是我根据斯特里蒙河谷地区唯一精确的地图所推断出的地图，这些地图绘制于湖泊和沼泽排干以及河流改道之前。此图可用于解释为何该河口实际上在数千年间几乎未曾移动（尽管其形状在小范围内有所变化），这与希腊和土耳其的大多数大河不同。对于此版本缺乏地名标注，我表示歉意，但地图采用彩色绘制，这对于描绘古代、晚期罗马及中世纪时期的土地利用模式及其限制至关重要。地图中央以蓝色和绿色分别标示的湖泊与沼泽，面积广阔。我想，你们可以据此推断出河口的位置。
SLIDE 3
幻灯片 3
The old rivermouth extrapolated by me from several accurate old maps (but radically transformed in the 1930s). You can see two river mouths (which explain both medieval documents, and medieval coastal maps called portolani (Italian, Spanish, and Turkish). These early maps also show four big complexes of Byzantine and Ottoman Turkish buildings, but not the big ancient sites, which we knew from texts and from traditional “monumental archaeology”. There is no modern town or economic complex.
我根据几份精确的古老地图推断出的旧河口（但在 20 世纪 30 年代发生了根本性变化）。你可以看到两个河口（这解释了中世纪文献以及被称为波托拉尼的中世纪沿海地图（意大利、西班牙和土耳其）。这些早期地图还展示了四个拜占庭和奥斯曼土耳其建筑的大型综合体，但没有显示我们从文本和传统“纪念性考古学”中得知的大型古代遗址。这里没有现代城镇或经济综合体。
SLIDE 4
幻灯片 4
To help us design our surveying strategy we wanted to see how the works done in the 1930s had changed this “Delta” (which technically we should not call this particular rivermouth but we do, for convenience). These are based on Greek and British military aerial photographs of the 1910s to 1970s.
为了帮助我们设计调查策略，我们想了解 20 世纪 30 年代完成的工作如何改变了这个“三角洲”（严格来说，我们不应如此称呼这个特定的河口，但为了方便起见，我们这样做了）。这些研究基于 1910 年代至 1970 年代希腊和英国军事航空拍摄的照片。
SLIDE 5
幻灯片 5
This is a result of our micro-topographic mapping of part of the undamaged (by the works of the 1930s) surfaces, at 1-meter intervals, to capture features which could be burying the archaeology of the surface (which we could soon show, by our intensive survey, that they are indeed doing). So we capture the dynamism of the landscape, and also delineate archaeologically inaccessible areas (wetland etc.).
这是我们针对部分未受 20 世纪 30 年代工程破坏的地表进行微地形测绘的结果，以 1 米为间隔捕捉可能掩埋地表考古遗迹的特征（通过我们的密集调查很快就能证明它们确实如此）。因此，我们捕捉了景观的动态变化，并划定了考古难以触及的区域（如湿地等）。
SLIDE 6
幻灯片 6
This locates the principal settlements of the Delta as established by conventional archaeology (“2” is the famous Classical Amphipolis), my old maps, my separate survey of the medieval Byzantine town (“3”) etc. The numbers indicate their chronological order. This order we wanted to understand better, by using surveying techniques to explore the role of the landscape itself in the sequence.
这确定了由传统考古学确立的三角洲主要定居点（“2”是著名的古典安菲波利斯），我的旧地图，我对中世纪拜占庭城镇（“3”）的独立调查等。数字表示它们的时间顺序。我们希望通过使用测量技术来探索景观本身在这一序列中的作用，以更好地理解这一顺序。
SLIDE 7
幻灯片 7
This is a mapping of both areas worth and not worth surveying on the basis of the aerial photos (which recorded the areas of material upcast – to be avoided – made by engineers in the 1930s). It is also a mapping of the recording units of our intensive survey: the modern field boundaries mapped at 1:5000, a very good scale, which I obtained from the regional administration. Using these as our recording units saved the cost and time involved in creating a grid. Units coded yellow had artefacts at densities that we chose to record.
