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gram was to be mastered, and in both cases the ability to carry out the program effectively went beyond knowledge of the part of the program that could be readily formulated. We began to use the term theory of intervention and finally theory of action to replace the terms skill and strategy.
克是要掌握的,在这两种情况下,有效执行程序的能力都超出了对程序中可以很容易地制定的部分的了解。我们开始使用术语“干预理论”,最后使用“行动理论”来取代术语“技能”和“策略”。
The administrative trainees, we concluded, needed to learn new theories of action in order to increase their effectiveness in school reform. This formulation counterbalanced the prevailing emphasis in groups or encounter groups on affective experiences alone, which are often powerful to participants but do not help them state what they have learned, teach it to others, or subject their experience to conscious criticism as they apply it to later experiences.
我们得出的结论是,行政培训生需要学习新的行动理论,以提高他们在学校改革中的有效性。这种表述抵消了 群体或遭遇群体中普遍强调的情感体验,这些情感体验通常对参与者来说很有力量,但不能帮助他们陈述他们所学到的东西,将其传授给他人,或者在将他们的经验应用于以后的经历时对他们的经验进行有意识的批评。
We thought the trouble people have in learning new theories of action may stem not so much from the inherent difficulty of the new theories as from existing theories people have that already determine practice. We called these operational theories of action theories-in-use to distinguish them from the espoused theories that are used to describe and justify behavior. We wondered whether the difficulty in learning new theories of action is related to a disposition to protect the old theories-in-use.
我们认为,人们在学习新的行动理论时遇到的麻烦,与其说是源于新理论的内在困难,不如说是源于人们已经决定了实践的现有理论。我们称这些行动理论为行动理论,以区别于用于描述和证明行为的理论。我们想知道学习新的行动理论的困难是否与保护旧理论的倾向有关。
We found that most people tend to be unaware of how their attitudes affect their behavior and also unaware of the negative impact of their behavior on others. Their theories-in-use help them remain blind to the actual degree of their ineffectiveness. For example, in many of the cases observed we found that an individual perceives another individual as having a theory-in-use that is incongruent with 's espoused theory. But 's theory-in-use prohibits his calling attention to this incongruity. may withhold this information either out of fear (if has more power) or out of what society has taught him to conceive of as diplomacy and tact. Blindness to incongruity between espoused theory and theoryin-use may be culturally as well as individually caused and maintained. In such cases, reeducation has to begin with an attempt to specify the patterns of existing theories-in-use.
我们发现,大多数人往往没有意识到他们的态度如何影响他们的行为,也没有意识到他们的行为对他人的负面影响。他们使用的理论帮助他们对自己的无效性的实际程度视而不见。例如,在观察到的许多案例中,我们发现一个人 认为另一个人 使用的理论与 所支持的理论不一致。但是 ,他的理论使用禁止他引起人们对这种不协调的注意。 可能会出于恐惧(如果 拥有更大的权力)或出于社会教给他的外交和机智而隐瞒这些信息。对所拥护的理论和使用中的理论之间的不协调视而不见可能是文化上的,也可能是个人造成的和维持的。在这种情况下,再教育必须从尝试指定现有理论的使用模式开始。
These ideas shaped the questions that have led to the structure of this book. Part One answers the following questions: What are theories of action and theories-in-use? What do they describe? What is their status? How are they related to other kinds of theories? What kinds of knowledge do they represent? For the reader who wants to understand the genesis of our ideas, this part is fundamental.
这些想法塑造了导致本书结构的问题。第一部分回答了以下问题:什么是行动理论和使用理论?他们描述了什么?他们的地位如何?它们与其他类型的理论有什么关系?它们代表什么样的知识?对于想要了解我们思想起源的读者来说,这部分是基本的。
Part Two deals with these questions: What are the specific theories-in-use that determine our efforts at intervention? How do they vary from person to person and from situation to situation? Do they display relatively constant patterns? If so, how do these patterns influence effectiveness in intervention? For readers particularly concerned with both ineffective and effective interpersonal and professional behavior, this part will be of most interest.
第二部分涉及以下问题:决定我们干预努力的具体理论是什么?它们如何因人而异,因情况而异?它们是否显示出相对恒定的模式?如果是这样,这些模式如何影响干预的有效性?对于特别关注无效和有效的人际关系和职业行为的读者来说,这部分将是最感兴趣的。
In Part Three, we discuss strategies and environments for learning: How do we learn new theories of action? What are the conditions under which we are most likely to learn to apply the patterns of theories of action that enable us to be effective at intervention? And how can these ideas be related both to professional education and to the diagnosis of prevailing theories of action that now inhibit effective professional practice? For educators concerned with the professional and social effectiveness of their students, this part should prove valuable.
在第三部分中,我们讨论了学习的策略和环境:我们如何学习新的行动理论?在什么条件下,我们最有可能学会应用行动理论的模式,使我们能够有效地进行干预?这些想法如何与专业教育和对现在抑制有效专业实践的流行行动理论的诊断联系起来?对于关注学生专业和社会效能的教育工作者来说,这部分应该被证明是有价值的。
Our tentative answers to these questions apply to broader issues than school reform and the preparation of school administrators. They can help to build effective interaction of every sort and to clarify the fundamental social issues underlying the redesign of professional education. Several important, comprehensive studies have treated the reform of professional education (Cope and Zacharias, 1966; Mayhew, 1970, 1971; Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1970; Gorden and Howell, 1959). We do not review these studies in the following pages but want to note here their relationship to our position. There is a remarkable degree of agreement on the major reforms these studies propose. They include shortening the time required to obtain a degree, making the curriculum more flexible so that students may have more choices and fewer required courses, adding courses in the behavioral and informationcomputer sciences, and reaffirming the importance of the clinical experience in many professional programs. Little in our theoretical framework or empirical research is directly related to these points.
我们对这些问题的初步回答适用于更广泛的问题,而不是学校改革和学校管理人员的准备。它们可以帮助建立各种有效的互动,并澄清重新设计专业教育的基本社会问题。几项重要的综合研究都涉及职业教育的改革(Cope和Zacharias,1966年;Mayhew,1970 年,1971 年;卡内基高等教育委员会,1970年;Gorden 和 Howell,1959 年)。我们不会在以下几页中回顾这些研究,但要在这里指出它们与我们的立场的关系。对于这些研究提出的重大改革,人们达成了相当程度的一致。它们包括缩短获得学位所需的时间,使课程更加灵活,以便学生可以有更多的选择和更少的必修课程,增加行为和信息计算机科学课程,并重申临床经验在许多专业课程中的重要性。在我们的理论框架或实证研究中,几乎没有与这些观点直接相关的内容。
Most of the recommendations of these studies came from examining such factors as the need for the professions, students' demands for. relevance, great potential contributions from other fields, or soaring costs of education. Our recommendations for professional education are based on the theory of practice we describe; they neither contradict nor, with the exception of the clinical experience, expand the recommendations of these learned councils. We discuss the general characteristics of effectiveness in any kind of intervention, what constitutes effective professional practice, and what specific measures professional schools can take to increase effectiveness in the areas of student training, curriculum design, clinical practice, and continuing education for practitioners, among others.
这些研究的大多数建议来自对专业需求、学生需求等因素的考察。相关性,来自其他领域的巨大潜在贡献,或教育成本的飙升。我们对专业教育的建议是基于我们描述的实践理论;除了临床经验外,它们既不矛盾,也不扩展这些博学委员会的建议。我们讨论了任何干预措施有效性的一般特征,什么是有效的专业实践,以及专业学校可以采取哪些具体措施来提高学生培训、课程设计、临床实践和从业者继续教育等领域的有效性。
The value of our perspective is that it does not base the design of professional education on such factors as the demands of society, the cost of education, and the students' changing demands. Important as these factors may be, they are external to the essential nature of professional education and derive not from a view of effective practice but from a view of the demands to be made on that practice by various special-interest groups.
我们的观点的价值在于,它没有将职业教育的设计建立在社会需求、教育成本和学生不断变化的需求等因素之上。尽管这些因素可能很重要,但它们与职业教育的本质无关,不是来自有效实践的观点,而是来自各种特殊利益集团对这种做法的要求。
Several forces in society and education have helped to erode the barriers against thinking systematically about professional practice and against integrating thought and action. The turmoil of the 1960 s accelerated the pressure for problem-oriented research, and several intellectual thrusts developed momentum in different fields. For example, the image of human nature began to be reformulated. The Freudian concept of libidinal man, propelled by sexual urges, was slowly modified to view man as also motivated by a sense of competence and a need to be effective. Moreover, we now see that one source of human energy is psychological success with challenging opportunities; thus, effectiveness may be connected with psychological health.
社会和教育中的一些力量帮助消除了系统地思考专业实践和将思想与行动相结合的障碍。1960年代的动荡加速了以问题为导向的研究的压力,一些智力推动力在不同领域发展起来。例如,人性的形象开始被重新表述。弗洛伊德的概念在性冲动的推动下,被慢慢修改为认为男人也受到能力感和有效需求的驱使。此外,我们现在看到,人类能量的一个来源是充满挑战的机会的心理成功;因此,有效性可能与心理健康有关。
As the concept of human nature became more competenceoriented, it also became more active. Man not only is a result of genetic and environmental factors but is also responsible for the ways he uses his endowments and for the world he creates.
随着人性的概念变得更加以能力为导向,它也变得更加活跃。人不仅是遗传和环境因素的结果,而且还要对他使用禀赋的方式和他所创造的世界负责。

