这是用户在 2024-6-3 9:57 为 https://app.immersivetranslate.com/word/ 保存的双语快照页面,由 沉浸式翻译 提供双语支持。了解如何保存?

The ‘Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality*
“基督教”伊尔汗:神话与现实*

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

As for his [Genghis Khan’s] children and
至于他(成吉思汗)的孩子们和

grandchildren, several of them have chosen a religion according to their inclination, some adopting Islam, others embracing Christianity, others selecting idolatry and others again cleaving to the ancient canon of their fathers and forefathers
孙子孙女,他们中的一些人根据自己的倾向选择了宗教,一些人信奉伊斯兰教,另一些人信奉基督教,另一些人选择偶像崇拜,另一些人则再次坚持他们父亲和祖先的古老教规

and inclining in no direction; but these are now a minority. Juvayni (1958: 26)
不向任何方向倾斜;但这些现在是少数。Juvayni(1958年:26岁)

Abstract: The aim of this research is to discuss several peculiarities and influences from the religious factor on the internal policy of the Ilkhans, based on written sources. In this frame of reference, peculiarities and influences of the religious factor on the internal policy of Ilkhans are discussed on the basis of written sources. This article aims to study specific peculiarities of the Ilkhans’ religious policy in relation to subject religious communities dependent on the religious affiliation of the Ilkhans themselves, to discuss the issue of the religious affiliation of the Ilkhans, to analyze the phenomenon of the ‘Christianisation’ of the Ilkhans in written sources of the XIII-XV centuries (Armenian, Georgian, Syrian, and European) and to identify the very perception of the image of ‘Ilkhans of a Christian’ in the sources. The article does not include a study of the relations between the Ilkhans and the Christian West and the Roman Catholic Church. A number of studies are available on the relations of Mongolian khans (particularly the Ilkhans) with Christian Europe, on the religious policy of the papacy, and the attempts of the union of both sides against the Islamic world , and thus this topic is not covered here.
摘要:本研究的目的是根据书面资料,讨论宗教因素对伊尔汗内部政策的几个特点和影响。在这个参考框架中,根据书面资料讨论了宗教因素对伊尔汗内部政策的特殊性和影响。本文旨在研究伊尔汗宗教政策的具体特点,这些政策与依赖伊尔汗本身宗教信仰的宗教社区有关,讨论伊尔汗人的宗教信仰问题,分析十三至十五世纪书面资料中伊尔汗人的“基督教化”现象(亚美尼亚语, 格鲁吉亚语、叙利亚语和欧洲语),并确定来源中对“基督徒的伊尔汗”形象的看法。这篇文章不包括对伊尔汗人与基督教西方和罗马天主教会之间关系的研究。关于蒙古可汗(特别是伊尔汗)与基督教欧洲的关系,教皇的宗教政策以及双方联合反对伊斯兰世界的企图,有许多研究,因此这里不涉及这个主题。

Keywords: Ilkhan, Christianity, Islam, 13th-14th centuries, religious policy, Arpʻa, Öljeitü, pigs, Mar Yahballaha, baptism, StepʻanosOrbelyan, Rashīdal-Dīn
关键词伊尔汗、基督教、伊斯兰教、13-14 世纪、宗教政策、阿尔帕、Öljeitü、猪、Mar Yahballaha、洗礼、StepʻanosOrbelyan、Rashīdal-Dīn

Introduction
介绍

As a manifestation
表现
of the sufferable
可转让
religious
宗教
policy
政策
of the Chengisids
成吉西德
and as a precedent in the context of
在上下文中的 ecedent
the subsequent religious policy of
随后的宗教政策
the Ilkhans, especial
伊尔汗人,尤其是
ly with respect to Christianity, the following incident is considered below.
就基督教而言,以下事件如下。
1 In the earl
伯爵
y

* The author is grateful to his colleagues Alexander Akopyan (Kazan Federal University, Russian Federation), Robert Ghazaryan, MusheghGhahriyan, and Aram Vardanyan (Institute of Oriental Studies, NAS RA). This study has been carried out in the frames of the research project no. 18T-6A179 of the Science Committee of the Republic of Armenia.
作者感谢他的同事Alexander Akopyan(俄罗斯联邦喀山联邦大学)、Robert Ghazaryan、MusheghGhahriyan和Aram Vardanyan(NAS RA东方研究所)。这项研究是在亚美尼亚共和国科学委员会第18T-6A179号研究项目的框架内进行的。

1 It should be noted that in terms of the manifestations of the sufferable religious policy of the Chengisids, this case is not unique. We also find direct reference to this policy in the works of other authors: ‘Since Genghis Khan was not a follower of any faith, nor did he follow any confession, he did not show intolerance and preference for one religion over another, nor did he exalt one over the other; on the
应该指出的是,就成吉思汗人受苦的宗教政策的表现而言,这种情况并非独一无二。在其他作者的著作中,我们也直接提到了这一政策:“由于成吉思汗不是任何信仰的追随者,也没有遵循任何信仰,他没有表现出对一种宗教的不宽容和偏爱,也没有高举一种宗教;在

