马库斯股票

马其顿国王亚历山大三世于公元前 356 年出生于佩拉，于公元前 323 年在巴比伦去世。他的功绩令人钦佩，他的骄傲受到谴责，在接下来的几个世纪里，他抓住了同时代人和后来的传记作者的想象力。他的放大始于他自己的一生，当希腊《亚历山大·罗曼史》和罗马史学家的著作将他的生平和声誉完全矛盾的版本奉为经典时，毫无疑问，他确实是“伟大的”，不仅作为军事战略家和统治者，而且在归因于他的性格缺陷方面也非常出色²亚历山大对欧洲想象的持续意义国家，一直持续 到中世纪晚期，也是基于他作为东方奇观目击者的角色.亚历山大所观察到的奇迹的报告出现在亚历山大罗曼史及其中世纪拉丁语和白话的改写中，以及所谓的亚历山大写给亚里士多德的关于东方奇观的信中， 经常被整合到亚历山大的叙述和其他来源中。伟大的亚历山大被认为是地理、人种学和动物学奇观的见证人，例如世界尽头的海洋、人间天堂的墙壁、侏儒、巨人和野人，以及世界东部的许多其他“奇迹”。事实上，对于中世纪的读者和听众来说，他的征服和旅行构成了对世界边缘民族的独特民族志的经验基础，这种民族志测试了人类本身的边缘。

值得注意的是，亚历山大的生平不仅在欧洲文学中被重述和改写。与欧洲关于亚历山大生平的叙述的发展和传播同时期或稍稍紧随其后，亚历山大的故事传播到波斯、印度、蒙古、

在很大程度上基于被广泛翻译的希腊亚历山大罗曼史的广泛传播，这些改写证明了该材料的跨文化可翻译性，这一特点已成为 近年来前现代亚历山大文学学术研究的焦点，特别是关于非欧洲对亚历山大的描述。 der the Great 与欧洲中世纪重合的时代。在许多“中世纪”和“早期现代”的欧洲以外的文化中（这些划时代的分母几乎不合适）， 亚历山大的传统同样引人注目，亚历山大的生平和事迹同样具有意义和模糊性。可以肯定的是，亚历山大的传奇在其所有的跨文化改写中仍然是流动的，但它的不同线索也建立在即使在最遥远的传统中也能识别的节点。当然，造成这些遥远回响的原因有很多，但相似之处往往可以追溯到希腊《亚历山大浪漫史》的压倒性影响。然而，值得注意的是，亚历山大的一生提供了 能够在许多不同的背景下获得相似意义的迷人和挑战点，并且这些点在多种文化中仍然具有相关性。宗教和政治环境。以非常具体的方式，亚历山大的材料似乎立即具有跨文化相关性
在很大程度上基于被广泛翻译的希腊亚历山大罗曼史的广泛传播，这些改写证明了该材料的跨文化可翻译性，这一特点已成为 近年来前现代亚历山大文学学术研究的焦点，特别是关于非欧洲对亚历山大的描述。der the Great 与欧洲中世纪重合的时代。在许多“中世纪”和“早期现代”的欧洲以外的文化中（这些划时代的分母几乎不合适）， 亚历山大的传统同样引人注目，亚历山大的生平和事迹同样具有意义和模糊性。可以肯定的是，亚历山大的传奇在其所有的跨文化改写中仍然是流动的，但它的不同线索也建立在即使在最遥远的传统中也能识别的节点。当然，造成这些遥远回响的原因有很多，但相似之处往往可以追溯到希腊《亚历山大浪漫史》的压倒性影响。然而，值得注意的是，亚历山大的一生提供了能够在许多不同的背景下获得相似意义的迷人和挑战点，并且这些点在多种文化中仍然具有相关性。宗教和政治环境。以非常具体的方式，亚历山大的材料似乎立即具有跨文化相关性

并受制于特定的当地复述、挪用
并受制于特定的当地复述、挪用活动，活动 ，

和传输。
和传输。

因此，亚历山大材料的中世纪和近代早期传播在其空间和时间扩展方面都非常出色。跨文化适应性和转 传性仍然是围绕这种材料的多形式后古典适应的最迷人的现象之一。亚历山大大帝的接受历史历程千变，与地理范围一样引人注目：与几乎所有其他古代历史人物不同，亚历山大大帝是迷人的磁铁 和文化 灵感 来源生产结束
因此，亚历山大材料的中世纪和近代早期传播在其空间和时间扩展方面都非常出色。跨文化适应性和转格式性仍然是围绕这种材料的多形式后古典改编的最迷人的现象之一。亚历山大大帝的接受历史历程千变，与地理范围一样引人注目：与古代的几乎所有其他历史人物不同，亚历山大大帝是一块迷人的磁铁，也是世界各地文化生产的灵感来源

一个非常长的时间延伸。事实上，它正处于 后古典主义

受到启发，传奇的亚历山大生活揭示了其最丰富的叙事和想象力潜力。这种潜力往往通过或多或少令人信服的尝试 在欧洲贵族成员与亚历山大或马其顿之间建立家谱联系而得到增强。

尼安;通过强调 亚历山大本人在世俗帝国从东方到西方的翻译中的作用，为亚历山大本人的形象增添了政治和宗教价值。

Tio Imperii 对 任何帝国 ASPIRA- 具有潜在的政治意义

其中，德国的资料尤其有力地证明了这一点

鉴于材料的适应性及其功能，亚历山大的形象以及他生活中的标志性场景和情境成为后古典主义的流行主题也就不足为奇了视觉艺术

随着他融入中世纪基督教的解释模式，亚历山大形象的矛盾性为中世纪欧洲作家提供了挑战和机遇。它们的新意义构成基于从首次记录下来的那一刻起就伴随着亚历山大生活叙述的旧紧张关系：亚历山大征服的价值和意义问题，亚历山大与希腊或波斯文化框架的关系，以及对亚历山大被神化或表面神化的评估正是通过这些紧张局势，叙事的某些 核心元素再次重演
随着他融入中世纪基督教的解释模式，亚历山大形象的矛盾性为中世纪欧洲作家提供了挑战和机遇。它们的新意义构成基于从首次记录下来的那一刻起就伴随着亚历山大生活叙述的旧紧张关系： 亚历山大征服的价值和意义问题，亚历山大与希腊或波斯文化框架的关系，以及对亚历山大被神化或表面神化的评估正是通过这些紧张局势，叙事的某些核心元素再次重演

并再次贯穿整个 传统，吸引他们特定的叙述

能量，这种能量在中世纪版本中以多种方式表现出来，并在本卷中收集的发现中一遍又一遍地得到证明。

这种潜在的紧张关系不仅体现在基督教的亚历山大传统中， 在这种传统中，亚历山大既吸引着迷味，也引起了 批判，既不完全是正面的，也不是完全负面的，并且可以通过他的功能化在历史上与现在联系在一起作为救赎历史的一部分，它们也在犹太教和穆斯林传统中上演，尽管形式不同，分享和修改“症状性利益”和 共同主题。 例如，帝国的谱系基础问题 在很大程度上是欧洲文本的主题，尤其是德国的亚历山大文本，但对帝国概念的彻底乌托邦式的重新评估也在 希伯来传统的重要文本中占据突出地位。同样，它似乎是一个 前现代和早期现代文本所描述的跨文化趋势

Alexander's insatiable hunger to experience the extraordinary,the not- yet-known,and the unknowable:knowledge beyond the knowable is thus another topic that spans both cultures and erasAt the same time, many texts-unsurprisingly,given the subject matter and historical core of Alexander's conquests-also depict struggles over the legitimacy of rule and lay bare the structures as well as the strategies of dominance.
亚历山大对体验非凡、未知和不可知的事物的永不满足的渴望：因此，超越可知的知识是另一个跨越文化和时代的话题与此同时，许多文本——毫不奇怪，考虑到亚历山大征服的主题和历史核心——也描绘了围绕统治的合法性，并暴露了统治的结构和策略。

The manifold representations of Alexander's vita were not only re-
亚历山大生平的多种表现形式不仅是

interpretations of what was seen to have been an extraordinary life,but
对被视为非凡生活的解释，但是

also vehicles for the negotiation of identity and alterity,the discussion of the ethics of power,and the delineation of the world's geo-ethnological boundaries.Alexander served as a catalyst for medieval and early mod- ern concerns of otherness.The legends of Alexander should thus not be read merely as stories of conquest and discovery,but also as docu- ments of migration,translation,cosmopolitanism,and diaspora.At a very basic level,Christian and Muslim literatures of medieval and early modern Europe and Asia share key elements in their narratives about Alexander:almost all the works discussed in this volume are preoccu- pied with certain nodes of fascination,such as Alexander s transgres- sion of limits,or his ascribed first-hand knowledge of the terrible and fascinating-wonders to be found in the remote corners of the earth.It is not surprising,therefore,that many texts also explicitly or implicitly thematize the limits of representation in view of the superlatives sur- rounding Alexander and the spatial,climatic,biological,and human extremes he is said to have experienced.Thus,narratives of Alexander's life,and most prominently among them,the accounts of his travels in the eastern parts of the world,constitute a sphere of connection,the precarious chance of a spatial interconnectedness to every imaginable people and creature,even to the spheres of sky and sea.
也是协商身份和他者、讨论权力伦理和划定世界地缘民族学边界的工具。亚历山大是中世纪和早期现代对他者性关注的催化剂。因此，亚历山大的传说不应仅仅被解读为征服和发现的故事，而应被解读为移民、翻译、世界主义和侨民的记录。在非常基本的层面上，中世纪和近代早期欧洲和亚洲的基督教和穆斯林文学在关于亚历山大的叙述中具有关键要素：本卷讨论的几乎所有作品都充满了某些令人着迷的节点，例如亚历山大对极限的解释，或者他对地球偏远角落中可怕而迷人的奇观的第一手资料。因此，鉴于围绕亚历山大的最高级以及据说他所经历的空间、气候、生物和人类的极端情况，许多文本也明确或隐含地将表现的局限性主题化也就不足为奇了。因此，亚历山大的生平叙述，其中最突出的，他在世界东部的旅行记述，构成了一个连接圈，与每一个可以想象的民族和生物，甚至到天空和海洋的领域，都存在空间相互联系的不稳定机会。

Many accounts of Alexander are ambivalent not only in their assess-
许多关于亚历山大的描述是矛盾的，不仅在他们的评价中——

ment of the king himself but also in their evaluation of the many strug
国王本人的评价中，也体现在他们对许多strug 的评价中

gles for dominance that mark Alexander's advances through the Near and Middle East and into Asia: the almost self-evident,affirmative appeal of Alexander's many victories is checked by many accounts of the resistance offered to the conquering king.This is true for many texts of the European Latin and vernacular traditions in France,Germany, and elsewhere,into which counter-narratives of resistance to Alexan
亚历山大在近东和中东再到亚洲的进步的统治地位：亚历山大的许多胜利几乎不言而喻的肯定吸引力被许多对征服国王的抵抗的描述所证明。法国、德国和其他地方的许多欧洲拉丁语和白话传统的文本都是如此，其中对亚历山的抵抗是反叙事的

der's desire for domination are inscribed,often personified by peoples and rulers such as the Amazons,the Naked Sages,the Persian princess Roxane or the fabulous Merovian queen Candace (in various guises). Comparative and contrastive readings reveal that some of the non- European texts,like those from the Iranian/Persian tradition,formu-
der 对统治的渴望被铭刻下来，通常由亚马逊人、裸体圣人、波斯公主罗克珊或神话般的墨罗维亚女王坎迪丝（以各种形式）等民族和统治者化身。比较和对比阅读表明，一些非欧洲文本，如来自伊朗/波斯传统的文本，形成了

late resistance by counter-othering Alexander as the intruding force set
通过反抗亚历山大作为入侵力量的后期抵抗

against local positive figures.b
与当地的积极数字相反。

Dominance as a core theme of Alexander texts is often tied in with questions of cosmopolitanism and identity.They are the focus of the first essays of this volume and play an important role throughout the book.Discussing the Alexander vitae of Quintus Curtius Rufus, Plu- tarch,and Arrian,the introductory essay by Thomas Hahn highlights
作为亚历山大文本的核心主题，统治通常与世界主义和身份问题联系在一起。他们是本卷第一篇文章的重点，在整本书中发挥着重要作用。在讨论昆图斯·库尔蒂乌斯·鲁弗斯、普鲁塔克和阿里安的亚历山大生平时，托马斯·哈恩 （Thomas Hahn） 的导言重点介绍了

the manner in which the texts produced by Roman historiographers developed symptomatic interests in cosmopolitanism, while at the same time displaying profound ambivalences regarding the eccentric, nomadic life of Alexander and the cultural hybridity and dispersion marking his path to the East.The historians worked to establish Roman "metropolitan"values and"western"identity in reaction to what they
罗马史学家撰写的文本对世界主义产生了明显的兴趣，同时 对亚历山大古怪的游牧生活以及标志着他通往东方的道路的文化混合和分散表现出深刻的矛盾心理。“大都会”价值观和“西方”身份对他们

perceived as Alexander's path to degeneracy and orientalization.Even in their omissions they remain suspieiously ambivalent,by leaving out many of the confusions and contradictions that govern the multiform reverberations of the Greek Alexander Romance,which dwells on the insecurities of Alexander s paternity and identity.Thus,the Roman his- torians are caught in the ambivalences that infest all Alexander texts: cultural hybridity is inscribed into Alexander's geopolitical path as much as it is into the modelling of his own identity,which eschews any
》被认为是亚历山大走向堕落和东方化的道路。即使他们的遗漏，他们仍然保持着可疑的矛盾性，遗漏 了希腊亚历山大浪漫主义的多种形式回响中的许多困惑和矛盾，它详述了亚历山大的父系和身份的不安全感。因此，罗马历史学家陷入了充斥着所有亚历山大文本的矛盾心理中：文化混合性被铭刻在亚历山大的地缘政治道路上，就像它被铭刻在他自己的身份塑造中一样，它回避了任何

attempt to claim a single,unique identity.Emily Reiner further eluci- dates this complex by reviewing the "national"designations of Alex- ander in medieval Latin chronicles,in Walter ofChatillon's Alexandreis, and in the Anglo-Norman Alexander Romance by Thomas of Kent.She
尝试声明单个唯一身份。艾米丽·莱纳 （Emily Reiner） 通过回顾中世纪拉丁编年史、沃尔特·奥·沙蒂永 （Walter ofChatillon） 的《亚历山大》（Alexandreis） 和肯特的托马斯 （ThomasofKent） 的盎格鲁-诺曼·亚历山大罗曼史 （Anglo-Norman Alexander Romance） 中对亚历山大的“国家”称呼，进一步阐明了这一复杂程度。

shows that the ambiguities surrounding Alexander also concernhis
表明围绕亚历山大的模棱两可也与他的