这是基于航拍照片（记录了 20 世纪 30 年代工程师们留下的应避免的物质抛掷区域）绘制的值得与不值得调查区域的地图。同时，它也是我们密集调查记录单元的地图：现代田界以 1:5000 的比例尺绘制，这是一个非常理想的比例，我从地区行政管理部门获得。使用这些作为我们的记录单元，节省了创建网格所需的成本和时间。编码为黄色的单元内，文物密度达到了我们选择记录的标准。
SLIDE 8
幻灯片 8
Here you see in yellow the areas where artefacts were recorded and collected by teams walking 5 meters apart, and in black rings, the sites revealed by density-plots, many of which are multi-period, and nearly all of which have medieval Byzantine phases. But there is an interesting Late Roman phase which we shall return to later. Note the thick black line (simplified) to the lower right: the medieval Byzantine successor (which I had already surveyed) to Ancient and Late Roman Amphipolis
此处以黄色标示的区域，展示了团队以 5 米间距行走时记录和收集文物的地点，而黑色圆圈则代表通过密度图揭示的遗址，其中许多遗址跨越多个时期，几乎全部包含中世纪拜占庭阶段。但特别引人注目的是一个有趣的晚期罗马阶段，我们稍后将再次提及。请注意右下角那条粗黑线（简化版）：它标志着古代及晚期罗马安菲波利斯的中世纪拜占庭继承者（此区域我已先行调查）。.
SLIDE 9
幻灯片 9
This is what an artefactual scatter can look like. This site is multi-period, including LR, but what you see “with the naked eye”, is Medieval Byzantine mortared building stone, and roof tile. You can’t see the fine pottery, but you will.
这就是人工制品散布可能呈现的样子。该遗址跨越多个时期，包括晚期罗马时期，但“肉眼可见”的是中世纪拜占庭时期的砌筑建筑石材和屋顶瓦片。虽然精细陶器目前不可见，但终将显现。
SLIDE 10
幻灯片 10
The western gate and inner citadel of the medieval Byzantine town, which is recorded in plenty of texts, but which had not been linked with these great walls by anyone! Elite travellers had described it, but Classical Archaeologists at Amphipolis ignored its existence.
中世纪拜占庭城镇的西城门与内城堡，虽在众多文献中有所记载，却未曾有人将其与这些宏伟城墙相联系！精英旅行者们曾描绘过它，但安菲波利斯的古典考古学家们却忽视了它的存在。
SLIDE 11
幻灯片 11
Artefactual survey at microtopographical scales (i.e., intensive surveys) produces a set of proofs of the advance of dry land approximately linked to chronology. But I wanted to use analyses of the origins of sediments over time and in their positions in the Delta, the vegetation associated with all the deposits, and the evidence of their absolute chronology, to try and reconstruct the evolution of the Delta over the last few thousand years. The “Key” shows the three kinds of analysis to which stratified samples of sediments were subjected.
在微观地形尺度上的人工制品调查（即密集调查）产生了一系列与年代大致相关的陆地推进的证据。但我希望通过分析沉积物的起源随时间及其在三角洲中的位置、与所有沉积物相关的植被，以及它们的绝对年代学证据，来尝试重建过去几千年三角洲的演变。“关键”展示了分层沉积物样本所经历的三种分析类型。
SLIDE 12
幻灯片 12
The medieval town, which I planned partly on the basis of ground-penetrating technologies, and where we collected sherds too, has, as a result of sherd-collection, an otherwise unknown Late Roman phase, on the water’s edge. But the fortifications and all the texts, only reveal a town of the 10th to 15th centuries. Intensive survey, by recording all cultural eras, rewrites the relationship between each era.
这座中世纪城镇，我部分依据地面穿透技术进行了规划，并在那里收集了陶片，由于陶片的收集，揭示了一个在水边原本不为人知的晚期罗马阶段。然而，防御工事及所有文献仅揭示了 10 至 15 世纪的城镇面貌。通过记录所有文化时期，密集调查重写了各时期之间的关系。
SLIDE 13
幻灯片 13
Our intensive survey of the whole Delta however made more sense of the Late Roman phase. It revealed several very small Late Roman sites (here “Early Byzantine”), which would have been controlled from Late Roman Amphipolis (in black: a sort of LATE ROMAN acropolis inside ancient Amphipolis).So our intensive survey successfully captured the LR sub-village level of occupation.
我们对整个三角洲的密集调查，使得晚期罗马阶段的意义更加明晰。调查揭示了数个非常小的晚期罗马遗址（此处称为“早期拜占庭”），这些遗址可能受控于晚期罗马时期的安菲波利斯（图中黑色部分：古代安菲波利斯内的一种晚期罗马卫城）。因此，我们的密集调查成功捕捉到了晚期罗马时期的次级村落居住水平。
SLIDE 14
幻灯片 14
Most of the medieval Byzantine sites are very small and characterised by luxurious (as well as ordinary) pottery. The Delta can be linked with both trade and redistribution of agricultural surpluses and other goods. Documents reveal some types of site, while archaeology reveals others. This 13th-14th-century bowl base was manufactured in the city of Serres, upstream of our sites, in the Lower Strymon Valley.