Linking individual human behavior with the state of the world in which it exists made it possible to ask how the environment affects its creators and led to the realization that this effect depends on how people experience the environment and that how they experience the environment depends on how they construct it. Individuals are ultimately responsible for the impact of the environment because they learn from personally constructed experience.
将个人人类行为与其所处的世界状态联系起来,使人们有可能询问环境如何影响其创造者,并导致人们意识到这种影响取决于人们如何体验环境,而他们如何体验环境取决于他们如何构建环境。个人最终要对环境的影响负责,因为他们从个人构建的经验中学习。
These views emanating from personality and cognitive psychology joined the various existential philosophies, whose concept of man was also that he was responsible for his destiny and that he should strive to be an originator rather than a pawn, active rather than passive, responsible rather than helpless.
这些来自人格和认知心理学的观点加入了各种存在主义哲学,其对人的概念也是他对自己的命运负责,他应该努力成为发起人而不是棋子,主动而不是被动,负责任而不是无助。
Finally, research on the nature of effective organizations began to show that organizations were frequently in decay. The ineffectiveness, costliness, and deteriorating quality of products and services were found to be based on the fact that organizations were designed originally to ignore human nature, to ignore individuals' feelings and most of their abilities, and to exploit them.
最后,对有效组织性质的研究开始表明,组织经常处于衰败状态。人们发现,产品和服务的低效、成本高昂和质量下降是基于这样一个事实,即组织最初被设计为忽视人性,忽视个人的感受和大部分能力,并利用它们。
New designs that reduced these forces for organizational decay were based on an image of man as responsible, seeking to be unique, and internally committed to organizations, partly because organizations could make work meaningful and because the new designs enhanced the quality of life in organizations.
减少这些组织衰败力量的新设计是基于人作为负责任的形象,寻求独特性,并在内部致力于组织,部分原因是组织可以使工作变得有意义,并且因为新设计提高了组织的生活质量。
In this book we hope to contribute to these intellectual forces. Our theory of action can enhance human activity, responsibility, self-actualization, learning, and effectiveness and make it likely that organizations will begin to decrease the movement toward entropy and increase the forces toward learning and health. We present a view of man actively seeking to master himself and his environment in a way that makes organizations effective. If we are to accomplish these objectives, we must become aware of both espoused theories and the tacit theories that govern behavior.
在这本书中,我们希望为这些智力力量做出贡献。我们的行动理论可以增强人类的活动、责任感、自我实现、学习和有效性,并使组织有可能开始减少向熵的运动,并增加向学习和健康发展的力量。我们提出了一种观点,即人类积极寻求以一种使组织有效的方式掌握自己和他的环境。如果我们要实现这些目标,我们必须意识到所拥护的理论和支配行为的隐性理论。
Understanding how we diagnose and construct our experience, take action, and monitor our behavior while simultaneously achieving our goals is crucial to understanding and enhancing effectiveness. If we learn to behave differently and to make these new behaviors stick, we will begin to create a new world. In this book we
了解我们如何诊断和构建我们的经验、采取行动和监控我们的行为,同时实现我们的目标,对于理解和提高有效性至关重要。如果我们学会以不同的方式行事,并让这些新行为坚持下去,我们将开始创造一个新世界。在这本书中,我们

show how new learning environments can be designed to move toward that world.
展示如何设计新的学习环境以迈向那个世界。

Acknowledgments 确认

We are indebted to many colleagues and students who, through their criticism and patience, helped us develop our ideas. We wish to thank especially Lee Bolman, Steven Ehrmann, and William Torbert. We also wish to thank Kathryn Hildebrand and Richard Yoder for editorial and typing assistance.
我们感谢许多同事和学生,他们通过他们的批评和耐心,帮助我们发展了我们的想法。我们特别要感谢 Lee Bolman、Steven Ehrmann 和 William Torbert。我们还要感谢凯瑟琳·希尔德布兰德(Kathryn Hildebrand)和理查德·约德(Richard Yoder)的编辑和打字帮助。
Cambridge, Massachusetts
马萨诸塞州剑桥市
Ghris Argyris July 1974 格里斯·阿吉里斯 1974年7月
Donald A. Schön 唐纳德·舍恩

Contents 内容

Preface 前言

ONE:THEORY 一:理论

  1. Theories of Action ..... 3
    行动理论.....3
  2. Evaluating Theories of Action ..... 20
    评估行动理论.....20

    TWO: AGTION ..... 35
    二:AGTION .....35
  3. Diagnosing Theories-in-Use ..... 37
    诊断使用中的理论.....37
  4. Model I ..... 63
    型号 I .....63
  5. Model II ..... 85
    型号 II .....85
  6. Transition from Model I to Model II ..... 96
    从模型I到模型II的过渡.....96
  7. Learning Model-II Behavior ..... 110
    学习模型-II行为.....110
  8. Issues in Professional Education
    专业教育问题
  9. Implications for Professional
    对专业人士的启示
Competence and Practice 能力与实践
  1. Redesigning Professional Education
    重新设计专业教育
Notes 笔记
References 215 参考文献 215
Index 指数
THEORY IN PRACTICE 理论实践
Increasing Professional 提高专业性
Effectiveness 有效性

PART I 第一部分

THEORY 理论

Chapter 1 第 1 章

Theories of Action 行动理论

ऽ ゙.

Integrating thought with action effectively has plagued philosophers, frustrated social scientists, and eluded professional practitioners for years. It is one of the most prevalent and least understood problems of our age. Universities have shunned it on the ground that effective action was too practical or-the best kiss of death-vocational.
多年来,有效地将思想与行动结合起来一直困扰着哲学家,让社会科学家感到沮丧,也让专业从业者望而却步。这是我们这个时代最普遍和最不为人所知的问题之一。大学回避了它,理由是有效的行动太实际了,或者——死亡职业的最佳之吻。
We believe that exciting intellectual problems are related to integrating thought with action. Effective action requires the generation of knowledge that crosses the traditional disciplines of knowledge-with as much competence and rigor as each discipline usually demands. This is a difficult task not only because scholars rarely cross disciplines but also because few scholars are inclined and educated to generate such knowledge. The few hardy souls who plunge into cross-disciplinary waters find that their colleagues view the effort with skepticism.
我们相信,令人兴奋的智力问题与将思想与行动相结合有关。有效的行动需要产生跨越传统知识学科的知识,并具有每个学科通常要求的能力和严谨性。这是一项艰巨的任务,不仅因为学者很少跨学科,还因为很少有学者愿意并受过教育来产生这样的知识。少数投身于跨学科领域的坚韧灵魂发现,他们的同事对这项工作持怀疑态度。
Indeed, as Havens (1973) shows, scholars in a single profession, psychiatry, in more cases than not fail to understand each other: they protect themselves by forming camps that compete with one another, ignoring the problems of relating theory to practice while defending their necessarily limited views. The old ideal of a
事实上,正如Havens(1973)所表明的那样,精神病学这一单一专业的学者在更多情况下无法相互理解:他们通过形成相互竞争的阵营来保护自己,忽视了将理论与实践联系起来的问题,同时捍卫了他们必然有限的观点。一个古老的理想

working relationship between research and practice has yet to be realized.
研究与实践之间的工作关系尚未实现。
Another important obstacle to the integration of thought and action is the current concept of rigorous research. The technology of rigorous research works best when it does not deal with real-time issues-for example, when scholars take years to study a decision that took several hours to make. This technology of rigorous research is based on diagnostic techniques that ignore or cannot cope with properties of effective action under real-time conditions: data may have to be ignored, feedback from the environment may be unavailable, and self-fulfilling prophecies may need to be accepted-they may, indeed, be the essence of action.
思想与行动融合的另一个重要障碍是当前严谨研究的概念。严谨的研究技术在不处理实时问题时效果最好——例如,当学者们花费数年时间研究一个需要几个小时才能做出的决定时。这种严谨的研究技术基于诊断技术,这些技术忽略或无法应对实时条件下有效行动的特性:数据可能不得不被忽略,来自环境的反馈可能不可用,自我实现的预言可能需要被接受——它们可能确实是行动的本质。
All human beings-not only professional practitioners-need to become competent in taking action and simultaneously reflecting. on this action to learn from it. The following pages provide a conceptual framework for this task by analyzing the theories of action that determine all deliberate human behavior, how these theories are formed, how they come to change, and in what senses they may be considered adequate or inadequate. We use this framework in later chapters to develop a model-model I-of the theories of action that determine the actual behavior of professional practitioners. We then analyze this model from two points of view: the effectiveness of those who hold it and its influence on their ability to learn about their own behavior. We then propose model II, which is more conducive to both effectiveness and learning. Then we consider the problems of transition from model I to model II.
所有人——不仅仅是专业从业者——都需要有能力采取行动并同时进行反思。在这个行动中学习。以下几页通过分析决定所有有意识的人类行为的行动理论,这些理论是如何形成的,它们是如何改变的,以及它们在什么意义上可以被认为是充分的或不充分的,为这项任务提供了一个概念框架。在后面的章节中,我们将使用这个框架来开发一个模型模型I-决定专业从业者实际行为的行动理论。然后,我们从两个角度分析了这个模型:持有该模型的人的有效性及其对他们了解自己行为的能力的影响。然后,我们提出了模型II,它更有利于有效性和学习。然后,我们考虑从模型I到模型II的过渡问题。
Theories of professional practice are best understood as special cases of the theories of action that determine all deliberate behavior. And whatever else a theory of action may be, it is first a theory. Its most general properties are properties that all theories share, and the most general criteria that apply to it-such as generality, relevance, consistency, completeness, testability, centrality, and simplicity -are criteria that apply to all theories.
专业实践理论最好被理解为决定所有刻意行为的行动理论的特例。无论行动理论是什么,它首先是一种理论。它最一般的属性是所有理论共有的属性,而适用于它的最一般标准——如普遍性、相关性、一致性、完整性、可测试性、中心性和简单性 ——是适用于所有理论的标准。
Theories are theories regardless of their origin: there are practical, common-sense theories as well as academic or scientific theories. A theory is not necessarily accepted, good, or true; it is only a set of interconnected propositions that have the same referent 一the subject of the theory. Their interconnectedness is reflected in the logic of relationships among propositions: change in propositions at one point in the theory entails changes in propositions elsewhere in it.
理论就是理论,无论其起源如何:有实用的、常识性的理论,也有学术或科学理论。一个理论不一定是被接受的、好的或正确的;它只是一组相互关联的命题,这些命题具有相同的所指对象。它们的相互联系反映在命题之间关系的逻辑上:理论中命题在某一点上的变化会导致理论中其他地方的命题发生变化。
Theories are vehicles for explanation, prediction, or control. An explanatory theory explains events by setting forth propositions from which these events may be inferred, a predictive theory sets forth propositions from which inferences about future events may be made, and a theory of control describes the conditions under which events of a certain kind may be made to occur. In each case, the theory has an "if . . . then . . ." form.
理论是解释、预测或控制的工具。解释性理论通过提出可以推断这些事件的命题来解释事件,预测理论提出可以推断未来事件的命题,而控制理论则描述了某种事件可能发生的条件。在每种情况下,该理论都有一个“如果......然后......”形式。
Theories constructed to explain, predict, or control human behavior are in many ways like other kinds of theories. But insofar as they are about human action-that is, about human behavior that is correctable and subject to deliberation-they have special features.
为解释、预测或控制人类行为而构建的理论在许多方面与其他类型的理论相似。但是,就它们与人类行为有关——也就是说,关于可纠正和可深思熟虑的人类行为——它们具有特殊性。
We can observe deliberate behavior and try to account for it as though it were the behavior of fish or tides-for example, "If population densities exceed an upper limit, people become more aggressive toward one another." Here the "if . . . then . . ." relationship holds between publicly observable phenomena. But we can also regard deliberate human behavior as the consequence of theories of action held by humans, in which case we explain or predict a person's behavior by attributing to him a theory of action. For example, we may attribute to a counselor a theory about the way to handle disruptive students: "It is necessary first to speak to them in their own language and to make it clear that you understand them, then to state the limits of what you will tolerate from them, and only then to try to find out what's bothering them." All such theories of action have the same form: in situation , if you want to achieve consequence , do .
我们可以观察刻意的行为,并试图将其解释为鱼类或潮汐的行为——例如,“如果人口密度超过上限,人们就会变得更具攻击性。这里的“如果......然后......”公开可观察的现象之间的关系成立。但是,我们也可以将刻意的人类行为视为人类所持有的行动理论的结果,在这种情况下,我们通过将行动理论归因于他来解释或预测一个人的行为。例如,我们可以将一个关于如何处理破坏性学生的理论归因于辅导员:“首先有必要用他们自己的语言与他们交谈,并明确表示你理解他们,然后陈述你对他们的容忍度,然后才试图找出困扰他们的原因。所有这些行动理论都有相同的形式:在情境 中,如果你想达到结果 ,就去做
Of course, theories of action do not hold when they are put into such simple form. They depend on a set of stated or unstated assumptions. In the previous instance, we would have to add, for example, ". . . if you can be sincere in speaking the student's own language, if he presents himself as hostile to you in the first instance, if he shows signs of overstepping bounds." A full list of assumptions would contain all the conditions under which you would expect the action to produce the desired result. Such a list would be very long;
當然,當行動理論被製成這樣簡單的形式時,它們就不成立了。它们依赖于一组陈述或未陈述的假设。在前面的例子中,我们必须添加,例如,“......如果你能真诚地说出学生自己的语言,如果他一开始就表现出对你的敌意,如果他表现出越界的迹象。完整的假设列表将包含您期望操作产生所需结果的所有条件。这样的清单会很长;