"nationality":geographically,it oscillates between"Greek/"Trojan" and"Macedon"genealogically between his affiliation with the Egyp tian sorcerer-pharaoh Nectanabus and Philip of Macedon.
“nationality”：在地理上，它在“希腊/”特洛伊“和”马其顿“之间摇摆不定，在他与埃及巫师法老 Nectanabus 和马其顿的菲利普的关系之间。

Christine Chism reads the fashioning of the Alexander figure in the Andalusian Qissat Dhulqarnayn against the backdrop of the eighteenth sura of the Qur an.While Alexander is depicted simply as a world con queror in the Qur an,the Qissat Dhulqarnayn adds complexity to the matter by highlighting its potential significance for a central episte mological problem of medieval Islamic culture,for which Alexander's insatiable hunger for conquest and knowledge serves as a telling exam- ple.While it is necessary to strive for as much knowledge as possible in order to understand God and his creation,this human endeavour is ultimately bound to fail,as all knowledge rests with God and is thus infinite and incomprehensible.Ruth Nisse discusses the earliest Hebrew Alexander Romance,Ma aseh Alexandros,from the mid-eleventh cen- tury,which displays a particular interest in Alexander's conquests in the East among medieval Jewry.Thus,the text stands within a tradition that regards the Jewish diaspora in relation to the phantasma of a politi- cally and culturally autonomous eastern Jewish empire.This empire remains unconquered by Alexander and is conceived as an alternative to the traditional interpretation of Rome as the fourth empire in the
Christine Chism 在安达卢西亚QissatDhulqarnayn 中以 Qur an 的第 18 章为背景阅读了亚历山大形象的塑造。虽然亚历山大在《古兰经》中被简单地描绘成一个世界征服者，但 Qissat Dhulqarnayn 强调了它对中世纪伊斯兰文化的核心认知学问题的潜在意义，从而增加了问题的复杂性，为此，亚历山大的 对征服和知识的永不满足的渴望就是一个有说服力的例证。虽然为了理解上帝和他的创造物，必须努力争取尽可能多的知识，但这种人类的努力最终注定会失败，因为所有的知识都属于上帝，因此是无限的和不可理解的。露丝·尼斯（Ruth Nisse）讨论了最早的希伯来语亚历山大·亚历山大浪漫史（马 aseh Alexandros），始于11世纪中期，该书对亚历山大在东方的征服在中世纪犹太人中表现出特别的兴趣。 这个帝国仍未被亚历山大征服，并被认为是对罗马作为第四帝国的传统解释的替代方案。

Judeo-Christian concept of the translatio imperii,the translation of the
犹太教-基督教的翻译概念 imperii，翻译

empire from East to West.
帝国。

As both Nisse and Chism show,the mutual influence and discursive alliance of the Alexander material with pre-and early modern scientific discourses and the transmission of medieval scientific discourses in
正如Nisse和Chism所表明的那样，亚历山大材料与前现代和早期科学话语的相互影响和话语联盟，以及中世纪科学话语在

many Alexander texts constitute one of the most important features of the medieval Alexander tradition.This interaction is also at the heart of Shamma Boyarin's essay:his focus is the scientific and historiographi- cal discourses in the Hebrew Alexander Romance,which in one of its extant manuscripts names as translator a certain Rabbi Samuel who allegedly also translated the Guide for the Perplexed by Maimonides.
许多亚历山大文本构成了 中世纪亚历山大传统的最重要特征之一。这种互动也是沙玛·博亚林 （Shamma Boyarin） 文章的核心：他的重点是希伯来语《亚历山大·罗曼史》中的科学和史学论述，在现存的一份手稿中，一位拉比塞缪尔 （Rabbi Samuel） 被译为译者，据说他还翻译了迈蒙尼德的《困惑者指南》。

Though this curious remark is of little help in identifying the real trans- lator of the Hebrew Alexander Romance,it points to the context in which this text was situated,namely the reception of Aristotelian concepts in Jewish thinking and theology.Through their connection to the dispute on astrology and Greek philosophy,which was central for Jewish intel- lectuals in the Middle Ages,the Hebrew Alexander texts display their
虽然这句奇怪的评论对确定希伯来语《亚历山大·罗曼史》的真正译者没有什么帮助，但它指出了该文本所处的背景，即犹太思想和神学对亚里士多德概念的接受。希伯来语亚历山大文本与占星术和希腊哲学的争论是中世纪犹太知识分子的核心，通过与占星术和希腊哲学争论的联系，希伯来语亚历山大文本展示了他们的

participation in the Aristotelian paradigms predominant in certain
参与亚里士多德范式在某些

strands of medieval Jewish thought.
中世纪犹太思想的线索。

Su Fang Ng s inquiry follows the dissemination of the Alexander leg end into Southeast Asia following the Islamization of this area between 1400 and 1650.Her essay lays bare the Islamic agenda of the Malay Alexander Romance (Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain).As evidenced by the depiction and evaluation of the Wonders of the East and especially by
Su Fang Ng 的调查跟踪了 1400 年至 1650 年该地区伊斯兰化后亚历山大腿末端向东南亚的传播。正如 对东方奇观的描绘和评价所证明的那样，特别是

the central role played by the conversion to Islam,the Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain seems catered to an audience of recent converts.Thus,for example,Alexander's own conversion to Islam is depicted twice in the text and Alexander's dominance plays out not only through conquest, but also through conversion,since the peoples subdued by him in this text are also turned to Islam.
皈依伊斯兰教所发挥的核心作用，Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain似乎迎合了最近皈依者的观众。因此，例如，亚历山大自己皈依伊斯兰教在文本中被描绘了两次，亚历山大的统治不仅通过征服，而且通过皈依而表现，因为在文本中被他征服的民族也皈依了伊斯兰教。

The next essay investigates the treatment of Alexander in medieval Persian literature.Focusing on a narrative"kernel"of the Greek Alex- ander Romance and its reception in Persian literature,Julia Rubanovich compares versions of the Candace episode in several areas of medi-
下一篇文章研究了中世纪波斯文学中对亚历山大的处理方式。朱莉娅·鲁巴诺维奇 （Julia Rubanovich） 专注于希腊《亚历山大罗曼史》的叙事“内核”及其在波斯文学中的接受度，在几个医学领域比较了坎迪斯剧集的版本。

eval Persian literature (Alexander romances,historiography,qisas).
eval波斯文学（亚历山大浪漫史、史学、qisas）。

The figure of Candace,already multi-faceted and complex in the Greek Alexander Romance,is rewritten to various degrees in this literature and elicits competing responses and representations by Persian writers and Islamic exegetes, through historical periods and cultures.In addition, an influx of esoteric and mystical elements from Jewish sources seems
坎蒂丝的形象，在希腊的亚历山大罗曼史中已经是多面和复杂的，在这部文学作品中被不同程度地改写，并引起了波斯作家和伊斯兰解经家的竞争回应和表现。通过历史时期和文化。此外，来自犹太来源的深奥和神秘元素似乎也大量涌入

to be discernible in the Persian texts,which connects this essay with the previous contributions concerning Alexander in Hebrew culture and thought.Instances of transcultural convergence in a non-European Alexander tradition are also at the core of the essay by Faustina Doufikar-Aerts.She presents the miniatures of the Berlin manuscript of the Arabic Alexander Romance (Sirat al-Malik Iskandar)and makes a case
在波斯文本中可辨别，这将本文与之前关于亚历山大在希伯来文化和思想中的贡献联系起来。 Faustina Doufikar-Aerts在非欧洲的亚历山大传统中跨文化融合的例子也是文章的核心，她展示了阿拉伯语亚历山大罗曼史（Sirat al-Malik Iskandar）柏林手稿的缩影，并提出了一个案例

for a Coptic illuminator as their creator.The essay portrays the intrigu- ing intercultural mixture of Islamic,Christian,and Jewish influences in both the miniatures and the text of the Berlin manuscript.
作为他们的创造者。这篇文章在柏林手稿的微型图和文本中描绘了伊斯兰教、基督教和犹太教影响的耐人寻味的跨文化混合体。

The following chapters turn to aspects of the Alexander legend in medieval Latin,German,and French literature as well as in medieval and early modern art.Sylvia A.Parsons offers an intertextual reading of two episodes from Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis and its sources. She focuses on the epic self-fashioning of the text,which blends the voice of the protagonist and the narrator into each other,thus high- lighting the poetological dimensions of the Alexander figure in Wal- ter's epic.As her analyses show,Walter's vision of Alexander as a self-fashioning epic hero forms the basis of his unique method of epic-
以下章节将介绍中世纪拉丁文学、德国文学和法国文学以及中世纪和早期现代艺术中亚历山大传奇的各个方面。西尔维亚·帕森斯 （Sylvia A.Parsons） 对沃尔特·沙蒂永 （Walter of Chatillon） 的《亚历山大》（Alexandreis） 及其来源中的两集进行了互文解读。 她专注于文本的史诗般的自我塑造，将主人公和叙述者的声音相互融合，从而突出了瓦尔特史诗中亚历山大形象的诗意维度。正如她的分析所表明的那样，沃尔特将亚历山大视为自我塑造的史诗英雄，构成了他独特的史诗方法的基础——

making within and across the gaps of the Latin epic tradition.Klaus
在拉丁史诗传统的间隙内和跨越空白。克劳斯

Grubmuiller presents a comprehensive survey of German accounts of
Grubmuiller对德国

Alexander's life from the earliest treatments into the fifteenth century. He is able to distinguish various uses and functions of Alexander in medieval German literature:as God's instrument in the history of sal- vation,as an example of the vanity of worldly pursuits,and as a model of wise rulership.Maud Perez Simon tackles the discursive interplay between the Alexander Romance and scientific discourses by presenting a particularly telling example from the French tradition.Her essay is devoted to the interaction of text and image in the Stockholm manu- script of the French Prose Alexander,which comprises four scientific
亚历山大的生活从最早的治疗到 15 世纪。 他能够区分亚历山大在中世纪德国文学中的各种用途和功能：作为上帝在救赎历史中的工具，作为世俗追求虚荣的例子，以及作为英明统治的典范。莫德·佩雷斯·西蒙 （Maud Perez Simon） 通过展示法国传统中一个特别有说服力的例子，解决了亚历山大·罗曼史和科学话语之间的话语相互作用。她的文章专门研究了法国散文亚历山大的斯德哥尔摩手稿中文本和图像的相互作用，该手稿包括四篇科学

insertions from the Secreta Secretorum and Brunetto Latini's Liores
来自SecretaSecretorum和BrunettoLatini 的Liores 的插页

dou Tresor.Both the textual and pictorial insertions shift the Alexander Romance closer to scientific and encyclopedic works,once again high- lighting the strong bond between Alexander romances and medieval scientific discourses.Thomas Noll presents a survey of Alexander the Great's appearances in medieval and early modern European art.He shows that the medieval and early modern visual representations of
文本和图片插入都使亚历山大罗曼史更接近科学和百科全书式的作品，再次突出了亚历山大罗曼史与中世纪科学话语之间的紧密联系。托马斯·诺尔 （Thomas Noll） 对亚历山大大帝在中世纪和近代早期欧洲艺术中的出现进行了调查。他表明，中世纪和早期现代的视觉表现