大多数中世纪拜占庭遗址规模较小，且以奢华（及普通）陶器为特征。三角洲地区与贸易及农业剩余产品和其他商品的再分配密切相关。文献资料揭示了一些遗址类型，而考古学则揭示了另一些。这件 13 至 14 世纪的碗底产自塞雷斯城，位于我们遗址上游的下斯特里蒙河谷地区。
SLIDE 15
幻灯片 15
The sediments of the Delta, being water-logged (this is the harbour of the medieval town, which is mentioned in texts) , were, as I hoped, rich in evidence for the changing vegetation of the Delta over time
三角洲的沉积物因浸水（这是文献中提及的中世纪城镇的港口）而富含随时间变化的三角洲植被证据，正如我所期望的那样。.
SLIDE 16
幻灯片 16
This data (palynological and geological) enabled us (or rather several of my colleagues!) to identify successive marine deposits, freshwater or saltwater wetlands, marshy deposits, and dry land, with which some radiocarbon (“Carbon 14”) dates are associated. Here you see colour-coded, the characteristics of each phase of sedimentation at 5 of the sampled locations. Environmental data can really contribute to the explanation of the artefacts from your survey of the countryside.
这些数据（孢粉学和地质学）使我们（更确切地说，是我的几位同事！）得以识别出一系列连续的海相沉积、淡水或咸水湿地、沼泽沉积以及旱地，其中一些与放射性碳（“碳 14”）测年数据相关联。此处以颜色编码展示了 5 个采样点各沉积阶段的特点。环境数据确实能为解释您乡村调查中发现的文物提供重要线索。
SLIDE 17
幻灯片 17
The relevant bit of one of the late medieval and Renaissance coastal maps. There is normally one of the whole Mediterranean on display in Birmingham City Museum.
中世纪晚期至文艺复兴时期沿海地图的相关片段。伯明翰市博物馆通常会展出一幅完整的地中海地图。
SLIDE 18
幻灯片 18
Byzantine Texts allow me to locate and identify 2 Byzantine harbours (the “Harbour of the River” and the Harbour of the River”), the Byzantine town (Khrysoupolis), a Byzantine village ( Nesion), and a Byzantine manor (site 17), besides Late Roman sites to which we return using the paper Handout. Texts and Intensive Survey can (as here) complement each other to reconstruct rural settlement-patterns.
拜占庭文献使我能够定位并识别出两座拜占庭港口（“河港”与“河港”）、一座拜占庭城镇（赫里索波利斯）、一个拜占庭村庄（内西翁）以及一处拜占庭庄园（遗址 17），此外还有晚罗马时期的遗址，我们借助讲义文本和密集调查重返这些遗址，二者相辅相成，共同重构了乡村聚落模式。
SLIDE 19
幻灯片 19
The survey also allowed me to plan and interpret an Ottoman Turkish complex (unreported: site 9 on slide 18) whose functions are revealed in western sources, and whose Ottoman name survived at local level (Make Han), but which appears on no map. Intensive surveys join up lots of dots.
此次调查还使我得以规划并解读一处奥斯曼土耳其建筑群（未报告：幻灯片 18 上的遗址 9），其功能在西方资料中有所揭示，且其奥斯曼名称在当地流传（马克汉），但未见于任何地图。密集调查将众多线索串联起来。
SLIDE 20
幻灯片 20
Two of the palynologists with two of the archaeologists. The sedimentologists (Greeks) are not here.
两位孢粉学家与两位考古学家同行。沉积学家（希腊人）未到场。
Carbon 14 samples were analysed at Oxford.
碳 14 样本在牛津进行了分析。
PART 3: Case Studies in the archaeology of the countryside in the Late Roman East based on an intensive survey (mine), extensive surveys, Christian Archaeology, Rescue archaeology Heritage management, and epigraphy in Greek Macedonia and in the Methana Survey in the Peloponnese (the Handout of scans sent by e-mail)
第三部分：基于密集调查（我的研究）、广泛调查、基督教考古学、抢救性考古学、遗产管理以及希腊马其顿和伯罗奔尼撒半岛梅塔纳调查的铭文学，探讨东罗马晚期乡村考古的案例研究（通过电子邮件发送的扫描件讲义）。
Using Macedonia as a regional case study, this one of my key-maps that you can use to locate where within Macedonia we are focussing
以马其顿为区域案例研究，这是我的一张关键地图，可用于定位我们在马其顿内的关注区域。.