in fact, you could never be sure you had completed it. A full schema for a theory of action, then, would be as follows: in situation , if you want to achieve consequence , under assumptions , do .
事实上,你永远无法确定你已经完成了它。那么,一个行动理论的完整图式是这样的:在情境 中,如果你想实现结果 ,在假设下 ,做
From the subjective view, my theory of action is normative for me; that is, it states what I ought to do if I wish to achieve certain results. It is a theory of control. But someone else may explain my behavior by attributing to me a theory of action that accounts for the deliberate behavior he observes. In this sense, theories of action are also explanatory and predictive. We explain or predict a person's deliberate behavior by attributing theories of action to him. A theory of action is a theory of deliberate human behavior, which is for the agent a theory of control but which, when attributed to the agent, also serves to explain or predict his behavior.
从主观的角度来看,我的行动理论对我来说是规范性的;也就是说,它说明了如果我希望取得某些结果,我应该做什么。这是一种控制理论。但其他人可能会解释我的行为,将一种解释他观察到的故意行为的行动理论归因于我。从这个意义上说,行动理论也是解释性和预测性的。我们通过将行动理论归因于他来解释或预测一个人的故意行为。 行动理论是一种关于有意识的人类行为的理论,对于代理人来说,这是一种控制理论,但当归因于代理人时,它也有助于解释或预测他的行为。
We have defined theory of action in terms of a particular situation, , and a particular consequence, , intended in that situation. We need now to relate theories of action to theories of practice. A practice is a sequence of actions undertaken by a person to serve others, who are considered clients. Each action in the sequence of actions repeats some aspects of other actions in the sequence, but each action is in some way unique. In medicine, for example, a typical sequence would be a diagnostic work-up, treatment of acute illness, a well-baby visit, chronic care, and consultation.
我们根据特定情况 和特定后果 来定义行动理论。我们现在需要将行动理论与实践理论联系起来。实践是一个人为服务他人(被视为客户)而采取的一系列行动。操作序列中的每个操作都重复序列中其他操作的某些方面,但每个操作在某种程度上都是唯一的。例如,在医学上,典型的顺序是诊断性检查、急性疾病治疗、婴儿健康检查、慢性护理和咨询。
A theory of practice, then, consists of a set of interrelated theories of action that specify for the situations of the practice the actions that will, under the relevant assumptions, yield intended consequences. Theories of practice usually contain theories of intervention-that is, theories of action aimed at enhancing effectiveness; these may be differentiated according to the roles in which intervention is attempted--for example, consulting and teaching.
因此,实践理论由一组相互关联的行动理论组成,这些理论为实践的情况指定了在相关假设下将产生预期后果的行动。 实践理论通常包含干预理论,即旨在提高有效性的行动理论;这些可以根据尝试干预的角色来区分,例如咨询和教学。
The rest of Chapter One discusses theories of action because one cannot understand theories of practice without understanding the theories of action on which they rest.
第一章的其余部分讨论了行动理论,因为如果不了解实践理论所依据的行动理论,就无法理解实践理论。

Theories-in-Use 应用理论

When someone is asked how he would behave under certain circumstances, the answer he usually gives is his espoused theory of action for that situation. This is the theory of action to which he gives allegiance, and which, upon request, he communicates to others. However, the theory that actually governs his actions is his theory-in-use, which may or may not be compatible with his espoused theory; furthermore, the individual may or may not be aware of the incompatibility of the two theories.
当有人被问及他在某些情况下会如何表现时,他通常给出的答案是他所支持的针对这种情况的行动理论。这是他效忠的行动理论,并根据要求向他人传达。然而,真正支配他行为的理论是他的理论, 它可能与他所拥护的理论相容,也可能不相容;此外,个人可能意识到也可能没有意识到这两种理论的不相容性。
We cannot learn what someone's theory-in-use is simply by asking him. We must construct his theory-in-use from observations of his behavior. In this sense, constructs of theories-in-use are like scientific hypotheses; the constructs may be inaccurate representations of the behavior they claim to describe.
我们不能仅仅通过询问某人来了解他正在使用的理论是什么。我们必须从对他行为的观察中构建他的理论。从这个意义上说,使用中的理论结构就像科学假设;这些结构可能是它们声称描述的行为的不准确表示。
When you know what to do in a given situation in order to achieve an intended consequence, you know what the theory-in-use for that situation is. You know the nature of the consequence to be attained, you know the action appropriate in the situation to attain it, and you know the assumptions contained in the theory.
当你知道在给定的情况下该怎么做才能达到预期的结果时,你就知道该情况使用的理论是什么。你知道要达到的结果的性质,你知道在当时的情况下采取什么适当的行动来达到它,你知道理论中包含的假设。
Theories-in-use, however their assumptions may differ, do all include assumptions about self, others, the situation, and the connections among action, consequence, and situation. In the example of the counselor and the disruptive student, the counselor's theoryin-use may have contained the following assumptions: (1) the counselor can speak the student's language; (2) the student will recognize the sincerity of the counselor as he speaks the student's language and will tend to trust the counselor as a result; (3) the school is a place in which the counselor will be permitted to interact with the student alone and to establish a personal relationship with the student; and (4) the student will be more disposed to alter his behavior if he comes to trust the counselor than if he does not. The counselor's theory-in-use may be said to contain these assumptions, whether or not he can state them, if a change in his beliefs about one or more of them were to lead him to change his view of the actions appropriate in the situation.
使用的理论,无论它们的假设可能不同,都包括关于自我、他人、情境以及行动、后果和情境之间联系的假设。在辅导员和捣乱学生的例子中,辅导员使用的理论可能包含以下假设:(1)辅导员会说学生的语言;(2)学生会认识到辅导员的诚意,因为他会说学生的语言,并因此倾向于信任辅导员;(3)学校是允许辅导员与学生单独互动并与学生建立个人关系的地方;(4)如果学生信任辅导员,他会比不信任辅导员更愿意改变自己的行为。可以说,咨询师使用的理论包含这些假设,无论他是否可以陈述这些假设,如果他对其中一个或多个信念的改变导致他改变对在这种情况下采取适当行动的看法。
If theories of action can be attributed to all people who show deliberate behavior, then the scope of the knowledge exhibited in theories of action is immense. Theories-in-use include knowledge about the behavior of physical objects, the making and use of artifacts, the marketplace, organizations, and every other domain of human activity. In other words, the full set of assumptions about
如果行动理论可以归因于所有表现出刻意行为的人,那么行动理论所展示的知识范围是巨大的。使用中的理论包括有关物理对象行为、人工制品的制造和使用、市场、组织以及人类活动的所有其他领域的知识。换句话说,关于

human behavior that function in theories-in-use constitutes a psychology of everyday life. All propositions about the structure and operation of society, about the culture, about the design and construction of artifacts, about the physical world--insofar as they function as assumptions in theories-in-use-constitute a sociology, an anthropology, an engineering science, a physics of everyday life. In this sense, everyone is his own psychologist, sociologist, anthropologist, engineer, and physicist.
在使用理论中起作用的人类行为构成了日常生活的心理学。所有关于社会结构和运作的命题,关于文化的命题,关于人工制品的设计和建造,关于物质世界的命题,只要它们在使用理论中起着假设的作用,就构成了社会学、人类学、工程科学和日常生活物理学。从这个意义上说,每个人都是自己的心理学家、社会学家、人类学家、工程师和物理学家。
The psychology, physics, or sociology of everyday life may differ from contemporary formal psychology, physics, or sociology; the sciences of everyday life may have more in common with the formal psychology of a generation ago, or they may contain the seeds of the sciences of tomorrow. In the course of intellectual history, much formal academic knowledge has emerged through making explicit the informal knowledge of everyday life.
日常生活的心理学、物理学或社会学可能与当代形式心理学、物理学或社会学不同;日常生活的科学可能与一代人以前的形式心理学有更多的共同之处,或者它们可能包含明天科学的种子。在思想史的进程中,许多正式的学术知识是通过明确日常生活的非正式知识而产生的。
The same is true of the knowledge involved in professional practice. There is a theory-in-use of building design (for architects), a theory-in-use of the diagnosis and treatment of disease (for physicians)', and a theory-in-use of the planning of cities (for urban planners). There have been a few attempts to make these theories explicit. Scott (1969) outlines what he calls the practice theories of workers in agencies for the blind. He distinguishes between espoused theories of action and theories-in-use and points out that they tend to be inconsistent. The espoused theories hold that the blind are potentially independent, that agencies for the blind function to help the blind realize that potential. The theories-in-use, however, assume that the blind are basically dependent on the agencies, that it is a function of the agencies to sustain the dependence through continuing service, and that the function of a blind person is to adapt to life in an agency setting.
专业实践中涉及的知识也是如此。有建筑设计的理论应用(建筑师),疾病诊断和治疗的理论(医生),以及城市规划的理论(城市规划师)。已经有一些尝试使这些理论明确化。斯科特(1969)概述了他所谓的盲人机构工作人员的实践理论。他区分了所拥护的行动理论和使用中的理论,并指出它们往往是不一致的。所支持的理论认为,盲人是潜在的独立者,盲人机构的作用是帮助盲人实现这种潜力。然而,所使用的理论假定盲人基本上依赖机构,机构的职能是通过持续服务来维持依赖性,盲人的功能是适应机构环境中的生活。
Clearly, specifying the knowledge contained in our theoriesin-use would mean codifying the entire body of informal beliefs relevant to deliberate human behavior.
显然,指定我们使用的理论中包含的知识将意味着编纂与深思熟虑的人类行为相关的整个非正式信念体系。
Levels. Each person has many theories-in-use-one for every kind of situation in which he more or less regularly finds himself. We will call each of these a microtheory, although a person's theories-in-use are not independent atoms of theory. One's microtheories are related to one another through similarities of content
水平。每个人都有许多理论在使用,一种理论适用于他或多或少经常发现自己的各种情况。我们将把这些理论中的每一个都称为微观理论,尽管一个人使用的理论不是独立的理论原子。一个人的微观理论通过内容的相似性相互关联