Alexander are less concerned with offering illustrations of historical
亚历山大不太关心提供历史的插图

events than with exemplifying an overarching,often moral-didactic theme.Though medieval depictions are dominated by motifs such as Alexander's aerial voyage,the Nine Worthies,and Aristotle as a love
事件，而不是举例说明一个总体的、通常是道德说教的主题。尽管中世纪的描绘以亚历山大的空中航行、九个价值和亚里士多德作为爱情等主题为主

slave,the range of topics becomes broader in early modern art,as at the same time Alexander is shown in a more favourable light.In addi- tion,the attempt to represent historical reality becomes more visible in Renaissance works,such as Altdorfer s famous Alexanderschlacht,the immense panorama of the Issos battle.
奴隶，主题范围在早期现代艺术中变得更广泛，因为 同时亚历山大被以更有利的方式展示。此外，再现历史现实的尝试在文艺复兴时期的作品中变得更加明显，例如阿尔特多夫著名的 Alexanderschlacht，即伊索斯战役的巨大全景。

This volume documents the transcultural adaptability of the post-
本卷记录了后

classical Alexander material.More than anything,it attests to the fluid- ity of the rewritings of Alexander's life in many European and Asian cultures.But the contributions to this volume also show that many of the texts and artefacts are preoccupied with certain nodes of fascina- tion as well as recurrent key elements in the representations of the life of the Macedonian king.At its core,this adaptability is enabled by the ambivalences and competing evaluations surrounding Alexander from the very beginning.At the same time,the fluidity as well as the spatial and temporal spread of the responses inform and multiply the interpre tive stances to Alexander s extraordinary life and thus reinforce those very ambivalences across many cultures and across a remarkable time span.
经典的亚历山大材料。最重要的是，它证明了亚历山大生平在许多欧洲和亚洲文化中改写的流动性。但是，对本卷的贡献也表明，许多文本和文物都专注于某些令人着迷的节点，以及再现马其顿国王生平中反复出现的关键元素。从本质上讲，这种适应性是由从一开始就围绕 Alexander 的矛盾心理和竞争性评价所促成的。与此同时，这些反应的流动性以及空间和时间的传播，为亚历山大非凡的一生提供了信息，并增加了对亚历山大非凡一生的介入立场，从而加强了在许多文化和非凡时间跨度中的那些矛盾心理。

NOTES
笔记

See Paul Cartledge: Alexander the Great: The Hunt for a New Past (Wood- stock and New York:Overlook,2004);Pedro Barcelo,Alexander der Grofse (Darmstadt:Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,2007).Diana Spencer dis cusses the magnification of Alexander in Roman historiography in her The Roman Alexander:Reading a Cultural Myth (Exeter,UK:University of Exeter Press,2002).
参见保罗·卡特利奇：《亚历山大大帝：寻找新的过去》（Wood- stock 和 New York：Overlook，2004 年）;佩德罗·巴塞洛，亚历山大·德·格罗夫斯（达姆施塔特：Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft，2007 年）。戴安娜·斯宾塞（Diana Spencer）在她的《罗马亚历山大：阅读文化神话》（The Roman Alexander： ReadingaCulturalMyth，Exeter，UK：University of Exeter Press，2002）一书中探讨了罗马史学中亚历山大的放大。

ACompanion to Alexander Literature in the Middle Ages,ed.Z.David Zuwiyya (Leiden and Boston: Brill,2011);L'historiographie medievale d Alexandre le Grand,ed.Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas,Alexander redivivus 1(Turnhout: Brepols,2011)
《中世纪亚历山大文学》编Z.David Zuwiyya（莱顿和波士顿：Brill，2011 年）;亚历山大大帝的中世纪史学，编辑。CatherineGaullier-Bougassas， Alexanderredivivus1（Turnhout： Brepols，2011）

On the legendary aspects of medieval Alexander oitae in Europe and
关于中世纪亚历山大·大分江湖在欧洲的传奇面貌

beyond see Richard Stoneman,Alexander the Great:A Life in Legend (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,2008);for the lslamic legends on Alexander,seeZ.David Zuwiyya,lslamic Legends Concerning Alexander the Great (Binghamton,NY:Global Publications,2001).For the myriad transmission of Alexander literature in the Middle Ages see La fascination pour Alexandre le Grand dans les litteratures europeennes(Xe XVIe siecle).
参见理查德·斯通曼（Richard Stoneman），《亚历山大大帝：传奇人生》（Alexander the Great： A Life in Legend）（纽黑文和伦敦：耶鲁大学出版社，2008年）;关于亚历山大的 lslamic 传说，参见 Z.DavidZuwiyya，lslamicLegendsConcerningAlexander the Great （Binghamton，NY：Global Publications，2001）。有关亚历山大文学在中世纪的无数传播，请参见 La fascination pourAlexandreleGranddansleslittératureseuropéennes （XeXVIesiècle）。

Reinventions d'un mythe,4 vols,ed.Catherine Gaullier Bougassas,
神话的重塑，4卷，编辑。凯瑟琳·高利尔·布加萨斯，

Alexander redivivus 5(Turnhout Brepols,2014);David J.A.Ross,Alexander historiatus:A Guide to Medieval Illustrated Alexander Literature,2nd ed, Beitrage zur Klassischen Philologie 186 (Frankfurt am Main:Athenaum, 1988);and GeorgeCary,The Medieval Alexander,ed.David J.A.Ross (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1956).
Alexanderredivivus5 （TurnhoutBrepols，2014 年）;DavidJ.A.Ross， Alexander historiatus：A Guide to Medieval Illustrated Alexander Literature，第二版，Beitrage zur Klassischen Philologie 186 （美因河畔法兰克福：雅典娜姆，1988 年）;和 GeorgeCary，The Medieval Alexander，ed.David J.A. Ross（剑桥：剑桥大学出版社，1956 年）。

The Problematics of Power:Eastern and Western Representations of Alexan der the Great,ed.Margaret Bridges and J.Christoph Burgel,Schweizer asiatische Studien 22 (Bern and New York: Peter Lang,1996);Alexandre le
权力的问题：亚历山大帝的东西方表现，编辑。Margaret Bridges 和 J.Christoph Burgel，Schweizer asiatische Studien 22（伯尔尼和纽约：Peter Lang，1996 年）;亚历山大

Grand dans les litteratures occidentales et proche orientales.Actes du colloque de Paris 27-29 novembre 1997 ed.Laurence Harf-Lancner et al.(Paris:Centre des Sciences de la Litterature,1999);Faustina Doufikar Aerts,Alexander Magnus Arabicus.A Survey of the Alexander Tradition through Seven Centuries: from Pseudo Callisthenes to Suri,Mediaevalia Groningana n.s.13(Louvain: Peeters,2010);The Alexander Romance in Persia and the East,ed.Richard Stoneman et al,Ancient Narrative Suppl. 15(Groningen:Barkhuis& Groningen University Library,2012).
擅长西方和近东文学。Actes du colloque de Paris，1997 年 11 月 27 日至 29 日，ed.Laurence Harf-Lancner 等人（巴黎：Centre des Sciences de la Littérature，1999 年）;Faustina Doufikar Aerts，Alexander Magnus Arabicus.《七个世纪以来的亚历山大传统调查：从伪卡利斯提尼到苏里》，Mediaevalia Groningana n.s.13（鲁汶：皮特斯，2010 年）;《波斯和东方的亚历山大罗曼史》编。理查德·斯通曼等人，《古代叙事增刊》第15卷（格罗宁根：Barkhuis和格罗宁根大学图书馆，2012年）。

On the tension between the transcultural and the local in medieval Alex ander literature,see Alexanderdichtungen im Mittelalter.Kulturelle Selbst bestimmung im Kontext literarischer Beziehungen,ed.Jan Colln et al,Literatur und Kulturraume im Mittelalter 1(Gottingen:Wallstein,2000);Herrschaft, Ideologie und Geschichtskonzeption in Alexanderdichtungen des Mittelalters,ed. Ulrich Molk,Literatur und Kulturraume 2(Gottingen: Wallstein,2002);on the question of "nationality"and genealogical relevance of Alexander see Emily Reiner in this volume,30 50.
关于中世纪亚历克斯·安德文学中跨文化与地方之间的紧张关系，参见 Alexanderdichtungen im Mittelalter.Kulturelle Selbst bestimmungimKontextliterarischerBeziehungen，ed.JanCollnetal，Literaturund Kulturraume im Mittelalter 1 （哥廷根：Wallstein，2000）;Herrschaft， Ideologie und Geschichtskonzeption in Alexanderdichtungen des Mittelalters， ed. 乌尔里希·莫尔克，《文学与文化 2》（哥廷根：瓦尔斯坦出版社，2002 年）;关于亚历山大的“国籍”和家谱相关性问题，参见本卷中的艾米莉·莱纳（Emily Reiner），30,50。

See Klaus Grubmuiller in this volume,200 16;see also Ralf Schlechtweg
参见本卷中的 Klaus Grubmuiller，200 16;另见 Ralf Schlechtweg

Jahn,Macht und Gewalt im deutschsprachigen Alexanderroman,Literatur, lmagination,Realitat 37(Trier:Wissenschaftlicher Verlag,2006); Molk,Herrschaft (see note 5);Elisabeth Lienert,Deutsche Anitkenromane des Mittelalters,Grundlagen der Germanistik 39 (Berlin:Erich Schmidt, 2001),26-71;Colln et al,Alexanderdichtungen(see note 5).
Jahn，Macht und Gewalt im deutschsprachigen Alexanderroman，Literatur， lmagination，Realitat 37（Trier：Wissenschaftlicher Verlag，2006）; Molk，Herrschaft（见注 5）;伊丽莎白·利纳特，《德意志中部国家》，《日耳曼研究》第39期（柏林：埃里希·施密特，2001年），第26-71页;Colln et al，Alexanderdichtungen（见注 5）。

See Emily Reiner s account of the longue duree of the concept of translation imperii,starting with Orosius,and its connection to Alexander the Great,in this volume,30 50.
参见艾米丽·莱纳 （Emily Reiner） 对翻译 imperii 概念的长期描述，从奥罗修斯开始，以及它与亚历山大大帝的联系，在本卷中，30 50。

On the mise en image of the Medieval Alexander see Alexander the Great in European Art,ed.Nicos Hadjinicolaou (Athens:Pergamos,1997);Thomas Noll,Alexander der Grofe in der nachantiken bildenden Kunst (Mainz:Philipp von Zabern,2005;Maud Perez Simon,Mise en roman et mise en image.Les manuscrits du Roman d'Alexandre en prose (Raris:Champion,2013);and the essays by Noll,Perez Simon,and Faustina Doufikar Aerts in this volume,153-76,217-43,244 63.
关于中世纪亚历山大的形象，参见欧洲艺术中的亚历山大大帝，编辑。Nicos Hadjinicolaou （雅典：Pergamos，1997 年）托马斯·诺尔，亚历山大·德·格罗夫在艺术领域（美因茨：菲利普·冯·扎伯恩，2005;莫德·佩雷斯·西蒙，小说与意象。《罗马人亚历山大散文》手稿（Raris：Champion，2013 年）;以及 Noll、Perez Simon 和 Faustina Doufikar Aerts 在本卷中的文章，153-76,217-43,244 63。

See Cartledge,Alexander the Great (see note 1),and Barcelo,Alexander der
参见卡特利奇，亚历山大大帝（见注1）和巴塞罗，亚历山大·德尔

Groβe(see note 1).
Groβe（见注 1）。

The Alexander texts hybrid character between historiography and romance has often been noted,for example and very prominently for the French tradition;see:Catherine Gaullier Bougassas,Les Romans d'Alexandre.Aux frontieres de lepique et du romanesque (Paris:Champion, 1998);and Gaullier-Bougassas,L historiographie(see note 2);the intertex- tual tensions within one of the most artistically sophisticated medieval
亚历山大文本中史学和浪漫主义之间的混合特征经常被注意到，例如，在法国传统中非常突出;参见：Catherine Gaullier Bougassas，Les Romans d'Alexandre。Aux frontières de lépique et du romanesque （Paris：Champion， 1998）;和 Gaullier-Bougassas，L historiographie（见注 2）;艺术上最复杂的中世纪之一的交织张力

Alexander texts,Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis,is brought to the fore in
亚历山大的文本，沙蒂永的沃尔特 （Walter of Chatillon） 的亚历山大 （Alexandreis） 在

the reading by Sylvia Parsons in this volume,177 99
西尔维亚·帕森斯 （Sylvia Parsons） 在本卷中的朗读，17799

See the essay by Thomas Hahn in this volume,13-29
请参阅本卷中托马斯·哈恩 （Thomas Hahn） 的文章，13-29

See the essay by Klaus Grubmuller in this volume,200-16.
参见KlausGrubmuller在本卷中发表的文章，200-16。

See the essay by Ruth Nisse in this volume,76 87.
参见本卷中露丝·尼斯 （RuthNisse） 的文章，7687。

See especially the essays by Christine Chism,Shamma Boyarin,Su Fang
特别参见ChristineChism、ShammaBoyarin、SuFang 的文章

Ng,and Maud Perez-Simon in this volume,51-75,88 103,104 22,217 43.
Ng 和MaudPerez-Simon在本卷中，51-75,88103,10422,21743.