The same page. The whole map again now reveals the distribution of Late Roman cities, but it is clear archaeologically that they were not all actual cities, only legal entities covering a particular rural area. See the map-key for my identification of “Rural cities”. This does not mean that Macedonia lacked towns. Archaeology is revealing small Late Roman towns that lacked the status of city.
同一页面。整张地图再次展示了东罗马晚期城市的分布，但考古学上清楚表明，它们并非都是实际城市，而是覆盖特定农村地区的法律实体。参见地图图例中我对“乡村城市”的识别。这并不意味着马其顿缺乏城镇。考古学正在揭示那些缺乏城市地位的小型东罗马晚期城镇。
Each Late Roman city controlled, or simply consisted of, villages which were themselves principal settlements of their districts. In my map of the approximate legal territory of the real city of Philippi in eastern Macedonia (black square to the right, under “Vicani of..”), you see the approximate distribution of many of its ROMAN villages or “principal villages”, those important enough to erect inscriptions recording their existence. These inscriptions are distributed all around the Plain of Philippi. This is a unique data-set for the distribution of principal villages called vicus (plural: vici) by the Romans, the source of English placename-ending “wick”). This becomes very interesting when I contrasted it with…
每个东罗马晚期城市控制或简单由村庄组成，这些村庄本身是其地区的主要定居点。在我绘制的东马其顿真实城市菲利皮（右侧黑色方块，位于“Vicani of..”下方）的大致法律领土地图中，您可以看到其许多罗马村庄或“主要村庄”的大致分布，这些村庄重要到足以竖立记录其存在的铭文。这些铭文分布在菲利皮平原周围。这是一个独特的数据集，展示了罗马人称为 vicus（复数：vici）的主要村庄的分布，这也是英语地名后缀“wick”的来源。当我将其与……对比时，这一点变得非常有趣。
My synthesis of the locations of Late Roman monumental complexes of all kinds around the Plain of Philippi. I leave the Roman vicus-inscriptions’ empty boxes. But all around, and “above” them in the hills, you see Late Roman rural fortifications and churches, the latter both in the hills and in the plain. And this is the result not of any intensive survey, but of the ordinary work of the archaeological service (rescue archaeology and heritage management). It tells a new story about the Late Roman occupation of the countryside.
我综合了菲利皮平原周围各种东罗马晚期纪念性建筑群的位置。我保留了罗马 vicus 铭文的空白框。但在它们周围和“上方”的山丘中，您可以看到东罗马晚期的乡村防御工事和教堂，后者既位于山丘也位于平原。这并非任何密集调查的结果，而是考古服务常规工作（抢救性考古和遗产管理）的成果。它讲述了关于东罗马晚期乡村占用的新故事。
To situate this area turn forward to sheet 7, on which it is the small no.II. This area was mostly floodplain, not far to the NW of Thessaloniki one of the great cities of the Late Roman East.
要定位此区域，请翻到第 7 页，其上标记为小号 II。该区域主要为泛滥平原，距离东罗马晚期伟大城市之一塞萨洛尼基西北不远。
What you see on my mapping of the reports of the Greek Archaeological Service are distributions of Late Roman villages, a few kilometres apart around and between Late Roman cities (Pella and Europos) and Late Roman imperial forts). The “empty” area are simply areas where the Greek archaeologists had not yet explored. So, in a highly exposed lowland, on the routes of “barbarian” invaders of Greece, you find networks of Late Roman villages a very few kilometres apart.
在我对希腊考古服务报告的地图绘制中，您看到的是东罗马晚期村庄的分布，它们相距几公里，环绕并位于东罗马晚期城市（佩拉和欧罗波斯）与东罗马帝国堡垒之间。“空白”区域仅是希腊考古学家尚未探索的地区。因此，在高度暴露的低地，位于“蛮族”入侵希腊的路线上，您会发现相距仅几公里的东罗马晚期村庄网络。
The key-map (again): we will now look at its area number Roman “V”.