Theories of Action 行动理论

and through their logic. As with any complex body of knowledge, a person's theories-in-use may be organized in a variety of ways.
并通过他们的逻辑。与任何复杂的知识体系一样,一个人使用的理论可以以多种方式组织起来。
Some theories-in-use have a hierarchical structure, which becomes clear as we consider, for example, how general the counselor we discussed earlier feels his assumptions are. For example, does he feel that by speaking a student's language, the student will trust him more readily, or does he generalize this to mean that all students will trust him more readily if he speaks their language? Or does he generalize even further that anyone will trust him more readily if he speaks their language? How far the counselor generalizes this assumption can be established inductively by observing his behavior in similar situations and noting the range of situations in which he appears to operate on similar assumptions.
一些使用的理论有一个等级结构,当我们考虑时,这一点变得很清楚,例如,我们前面讨论的咨询师认为他的假设是多么普遍。例如,他是否觉得通过说学生的语言,学生会更容易信任他,或者他是否将其概括为如果他说他们的语言,所有学生都会更容易信任他?或者他是否进一步概括说,如果他说他们的语言,任何人都会更容易信任他?咨询师在多大程度上概括了这个假设,可以通过观察他在类似情况下的行为并注意他似乎在类似假设下运作的情况范围来归纳。
To what extent is the assumption part of an organized theory? For example, does the counselor have a theory of the conditions under which trust comes to be established in which this assumption figures as a component? This question too may be tested, roughly as above.
假设在多大程度上是有组织理论的一部分?例如,咨询师是否有一种关于建立信任的条件的理论,其中这种假设是一个组成部分?这个问题也可以测试,大致如上所述。
A person often holds different and incompatible theories-inuse for situations that appear to an outside observer to be alike. The school counselor, for example, may behave in one way with boys, in another way with girls, and in still another way with members of a group different from his own, although he may behave consistently with each type of student. In this case, he may be said to have a higher-order theory that governs his use of the different subtheoriesin-use according to the type of student involved.
一个人经常持有不同且不相容的理论,这些理论适用于在外部观察者看来相似的情况。例如,学校辅导员可能以一种方式对待男孩,以另一种方式对待女孩,以及以另一种方式对待与他自己不同的群体的成员,尽管他可能对每种类型的学生都表现得一致。在这种情况下,可以说他有一个高阶理论,根据所涉及的学生类型来支配他对使用的不同子理论的使用。
, the structure of theories-in-use can be determined by their common assumptions. Such an assumption might be, "People will react less defensively when they are less anxious." The resulting structure will not necessarily be hierarchical.
,使用中的理论的结构可以由它们的共同假设来决定。这样的假设可能是,“当人们不那么焦虑时,他们会做出较少的防御反应。生成的结构不一定是分层的。
Tacit knowledge. In what sense do we have or know theories-in-use? What is their status? We can consider this question in terms of existence, inference, and learning.
隐性知识。在什么意义上,我们拥有或知道正在使用的理论?他们的地位如何?我们可以从存在、推理和学习的角度来考虑这个问题。
The problem of existence may be stated as follows. How do we know a person's theories-in-use exist if we cannot state them? Although we argue that theories-in-use are manifested by behavior, sometimes we say that a theory-in-use exists even though the behavior that ought to manifest it does not appear; we say that a
存在的问题可以表述如下。如果我们不能陈述一个人的理论,我们怎么知道它们的存在?尽管我们认为使用中的理论是通过行为表现出来的,但有时我们说,即使应该表现出来的行为没有出现,使用中的理论也存在;我们说一个

person intends to do , but something happens to prevent him from doing it. If, then, we say that he has a theory-in-use that he cannot state and according to which, at least in some instances, he does not behave, in what sense does the theory-in-use exist?
人打算做 ,但发生了一些事情阻止他去做。那么,如果我们说他有一个他无法陈述的理论,并且至少在某些情况下,他没有根据这个理论行事,那么这个使用的理论在什么意义上存在呢?
There is the related problem of inference. What are the ground rules for inferring theories-in-use from behavior? If the manifesting behavior does not, in some instances, appear, how can we infer the theories-in-use?
还有相关的推理问题。从行为中推断出使用的理论的基本规则是什么?如果在某些情况下没有出现显现行为,我们怎么能推断出正在使用的理论呢?
There is the problem of learning. How can we change an existing theory-in-use or learn a new theory-in-use when we cannot state what is to be changed or learned?
还有学习的问题。当我们无法说明要改变或学习什么时,我们如何改变现有的使用理论或学习新的使用理论?
These problems are at least as old as Plato's dialogue, the Meno. The history of attention to this topic leaves us with three main options.
这些问题至少与柏拉图的对话《美诺篇》一样古老。关注这个话题的历史给我们留下了三个主要选择。
  1. We know only what we can state. If we adopt this view, we lose the distinction between espoused theory and theory-in-use; this view contradicts the general finding that people's behavior is often incompatible with the theories of action they espouse.
    我们只知道我们能说什么。如果我们采用这种观点,我们就失去了拥护的理论和使用中的理论之间的区别;这种观点与人们的行为往往与他们所拥护的行动理论不相容的普遍发现相矛盾。
  2. We know only what is manifested by behavior; theories-inuse are only constructs designed to account for patterns of behavior. This view leaves us unable to account for those situations in which people fail to behave according to their theories-in-use and yet may still properly be said to hold theories-in-use ('see von Wright, 1972). A person begins an action according to his theory-in-use, but he cannot complete the action: the inhibiting factor may be externalhe stumbles or is immobilized by someone else-or it may be internal-he is blocked by some unconscious wish or fear, he is overcome with emotion, he forgets, or he has a stroke. In addition, his behavior may show a conflict of theories-in-use; he may do nothing in the situation, which might be evidence for the existence of his conflicting theories-in-use.
    我们只知道行为所表现的是什么;理论只是旨在解释行为模式的结构。这种观点使我们无法解释那些人们未能按照他们使用的理论行事的情况,但仍然可以正确地说他们持有正在使用的理论(参见von Wright,1972)。一个人根据他的理论开始一个动作,但他无法完成这个动作:抑制因素可能是外在的他绊倒或被别人固定住——也可能是内在的——他被某种无意识的愿望或恐惧所阻挡,他被情绪所克服,他忘记了,或者他中风了。此外,他的行为可能表现出使用理论的冲突;在这种情况下,他可能什么都不做,这可能是他使用中相互矛盾的理论存在的证据。
  3. We know more than we can tell and more than our behavior consistently shows. This is implicit knowledge, or tacit knowledge, as Polanyi (1967) calls it. Tacit knowledge is what we display when we recognize one face from thousands without being able to say how we do so, when we demonstrate a skill for which we cannot state an explicit program, or when we experience the intimation of a discovery we cannot put into words. Polanyi's concept offers a useful perspective on the problems of existence, inference, and learning as they apply to theories-in-use. If we know our theories-in-use tacitly, they exist even when we cannot state them and when we are somehow prevented from behaving according to them. When we formulate our theories-in-use, we are making explicit what we already know tacitly; we can test our explicit knowledge against our tacit knowledge just as the scientist can test his explicit hypothesis against his intimations. When we learn to put an espoused theory of action to use, we reverse the process. Instead of inferring explicit theory from the tacit knowledge our behavior shows, we make explicit theory tacit--that is, we internalize it.
    我们知道的比我们能说的要多,也比我们的行为一贯表现出来要多。这就是隐性知识,或隐性知识,正如波兰尼(1967)所说的那样。隐性知识是当我们从成千上万的面孔中认出一张面孔而无法说出我们是如何做到的时,当我们展示一种我们无法说出明确程序的技能时,或者当我们体验到我们无法用语言表达的发现的暗示时,我们所展示的。波兰尼的概念为存在、推理和学习问题提供了一个有用的视角,因为它们适用于使用中的理论。 如果我们心照不宣地知道我们的理论,即使我们不能陈述它们,或者当我们以某种方式被阻止按照它们行事时,它们也存在。当我们制定我们的理论时,我们是在明确我们已经默认的东西;我们可以用我们的隐性知识来检验我们的显性知识,就像科学家可以用他的暗示来检验他的显性假设一样。当我们学会使用一种所拥护的行动理论时,我们就会颠倒过来。我们不是从我们的行为所表现出的隐性知识中推断出显性理论,而是使显性理论成为隐性理论——也就是说,我们将其内化。
Consider the analogy of grammar and speech. Just as we may be unable to describe the grammatical rules that determine how we speak, or even recognize that we know them, we may be similarly unable to describe or even to recognize our theories-in-use. Our actual speech exhibits rules and differentiations more subtle than proposed grammars can account for. Inquirers are constantly trying to push their theories of grammar toward more perfect approximations of the grammars that actually govern speech. The task is complicated by the instability of actual grammars. This is also true of the relationship between our theories-in-use and the constructed theories designed to make them explicit.
考虑语法和语音的类比。正如我们可能无法描述决定我们如何说话的语法规则,甚至无法认识到我们知道它们一样,我们也可能同样无法描述甚至无法识别我们正在使用的理论。我们实际的言语表现出的规则和差异比拟议的语法所能解释的更微妙。探究者不断试图将他们的语法理论推向更完美的近似于实际控制语音的语法。由于实际语法的不稳定性,这项任务变得复杂。我们使用的理论与旨在使它们明确的建构理论之间的关系也是如此。
Each person has a grammar that governs his own speech, but these grammars are broadly shared among members of a society. Theories-in-use exhibit a similar resemblance; Chapter Four presents evidence that versions of the same model of theories-in-use result from similar upbringing within a culture. Significantly, philosophers of language now debate the status of knowledge of linguistic universals and principles of grammar that natural speakers of the language exhibit but cannot state.
每个人都有一种支配自己言语的语法,但这些语法在社会成员中广泛共享。使用中的理论表现出类似的相似之处;第四章提供了证据,证明同一理论模型的使用版本来自一种文化中的相似教养。值得注意的是,语言哲学家们现在正在争论语言普遍性和语法原则的知识地位,这些知识是语言的自然使用者所表现出的,但不能说出来。
Inferring explicit theories of action from observed behavior has problems comparable to inferring principles of grammar from observed speech. The task is to devise progressively more adequate constructions of theories-in-use that account for regularities of behavior, deviations due to external or internal inhibitions, and behavioral manifestations of inconsistent theories-in-use. When a person tries to construct his own theories-in-use, his evidence includes his behavior, the intimations of his tacit knowledge, and his ability to
从观察到的行为中推断出明确的行动理论与从观察到的言语中推断语法原则的问题相当。任务是逐步设计出更充分的使用理论结构,以解释行为的规律性、外部或内部抑制导致的偏差以及不一致使用理论的行为表现。当一个人试图构建自己的理论时,他的证据包括他的行为、他的隐性知识的暗示以及他的能力

construct imaginative experiments that indicate what he would do under various circumstances. The outside observer may also find ways to make use of the agent's intimations and imaginative experiments but must beware of the tendency to confuse espoused theories with theories-in-use. His inquiry will be facilitated by the presumption that the agent has tacit knowledge of his theories-in-use that may be elicited in various ways.
构建富有想象力的实验,表明他在各种情况下会做什么。外部观察者也可以找到利用代理人的暗示和富有想象力的实验的方法,但必须提防将拥护的理论与正在使用的理论混为一谈的倾向。他的探究将通过推定代理人对他的使用理论有隐性知识来促进,这些知识可以通过各种方式引出。