See Stoneman,Erickson,and Nisson,The Alexander Romance (see note 4); Marina Gaillard,Alexandre le Grand en Iran.Le Darab Nameh d Abou Taher Tarsusi(Paris:De Boccard,2005);and the essay by Julia Rubanovich in this volume,123 52.
参见斯通曼、埃里克森和尼森，《亚历山大浪漫史》（见注 4）; 玛丽娜·盖拉尔，《亚历山大大帝在伊朗》。阿布·塔赫尔·塔苏西的达拉布·纳梅赫（巴黎：De Boccard，2005 年）;以及朱莉娅·鲁巴诺维奇 （Julia Rubanovich） 在本卷中的文章，123 52。

in the Roman Alexander
在罗马亚历山大

THOMAS HAHN
托马斯·哈恩

The Alexander preserved in the accounts of the Roman historians Quintus Curtius,Plutarch,and Arrian may well be the most authentic Alexander we possess.The authority of the Greek Alexander based on the witness of the generals and naval officials,diarists and chroni- clers,memoir and letter writers,including perhaps Alexander himself- survives mainly as shards excavated from the texts of later writers and then reorganized as a melange of testimonials, providing an icon of the king that appears fact-based but that is frequently incoherent or openly contradictory.The very nature of the evidence within these Roman historians subtly embedded and carefully groomed as it is signals to us that these narratives took shape through a set of historiographical principles and cultural assumptions that reflect the time and place of their origins.That all three appeared in the course of a single century or so(approximately40-140CE),and that they answered the gap noted by Arrian-"no prose history,no epic poem had been written about him" (67)-further suggest that they are driven by motives distinctive to the
保存在罗马历史学家昆图斯·柯蒂乌斯、普鲁塔克和阿里安的记述中的亚历山大很可能是我们拥有的最真实的亚历山大。希腊人亚历山大的权威基于将军和海军官员、日记作者和编年史家、回忆录和书信作者（也许包括亚历山大本人）的证词，主要以从后来作家的文本中挖掘出来的碎片形式存在，然后被重新组织成一系列证词，提供了一个似乎基于事实但往往不连贯或公开矛盾的国王肖像。这些罗马历史学家内部证据的本质巧妙地嵌入和精心梳理，因为它向我们表明，这些叙述是通过一套反映其起源时间和地点的史学原则和文化假设形成的。这三人都出现在一个世纪左右的时间里（大约公元 40-140 年），并且他们回答了阿里安所指出的空白——“没有散文历史，也没有写过关于他的史诗”（67）——进一步表明他们是由

Roman Empire.My aim in the present essay is to highlight and char-
本文的 RomanEmpire.My旨在强调和强调

acterize some of these symptomatic interests,and in passing to contrast
表现其中一些有症状的兴趣，并顺便进行对比

these with the traits (already in circulation at this time,but largely sup pressed by these Roman writers) that characterize the Alexander of the Hellenistic Romance,and,even moredistantly,of the medieval Latin Historia de preliis based on a version of the Romance.
这些具有希腊浪漫主义亚历山大的特点（此时已经流传，但主要由这些罗马作家压制）的特点，甚至更遥远的是，基于浪漫主义版本的中世纪拉丁语 Historia de preliis。

In his foundational history of the Republic and early Empire,Livy (59 BCE-17CE) delineates an image of Alexander that insistently col- ours the writings of the Roman historians.Writing almost two genera-
在他的共和国和早期帝国基础史中，李维（公元前 59 年 - 公元 17 年）描绘了亚历山大的形象，该形象坚持不懈地与罗马历史学家的著作相融合。写了几乎两个属-

tions earlier than Quintus Curtius,he figures Alexander not as world
在昆图斯·库尔蒂乌斯 （Quintus Curtius） 之前，他认为亚历山大不是世界性的

conqueror but as aneccentric,impulsive,and lucky opportunist, on
征服者，但作为一个古怪、冲动和幸运的机会主义者，在

tour in Asia with a crew of drunkards;far from the Great King of Per sia,in Livy's retelling his main opponent was a shadow king,"drag- ging after him a train of women and eunuchs."In what he pointedly calls a digression from the actual history of Rome,Livy sketches out a death-match with the Macedonian,which comes down to an assertion that"my Romanpatria can beat your Greek polis-or cosmopolis"Livy claims that any number of perfectly competent Roman generals,work-
与一群醉汉一起在亚洲巡演;与佩尔西亚的伟大国王相去甚远，在李维的复述中，他的主要对手是一位影子国王，“拖着一队女人和太监跟在他后面。在他尖锐地称之为罗马实际历史的题外话中，李维勾勒了一场与马其顿人的死亡竞赛，这归结为“我的罗马教父可以击败你们的希腊城邦——或大都会”的断言。李维声称，任何数量完全称职的罗马将军，都可以——

ing under an efficient,well-oiled military and state apparatus,might have defeated the great Macedonian.An encounter with Rome,Livy says,would have made Alexander"often tempted to wish that the Persians and Indians and effeminate Asiatics were his foes";recycling a taunt that Alexander heard during his own conquests of the East,he claims that soon enough the king"would have confessed that his for- mer wars had been waged against women"
在高效、运转良好的军队和国家机器下，可能会打败伟大的马其顿人，李维说，与罗马的相遇会让亚历山大“经常想希望波斯人和印度人以及柔弱的亚洲人是他的敌人”;他引用了亚历山大在自己征服东方时听到的嘲讽，声称很快国王“就会承认他对女性发动了战争”

Although clearly fixed upon Alexander as a central subject and not a digression from the history of Rome,Curtius,Plutarch,and Arrian all structure their narratives around this Livian conceit,which associ- ates the East with effeminacy,deviancy,and excess,and then associ- ates Alexander with the East.In an almost calculable way,each of these historians calibrates Alexander's path to degeneracy by the distance he moves from the West that is,from a Rome projected back into Alex- ander's epoch,which embodies the familiar metropolitan values of the first and second centuries.The farther Alexander proceeds geographi- cally and geopolitically,the more he dissipates through the adoption of“Asiatic"dress,the practice of oriental customs,and contact with exotic people.These encounters often implicate Alexander in a failure of purity,a cultural promiscuity,a contamination of proper values,as these are embodied in the metropolitan probitas of the Eternal City,the stable centre to which all roads lead.
尽管明确地将亚历山大作为中心主题，而不是与罗马历史相去甚远，但库尔蒂乌斯、普鲁塔克和阿里安都围绕着这种利维亚式的自负构建了他们的叙述，这种自负将东方与柔弱、离经叛道和过度联系在一起，然后以一种几乎可以计算的方式将亚历山大与 East.In 联系在一起，这些 历史学家根据亚历山大与西方的距离来校准亚历山大的堕落之路，即从投射回亚历山大时代的罗马，这个时代体现了第一世纪和第二世纪熟悉的大都市价值观。亚历山大在地理和地缘政治上走得越远，他通过采用“亚洲”服装、东方习俗和与异国情调的接触而消散得越多。这些相遇往往将亚历山大牵涉到纯洁的失败、文化的滥交、正确价值观的污染中，因为这些都体现在永恒之城的大都会中，永恒之城是所有道路通向的稳定中心。

These metropolitan assumptions,as Ill call them, emanate from writers whose lives, strangely or perhaps not so strangely took place far from the metropolis.Curtius's origins(?1-70 CE) were suffi-
这些大都市的假设，正如 Ill 所说的，来自 那些作家的生活，奇怪地或可能不那么奇怪地发生在远离大都市的地方。Curtius 的起源（公元 1-70 年）就足够了

ciently obscure that Tacitus cattily labels him"ex se natus"a self-made man,his own ancestor without a proper pedigree.He served as prae- tor of Africa under Tiberius;after a time out of public service (when he may have written his life of Alexander),he returned to Africa,and died there after serving for ten years as proconsul.Plutarch (?50-120 CE)was born atChaeronea,near Thebes (which Alexander notoriously obliterated),and studied at the Academy in Athens.Through connec- tions he achieved Roman citizenship;though he visited the city at least
塔西佗巧妙地给他贴上了“ex se natus”的标签，一个白手起家的人，他自己的祖先，没有适当的血统。他在提比略 （Tiberius） 手下担任非洲执政官;在离开公共服务一段时间后（当时他可能已经写下了亚历山大的生平），他回到了非洲，并在担任了十年的执政官后去世。普鲁塔克（公元 50-120 年）出生在底比斯附近的 Chaeronea（亚历山大臭名昭著地抹杀了它），并在雅典的学院学习。尽管他至少访问了这座城市

twice,he seems not to have spent extended periods there.He became one of the two permanent priests of the Oracle at Delphi,and even- tually returned to Chaeronea,though the Emperor Trajan graced him with the honours of consul.
有两次，他似乎没有在那里呆很长时间。他成为德尔斐神谕的两位永久祭司之一，甚至回到了 Chaeronea，尽管图拉真皇帝授予他执政官的荣誉。

Arrian(?86-150 CE)was born to Roman parents of high standing at Nicomedia(modern Izmit,in northwestern Turkey),in the province of BythiniaHe took an active role in Greek religious rites,studied Greek philosophy with Epictetus (with the future emperor Hadrian as his fellow student),and was the first"easterner"to take command of a legion,campaigning north of the Danube (where Alexander fought his first battles)and elsewhere.He entered political office at the earliest possible age;Hadrian appointed him praetor and proconsul of Anda lusia,and he may have crossed the straits and visited Africa with the emperor in 128.He became consul at Rome about 130,then governor of Cappadocia(extending from modern eastern Turkey to the Euphrates), and led two legions in a smashing defeat of the invading Alans.Arrian left public life around 137 and settled in Athens,where he held both civic and religious office,and became an honorary citizen.As a Roman military commander,Arrian certainly spoke,and probably wrote Latin, and he produced one book-on the teachings of Epictetus in the koine Greek commonly spoken in his own Bythinia,Greece,and throughout the Hellenistic world.His other surviving works,however,reproduce classical Attic,which had become the written standard of elite intellec-
阿里安（？86-150 CE）出生于比提尼亚省的尼科米底亚（今土耳其西北部的伊兹密特）的罗马显赫父母，他在希腊宗教仪式中发挥了积极作用，与爱比克泰德一起学习希腊哲学（与未来的皇帝哈德良是他的同学），并且是第一个指挥军团的“东方人”，在多瑙河以北（亚历山大在那里打了他的第一场战役）和其他地方进行战役。他最早就进入了政治职位;哈德良任命他为安达卢西亚的执政官和总督，他可能在 128 年越过海峡与皇帝一起访问了非洲，他在 130 年左右成为罗马的执政官，然后是卡帕多奇亚（从现代土耳其东部延伸到幼发拉底河）的总督，并率领两个军团彻底击败了入侵的阿兰人。 137 年左右离开公共生活，定居在雅典，在那里他担任公民和宗教职务，并成为荣誉公民。作为一名罗马军事指挥官，阿里安肯定会说，而且可能还会写拉丁语，他出版了一本关于爱比克泰德的教义的书——用他自己的希腊比提尼亚和整个希腊化世界普遍使用的古希腊语讲述爱比克泰德的教义。然而，他其他幸存的作品再现了古典的阁楼，这已成为精英知识分子的书面标准——

tuals.The one exception to this Atticizing standard is his book on India, a tour de force composed for effect in the Ionic dialect,suggesting the depth of artifice entailed in compositions deploying any of these fossil- ized book languages.The tensions and contradictions that mark Arri- an's identity and writingare epitomized in the common opinion that he is the first author to articulate the phrase"We Romans"in Greek.
图尔斯。这种 Atticizing 标准的一个例外是他关于印度的书，这是一本以爱奥尼亚方言创作的杰作，表明了使用这些化石书籍语言的作品所包含的技巧深度。阿里安的身份和写作所体现的紧张和矛盾体现在人们普遍认为他是第一个用希腊语表达“我们罗马人”一词的作者。