关键地图（再次）：我们现在将查看其编号为罗马“V”的区域。
We are in Northern Macedonia (the modern Republic of that name), in the parts that were once in ancient and Late Roman Macedonia. In my synthesising map, based on lots of “extensive surveys” and heritage management-recording by the North-Macedonian archaeologists, you seen what I call a “village-like” distribution of Late Roman rural churches filling the countryside of the walled cities (symbolised with squares). Note tat the greatest mass of these rural churches corresponds to the area of the “rural city” of Late Roman Pelagonia. This was the name of the DISTRICT, and survived as such throughout the Byzantine era too. These churches have been identified by sculpture, columns, walls and many other kinds of trace. They are 2 to 10 km apart in a hilly landscape which lent itself to a mixed rural economy (agro-pastoral). They are not on prime agricultural land (=white areas).
我们位于北马其顿（现代同名共和国），在古代和东罗马晚期马其顿的部分地区。在我的综合地图中，基于大量“广泛调查”和北马其顿考古学家的遗产管理记录，您看到我称之为“村庄式”分布的东罗马晚期乡村教堂，遍布有城墙的城市（以方块象征）的乡村。请注意，这些乡村教堂的最大集中区对应于东罗马晚期佩拉戈尼亚“乡村城市”的区域。这是该地区的名称，并在整个拜占庭时期也如此存在。这些教堂通过雕塑、柱子、墙壁和许多其他痕迹被识别。它们相距 2 至 10 公里，位于适合混合农村经济（农牧业）的丘陵地带。它们不在主要农业用地上（=白色区域）。
Similarly, this map of the Khalkidiki, just to the east of the great city of Thessaloniki (“VI” on the previous key-map), has been the object of considerable Christian Archaeology and heritage-management recording by the Greek Archaeological Service, whose published map of 72 Late Roman churches you see here.
同样，这张哈尔基迪基的地图，位于伟大城市塞萨洛尼基（前一张关键地图上的“VI”）以东，已成为希腊考古服务大量基督教考古和遗产管理记录的对象，您在此看到的是其发布的 72 座东罗马晚期教堂的地图。
To understand some of the significance of these monuments I have mapped them onto the physical geography of the Khalkidike, and related them to the Late Roman cities and known Late Roman fortifications. I have omitted one Late Roman city by accident however, in the SE of the region, north of Mount Athos. On this map you see the distribution of these rural churches both in the hills above 200 m, naturally wooded in fact, at a village-like density, and in a very fertile low-lying peninsula to the SW (“KASSANDRA”). Many of THESE are at a density of ca.2 kilometres’ distance apart which suggests elite villas (where one of these has been shown by excavation to be located). Anyway the churches are found in both fertile landscapes and on less fertile “secondary” lands, where however an agro-pastoral economy must have been practised (as it was until very recently). Such churches were considerable investments of surplus wealth. They were lime mortar-bonded stone buildings with decorative schemes, to which we shall return in Week 6.
为了理解这些纪念碑的一些意义，我已将它们映射到哈尔基迪基的自然地理上，并与东罗马晚期城市和已知的东罗马晚期防御工事相关联。然而，我无意中遗漏了该地区东南部、阿索斯山以北的一座东罗马晚期城市。在这张地图上，您看到这些乡村教堂的分布，既在海拔 200 米以上的山丘中（实际上自然森林覆盖），以村庄般的密度分布，也在西南部非常肥沃的低洼半岛（“卡桑德拉”）上。其中许多相距约 2 公里，这表明精英别墅的存在（其中一处已被挖掘证实）。无论如何，教堂既出现在肥沃的景观中，也出现在不太肥沃的“次等”土地上，然而，这些地方必定实行了农牧经济（直到最近仍是如此）。这些教堂是剩余财富的重要投资。它们是石灰砂浆粘结的石砌建筑，带有装饰方案，我们将在第 6 周回到这一点。
Meanwhile, at the sub-village an intensive survey will find smaller sites, such as we found in the Strymon Delta Survey. Here you see more clearly our six small Late Roman phases of multi-period sites by the river or one of the natural harbours. They do not reveal any fine pottery, so they were not manorial complexes like some of their medieval Byzantine successors. But they will have been sites for the exploitation of the resources of the Delta, or of trade and redistribution where privileged people did not reside. But that does not make them into evidence of economic decline.