Skills and Theories-in-use
使用中的技能和理论

Professionals and professional educators-indeed, practitioners of all sorts-often speak of practicing and learning skills as though these activities were of an entirely different sort than learning a theory or learning to apply a theory. This viewpoint suggests that skill learning and theory learning are different kinds of activities; it suggests further that theory learning may be appropriately undertaken in one kind of place (school) and skill learning in another (work)'.
专业人士和专业教育工作者——事实上,各种各样的从业者——经常谈到实践和学习技能,好像这些活动与学习理论或学习应用理论完全不同。这种观点认为技能学习和理论学习是不同类型的活动;它进一步表明,理论学习可以在一种地方(学校)适当地进行,而技能学习可以在另一种地方(工作)进行。
Skills are dimensions of the ability to behave effectively in situations of action. Skill is a hybrid term that refers both to a property of concrete behavior and to a property of theories of action. Skills of all kinds-diving, writing, consultation-depend on certain features of the actor's concrete behavior. If he consistently fails to behave according to his skills, we do not attribute the skills to him. Skills also can be generalized from one situation to another. We may construct the explicit program represented by a skill just as we may construct the theory-in-use manifested by a practitioner's behavior. However, the programs manifested by skills are enormously complex. The informational content of the program corresponding to the skill of bicycle riding runs to four hundred pages and is still incomplete. The program corresponding to a skill is a theory-in-use of great informational content. Learning a theory of action so as to become competent in professional practice does not consist of learning to recite the theory; the theory of action has not been learned in the most important sense unless it can be put into practice.
技能是在行动情境中有效表现的能力的维度。技能是一个混合术语,既指具体行为的属性,也指行动理论的属性。各种技能——潜水、写作、咨询——都取决于演员具体行为的某些特征。如果他一直没有按照他的技能行事,我们不会将技能归因于他。技能也可以从一种情况推广到另一种情况。我们可以构建由技能所代表的显性程序,就像我们可以构建由从业者的行为所体现的使用理论一样。然而,技能所体现的程序非常复杂。与骑自行车技能相对应的程序的信息内容长达四百页,仍然不完整。与技能相对应的程序是大量信息内容的理论使用。学习行动理论以胜任专业实践并不包括学习背诵理论;除非能够付诸实践,否则行动理论在最重要的意义上还没有被学习。
Learning to put a theory of action into practice and learning a skill are similar processes, just as making one's theory-in-use explicit is like making explicit the program manifested by a skill.
学习将行动理论付诸实践和学习技能是相似的过程,就像明确使用中的理论就像明确技能所体现的程序一样。

Hence, considering the process of learning a skill may illuminate the process of learning new theories-in-use.
因此,考虑学习技能的过程可能会阐明学习新理论的过程。
Let us consider the skill of bicycle riding. Suppose that we put the entire program into a student's hands and that he studies the program so that he can repeat it and can state what the program says to do in various circumstances. This ability to repeat the program does not constitute learning the skill for three reasons.
让我们考虑一下骑自行车的技巧。假设我们将整个程序交到学生手中,并且他研究了该程序,以便他可以重复它并可以说明程序在各种情况下要做什么。出于三个原因,这种重复程序的能力并不构成学习技能。
  1. There is an information gap between the program and the concrete performance of riding a bicycle; that is, the program never gives a complete description of the concrete performance. However, it is misleading to say that the problem is merely to fill the gap. From a before-the-fact perspective, filling the gap involves problem-solving. When a medical student learns the symptoms of a range of diseases and begins to apply his knowledge or acquire diagnostic skill, the linking of symptom and disease is not a simple matching process. Often the patient's symptoms seem ambiguous to the student. He must screen his array of symptom/disease concepts, narrowing them to reasonable possibilities. He goes through a series of inferences, observations, and tests, all of which fill the information gap between the diagnostic program he has learned and his recognition of the patient's disease.
    程序与骑自行车的具体表现之间存在信息差距;也就是说,该程序从未对具体性能进行完整描述。然而,如果说问题只是为了填补空白,那就太误导了。从事前的角度来看,填补空白涉及解决问题。当医学生了解一系列疾病的症状并开始应用他的知识或获得诊断技能时,症状和疾病的联系不是一个简单的匹配过程。通常,患者的症状对学生来说似乎是模棱两可的。他必须筛选他的一系列症状/疾病概念,将它们缩小到合理的可能性。他经历了一系列的推论、观察和测试,所有这些都填补了他所学到的诊断程序与他对患者疾病的认识之间的信息空白。
  2. Riding a bicycle requires smooth, uninterrupted sequences of responses. If we interrupt this flow of activity by attending to the particulars of what we are doing or by looping back through the explicit program, we may fall off the bicycle. This is true not merely because of considerations of timing (the learner must compensate for an imbalance immediately, not a few seconds later) but because these sequences depend for their performance on Gestalt qualities that we lose if we attend to the particulars of the explicit program. Thus, learning to ride requires both learning the program and learning to internalize the program. Then one can give appropriate responses on cue without having to make explicit reference to the program. Knowledge of the program must be made tacit; one cannot replace tacit with explicit knowledge.
    骑自行车需要平稳、不间断的响应序列。如果我们通过关注我们正在做的事情的细节或通过显式程序循环来打断这种活动流,我们可能会从自行车上摔下来。这不仅是因为对时间的考虑(学习者必须立即补偿不平衡,而不是几秒钟后),还因为这些序列的表现取决于格式塔质量,如果我们关注显式程序的细节,我们就会失去格式塔质量。因此,学习骑行既需要学习程序,也需要学习内化程序。然后,人们可以根据提示给出适当的响应,而无需明确引用程序。对程序的了解必须是隐性的;人们不能用显性知识代替隐性知识。
  3. Some of the performances indicated by the program may require changes in sensory competence, muscular strength, physical dexterity, or feeling, none of which is achieved through learning the program for riding a bicycle. For example the program does not
    该程序指示的某些表现可能需要改变感官能力、肌肉力量、身体灵活性或感觉,而这些都不是通过学习骑自行车的程序来实现的。例如,程序没有

    teach the learner to avoid fear, although it may indicate that there is no reason for it; nevertheless, the learner may feel fear, even to an immobilizing extent.
    教导学习者避免恐惧,尽管这可能表明没有理由;然而,学习者可能会感到恐惧,甚至达到无法动弹的程度。
Practicing a skill may consist of allowing the learner to overcome his fear by progressive familiarization with the performance. The learning situation may be designed so he can perform components of the performance in a relatively risk-free situation (training wheels)' and increase the riskiness of his performances as he builds confidence. One can type skills by their learning conditions: those that require special conditions of strength, dexterity, sensory awareness, or feeling and those that do not; those that are readily broken up into components and those that are not; those that may be slowed down and still be performed effectively and those that may not; and so on.
练习一项技能可能包括让学习者通过逐步熟悉表演来克服他的恐惧。可以设计学习情境,以便他可以在相对无风险的情况下(训练轮)执行表演的组成部分,并在他建立信心时增加表演的风险。人们可以根据学习条件对技能进行分类:那些需要力量、灵巧、感官意识或感觉等特殊条件的技能,以及那些不需要的技能;那些很容易分解成组件的和那些不容易分解的;那些可能被放慢并仍然有效执行的,以及那些可能不会的;等等。
These comments about learning a skill apply also to learning to behave according to a new theory of action. In both processes, it is essential to practice, to develop and draw on tacit knowledge, and to be in a learning situation that permits a reinforcing cycle of feeling and performance to begin.
这些关于学习技能的评论也适用于学习根据新的行动理论行事。在这两个过程中,练习、发展和汲取隐性知识以及处于学习状态中,允许开始强化感觉和表现的循环是必不可少的。
It does not follow that a new skill can be learned only by first learning its program, or that one can learn a new theory-in-use only by first learning its explicit verbal formulation. On the contrary, much learning takes place through imitation without any verbal intervention. Learning may also take place as one person criticizes the performances of another, telling him what changes he should make without trying to formulate the theory of action corresponding to the peformance. (Indeed, the teacher may not know the explicit theory of action but still be able to detect deviations from correct performance.) The teacher may help the student link components of behavior already in his repertoire, or the teacher may put the student into situations that require a performance much like one he already knows.
这并不意味着只有通过首先学习其程序才能学习一项新技能,或者只有通过首先学习其明确的口头表述才能学习新的使用理论。相反,很多学习都是通过模仿进行的,没有任何语言干预。当一个人批评另一个人的表现时,学习也可能发生,告诉他应该做出什么改变,而不试图制定与表现相对应的行动理论。(事实上,教师可能不知道明确的行动理论,但仍然能够发现与正确表现的偏差。教师可能会帮助学生将他已经掌握的行为组成部分联系起来,或者教师可能会将学生置于需要表演的情境中,就像他已经知道的那样。
What, then, is the advantage of explicitly stating the theories-in-use we already hold? If unstated theories-in-use appear to enable the agent to perform effectively, there may be no advantage. But if the agent is performing ineffectively and does not know why or if others are aware of his ineffectiveness and he is not, explicitly stating his theory-in-use allows conscious criticism. The agent's efforts to defend his tacit theory-in-use may prevent his learning to behave differently; he may not be willing to behave differently until he has examined his theory-in-use explicitly and compared it with alternatives. He may be unable to test his theory-in-use until he has made it explicit. And he may be severely impaired in his efforts to teach his theory-in-use to others until he has made it explicit.
那么,明确陈述我们已经持有的理论有什么好处呢?如果未说明的使用理论似乎使代理能够有效地执行,则可能没有任何优势。但是,如果代理人表现不佳,并且不知道为什么或其他人是否意识到他的无效,而他没有,那么明确说明他正在使用的理论可以进行有意识的批评。代理人为他的隐性理论辩护的努力可能会阻止他学习不同的行为;他可能不愿意以不同的方式行事,直到他明确地检查了他使用的理论并将其与替代方案进行比较。在他明确提出之前,他可能无法测试他的理论。而且,在他明确表达之前,他可能在向他人传授他的理论的努力中受到严重损害。