These Roman historians,then,are all outliers,beginning and end-
那么，这些罗马历史学家都是异类，开始和结束——

ing their lives at the peripheries of the Empire,in Africa,Asia,and the Peloponnese.What I wish to suggest is that their marginal status plays out,paradoxically but inevitably,in their attempts to understand,or to reclaim,an eccentric,nomadic,and ultimately cosmopolitan Alexander for the centralizing values of the metropolis.In their accounts,the dif- ference and deviancy projected onto the East work to define the stand- ards of Rome as proper, invariant,universal,and timeless.Curtius makes the depravity and dangers of Asia clear from the outset Darius and his royal guard dress like women,more interested in ornament and extravagance than in arms,and they lead"a herd of eunuchs(who
我想暗示的是，他们的边缘地位在他们试图理解或重新夺回一个古怪的、游牧的、最终是世界性的亚历山大，以换取大都市的集中价值观。在他们的叙述中，投射到东方的差异和偏差有助于将罗马的标准定义为适当的、不变的、普遍的和永恒的。柯蒂乌斯从一开始就清楚地说明了亚洲的堕落和危险，大流士和他的皇家卫队打扮得像女人，对装饰和奢侈比对武器更感兴趣，他们带领着“一群太监（他们

are not at all held in contempt by these peoples)"along with three- hundred-and-sixty concubines.³Babylon is a place of"unparalleled" corruption and"unbridled passions"where parents pimp their own children(Book 5.1,29-38).In these circumstances, Alexander suffers a complete collapse into "the depraved customs of foreigners and con-
根本不被这些人鄙视）“以及三百六十个妾室³巴比伦是一个”无与伦比的“腐败和”肆无忌惮的激情“的地方，父母在这里拉皮条自己的孩子（卷5.1,29-38）。在这种情况下，亚历山大完全陷入了“外国人的堕落习俗和骗局”。

quered nations"preferring such ways to those of his own country,and through such behaviour alienating true-born Macedonians faithful to
被质疑的国家“更喜欢这种方式而不是他自己国家的方式，并通过这种行为疏远了真正忠实于的马其顿人proto-European mores(6.2,1-5).Alexander's affair with Bagoas,who
原始欧洲习俗 （6.2,1-5）。亚历山大与巴戈阿斯的婚外情had been a sexual partner of Darius,constitutes a traffic in eunuchs that
曾是大流士的性伴侣，构成太监中的交易clearly weds him to the Persians(6.5,22-3).Alexander surrenders to his appetites,bringing hundreds ofconcubines and"hordes of eunuchs
显然使他与波斯人结婚（6.5,22-3）。亚历山大屈服于他的胃口，带来了数百名妃子和“成群结队的太监”practiced in playing the woman's part"into the royal quarters(6.6,8).
练习扮演女人的角色“进入皇家区”（6.6,8）。This emblem of degeneracy is refigured in Curtius's paradox that,by
这个堕落的象征在柯蒂乌斯的悖论中被重新塑造，即wearing Asian dress-and,even worse,"with the clothes adopting Per
穿着亚洲服装——更糟糕的是，“服装采用 Persian habits"-Alexander had turned victory into defeat; his adoption of
sian habits“——亚历山大把胜利变成了失败;他收养了proskynesis forces Europeans to "lie prostrate on the ground to venerate
proskynesis 迫使欧洲人“匍匐在地上崇拜him"making his manly soldiersin turn play the woman's partas if they
他“让他的男子气概的士兵轮流扮演女人的角色，仿佛他们too were caitiffs(6.6,3;6.6,9-10;8.7,11-15).Alexander's appropriation
Caitiffs 也是如此（6.6,3;6.6,9-10;8.7,11-15).亚历山大的拨款of Darius's signet ring to seal decrees to Asia,and simultaneous use of
大流士的图章戒指，将法令封印到亚洲，并同时使用his own ring for those sent back to Europe,likewise forms a cultural
他自己的戒指为那些被送回欧洲的人，同样形成了一种文化schizophrenia that appears the counterpart of polymorphous sexuality:
精神分裂症似乎是多态性行为的对应物：in trying to unite these
试图将这些 geopolitical antitheses
地缘政治对立面 the increasingly degen
日益堕落erate king demonstrates that"one man's mind could not cope with the
Erate King 证明“一个人的头脑无法应对fortunes
命运 of two"(6.6,4-8).Alexander's political opponents
的 2“（6.6,4-8）。亚历山大的政治对手 and vic-
和 vic-tims-such asClitus,Callisthenes,and Hermolaus speak through the
tims——比如 Clitus、Callisthenes 和 Hermolaus 通过text with a moral fervour that seems unmistakably to articulate Cur-
文本中带着一种道德热情，似乎无疑地表达了 Cur-tius's own views:Clitus,in a line that Livy steals,tells the king that he
提乌斯自己的观点：克利图斯在李维偷来的一行话中告诉国王，他has conquered nothing but women in the East (8.1,33 7).Callisthenes
只征服了东方的妇女（8.1,33,7）。卡利色尼claims that Alexander should resist“degenerating into outlandish and
声称亚历山大应该抵制“堕落成古怪和foreigncustoms"("ne in peregrinos ritus externosque degenerare");he
foreigncustoms“（”ne in peregrinos ritus externosque degenerare“）;他is himself content with the ways of his own country,and his
他自己对自己国家的方式感到满意，而他的speech
演讲

wins approval from the Europeans"who were offended by the sub
赢得欧洲人的认可“他们被潜艇冒犯了

stitution of foreign customs for their established traditions"(8.5,14
外国习俗对其既定传统的嫉妒“（8.5,14

and 20).Hermolaus,the leader of the Pages Conspiracy,asserts that Alexander has delivered his own men to the barbarians by revelling in Persian clothes and Persian ways,and that their cabal thus intended to assassinate a Persian,not a Macedonian king (8.7,1-15).
和 20）。书页阴谋的领袖赫莫拉斯断言，亚历山大通过陶醉于波斯服装和波斯的方式，将自己的人交给了野蛮人，因此他们的阴谋集团打算暗杀一个波斯人，而不是一个马其顿国王（8.7,1-15）。

Plutarch's Alexander is considerably more deliberative and intel- lectual than either Curtius s or Arrian's: when not strategizing or conquering, he frequently consults his favourite authors or engages
普鲁塔克笔下的亚历山大比柯蒂乌斯或阿里安的亚历山大更深思熟虑、更聪明：当不制定战略或征服时，他经常咨询他最喜欢的作家或参与

in philosophical exchange.Moreover, Alexander often spontaneously erupts in direct quotations of Homeric or tragic verse,using these to contextualize or dramatize particular encounters.In Plutarch,the com- mon soldiers are more susceptible to"Persian wealth,women,and bar- baric luxury"(24.2),and when his own companions grow"luxurious and extravagant in their way of living…he reproved them in gentle and reasonable terms"explaining from the Persians example that"it was the most abject and slavish condition to be voluptuous"(40.2)" He puts on "barbaric dress"not through depravity,but through some combination of ennui and a belief that"community of race and cus- tom"might make"the work of civilizing them the easier"(45.1);"he adapted his own style of life still more to the natives' way of living,and tried to bring them also as near as he could to Macedonian customs, thinking that intermixing and common practice"will produce mutual regard (eunoias)and eventually bring Hellenistic hegemony.With the same goals in mind,Alexander recruits thirty thousand youths,and orders that they first be taught Greek,and then drilled in Macedonian military discipline (47.3).The priorityassigned by Alexander to lan- guage as a tool for cultural conformity reproduces Plutarch's own esti- mation of literacy as a disciplinary principle:early on in his Life,he mentions the king's devotion to Homer s lliad,which he keeps under
在哲学交流中。此外，亚历山大经常自发地直接引用荷马史诗或悲剧诗歌，用这些来将特定的遭遇置于语境中或戏剧化。在普鲁塔克那里，普通 士兵更容易受到“波斯财富、女人和野蛮的奢侈”（24.2）的影响，而当他自己的同伴变得“奢侈和奢侈的生活方式”时......他以温和而合理的措辞斥责他们“以波斯人为例解释说，”性感是最卑鄙和最奴隶的状态“（40.2）”他穿上“野蛮的衣服”不是通过堕落，而是通过某种厌倦和信念的结合，即“种族和社区”可能会使“使他们文明化的工作更容易”（45.1）;”他使自己的生活方式更加适应当地人的生活方式，并试图让他们也尽可能接近马其顿的习俗，认为混合和共同的做法“将产生相互尊重 （eunoias），并最终带来希腊化的霸权。怀着同样的目标，亚历山大招募了三万名青年，并命令他们首先学习希腊语，然后接受马其顿军事纪律的训练 （47.3）。亚历山大将语言作为文化一致性的工具的优先地位再现了普鲁塔克自己对识字作为一项学科原则的估计：在他生命的早期，他提到了国王对荷马的忠诚，他一直保持着这种忠诚

his pillow,in Aristotle's critical edition.The king regards this"casket copy"as"the most excellent treasury of all military virtue and knowl- edge"(8.1-2),and when he ispresented with the single most precious and stunning artefact from Darius's possessions a Persian casket he uses it to encase his Iliad.As both informational resource and symbolic icon,the authentic text of Homer represents the ultimate repository of Greco-Roman values,and Plutarch seems clearly to assume the uncon
他的枕头，在亚里士多德的批判版中。国王将这个“棺材复制品”视为“所有军事美德和知识的最优秀宝库”（8.1-2），当他从大流士的财产中得到最珍贵、最令人惊叹的文物——波斯棺材时，他用它来包裹他的 Iliad.As 信息资源和象征性图标，荷马的真实文本代表了希腊罗马价值观的终极宝库，而普鲁塔克似乎显然承担了uncon

taminated purity and stability of the poem:wherever it is carried,
被钝化的纯洁与稳定的诗歌：无论它被携带在哪里，

under whatever circumstances it is read,the work remains identical
无论在什么情况下阅读，作品都是一样的

to itself,an unmediated channel to the metropolitan values champi- oned by Plutarch and the other Roman historians.It would,however, be possible to regard the casket not simply as a glorious casing for this unchanging kernel of meaning,but as the marker of the changing mate- rial environment in which the text is received:on this view,we might speculate just what any of the thirty thousand foreign recruits,doubt- less trained in koine rather than literary Attic Greek,might make of the Iliad,or of the Persian treasure that held it.Even to consider the two items togetherpushes us to rethink Alexander's multifaceted policies of intermixing and integration,recognizing that"to bring [Asians]…
对它本身来说，是通往普鲁塔克和其他罗马历史学家所倡导的大都市价值观的无中介渠道。然而，我们可以不简单地将棺材视为这一不变的意义内核的光荣外壳，而是作为接收文本所处不断变化的物质环境的标志：从这个角度来看，我们可以推测这三万名外国新兵中的任何一个，他们无疑没有接受过 koine 而不是文学 Attic Greek 的培训，可能是伊利亚特，或者是拥有它的波斯宝藏。即使将这两个项目放在一起考虑，也促使我们重新思考亚历山大的混合和整合的多方面政策，认识到“将 [亚洲人] ......

as near as he could to Macedonian customs"effects not unilateral but mutual change.Even if we chose to believe that an authentic original of the Iliad once existed,in its immaculate reception in later times,a Persian-encased Homer is no longer Aristotle's unspoiled text,but an icon of the fusion and the cosmopolitan values that Alexander so insist- ently pursued in the last five years or more of his life.
尽可能接近马其顿的习俗“不是单方面的，而是相互改变的。即使我们选择相信《伊利亚特》的原作曾经存在过，但在后来完美无瑕的接受中，一个被波斯包裹的荷马不再是亚里士多德未被破坏的文本，而是融合和世界主义价值观的象征。亚历山大在他生命的最后五年或更长时间里如此执着地追求。

At this point,beforeturning to Arrian,Id like to spend a few moments addressing what I mean by"cosmopolitan values"The word kosmop- olites,citizen of the world,may well have been known to Alexander, since Diogenes the Cynic with whom the king allegedly exchanged barbs-used it as a crucial term in his philosophy³It implied a rejec- tion of local ties,in particular to the polis,and arose at the same moment that Philip of Macedon,as hegemon of the League of Corinth,"rendered obsolete"the traditional ties of the polis.Rather than tracing out these
在这一点上，在转向阿里安之前，我想花点时间谈谈我所说的“世界主义价值观”这个词，世界公民，很可能已经为亚历山大所熟知，因为据称国王与之交换的犬儒主义者第欧根尼巴布斯在他的哲学中将其用作一个关键术语³它意味着对地方联系的重视，特别是与城邦的联系，并且出现在同一时刻，马其顿的腓力作为科林斯同盟的霸主，“过时了”城邦的传统纽带。而不是追踪这些

early philosophical or historical developments,I'd like to take the term cosmopolis as suggesting the polity as a world unto itself,and set this in contrast to a metropolis with Rome as the obvious ancient exam ple.³In this model,a metropolis sits at the hub of a hierarchy of com- munities,through military power dominating the political,economic, and cultural life of those lesser entities,and engaging in asymmetrical reciprocity with cities,towns,countryside,and all other settlements through frontier outposts.The centre organizes the geopolitical and cultural space around it,and influence radiates outward.Metropoli- tan practices and artefacts are in many respects homogenized,sharing formal,thematic,content-driven elements:the projects ofCurtius,Plu- tarch,and Arrian,carried out at different times and in very different places,are recognizably Roman in character.Even in the most remote locales,prestige,recognition,and success rest on Roman standards of excellence.Metropolitan values are unique and non-replicable,pure,
在早期的哲学或历史发展中，我想把“大都会”一词看作是将政体视为一个独立的世界，并将其与以罗马为明显的古代检验标准的大都市形成对比。在这个模型中，大都市位于社区等级制度的中心，通过军事力量主导政治，那些次等实体的经济和文化生活，并通过边境前哨与城市、城镇、乡村和所有其他定居点进行不对称互惠。该中心组织了围绕它的地缘政治和文化空间，影响力向外辐射。大都会的实践和人工制品在许多方面是同质化的，共享形式、主题和内容驱动的元素：Curtius、Plu- tarch 和 Arrian 的项目在不同的时间和非常不同的地点进行，具有明显的罗马特征。即使在最偏远的地方，声望、认可和成功也取决于罗马的卓越标准。大都会价值观是独特的、不可复制的、纯粹的、

unchanging,and normative.
不变的，也是规范的。

My contention,then,is that we can best understand Alexander,or at least some of the distinctive elements in his multiple histories,by turn- ing to a model of cosmopolitanism, defined as dispersed and decen- tred,syncretistic and impure,multiform and continuously replicable. To illustrate this notion,Id like to look at Alexander's reputation as a founder of cities: Plutarch in the Moralia contends that Alexander established"more than seventy cities amongsavage tribes"whereas the Hellenistic Romance credits him with twelve,all of them (with the
因此，我的观点是，我们可以通过转向一种世界主义模式来最好地理解亚历山大，或者 至少是他多重历史中的一些独特元素，这种模式被定义为分散的和体面的、混合的和不纯粹的、多形式的和不断可复制的。 为了说明这个概念，我想看看亚历山大作为城市创始人的声誉：普鲁塔克在《摩拉利亚》中认为亚历山大在野蛮部落中建立了“七十多座城市”，而希腊化浪漫主义认为他有十二座城市，所有这些城市（带有

exception of a handful of Alexandropoleis)called Alexandria.Some of
少数Alexandropoleis）称为Alexandria。

these Kandahar (Alexandria in Arachosia),al-Iskandariyah on the
这些坎大哈（阿拉霍西亚的亚历山大港），al-Iskandariyah 在