同时，在次村庄级别，密集调查会发现更小的遗址，如我们在斯特里蒙三角洲调查中发现的那样。这里您更清楚地看到我们在河流或天然港口附近的六个小型东罗马晚期多时期遗址阶段。它们没有显示出任何精美陶器，因此它们不像其中一些中世纪拜占庭后继者那样是庄园综合体。但它们将是利用三角洲资源或进行贸易和再分配的场所，特权人士并不居住于此。但这并不意味着它们是经济衰退的证据。
Here you see the strong continuity of occupation in our survey of these small sites between Late Roman (upper left), Middle Byzantine (upper right, and Late Byzantine times. The later Ottoman distribution is quite different.
这里您看到在我们对这些小型遗址的调查中，东罗马晚期（左上）、中拜占庭（右上）和晚拜占庭时期之间强烈的居住连续性。后来的奥斯曼分布则大不相同。
This provides you with an enlargement of a slide from Week 2 of the ROMAN distribution of rural sites found by the METHANA SURVEY in the Peloponnese. This is to show the strong continuity and positive development from Roman to Late Roman rural settlement.
这为您提供了第 2 周幻灯片中梅塔纳调查在伯罗奔尼撒发现的罗马农村遗址分布的放大图。这是为了展示从罗马到东罗马晚期农村定居点的强烈连续性和积极发展。
And here is the LATE ROMAN distribution found by the same survey. Note the very strong continuity between the periods and a slight expansion in Late Roman times. These are nearly all “sub-village” sites. Many of the yield imported Late Roman pottery. Very few were on prime agricultural land. Nearly all required terracing ( a big investment) to prosper. But the continuity and expansion and imported pottery suggest a degree of prosperity.
这是同一调查发现的东罗马晚期分布。请注意时期之间的强烈连续性以及东罗马晚期的轻微扩张。这些几乎都是“次村庄”遗址。许多出土了进口的东罗马晚期陶器。很少有位于主要农业用地上。几乎所有都需要梯田（一项重大投资）才能繁荣。但连续性和扩张以及进口陶器表明了一定程度的繁荣。
This bar graph spells out the high proportion of Late Roman sites found by the survey of Methana which were “sub-village”: certainly the 18 that were less than 2000 square meters in size.
这张条形图显示了梅塔纳调查发现的东罗马晚期遗址中“次村庄”的高比例：特别是 18 个面积小于 2000 平方米的遗址。
This is an enlargement of another of Week 2’s slides, in which you see the numerical preponderance of Late Roman pottery at multi-period sites on Methana, a fair indicator of heightened connectedness and modest prosperity.
这是第 2 周另一张幻灯片的放大图，其中您看到梅塔纳多时期遗址中东罗马晚期陶器的数量优势，这是连接性增强和适度繁荣的公平指标。
I pointed out the complementarity between the findings of the intensive METHANA SURVEY in the NE Peloponnese, the intensive S.ARGOLID SURVEY in the NE Peloponnese (for which see one of the articles on JSTOR in our “Resource List” under Week 3), and the intensive E.KORINTHIA ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY in the NE Peloponnese (for which see the other article on JSTOR at the same location, and in general Pettegrew’s work). Pettegrew demonstrates that ROMAN pottery has been under-recognised/reported, which could accidentally makes the LATE ROMAN rural occupation of the countryside look more expansive than it was. But in any case A.H.M.Jones’ model of long-term demographic and agricultural decline makes no sense of the results of Extensive or Intensive Surveys.
我指出了东北伯罗奔尼撒的密集梅塔纳调查、东北伯罗奔尼撒的密集南阿尔戈利德调查（参见我们第 3 周“资源列表”中 JSTOR 上的一篇文章）以及东北伯罗奔尼撒的密集东科林西亚考古调查（参见同一位置 JSTOR 上的另一篇文章，以及 Pettegrew 的总体工作）之间的互补性。Pettegrew 证明罗马陶器被低估/报告不足，这可能无意中使东罗马晚期农村占用看起来比实际更广泛。但无论如何，A.H.M.Jones 的长期人口和农业衰退模型无法解释广泛或密集调查的结果。
NOT USED THIS TIME: 17-22
本次未使用：17-22
Towards the archaeology of Late Roman landscapes
走向东罗马晚期景观的考古学
These surveys (extensive and intensive) are beginning to bring into focus the occupation of the entire landscape in a way that no other kind of project could do. Historians of the Late Roman and Byzantine economy, such as the late Michael Hendy, could try to visualise the distribution of types of agriculture on the basis of texts and modern geography, but his divisions are very crude and misleading in fact. They mask the reality of the agro-pastoral economy to which I believe our Late Roman rural data is related.