Roles Played by Theories-in-Use
运用理论所扮演的角色

Theories-in-use are means for getting what we want. They specify strategies for resolving conflicts, making a living, closing a deal, organizing a neighborhood--indeed, for every kind of intended consequence.
使用中的理论是获得我们想要的东西的手段。他们指定了解决冲突、谋生、达成交易、组织社区的策略——事实上,针对各种预期的后果。
Theories-in-use are also means for maintaining certain kinds of constancy. Certain governing variables interest us (for example, energy expended, anxiety, time spent with others), and we try to keep the values of these variables within the range acceptable to us. Our theories-in-use specify which variables we are interested in (as opposed to the constants in our environment about which we can do nothing) and thereby set boundaries to action. Within these boundaries, theories-in-use provide the programs by which the variables may be managed.
使用中的理论也是保持某些恒定性的手段。我们感兴趣的某些控制变量(例如,消耗的能量、焦虑、与他人共度的时间),我们试图将这些变量的值保持在我们可接受的范围内。我们使用的理论指定了我们对哪些变量感兴趣(而不是我们环境中我们无能为力的常数),从而为行动设定了界限。在这些边界内,使用中的理论提供了可以管理变量的程序。
When we say that we pursue a certain end or get what we want, we focus on a single variable and speak of a certain sequence of action concerning that variable exclusively. However, we act within a field of governing variables, all of which are affected by our behavior, all of which we strive to keep within an acceptable range. Instead of actions being related to ends on a one-to-one basis, any given action may affect many variables; all of them are ends in the sense that all behavior is shaped so as to keep all variables within an acceptable range. At any moment, one variable may be more interesting than others and move to the foreground of our attention, but the other variables affected by the action cannot be ignored; they may be considered constraints on our efforts to manipulate foreground variables. That is, whatever we do to manipulate foreground variables, we cannot allow one of the other variables out of its acceptable range. In this sense, formulating and selecting actions is a design problem analogous to the problems of architectural
当我们说我们追求某个目标或得到我们想要的东西时,我们专注于一个变量,并只谈论与该变量有关的特定行动序列。然而,我们在控制变量的领域内行动,所有这些变量都受到我们行为的影响,我们努力将所有这些变量保持在可接受的范围内。任何给定的行动都可能影响许多变量,而不是一对一地与目的相关;从某种意义上说,所有这些都是目的,即所有行为的形状都是为了将所有变量保持在可接受的范围内。在任何时候,一个变量可能比其他变量更有趣,并移动到我们关注的前景,但受动作影响的其他变量不容忽视;它们可能被视为对我们操纵前景变量的努力的限制。也就是说,无论我们做什么来操作前景变量,我们都不能允许其他变量之一超出其可接受的范围。从这个意义上说,制定和选择动作是一个类似于建筑问题的设计问题

and engineering design, which require achieving desired values of a range of related variables, not just one variable. The actions we take never have only the intended consequence; in the design of behavior, we are continually engaged in attempting to mitigate the unintended consequences of our actions on background variables.
以及工程设计,这需要实现一系列相关变量的期望值,而不仅仅是一个变量。我们采取的行动从来不会有预期的后果;在行为设计中,我们不断尝试减轻我们的行为对背景变量的意外后果。
Some actions do not affect all governing variables, and some governing variables are not relevant to each action. However, certain governing variables (for example, level of anxiety, vitality, or self-esteem) seem to be at stake in virtually every action, constraining the directions that action may take. These variables may suddenly achieve the status of foreground ends if some action of ours has inadvertently taken them out of their acceptable ranges.
某些操作不会影响所有控制变量,而某些控制变量与每个操作无关。然而,某些控制变量(例如,焦虑水平、活力或自尊)似乎几乎在每一项行动中都处于危险之中,限制了行动可能采取的方向。如果我们的某些操作无意中使它们超出了可接受的范围,这些变量可能会突然达到前景端的状态。
A governing variable ranges within its acceptable limits, only occasionally rising above or falling below them. When one begins to focus on a new variable, it may initially be above or below these limits. It takes time to bring the new variable within acceptable limits (consider bringing someone back to health or establishing a relationship of trust). In setting oneself an objective in relation to that variable, one sets some requisite pattern of movement into the acceptable range (the objective function). Furthermore, both old and new variables require maintenance in order to keep them within limits; the design problem must not only be solved but stay solved. Once within acceptable range, the new variable joins the other governing variables that make up a person's field of constancy -the set of governing variables that must all be kept constant within their acceptable ranges.
控制变量在其可接受的范围内,只是偶尔高于或低于它们。当人们开始关注一个新变量时,它最初可能高于或低于这些限制。将新变量控制在可接受的范围内需要时间(考虑让某人恢复健康或建立信任关系)。在为自己设定一个与该变量相关的目标时,人们会将一些必要的运动模式设置到可接受的范围内(目标函数)。此外,新旧变量都需要维护,以使其保持在限制范围内;设计问题不仅要解决,而且要保持解决。一旦在可接受的范围内,新变量就会加入构成一个人恒定域的其他控制变量 - 一组控制变量,这些变量都必须在其可接受的范围内保持恒定。
Theories-in-use maintain a person's field of constancy. They specify the governing variables and their critical relationships to one another-for example, which variables have priority. They specify the acceptable ranges for these variables and the objective functions for new governing variables. They describe the techniques and strategies of design by which objective functions may be achieved and constancies maintained.
使用中的理论维持着一个人的恒定性。它们指定控制变量及其彼此之间的关键关系,例如,哪些变量具有优先级。它们指定了这些变量的可接受范围和新控制变量的目标函数。它们描述了可以实现目标函数和保持恒定性的设计技术和策略。
Theories-in-use are the means of maintaining specific constancies, but they also come to be valued in their own right for the constancy of the world-picture they provide. The inherent variability of the behavioral world gives us more information than we can han- dle, so we value a stable world-picture, being predictable, and being able to predict. We work at maintaining the constancy of our theories-in-use.
使用中的理论是维持特定恒定性的手段,但它们本身也因其提供的世界图景的恒定性而受到重视。行为世界的内在可变性为我们提供了比我们所能想象的更多的信息,因此我们重视稳定的世界图景,可预测,并且能够预测。我们努力保持我们使用的理论的恒定性。
The two orders of constancy-both of governing variables and of the world picture which theories-in-use provide-generate a special conflict. When our theories-in-use prove ineffective in maintaining the constancy of our governing variables, we may find it necessary to change our theories-in-use. But we try to avoid such change because we wish to keep our theories-in-use constant. Forced to choose between getting what we want and maintaining secondorder constancy, we may choose not to get what we want.
恒定性的两个顺序——既是控制变量,也是使用中的理论所提供的世界图景——产生了一种特殊的冲突。当我们的理论被证明不能有效地维持我们的控制变量的恒定性时,我们可能会发现有必要改变我们使用的理论。但是我们尽量避免这种变化,因为我们希望保持我们的理论不变。被迫在得到我们想要的东西和保持二阶恒定性之间做出选择,我们可能会选择不得到我们想要的东西。

Theories-in-Use as Theories of the Artificial
作为人工理论的理论

The stars are indifferent to our opinion of them, and the tides are independent of our theories about them. Human behavior, however, is directly influenced by our actions and therefore by our theories of action. The behavioral world is an artifact of our theories-in-use.
星星对我们对它们的看法漠不关心,潮汐独立于我们对它们的理论。然而,人类的行为直接受到我们行为的影响,因此也受到我们的行动理论的影响。行为世界是我们使用理论的产物。
Theories of the behavioral world are, in Simon's (1969) phrase, theories of the artificial. Many of the constants of the behavioral world are accidental-in the sense that they are created by human convention and continued by human choice-rather than inherent in the nature of the universe.
用西蒙(Simon,1969)的话来说, 行为世界的理论是人工的理论。行为世界的许多常数都是偶然的——从某种意义上说,它们是由人类的惯例创造的,并由人类的选择延续——而不是宇宙的本质所固有的。
Moreover, each person lives in a behavioral world of his own -a world made up of his own behavior in interaction with the bebehavior of others. Each person's behavioral world is therefore artificial not only in the sense that it consists of artifacts of human convention but in the sense that it is shaped and influenced by one's own action and by one's theories of the behavioral world as they influence action. The relationship between theory-in-use and action is special. Here, the action not only applies and tests the theory but also shapes the behavioral world the theory is about. We are familiar with this phenomenon in its pejorative connotations, as in the example of the teacher whose belief in the stupidity of his students results in the students' behaving stupidly. But the usual conclusions of
此外,每个人都生活在自己的行为世界中——一个由他自己的行为与他人的行为相互作用组成的世界。因此,每个人的行为世界都是人造的,不仅因为它由人类惯例的产物组成,而且从某种意义上说,它是由一个人自己的行动和一个人的行为世界理论塑造和影响的,因为它们影响着行动。理论与行动之间的关系是特殊的。在这里,行动不仅应用和测试理论,而且还塑造了理论所讨论的行为世界。我们熟悉这种现象的贬义,就像老师的例子一样,他相信学生的愚蠢导致学生的行为愚蠢。但通常的结论是

such experiments is that one should avoid self-fulfilling prophecies-as if one could. Every theory-in-use is a self-fulfilling prophecy to some extent.
這樣的實驗是,一個人應該避免自我實現的預言——就好像一個人可以一樣。在某种程度上,每一个使用的理论都是一个自我实现的预言。
We construct the reality of our behavioral worlds through the same process by which we construct our theories-in-use. Theorybuilding is reality-building, not only because our theories-in-use help to determine what we perceive of the behavioral world but because our theories-in-use determine our actions, which in turn help to determine the characteristics of the behavioral world, which in turn feed into our theories-in-use. Consequently, every theory-in-use is a way of doing something to others (to one's behavioral world), which in turn does something to oneself. The second-order constancy that we seek in our theories-in-use is also the constancy we seek in our behavioral world.
我们通过构建我们使用的理论的相同过程来构建我们行为世界的现实。理论构建是现实构建,不仅因为我们使用的理论有助于确定我们对行为世界的看法,还因为我们使用的理论决定了我们的行动,这反过来又有助于确定行为世界的特征,而行为世界的特征又为我们的使用理论提供了信息。因此,每一种使用的理论都是对他人(对自己的行为世界)做某事的一种方式,而这种方式反过来又对自己做某事。我们在使用理论中寻求的二阶恒定性也是我们在行为世界中寻求的恒定性。
Accordingly, one must examine theories-in-use not at one cross-sectional instant in time but in the progressively developing interaction between theory-in-use and behavioral world. One cannot judge theories-in-use without also judging the behavioral world created by the theory. And one cannot set about trying to construct a better theory-in-use without also trying to construct the behavioral world that is conducive to the development of that theory-in-use.
因此,人们必须检查使用中的理论,而不是在一个横截面的时刻,而是在使用中的理论和行为世界之间逐渐发展的相互作用中。如果不判断理论所创造的行为世界,就无法判断使用中的理论。如果不尝试构建有利于该使用理论发展的行为世界,就无法着手构建一个更好的使用理论。