Euphrates thirty-five miles south of Baghdad,Alexandria (Eskend- ereyya)in Egypt still preserve the remnants of his name.We have detailed accounts of the urban planning and architectural design that preceded the building of Alexandria,and it seems that in his later sites
幼发拉底河位于巴格达以南 35 英里处，埃及的亚历山大港 （Eskend- ereyya）仍然保留着他名字的遗迹。我们对亚历山大港建造之前的城市规划和建筑设计有详细的描述，似乎在他后来的遗址中

he followed a uniform plan in layout and construction,and in the inclu- sion of administrative,religious,and civic edificesRather than view- ing this building- and naming-policy as rampant megalomania (or as nothing more than this),Id like to propose that Alexander was experi- menting with the replicability of civilization:each of these foundations takes shape as a cosmopolis,a world unto itself,linked to other cosmo poleis by koine Greek as a lingua franca,and by other shared regional commercial,and cultural interests.Together they constitute a decen- tred,reciprocal network,rather than a series of satellites answerable to a metropolis like Rome.As the ancient historians make clear,many of these cities were created by brutal top-down imposition,through depopulation and resettlement.Modern historians have sometimes claimed they functioned through a kind of cultural apartheid,in which governmental ghettos remained closed off from local populations.Yet despite rigid stratification and hierarchies,massive intermingling must have taken place.The proliferation of neologisms like mixobarbaros and
他在布局和建设方面遵循统一的计划，并包括行政、宗教和公民建筑。他没有将这种建筑和命名政策视为猖獗的自大狂（或仅此而已），而是提出亚历山大正在体验文明的可复制性：这些基础中的每一个形成一个国际大都市，一个独立的世界，通过作为通用语言的希腊语与其他宇宙城邦相连，并通过其他共同的区域商业和文化利益。它们共同构成了一个体面的、互惠的网络，而不是像古代历史学家所阐明的那样，由一系列卫星 Rome.As 对一个大都市负责，这些城市中的许多城市是通过残酷的自上而下的强加，通过人口减少和重新安置而建立的。现代历史学家有时声称他们是通过一种文化种族隔离来运作的，在这种隔离中，政府的贫民窟仍然与当地居民隔绝。然而，尽管有严格的分层和等级制度，但一定发生了大规模的混合。mixobarbaros 和

mixellenes articulate the reality of cultural interpenetration.The extent of systematic relations and daily face-to-face contact emerges much more vividly in the materialization (attested in all the historians)of thirty thousand Afghan,Arab,and Iranian troops,all Greek-speaking Macedonian-trained, and battle-ready for European-style warfare.l7 Within the five years or so before they reported to Susa (in present-day Iraq)in 324,Alexander must have put in place an infrastructure,cos- mopolitan in its design and effects,that could process this massive and
Mixellenes 阐明了文化相互渗透的现实。系统关系和日常面对面接触的程度在三万阿富汗、阿拉伯和伊朗军队的实体化（在所有历史学家中都得到证明）中表现得更加生动。在他们向苏萨报告之前的五年左右的时间里，他们向苏萨报告（在今天的 伊拉克）在 324 年，亚历山大一定建立了一个基础设施，其设计和效果都非常具有 可持续性，可以处理这种巨大的和

dispersed population,no doubt speaking a vast array of local dialects, and bring them to a point where they could communicate unambigu- ously andcooperate in intricate manoeuvres upon which not just vic- tory but life itself depended.Their willingness to leave not just their
分散的人口，无疑会说各种各样的当地方言，并使他们能够毫不含糊地进行交流，并在错综复杂的操作中合作，这不仅取决于生活，而且也取决于生活本身。他们愿意离开的不仅仅是他们的

birth-tongues but their birth places behind and become an integral part of Alexander's army his epigone or successors illustrates a syncretis- tic,replicable,multiform cosmopolitanism at the level of both motive and action,and of institutional and cultural practice.
出生语言，但它们的诞生地落后并成为亚历山大军队不可或缺的一部分，他的后代或继任者在动机和行动以及制度和文化实践的层面上展示了一种融合的、可复制的、多形式的世界主义。

To return to Arrian,Id like to argue that it is precisely these elements of cosmopolitanism in the life-or lives-of,Alexander that both draws him in and puts him off,and that this attraction-revulsion response has much to do with his status-and that of Curtius and Plutarch as
回到阿里安的问题上来，我想说，正是亚历山大生活中的世界主义的这些元素，既吸引他，又使他失望，而这种吸引-厌恶的反应与他的地位有很大关系--以及柯蒂乌斯和普鲁塔克的地位

both insiders and outsiders in Rome.Though he is less moralistic and sensational than Curtius,Arrian offers similar critiques of Alexander s indulgence in "Eastern extravagance and splendor,and the fashion of barbaric kings of treating their subjects as inferiors"(4.7,4).Rather than survey or sample these views throughout the Anabasis,I will focus on the seventh and last book,which presents several crucial encounters that occur during the last year of Alexander s life.The first events take
尽管亚历山大不如柯蒂乌斯那么道德和耸人听闻，但阿里安对亚历山大沉 迷于“东方的奢侈和辉煌，以及野蛮国王将臣民视为低人一等的时尚”（4.7,4）提出了类似的批评。我不会在整个 Anabasis 中对这些观点进行调查或抽样，而是将重点放在第七本书也是最后一本书上，它介绍了亚历山大生命最后一年发生的几场重要遭遇。第一个事件采用

place at Susa,and begin with the massive wedding ceremony Alex
在Susa 的地方，从盛大的婚礼开始Alex

ander arranged for himself (he married women descended from the
安德为自己安排（他娶了

two branches of the Persian royal family)and for his Companions and officers,in which eighty to ninety unions were publicly and simulta- neously solemnized.The records indicate that all of these were mixed marriages-Macedonian men and Asian women command perfor- mances celebrated in the"Persian style"(74,4).The king had clearly determined to make the bonds between Europeans and easterners official and permanent;he had induced all the most important men in his command to commit to this mingling of peoples,and had cho- sen the Persian style to convey to the assembled Macedonian,merce nary,and Asian troops the legitimacy of such rites.Part of Alexander s
波斯王室的两个分支）和他的同伴和军官，其中 80 到 90个联盟公开同时举行。记录表明，所有这些都是混合婚姻——马其顿男性和亚洲女性以 “波斯风格”庆祝（74,4）。国王已经明确决定要使欧洲人和东方人之间的纽带成为正式的和永久的;他诱使他手下所有最重要的人都致力于这种民族的交融，并选择了波斯风格，向聚集的马其顿人、仁慈的和亚洲的军队传达这种仪式的合法性。亚历山大 s 的一部分

plan seems to have been to emphasize a sense of parity and mutuality between himself and the Macedonian elite,who had clearly expressed resentment over his distance from them though,ironically,he did this by inducting them into the very customs some found so obnoxious. Alexander affirms that part of his plan is to"be uncle to Hephaestion's children"(7.4,5),and later,that he had married as his men had mar- ried,"and many of you will have children related by blood to my own" (7.10,3).Beyond the individual bloodlines,however,lies the prospect of creating a broader kinship among the offspring of Asians and Euro-
他的计划似乎是强调他和马其顿精英之间的平等和互惠关系，马其顿精英显然对他与他们的距离表示不满，但具有讽刺意味的是，他通过将他们引入一些人认为如此令人讨厌的习俗来做到这一点。 亚历山大肯定他计划的一部分是“成为赫菲斯提翁孩子们的叔叔”（7.4,5），后来，他已经像他的男人一样结婚了，“你们中的许多人将拥有与我有血缘关系的孩子”（7.10,3）。然而，除了个人血统之外，还有可能在亚洲人和欧洲人的后代之间建立更广泛的亲属关系。

peans.The marriages also inaugurated an affinity between Macedo
豌豆。这些婚姻也开启了Macedo 之间的亲密关系

nian men and the male relatives of the brides,and this,like the relations between the husbands and wives,created hierarchical rather than lat- eral or symmetrical connections.Alexander also provided dowries for the notables.Finally,he sought out all the common soldiers who had
年男人和新娘的男性亲属，就像丈夫和妻子之间的关系一样，创造了等级关系，而不是拉丁关系或对称关系。亚历山大还为名人提供嫁妆。最后，他找到了所有普通士兵

married Asian women who numbered ten thousand-and gave them
娶了一万名亚洲妇女——并给了她们

wedding gifts as well,a further gesture of both comradeship and kin- ship,conferring legitimacy on what may otherwise have been casual liaisons without any thought or prospect of permanency(74,8).
结婚礼物也是如此，这是同志情谊和亲属情谊的进一步姿态，赋予了原本可能是随意联系的合法性，而没有任何永久的想法或前景（74,8）。

Alexander next received the officials from his newly builtcities(poleon ton neoktiston),and these cosmopolitan overseerscollectively delivered the thirty thousand trained youths who had been groomed over the last
接下来，亚历山大接见了他新建造的城市（poleon ton neoktiston）的官员，这些国际化的监督者集体交付了上一届培养的三万名训练有素的年轻人

five years(7.6,1).Alexander immediately designated these his Epigoni- his successors;predictably his veteran troops felt displaced,and to this Arrian adds a further list of simmering dissatisfactions:Alexander's Median dress,the Persian weddings,Peucestas's adoption of Persian dress and language,and Alexander's approval or encouragement of his going native(to barbarismo autou echairen Alexandros)(7.6,2 6).They objected too to the introduction of foreign troops into the elite cavalry- not just the Persian Euacae,but a whole series of other Asians whom Arrian lists by name: Bactrian, Sogdianian,Arachotian,Zarangian,
五年 （7.6,1）。亚历山大立即将这些人指定为他的 Epigoni——他的继任者;不出所料，他的老兵们感到流离失所，除此之外，阿里安又补充了一份酝酿已久的不满清单：亚历山大的米底亚服装，波斯婚礼，佩塞斯塔斯对波斯服装和语言的采用，以及亚历山大对他的本地人（对野蛮人 autou echairen Alexandros）的批准或鼓励（7.6,2 6）。他们也反对将外国军队引入精锐骑兵——不仅仅是波斯的尤阿卡人，还有阿里安列出的一系列其他亚洲人：巴克特里亚人、粟特人、阿拉霍人、扎兰吉安人、

Areian,and Parthyaean(7.6,3).Alexander next announced a new cav-
阿雷安人和帕提亚人（7.6,3）。亚历山大接下来宣布了一个新的 cav-

alry regiment,with a significant proportion of non-Macedonians,the enrolment of a group of high-ranking Asians in the elite guard,and the issue to these of Macedonian weapons.Arrian makes clear that the arrival of a vast number of fresh troops,the shake-up of the battalions, and the reorganization of the command conveyed to the veterans that Alexander no longer wished to depend on professional soldiers whose loyalty arose mainly from ethnic,territorial,or local political ties.At the same time,it seems plain that all of these fighters (beyond the Epigoni) who were at this moment integrated into Alexander's elite corps must
alry 团，其中很大一部分是非马其顿人，一群高级亚洲人加入精英卫队，并向这些人发放马其顿武器。阿里安明确表示，大量新兵的到来、各营的重组和指挥部的重组向退伍军人传达了亚历山大不再希望依赖职业士兵，这些士兵的忠诚度主要来自种族、领土或地方政治关系。与此同时，很明显，所有这些此时被整合到亚历山大精英军团的战士（除了 Epigoni）都必须

have proven their skill and loyalty over time,fighting not inside the
随着时间的推移证明了他们的技能和忠诚度，而不是在内部战斗

army proper,but alongside it;what the Macedonians resented then was
军队本身，但与它并肩作战;马其顿人当时所憎恨的就是

not the presence of foreign fighters who had long formed part of Alex- ander's military organization but what appeared to them as a new level of military and administrative blending,for this cosmopolitan- ism revealed that"Alexander was going utterly barbarian at heart"(hos pante de barbarizontos te gnome;7.6,5).1°
不是长期以来构成亚历山大军事组织一部分的外国战士的存在，而是在他们看来军事和行政混合的新水平，因为这种世界主义揭示了“亚历山大的内心完全是野蛮人”（hos pante de barbarizontos te gnome;7.6,5）.1°