这些调查（广泛和密集）正开始以其他项目无法做到的方式聚焦整个景观的占用。东罗马和拜占庭经济的历史学家，如已故的迈克尔·亨迪，可以尝试基于文本和现代地理可视化农业类型的分布，但他的划分实际上非常粗糙且误导。它们掩盖了我认为我们的东罗马晚期农村数据与之相关的农牧经济的现实。
This is a version of my map of the Strymon Valley in Eastern Macedonia that you have seen before in glorious technicolour within a map of the whole of Macedonia. Now you can see more clearly the “natural” extent of types of landscape which encouraged two kinds of agro-pastoral economy: namely grazing of cattle, horses and mules, and freshwater fishing industries (and fowling), around and in these marches and lakes. We have plenty of medieval and post-medieval evidence. I would argue that Late Roman people would not have neglected these. This is an important argument to make, because major historians of the Late Roman or Byzantine economy have asserted or assumed that these landscapes were useless,”deserts”.
这是您之前在马其顿全图彩色地图中看到的东马其顿斯特里蒙河谷地图的一个版本。现在您可以更清楚地看到鼓励两种农牧经济的景观类型的“自然”范围：即牛、马和骡子的放牧，以及这些沼泽和湖泊周围和内部的淡水渔业（和捕鸟业）。我们有大量的中世纪和后中世纪证据。我认为东罗马晚期的人们不会忽视这些。这是一个重要的论点，因为主要的东罗马或拜占庭经济历史学家断言或假设这些景观是无用的，“沙漠”。
Similarly it has often been ignorantly assumed that the woody uplands of the Mediterranean world were of little economic value. In my redesign of a geographer’s map of the vegetation and land-use of eastern Macedonia (of which you saw a slide of the original, of 1916, last week) you see the sheer extent of such landscapes in a typical Mediterranean region. Again, if you assume, wrongly, that they are and were, of no economic value, you are, I could argue, immediately on the wrong path, and will fail to understand the Late Roman countryside, its settlements, and its monuments.
同样，人们常常无知地假设地中海世界的多林高地几乎没有经济价值。在我重新设计的地理学家关于东马其顿植被和土地利用的地图中（您上周看到了 1916 年的原版幻灯片），您看到这种景观在典型地中海地区的巨大范围。再次，如果您错误地假设它们过去和现在都没有经济价值，我认为您立即走上了错误的道路，将无法理解东罗马晚期的乡村、其定居点和纪念碑。
This enlarges for you a slide of the sites chosen for coring the Delta of the Strymon river to study its environmental history (which is published).
这为您放大了斯特里蒙河三角洲为研究其环境历史（已发表）而选择的岩心采样点的幻灯片。
This does the same for the interpretations of some of the cores that you have in the slide sequence.
这为您放大了幻灯片序列中一些岩心的解释。
This enlarges the slide of map in which I correlated the sites found in the intensive survey of the rivermouth with medieval Byzantine texts. What it cannot show are any sites of the very important saltpans and fishfarms which medieval texts record, but which even our survey could not trace archaeologically. Logically, the former saltmarsh by site 18, whose Ottoman name means “The manor of the saltpans”, will be one of the sites! But the point here is (1) that major traditional rural industries will have existed in Late Roman times of which we find, so far, no trace, because they require very expensive forms of investigation. And (2) the pessimism of modern historians about the Late Roman countryside has been based on a very limited understanding of ancient and traditional land-use.
这放大了我在其中将河口密集调查发现的遗址与中世纪拜占庭文本相关联的地图幻灯片。它无法显示的是任何非常重要的盐田和鱼塘遗址，这些在中世纪文本中有记录，但即使我们的调查也无法在考古学上追踪。逻辑上，18 号遗址附近的前盐沼，其奥斯曼名称意为“盐田的庄园”，将是其中之一！但这里的重点是（1）主要传统农村产业在东罗马晚期必定存在，但我们至今未找到任何痕迹，因为它们需要非常昂贵的调查形式。以及（2）现代历史学家对东罗马晚期乡村的悲观基于对古代和传统土地利用的非常有限的理解。
There is no reason to believe that Late Roman agriculture in all the forms in which it could and would have been practised, was failing systemically.
没有理由相信东罗马晚期农业在其可能和将会实行的所有形式中，正在系统性衰退。