Theory-Building as Learning
理论建设即学习

We have already discussed the similarities between learning a skill and learning to behave according to a theory-in-use. But, in addition, the formation or modification of a theory-in-use is itself a learning process.
我们已经讨论过学习技能和学习根据使用理论行事之间的相似之处。但是,此外,使用理论的形成或修改本身就是一个学习过程。
We see behavioral learning, in George Kelley's terms, as a hypothetico-deductive process in which behavioral hypotheses are formed, tested, and modified. That is, behavioral learming involves the experience-based modification of some elements of theories-inuse-governing variables, action strategies, or assumptions.
用乔治·凯利(George Kelley)的话来说,我们将行为学习视为一个假设演绎过程,在这个过程中,行为假设被形成、测试和修改。也就是说,行为控制涉及对理论控制变量、行动策略或假设的某些要素进行基于经验的修改。
We can then distinguish two kinds of behavioral learning: we can learn to adopt new action strategies to achieve our governing variables; and we can learn to change our governing variables. This distinction is similar to Ashby's (1952) distinction between single-loop and double-loop learning. Ashby uses the example of a household thermostat. When the household temperature oscillates around a steady temperature, the system may be said to engage in single-loop learning. When the householder intervenes to change the setting of the thermostat, the learning involved is double-loop. ". . . The message which the householder puts into the system by changing the setting is about how the system shall respond to messages of lower order emanating from the thermometer [Bateson, 1958, p. 293]." In the first case, the feedback loop connects the household temperature (as sensed by the thermometer) with the valve controlling the flow of hot air or water. In the second case, the feedback loop connects the household temperature not only with the heating unit but (through the medium of the householder) with the thermostat setting around which the household temperature will oscillate.
然后,我们可以区分两种行为学习:我们可以学习采用新的行动策略来实现我们的控制变量;我们可以学会改变我们的控制变量。这种区别类似于Ashby(1952)对单循环和双循环学习的区分。阿什比以家用恒温器为例。当家庭温度在稳定温度附近振荡时,可以说系统参与了单回路学习。当住户干预以更改恒温器的设置时,所涉及的学习是双循环的。". . .住户通过改变设置向系统输入的信息是关于系统应如何响应温度计发出的低阶信息[Bateson,1958,第293页]。在第一种情况下,反馈回路将家庭温度(由温度计感应)与控制热空气或水流量的阀门连接起来。在第二种情况下,反馈回路不仅将家庭温度与供暖装置连接起来,而且(通过户主的介质)将家庭温度与恒温器设置连接起来,家庭温度将围绕该恒温器振荡。
In the context of theories-in-use, a person engages in singleloop learning, for example, when he learns new techniques for suppressing conflict. He engages in double-loop learning when he learns to be concerned with the surfacing and resolution of conflict rather than with its suppression.
在使用理论的背景下,一个人从事单循环学习,例如,当他学习抑制冲突的新技术时。当他学会关注冲突的浮出水面和解决而不是压制冲突时,他就会进行双循环学习。
In single-loop learning, we learn to maintain the field of constancy by learning to design actions that satisfy existing governing variables. In double-loop learning, we learn to change the field of constancy itself.
在单循环学习中,我们通过学习设计满足现有控制变量的动作来学习保持恒定性。在双循环学习中,我们学会了改变恒常性本身的领域。
Double-loop learning does not supercede single-loop learning. Single-loop learning enables us to avoid continuing investment in the highly predictable activities that make up the bulk of our lives; but the theory-builder becomes a prisoner of his programs if he allows them to continue unexamined indefinitely. Double-loop learning changes the governing variables (the "settings") of one's programs and causes ripples of change to fan out over one's whole system of theories-in-use.
双环学习不会取代单环学习。单循环学习使我们能够避免继续投资于构成我们生活大部分的高度可预测的活动;但是,如果理论构建者允许他的程序无限期地不受审查地继续下去,那么他就会成为程序的囚徒。双循环学习改变了一个人程序的控制变量(“设置”),并导致变化的涟漪在一个人的整个使用理论系统中呈扇形散开。

Chapter 2 第 2 章

Evaluating Theories of Action
评估行动理论

To consider the interaction of theories-in-use and their behavioral worlds, we must look at their tendencies rather than at their crosssectional properties at any instant in time. Whether theories-in-use tend to create a behavioral world that constrains or frees the individual depends on answers to the following questions: Are the theoriesin-use and espoused theories internally consistent? Are they congruent? Are they testable? Are they effective? Do we value the worlds they create? The relationships among these criteria are expressed in Figure 1.
要考虑使用中的理论及其行为世界的相互作用,我们必须关注它们的趋势,而不是它们在任何时刻的横截面特性。使用中的理论是否倾向于创造一个约束或解放个人的行为世界,取决于以下问题的答案:使用中的理论和拥护的理论是否内在一致?它们是否一致?它们可以测试吗?它们有效吗?我们珍惜他们创造的世界吗?这些标准之间的关系如图 1 所示。

Internal Consistency 内部一致性

In a very simple sense, internal consistency means the absence of self-contradiction. But in the domain of theory of action, its meaning becomes more complex.
从非常简单的意义上说,内部一致性意味着没有自相矛盾。但在行动理论领域,它的含义变得更加复杂。
The most important kind of consistency lies not between propositions in the theory ("This man is generous," "This man is stingy")' but among the governing variables of the theory that are
最重要的一致性不在于理论中的命题之间(“这个人很慷慨”,“这个人很吝啬”),而在于理论的支配变量之间。
FIGURE 1 图1
related to assumptions about self, others, and the behavioral setting. For example, a theory of action might require two propositions"Keep people calm" and "Encourage participative government"; if participative government can come about only through heated action, the theory is internally inconsistent, although not logically inconsistent. It is not self-contradictory, as saying a horse is and is not white would be. However, efforts to achieve the governing variables would interfere with one another.
与关于自我、他人和行为环境的假设有关。例如,一个行动理论可能需要两个命题“让人们保持冷静”和“鼓励参与式政府”;如果参与式政府只能通过激烈的行动来实现,那么这个理论在内部是不一致的,尽管在逻辑上并不一致。这并不是自相矛盾的,就像说一匹马是白色的,而不是白色的一样。然而,实现控制变量的努力会相互干扰。
Each of these variables has a range that is acceptable; within that range, there are levels of preference. As long as calmness does not rise to the point of inertness, we may prefer to have things as calm as possible. As long as participation does not rise to the point of anarchy, we may prefer to have as much of it as possible.
这些变量中的每一个都有一个可接受的范围;在这个范围内,有偏好的程度。只要冷静没有上升到惰性的地步,我们可能更愿意让事情尽可能平静。只要参与没有上升到无政府状态的地步,我们可能更愿意尽可能多地参与。
If two or more such variables are internally incompatible in a particular context, one cannot achieve as high a level of preference for both of them taken together as one can for each of them taken separately. If we call such a relationship incompatibility, we can reserve the term internal inconsistency for the special case in which one variable will fall out of its acceptable range if the other is brought into the acceptable range.
如果两个或多个这样的变量在特定上下文中内部不相容,那么就无法像单独考虑每个变量那样,对这两个变量的偏好程度尽可能高。 如果我们称这种关系为不相容性,我们可以将术语“内部不一致”保留在特殊情况下,即如果一个变量被带入可接受的范围,另一个变量将超出其可接受的范围。
Whether governing variables are incompatible or internally inconsistent depends on a number of factors.
控制变量是否不兼容或内部不一致取决于许多因素。
  1. Other governing variables-for example, variables related to self-protection, courtesy, or protection of others-may limit the means for achieving some variables.
    其他控制变量(例如,与自我保护、礼貌或保护他人相关的变量)可能会限制实现某些变量的手段。
  2. The array of actions envisaged in the theory-in-use may be too narrow. Outside of that array, there may be some means for achieving one variable without dropping the other variable out of its acceptable range.
    使用理论中设想的行动范围可能过于狭窄。在该数组之外,可能有一些方法可以实现一个变量,而不会将另一个变量丢弃到其可接受的范围之外。
  3. The acceptable range of each variable may be broadened or narrowed so as to make the two variables more or less incompatible.
    每个变量的可接受范围可以扩大或缩小,以使两个变量或多或少不兼容。
  4. The assumptions in the theory-in-use may be altered so as to make the governing variables more or less incompatible. For example, the assumption "People cannot address the problem of selfgovernment without becoming excited" may be absent from theoryin-use but may be valid in the situation; in this case, the agent would find that he cannot reach acceptable levels of both variables, but he would not understand why.
    使用中的理论中的假设可能会被改变,从而使控制变量或多或少不相容。例如,“人们不能在不兴奋的情况下解决自治问题”的假设可能在理论中使用中不存在,但在这种情况下可能是有效的;在这种情况下,智能体会发现他无法达到两个变量的可接受水平,但他不明白为什么。
  5. The protagonist may act on his world so as to make it take on characteristics that are either conducive or resistant to the internal consistency of his theory. His behavior may somehow affect people's sense of responsibility in a way that enables participation in self-government without disruption. Or, his behavior may have the opposite effect. Since this behavior is itself a reflection of other aspects of the theory-in-use, theories-in-use may tend to make themselves internally consistent or inconsistent. In the worst case, increasing one's efforts to achieve governing variables decreases one's chance of achieving them; in the best case, increasing one's efforts increases the chance of achieving them.
    主人公可以对他的世界采取行动,使它呈现出有利于或抵制其理论的内在一致性的特征。他的行为可能会以某种方式影响人们的责任感,从而使人们能够不受干扰地参与自治。或者,他的行为可能会产生相反的效果。由于这种行为本身反映了使用中的理论的其他方面,因此使用中的理论可能倾向于使自己内部一致或不一致。在最坏的情况下,增加一个人实现控制变量的努力会降低一个人实现这些变量的机会;在最好的情况下,增加一个人的努力会增加实现它们的机会。
If two or more governing variables in a theory-in-use are internally inconsistent, then, for given settings of ranges, arrays of strategies, assumptions about the situation, constraining variables, and influences of action on the behavioral world there is no way of falling into the acceptable range for one value without falling out of the acceptable range for the other.
如果使用理论中的两个或多个控制变量在内部不一致,那么,对于给定的范围设置、策略数组、对情况的假设、约束变量以及行动对行为世界的影响,就没有办法落入一个值的可接受范围而不落入另一个值的可接受范围。
It is important to notice the relationship between internal consistency and constancy. Theory-in-use may be regarded as a program for action designed to keep the values of certain variables constant within acceptable ranges. It is analogous to a computer program for an industrial process that is designed to keep conditions such as temperature and pressure within acceptable limits. The program's internal consistency and the acceptable limits of the variables determine one another. The internal consistency of the theory-in-use conditions the ability of the theory-in-use to achieve the desired constancies; the nature of the desired constancies partly determines the internal consistency of the theory-in-use.
重要的是要注意内部一致性和恒定性之间的关系。使用理论可以被视为一种行动方案,旨在将某些变量的值保持在可接受的范围内。它类似于工业过程的计算机程序,旨在将温度和压力等条件保持在可接受的范围内。程序的内部一致性和变量的可接受限制相互决定。使用中的理论的内在一致性条件是使用中的理论实现所需恒定性的能力;所需恒定性的性质在一定程度上决定了所用理论的内部一致性。