Within a month Alexander moved his base to Opis (in or near mod- ern Baghdad),where his first action was to confirm the veterans'fears, and dismiss from the army all those he deemed unfit.At this juncture, his soldiers again murmured about his Persian dress,the new Asian
一个月内，亚历山大将他的基地搬到了奥皮斯（在巴格达或附近），在那里他采取的第一项行动是确认退伍军人的担忧，并将所有他认为不适合的人从军队中解雇。这时，他的士兵们又嘀咕着他的波斯装扮，新亚洲人

troops,the foreign officers in the cavalry,and his claims to be the son
部队，骑兵中的外国军官，以及他自称是儿子的说法

of god that is,all those features that signal Alexander s adoption of a mixed,non-Macedonian identity.Alexander responded by harangu- ing the men as ingrates,charging that his father Philip had found them skin-clad herders wandering the hillsides,and that"he made you city dwellers"(poleon te oiketoras),and in this way established good laws and customs (7.9,1 ff.).He then assigned all the household duties to his Persian guard,designating these men alone his"kinsmen"with exclusive access to his person and presence. Finally,he further reor-
也就是说，所有这些特征都标志着亚历山大采用了混合的、非马其顿的身份。亚历山大的回应是斥责这些人是忘恩负义的人，指责他的父亲菲利普发现他们穿着皮衣的牧民在山坡上徘徊，“他使你们成为城市居民”（poleonteoiketoras），并以这种方式建立了良好的法律和习俗（7.9,1 ff.）。然后，他将所有家务都分配给他的波斯卫兵，将这些人单独指定为他的“亲属”，可以独家接触他的人和在场。最后，他进一步回答——

ganized the crack units,bestowing on Persians the hallowed names of
组织了精锐部队，赋予波斯人神圣的名字

Macedonian fighting units (agema,pezhetairoi (foot companions),asthe teroi,and silver shields (arguraspidoi;711,1-3).All this provoked the Macedonians to plead with him for nothing more than equal access with the Persians including the right to the ceremonial kiss,and to the formal status of"kinsmen."Alexander responded,with astonish ing disingenuousness or ruthless manipulation:"But I regard all of you
马其顿战斗单位 （agema，pezhetairoi （步伴），作为 teroi，和银盾 （arguraspidoi;711,1-3).所有这些都激怒了马其顿人恳求他，只要求他与波斯人平等，包括仪式上的亲吻权和“亲属”的正式地位。亚历山大以惊人的虚伪或无情的操纵回答道：“但我尊重你们所有人

as my kinsmen,and from this time forth I shall give you that name" (7.11,7).In a single stroke,Alexander has used the crisis-and the years of tension,infighting, and creeping innovation that preceded it to redefine the fundamental notion of kinship,detaching it from its link to bloodlines,ethnicity,marriage,and polis within tribal societies and city states,and making it a matter of affiliation and personal choice.In this new deterritorialized model of social relations,a person-whether Bactrian,Persian,or Indian,Greek,Macedonian,or barbaros-may elect kinship with the Great King without necessarily losing competing or complementary features of ethnic or natal identity.In effect,Alexan- der has forced upon the Europeans a new regime of overlapping pri- vate and political bonds,mediating local and global cultures through a system that depends upon networks of shared interests,individual qualities,established offices,the king's word,and the policies and infrastructures that lie behind these.
作我的亲戚，从今以后，我要把这个名字赐给你们“（7.11,7）。亚历山大一举利用了这场危机——以及之前多年的紧张、内斗和悄悄的创新，重新定义了亲属关系的基本概念，将其从部落社会和城邦中的血统、种族、婚姻和城邦的联系中分离出来，使其成为归属和个人选择的问题。在这种新的恶化化的社会关系模式中，一个人——无论是巴克特里亚人、波斯人，还是印度人、希腊人、马其顿人或巴巴罗斯人——都可以选择与大王建立亲属关系，而不必失去种族或出生身份的竞争或互补特征。实际上，亚历山大将一种私人和政治纽带重叠的新制度强加给欧洲人，通过一个依赖于共同利益、个人素质、既定职位、国王的话语以及这些背后的政策和基础设施的制度来调解地方和全球文化。

In order to mark this reconciliation or radical renovation Alex- ander,who was celebrated for the lavishness of his table,arranged what is perhaps the grandest(and certainly the last) public banquet of his reign.He seated himself at the centre,arranging the Macedonians, Persians,and other foreign dignitaries around him,and had his guests drink from the same bowl and pour the same libations partaking in this way in a communion of sorts(711,8).Arrian reports that the king, in an effort at syncretism,brought in both Greek prophets and east- ern Magi,and that nine thousand joined in the rites and added their voices to the victory cry.The particular prayer that Alexander utters for homonoia,that is,unity,concord,that those present should be of one mind-potentially makes this the signature event of cosmopolitanism in the histories of Alexander,though the meaning of the prayer,and the banquet at large,has aroused some of the sharpest debate in modern Alexander scholarship.The possibility that Alexander intended a fusion of peoples or races,or that this public ceremony (like the weddings at Susa) might signal the legitimation of a fundamental shift in politi- cal and social relations,has been widely(and scornfully)dismissed in mainstream classical scholarship³Yet,like the weddings,the banquet
为了纪念这种和解或彻底的革新，以餐桌奢华而闻名的亚历山大安排了可能是他统治期间最盛大（当然也是最后一次）的公开宴会。他自己坐在中间，把马其顿人、波斯人和其他外国政要安排在他周围，让他的客人用同一个碗喝水，倒同样的酒，以这种方式参加某种交流（711,8）。阿里安报道说，国王为了融合，带来了希腊先知和东方的贤士，有 9000 人参加了仪式，并在胜利的呐喊中发出了他们的声音。亚历山大为同胞所说的特别祈祷，即团结、和谐，在场的人应该同心同德——可能使这成为亚历山大历史上世界主义的标志性事件，尽管祈祷的意义，以及整个宴会，已经引起了现代亚历山大学术界一些最尖锐的辩论。亚历山大打算实现民族或种族的融合，或者这种公开仪式（如苏萨的婚礼）可能标志着政治和社会关系发生根本性转变的合法性的可能性，在主流古典学术界被广泛（和轻蔑地）否定了。然而，就像婚礼一样，宴会

simultaneously,and effectively,enforces parity and hierarchy,estab- lishing palpable structures for a deliberate,dynamic yet bounded and asymmetric mixing of peoples,based upon a shared medium of com- munication,the replication of civic space,and continuously transform- ing institutions.
同时，有效地加强了平等和等级制度，在共享的通信媒介、公民空间的复制和不断变革的机构基础上，为一种深思熟虑的、动态的、有界限的、不对称的人民混合建立了明显的结构。

In this view,cosmopolitanism is not a sentimental,idealistic,or
在这种观点中，世界主义不是一种感性的、理想主义的，或者

anachronistic imposition based upon principles of the unity of all peoples or the brotherhood of mankind,or a proto-United Nations advocating universal equality and human rights²What the Roman historians provide is evidence of a largely pragmatic,frequently vio-
基于所有民族团结或人类兄弟情谊原则的不合时宜的强加，或倡导普遍平等和人权的原始联合国²罗马历史学家所提供的证据在很大程度上是务实的，经常是 vó

lent,deeply resented course of action that began with profound impact upon military and administrative organization,and that achieved last- ing effects,in the Hellenistic world and the Empire,on educational, political,economic,socialexperiences of peoples throughout the Medi- terranean and the Near East²We might indeed contend that the very work of these diasporic Roman historians is one after-effect of Alexan drian cosmopolitanism.Much of this was fostered by a single medium of communication koine Greek as lingua franca-and a proliferating network of Alexandrias containing mixed populations.In dramatiz- ing Alexander's public response to the Pages'Conspiracy,Curtius has Alexander spell out his motives and goals for cosmopolitanism:"the
拗期，深恶痛绝的行动方针开始对军事和行政组织产生深远影响，并在希腊化世界和帝国对整个地中海和近东地区人民的教育、政治、经济、社会经验产生了持久的影响²我们确实可以争辩说，这些散居的罗马历史学家的工作本身就是亚历山大的一个后遗症德里安世界主义。这在很大程度上是由单一的通信媒介（希腊语作为通用语）和包含混合人口的亚历山大不断增长的网络所促进的。在戏剧化亚历山大对佩奇夫妇阴谋的公开回应时，柯蒂乌斯让亚历山大阐明了他对世界主义的动机和目标：”

Persians whom we have defeated are held in high regard by me!…I
我们打败的波斯人受到我的高度评价......我

did not come into Asia to wipe out its races fgenteslor to transform half the world into a desert.Rather it was to make the people I conquered in warfare feel no regret at my victory.As a consequence,you have men fighting alongside you and shedding blood for your empire |pro imperio vestrol…If we wish to hold Asia and not merely pass through it…It is their loyalty which will make our empire stable and enduring [stabile et aeternum faciet imperium]…I am foisting Persian habits on to the Macedonians.True,for I see in many races things we should not blush to imitate,and the only way this great empire can be satisfac torily governed is by our transmitting some things to the natives and learning others from them ourselves"(8.8,10-13).Curtius repeatedly
来到亚洲并不是为了消灭它的种族，而是将半个世界变成沙漠。相反，这是为了让我在战争中征服的人民对我的胜利不感到遗憾。因此，你有男人与你并肩作战，为你的帝国流血 |pro imperio vestrol...如果我们希望守住亚洲，而不仅仅是经过它......正是他们的忠诚将使我们的帝国稳定而持久 [stabileet aeternumfaciet imperium]......诚然，因为我在许多种族中看到了我们不应该脸红去模仿的东西，而这个伟大的帝国能够得到满意的治理的唯一方法是我们将一些东西传给当地人，并自己从他们那里学习其他东西“（8.8,10-13）。Curtius 反复

uses the charged word imperium in this speech,and it may well be that his Roman sensibility was no less offended or incredulous than that of Alexander's Macedonians at the notion of an empire that might be syncretic,dispersed,and continuously reinventing itself through the founding of new cosmopoleis.
在这篇演讲中使用了充满激情的 imperium 这个词，很可能他的罗马情感并不比亚历山大的马其顿人对一个 帝国的概念感到冒犯或怀疑，这个帝国可能是融合的、分散的，并通过建立新的世界性来不断重塑自己。

Several of the other events that Arrian assigns to Alexander's last
阿里安分配给亚历山大的最后一个事件的其他几个事件

months underscore his systematic reproduction of mixed institutions.
月强调了他对混合制度的系统再现。

The reconciliation banquet at Opis ironically allowed the king to demo- bilize and separate from his standing army ten thousand Macedoni- ans,whom he declared unfit for service,and ready for repatriation to Europe;their place would be more than filled by the thirty thousand freshly trained troops,whose vim and prowess aroused deep resent- ment.Moreover,Alexander simultaneously intervened to hold back all children these men had produced with Asian wives guaranteeing that these mixed offspring would be raised by him-presumably through the new infrastructure supported by the burgeoning Alexandrias in European (read:mixed)ways (7.12,2-3).These children are clearly the successors to the Successors,the thirty thousand Epigoni who had appeared a month before in Susa;these children literally embody the cosmopolitanism associated with Alexander,since their homogene ity depends on their hybridity-not Asian,not European and their upbringing will preparethem for a world where such commingled identities are normative.Soon after he moved on to Babylon,Peucestas whose seamless assimilation of Persian language,dress,and customs had so alienated the Macedonians arrives with an additional twenty
具有讽刺意味的是，奥皮斯的和解宴会让国王将一万名马其顿人从他的常备军中解雇出来，他宣布这些人不适合服役，并准备遣返欧洲;他们的位置将由三万名新训练的士兵填补，他们的活力和英勇引起了深深的不满。此外，亚历山大同时进行干预，阻止这些男人与亚洲妻子生下的所有孩子，以保证这些混血后代将由他抚养——大概是通过新兴的亚历山大人以欧洲（读作：混合）方式支持的新基础设施（7.12,2-3）。这些孩子显然是继任者的继承者，一个月前出现在苏萨的三万名埃皮戈尼;这些孩子确实体现了与亚历山大相关的世界主义，因为他们的同质性取决于他们的混血儿——不是亚洲人，也不是欧洲人，他们的成长经历将使他们为一个这种混合身份成为常态的世界做好准备。在他搬到巴比伦后不久，Peucestas 对波斯语言、服装和习俗的无缝同化使马其顿人如此疏远，他又带来了 20 个

thousand troops,mainly Persians,with smaller units,perhaps contrib- uted by Alexandrias in other provinces.In addition,other local com- manders deliver contingents from Lydia,Caria,and elsewhere (7.23, 1-2).Arrian,who wrote a book on military organization and tactics, goes on to specify just how Alexander reorganized the fundamental units of his new battalion:each company consisted of twelve foreign soldiers(who were not issued European weaponry)and four Macedo nians.The level of detail makes clear that while Alexander (like western
数千名士兵，主要是波斯人，还有较小的部队，可能是由其他省份的亚历山大贡献的。此外，其他当地的推荐者从莉迪亚、卡里亚和其他地方运送特遣队（7.23,1-2）。阿里安写了一本关于军事组织和战术的书，他继续详细说明了亚历山大如何重组他的新营的基本单位：每个连由 12 名外国士兵（他们没有获得欧洲武器）和 4 名马塞多尼安组成。细节水平清楚地表明，虽然亚历山大（像西部

field commanders in twenty-first-century Iraq)may have felt reserva- tions about equipping non-Europeans with the latest weaponry,he nonetheless regarded the present changes as permanent and as mod- els for further revamping,as the mixed character of the army,and the Alexandrias that supported it,proliferated.
21世纪伊拉克的战地指挥官）可能对为非欧洲人配备最新的武器有所保留，但他认为目前的变化是永久性的，是进一步改革的手段，因为军队的混合特征和支持它的亚历山大家族激增。

Had he lived another ten years, and founded another dozen or
如果他再活十年，再建立十几年或

seventy Alexandrias, the Roman historians might have been able to
七十个亚历山大，罗马历史学家可能能够

provide us with even fuller evidence of what this brand of cosmopoli- tanism means.But no matter how long Alexander's career,how power- ful his charisma,or how brutal his policies,his achievements matter mainly in how they mobilize and make use of cultural and historical forces that far exceeded his plans and actions.Alexander is a flashpoint for the version of cosmopolitanism I wish to define here,and in this way a useful lens for speculation and analysis.At the same time,I hope
为我们提供了更充分的证据来证明这种世界主义的含义。但是，无论亚历山大的职业生涯有多长，他的魅力多么强大，或者他的政策多么残酷，他的成就主要取决于他们如何动员和利用远远超过他的计划和行动的文化和历史力量。亚历山大是我希望在这里定义的世界主义版本的一个爆发点，以这种方式成为推测和分析的有用镜头。同时，我希望

it's clear that to use"cosmopolitanism" in the way Im suggesting is not to celebrate or endorse it,but rather to deploy it as a tool towards a fuller understanding of the events and texts that confront us.Moreover, it's worth emphasizing that cosmopolitanism is not simply practice and policy on the ground,as it affects the lives of communities,but also something that imperial readers and listeners a half millennium after Alexander's time would have recognized and responded to as a cul- tural phenomenon,an avid interest,an alarming concern.The Roman historians'open hostility and profound ambivalence mark their reac tion to hybridity,dispersion,and replication,which helps explain not only the evidence they chose to include and how they presented it,but also the events and stories they chose to omit-namely,just the mate- rial that makes up the heart of the Hellenistic Romance.The Romance,in installing a welter of confusions,possibilities,and contradictions con- cerning Alexander s paternity and identity he is Macedonian,Greek, Egyptian,Persian,perhaps Ethiopian,divinely sired,monstrously con- ceived,entirely human clearly eschews the pursuit of origins or the claim of a single,unique identity,and puts in its place a kind of cosmo- politan multitudinousness.In order to read such elements symptomati-
很明显，以我建议的方式使用“世界主义”并不是为了庆祝或认可它，而是将其作为一种工具，以更全面地理解我们面临的事件和文本。此外，值得强调的是，世界主义不仅仅是实地的实践和政策，因为它影响着社区的生活，而且在亚历山大时代半个世纪后，帝国读者和听众也会认识到并回应为一种文化现象，一种狂热的兴趣，一种令人担忧的问题。罗马历史学家公开的敌意和深刻的矛盾心理标志着他们对混合、分散和复制的接受，这不仅有助于解释他们选择包含的证据和如何呈现证据，还有助于解释他们选择省略的事件和故事——即，只是构成希腊化浪漫主义核心的材料。在对亚历山大的父系和身份进行大量混淆、可能性和矛盾的过程中，他是马其顿人、希腊人、埃及人、波斯人，也许是埃塞俄比亚人，是神圣的父亲，可怕的构想，完全是人类，显然避免了对起源的追求或对单一、独特身份的主张，取而代之的是一种世界性的多样性。为了阅读这些要素的症状

cally and sympathetically, we need toabandon customary genetic/
从心里和同情心上来说，我们需要放弃惯常的遗传/

genealogical assumptions,which patently propel the Roman histori- ans'pursuit of the"real"Alexander,and their consequent disregard of the Romance as evidence.We need a model of transmission that-unlike Plutarch's vision of Homer s text, uncontaminated and unchanging no matter what its surroundings highlights the dynamic,dispersed, mixed conditions of textual reception,whose problems and potentiali- ties are so vividly illustrated by the Hellenistic Alexander Romance and its many offspring.An anecdote from Aelian may help expand our con- sciousness of possibilities:he reports that"Ptolemy Philopator[221-204 BCE] built a temple to Homer [in AlexandriaJ.He set up a fine statue of the poet,and around it,in a circle,all the cities that claim Homer as theirs.The painter Galaton [then] depicted Homer being sick,with the other poets drawing in his vomit³The passage suggests a remarkable model of transmission and reception,literalizing the regurgitation and absorption of random, predigested nuggets of meaning,as would-be writers and readers greedily swallow whole whatever comes down to them from the classical canon.This image of uncontrolled circulation and dispersed,undifferentiated,wholesale ingestion stands in stark contrast to"the repristinization"of Attic Greek and the immaculate reception of authentic texts produced by the careful search for the lectio
家谱假设，这显然推动了罗马历史学家对“真正的”亚历山大的追求，以及随之而来的他们对罗曼史作为证据的无视。我们需要一种传播模式——与普鲁塔克对荷马文本的看法不同，无论周围环境如何，它都不会受到污染和不变，突出了文本接收的动态、分散、混合的条件，其问题和潜力在希腊化的亚历山大罗曼史及其众多后代中得到了如此生动的阐述。Aelian 的一则轶事可能有助于扩展我们对可能性的认知：他报道说：“托勒密·菲洛帕托 [公元前 221-204 年] 为荷马建造了一座神庙 [在亚历山大港J.他为荷马建立了一座精美的雕像，并在它周围围成一个圆圈，所有声称荷马是他们的城市。画家加拉顿 [然后] 描绘了荷马生病了，其他诗人在他的呕吐物中画画³这段话暗示了一个非凡的传输和接收模式，将随机的、预先消化的意义块的反刍和吸收字面化，因为潜在的作家和读者贪婪地吞下了古典经典中流传下来的一切。这种不受控制的流通和分散的、无差别的、大规模的摄入的形象，与阿提卡希腊语的“再现”和对真实文本的无暇接受形成鲜明对比，这些都是由对讲义的精心搜索所产生的。

difficilior²Yet it also reminds us of the way in which such methods sometimes mask the messy business of making meaning,with Curtius, Plutarch,and Arrian screening out,or smoothing out,lumps of matter that are not to their taste.And the description offers a shocking and sal- utary alternative to our usual assumptions about authority,originality, and authenticity,suggesting how materials regarded as sensationally inauthentic or genetically unrelated to the story of Alexander survived and flourished in the cosmopolitan Hellenistic Alexander Romance.
然而，它也提醒我们，这些方法有时掩盖了创造意义的混乱工作，柯蒂乌斯、普鲁塔克和阿里安筛选或抚平了不符合他们口味的物质块。这种描述为我们通常关于权威、原创性和真实性的假设提供了一个令人震惊和有益的替代方案，表明被认为在耸人听闻的不真实或与亚历山大的故事在基因上无关的材料如何在世界性的希腊化亚历山大浪漫主义中幸存下来并蓬勃发展。

NOTES
笔记

The fragments appear in English translation in Charles Alexander Robinson,Jr,The History of Alexander the Great (Providence,RI: Brown University Press,1953),based upon Felix Jacoby,Die Fragmente der griechi schen Historiker,volumes IIB and IID(Berlin:Weidmann,1927,1930).
这些片段出现在小查尔斯·亚历山大·罗宾逊 （Charles Alexander Robinson， Jr） 的《亚历山大大帝的历史》（普罗维登斯：布朗大学出版社，1953 年）中，基于费利克斯·雅各比 （Felix Jacoby） 的《历史碎片》（Die Fragmente der griechi schen Historiker），第 IIB 卷和 IID 卷（柏林：魏德曼，1927 年，1930 年）。

For a sketch of Alexander's preeminent and multivalent status among Imperial writers-standard or antitype of Romanitas,counterpart of the “orientalized"Antony,"Greek savior"bringing culture to the"barbarians" in a world of"Greek chic"=see Diana Spencer,The Roman Alexander: Read- ing aCultural Myth(Exeter,UK:University of Exeter Press,2002),1-38 especially 25,31-8.
关于亚历山大在帝国作家中卓越和多价地位的草图——罗马人的标准或对范，“东方化”安东尼的对应物，“希腊救世主”在“希腊时尚”的世界中为“野蛮人”带来文化=参见戴安娜·斯宾塞，《罗马亚历山大：阅读文化神话》（埃克塞特，英国：埃克塞特大学出版社，2002），1-38，特别是 25,31-8。

Titus Livius,Ab urbe condita,Book 9 sections 17-19;The History of Rome, ed.and trans.Benjamin Oliver Foster,Vol.4,Loeb Classical Library (here after LCL)(Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1926).Though I have consulted Foster's translation,the rendition offered here is my own.
Titus Livius，Ab urbe condita，第 9 册，第 17-19 节;《罗马史》，编辑和翻译。本杰明·奥利弗·福斯特（Benjamin Oliver Foster），第4卷，勒布古典图书馆（以下简称LCL）（剑桥，马萨诸塞州：哈佛大学出版社，1926年）。虽然我查阅了福斯特的译本，但这里提供的译本是我自己的。

Elizabeth Baynham,Alexander the Great:The Unique History of Quintus Cur tius(Ann Arbor.University of Michigan Press 1998) offers a full account of the African praetor's biography,though she seems ultimately to prefer a more obscure rhetor as the author of Alexander's life.
伊丽莎白·贝纳姆（Elizabeth Baynham）的《亚历山大大帝：昆图斯·库蒂乌斯的独特历史》（Ann Arbor.University of Michigan Press，1998年）对这位非洲执政官的传记进行了完整的描述，尽管她似乎最终更喜欢用更晦涩的修辞作为亚历山大生平的作者。

For a brief account of Plutarch's life,see James R.Hamilton,Plutarch, Alexander:ACommentary(Oxford:Clarendon,1969),xiii-xxiii,who points out that despite his Roman citizenship,Plutarch"never mastered the finer points of[literarylLatin"(xv).
关于普鲁塔克生平的简要描述，参见詹姆斯·汉密尔顿（James R.Hamilton），Plutarch， Alexander：ACommentary（Oxford：Clarendon，1969），xiii-xxiii，他指出，尽管普鲁塔克是罗马公民，但他“从未掌握过[literarylLatin]”（xv）的精髓。

Albert B.Bosworth discusses Arrian's writings in“Arrian and his Histori-
AlbertB. Bosworth 在“Arrian and his Histori-

cal Production"in From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in Historical Interpreta
calproduction“in From Arrian to Alexander： StudiesinHistoricalInterpreta （从阿里安到亚历山大：历史解释研究）

tion(Oxford:Clarendon,1988),16-37.
（牛津：克拉伦登，1988 年），16-37。

Arrian uses the phrase Pωμaiorc…eeλotμ in his Circumnavigation of the Black Sea;this has been widely noted,though Simon Swain,Hellenism and Empire:Language,Classicism,and Power in the Greek World,AD 50 250
Arrian 使用了短语 Pωμaiorc...eeλotμ 在他的《环游黑海》中;这一点已被广泛注意到，尽管西蒙·斯温（Simon Swain）的《希腊文化与帝国：希腊世界的语言、古典主义和权力》，公元50250 年

(Oxford:Clarendon,1996)cautions that "too much should not be made of the first person plural verb"(244,n11),by which I understand he suggests that this is not exceptional but commonplace.
（Oxford：Clarendon，1996）警告说，“第一人称复数动词不应该过多”（244，n11），我理解他暗示这不是例外，而是司空见惯的。

Quintus Curtius Rufus,Historiarum Alexandri Magni Macedonis Libri,Book
昆图斯·库尔蒂乌斯·鲁弗斯，HistoriarumAlexandriMagniMacedonisLibri，书籍

3,sections 17,23;History of Alexander,ed.and trans.JohnC.Rolfe,2 vols LCL(Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1946).Though I have con- sulted Rolfe's translation,together with that by John Yardley,The History of Alexander (London:Penguin,1984),the rendition offered here is my own.
3，第 17、23 节;亚历山大的历史，ed.and trans.John C.Rolfe，2 LCL 航班（剑桥，马萨诸塞州：哈佛大学出版社，1946 年）。虽然我已经咨询了罗尔夫的翻译，以及约翰·亚德利的翻译，《亚历山大的历史》（伦敦：企鹅出版社，1984 年），但这里提供的译本是我自己的。

Plutarch's Lives,ed.and trans.Bernadotte Perrin,Vol.7,LCL(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,1919).I have also consulted the Dryden translation,revised by Arthur Hugh Clough (New York: Modern Library, 1932).In general I have followed the latter,though I have altered or mod- ernized (based on the Greek text) at several points.
普鲁塔克的生平，编辑和翻译。Bernadotte Perrin，Vol.7，LCL（剑桥，马萨诸塞州：哈佛大学出版社，1919 年）。我还查阅了阿瑟·休·克拉夫 （ArthurHughClough） 修订的德莱顿译本（纽约：现代图书馆，1932 年）。总的来说，我遵循后者，尽管我在几个地方进行了修改或修改（根据希腊文本）。