Congruence 一致

Congruence means that one's espoused theory matches his theory-in-use-that is, that one's behavior fits his espoused theory of action. A second (and much-used) meaning of congruence is allowing inner feelings to be expressed in actions: when one feels happy, he acts happy.
一致性意味着一个人所信奉的理论与他的理论相匹配,也就是说,一个人的行为符合他所信奉的行动理论。一致性的第二个(也是经常使用的)含义是允许内在的感受在行动中表达:当一个人感到快乐时,他会表现得很快乐。
These two meanings are complementary and show an integration of one's internal (what one who is aware of my feelings and beliefs would perceive) and external (what an outsider who is aware only of my behavior would perceive) state. Lack of congruence between espoused theory and theory-in-use may precipitate search for a modification of either theory since we tend to value both espoused theory (image of self) and congruence (integration of doing and believing) .
这两个含义是互补的,显示了一个人的内在状态(了解我的感受和信念的人会感知到的)和外部状态(只知道我的行为的局外人会感知到的)状态的整合。所拥护的理论和使用中的理论之间缺乏一致性可能会促使我们寻求对任何一种理论的修改,因为我们倾向于同时重视所拥护的理论(自我形象)和一致性(做与相信的整合)。
The caricature of a politician shows him advocating what looks like an espoused theory for the benefit of others, feeling no uneasiness over that theory's incongruence with his theory-in-use. Such an individual probably does not believe in the theory he is advocating although he does have an espoused theory that he believes; incongruence between the latter theory and his theory-in-use may very well cause uneasiness and trigger a change in theory.
一个政治家的漫画表明,他为了他人的利益而倡导一种看似拥护的理论,对该理论与他的理论不一致并不感到不安。这样的人可能不相信他所倡导的理论,尽管他确实有一个他所相信的理论;后一种理论与他的理论之间的不一致很可能会引起不安并引发理论的改变。
The degree of congruence varies over time. One's ability to be himself (to be what he believes and feels) may depend on the kind of behavioral world he creates. A behavioral world of low selfdeception, high availability of feelings, and low threat is conducive to congruence; a behavioral world of low self-esteem and high threat is conducive to self-deception and incongruence. If one helps create situations in which others can be congruent, his own congruence is supported.
一致性的程度随时间而变化。一个人做他自己的能力(成为他所相信和感受到的)可能取决于他创造的行为世界。一个低自欺欺人、高可用性和低威胁的行为世界有利于一致性;一个低自尊和高威胁的行为世界有利于自我欺骗和不协调。如果一个人帮助创造其他人可以一致的情况,那么他自己的一致就会得到支持。
There is no particular virtue in congruence, alone. An espoused theory that is congruent with an otherwise inadequate theory-in-use is less valuable than an adequate espoused theory that
在一致性中没有特别的美德,单独存在。一个被拥护的理论与一个在其他方面不充分使用的理论相一致,其价值不如一个充分支持的理论。

is incongruent with the inadequate theory-in-use, because then the incongruence can be discovered and provide a stimulus for change. However, given the importance of congruence to a positive sense of self, it is desirable to hold an espoused theory and theory-in-use that tend to become congruent over the long run.
与使用的不充分理论不一致,因为这样可以发现不一致并为变革提供刺激。然而,鉴于一致性对积极的自我意识的重要性,最好持有一种支持的理论和使用中的理论,从长远来看,这些理论和理论往往会变得一致。

Effectiveness 有效性

A theory-in-use is effective when action according to the theory tends to achieve its governing variables. Accordingly, effectiveness depends on: the governing variables held within the theory; the appropriateness of the strategies advanced by the theory; and the accuracy and adequacy of the assumptions of the theory. A strong criterion of effectiveness would require that governing variables stay in the acceptable range once they have been achieved. Some theories-in-use tend to make themselves less effective over time. For example, if an agent tends to become more effective in ways that reduce the effectiveness of others, he may increase the dependence of others on him and make it more and more difficult for himself to be effective. Long-run effectiveness requires achieving governing variables in a way that makes their future achievement increasingly likely. This may require behavior that increases the effectiveness of others.
当根据理论采取的行动倾向于实现其控制变量时,使用中的理论是有效的。因此,有效性取决于:理论中的控制变量;该理论提出的策略的适当性;以及理论假设的准确性和充分性。一个强有力的有效性标准将要求控制变量一旦达到,就保持在可接受的范围内。随着时间的流逝,一些正在使用的理论往往会使自己的效果降低。例如,如果一个代理人倾向于以降低他人有效性的方式变得更有效率,他可能会增加他人对他的依赖,并使自己越来越难以有效。长期有效性需要以一种使未来实现变量的可能性越来越大的方式实现控制变量。这可能需要提高他人效率的行为。
Long-run effectiveness requires single and double-loop learning. We cannot be effective over the long run unless we can learn new ways of managing existing governing variables when conditions change. In addition, we cannot be effective unless we can learn new governing variables as they become important.
长期有效性需要单循环和双循环学习。从长远来看,除非我们能够学习在条件变化时管理现有控制变量的新方法,否则我们无法长期有效。此外,除非我们能够学习新的控制变量,因为它们变得重要,否则我们就无法有效。
Note that long-run effectiveness does not necessarily mean that action becomes easier. One may respond to increased effectiveness by addressing himself to new governing variables for which he begins by being less effective; progress in effectiveness may be reflected in the sequence of governing variables one tries to achieve.
请注意,长期有效性并不一定意味着行动变得更容易。一个人可以通过向新的控制变量提出自己的要求来应对效率的提高,而对于这些变量,他一开始就效率较低;有效性的进步可能反映在人们试图实现的控制变量的顺序上。

Testability 测试

Theories of action are theories of control, like the theories involved in engineering, in clinical medicine, or in agricultural tech- nology. They are testable if one can specify the situation, the desired result, and the action through which the result is to be achieved. Testing consists of evaluating whether the action yields its predicted results. If it does, the theory has been confirmed; if it does not, it has been disconfirmed. This tests the effectiveness of the theory.
行动理论是控制理论,就像工程学、临床医学或农业技术学中涉及的理论一样。如果可以指定情况、期望的结果以及实现结果的行动,它们是可测试的。测试包括评估操作是否产生其预测结果。如果是这样,则该理论已得到证实;如果没有,则已不确认。这检验了该理论的有效性。
Special problems regarding testability stem from two related characteristics of theories of action: theories of action are normative (they set norms of behavior) and they are theories of the artificial (they are about a behavioral world that they help to create). There are three basic problems.
关于可测试性的特殊问题源于行动理论的两个相关特征:行动理论是规范性的(它们设定了行为规范)和它们是人工的理论(它们是关于它们帮助创造的行为世界)。有三个基本问题。
  1. How can one test theories that prescribe action? How can norms or values be tested?
    如何检验规定行动的理论?如何测试规范或价值观?
  2. Given that theories-in-use tend to make themselves true in that world, how can they be tested?
    既然使用中的理论在那个世界里往往会成为现实,那么如何检验它们呢?
  3. In a situation of action (particularly in a stressful situation)', we are required to display the stance of action-that is, confidence, commitment, decisiveness. But in order to test a theory, one must be tentative, experimental, skeptical. How can we, in the same situations, manifest the stance of action and the experimental stance?
    在行动的情况下(特别是在压力大的情况下),我们需要表现出行动的立场——即信心、承诺、果断。但为了检验一个理论,一个人必须是试探性的、实验性的、怀疑的。在同样的情况下,我们如何表现出行动的立场和实验的立场?
Simple prescriptions ("Don't go near the water!") are not testable because they do not predict results, but if . . . then . . . prescriptions ("If you want to avoid catching a cold, stay away from the water in winter!") are testable. Testing may not be straightforward because assumptions, often hidden, accompany such if . . . then . . . prescriptions. It is assumed here, for example, that you will not expose yourself to other risks of catching cold. Only if we make such assumptions explicit and control for them can we interpret the failure or success of the experiment.
简单的处方(“不要靠近水!”)是不可测试的,因为它们不能预测结果,但如果......然后。。。处方(“如果你想避免感冒,冬天远离水!”)是可以测试的。测试可能并不简单,因为假设(通常是隐藏的)伴随着这样的假设,如果......然后。。。处方。例如,这里假设您不会让自己面临其他感冒风险。只有当我们明确这些假设并控制它们时,我们才能解释实验的失败或成功。
A more challenging problem has to do with the testing of norms or values themselves. Can we test governing variables such as "stay healthy"? In one sense, the answer to this question must be no, because governing variables are not if . . . then . . . propositions and make no predictions. But if one looks at the entire range of variables-the entire field of constancy involved in a theory-in-use -it is meaningful to ask whether, over time, these values will become more or less internally consistent, more or less congruent with
一个更具挑战性的问题与规范或价值观本身的检验有关。我们可以测试诸如“保持健康”之类的控制变量吗?从某种意义上说,这个问题的答案一定是否定的,因为控制变量不是如果......然后。。。命题,不做任何预测。但是,如果看一下整个变量范围——使用中的理论所涉及的整个恒定性领域——那么,随着时间的推移,这些值是否会或多或少地变得内部一致,或多或少地与