AJNES XIV/1–2 2020: 228–245
AJNES XIV/1–2 2020: 228–245

The Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
基督教的伊尔汗:神话与现实

1250s, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, Öljeitü (also known as Möngke, Mengu, Munke, 1251-1259) sent Bitikchi Arghun2 to conduct a census, introduce tax rates, and organise tax-collection in Iran and Transcaucasia.3 Arghun then conducted the census in Iran and Transcaucasia from 1253-1254. He regulated the tax list in its size and types. However, according to the sources, Arghundid not impose taxes on either the church or the clergy. According to the XIII c. Armenian historian Kirakos Gandzakecʻi, in 703 of the Armenian chronology (1254),4 Öljeitü Khan sent Arghun to Armenia and Georgia and Ałuank to collect tribute despite rigid measures for collecting taxes from all of the people, from clergy did not collect any taxes because there was no order from the khan [Öljeitü]. 5 This message of Gandzakecʻi is corroborated in the Georgian ‘Hundred Years’ chronicle’, where after the census and the introduction of taxes, Arghundid not introduce new taxes for the houses of priests and monks and churches, as well as from sheikhs, dervishes and the people of any faith who remained in God’s service.6 It should also be noted that reports of tax exemptions for clergy can also been found in other sources. The Persian historian Juvayni, for example, explicitly states that everyone must pay a certain amount of money according to the calculation (bar vajh-i-mūʽāmalat) depending on his position, except those who were exempt from tax burden by the order of Chengis khan and qa’an,i.e. sayyids and imams from the Muslims, monks and scholars (ahbār) from the Christians (erkeʽün), and priests (toyin) from the idolaters.7 Regarding Gandzakecʻi’s report on ‘severe tax collection measures’, it should be noted that, in contrast, the Ilkhans’ court historian Juvayni praises Arghun for the fact that he regulated the tax payment system, taking into account the fact that population had been fleeing due to the sheer number of taxes. According to Juvayni, Arghun acted in the same way as the viceroy of Mawarannahr Mahmud Yalavač,8 and introduced a bill of exchange. He established a measure and methods of collecting taxes based on the welfare and solvency of the
1250 年代,蒙古帝国的大汗 Öljeitü(也称为 Möngke、Mengu、Munke,1251-1259 年)派遣 Bitikchi Arghun2 在伊朗和外高加索地区进行人口普查、引入税率并组织征税.3 Arghun 随后于 1253 年至 1254 年在伊朗和外高加索地区进行了人口普查。他规范了税收清单的规模和类型。然而,据消息人士称,Arghundid没有对教会或神职人员征税。根据XIII c。亚美尼亚历史学家 Kirakos Gandzakecʻi,在亚美尼亚年表的 703 年(1254 年)4 中,Öljeitü Khan 派遣 Arghun 前往亚美尼亚和格鲁吉亚和 Ałuank 征收贡品,尽管有严格的措施向所有人征税,但神职人员没有征收任何税款,因为没有可汗 [Öljeitü] 的命令。5 Gandzakecʻi的这一信息在格鲁吉亚的“百年编年史”中得到了证实,在人口普查和引入税收之后,Arghunid没有对牧师、僧侣和教堂的房屋以及酋长、苦行僧和任何信仰的人征收新的税款。例如,波斯历史学家朱瓦尼(Juvayni)明确指出,每个人都必须根据自己的职位(bar vajh-i-mūʽāmalat)支付一定数额的钱,但那些根据成吉思汗和qa'an的命令免除税收负担的人除外,即穆斯林的赛义德和伊玛目,基督徒(erkeʽün)的僧侣和学者(ahbār), 和偶像崇拜者的祭司(toyin)。7 关于甘扎基关于“严厉的征税措施”的报告,应该指出的是,与此相反,伊尔汗王朝的宫廷历史学家朱瓦尼称赞阿尔贡规范了纳税制度,同时考虑到由于税收数量庞大而人口纷纷逃离的事实。根据Juvayni的说法,Arghun的行为方式与Mawarannahr Mahmud Yalavač的总督相同,8并引入了汇票。他建立了一种基于福利和偿付能力的征税措施和方法。

contrary, he honored scientists and godly people of all religious persuasions, believing that such behavior was the guarantee of the Kingdom of God’ (Džuvejni 2004: 20); ‘Since they do not keep any law of worship, no one else, as far as we know, has been forced to give up their faith or the law.’ See Jiovannidel Plano Karpini (1957: 30f.).
相反,他尊重所有宗教信仰的科学家和敬虔的人,相信这种行为是上帝王国的保证“(Džuvejni 2004:20);“由于他们不遵守任何崇拜律法,据我们所知,没有其他人被迫放弃他们的信仰或律法。参见Jiovannidel Plano Karpini (1957: 30f.)。

2 According to Rashīd al-Dīn, ‘Arghun of the Oirat tribe’ arrived in the Hulaguid kingdom as a bitikchi- secretary of the divan (apparently the chief secretary), by order of Mengu Kaan. During the reign of the Ilkhans and Jelayiirids, the position of bitikchi was respected and the office-holder wellpaid, as evidenced by Rashīdal-Dīn himself ‘the Emir of Arghun-aga with all the noblemen of Khorasan, nobility and sadrs, and they showed obedience and brought gifts’ . It should also be noted that Arghun was admitted to the ranks of bitikchi in the courtyard of Ögedei Khan when he was still young after mastering the Uighur script. See Juvayni (1958: 505); Rashīdal-Dīn (1946: 23, 25); Grekov, Yakubovskij 1950: 131f.
2 根据拉希德·阿尔丁(Rashīd al-Dīn)的说法,“卫拉特部落的阿尔古恩”是奉门古·卡恩(Mengu Kaan)的命令,作为迪万(显然是首席秘书)的副秘书来到旭烈吉德王国的。在伊尔汗和耶拉伊里德统治期间,比蒂奇的地位受到尊重,公职人员的报酬丰厚,拉希达尔丁本人就证明了这一点——“阿尔贡阿加的埃米尔与呼罗珊的所有贵族、贵族和萨德桑德一起表现出服从并带来了礼物”。还应该指出的是,阿尔浑在掌握回鹘文字后,在他还年轻的时候就被接纳为窝阔台汗院子里的 bitikchi 行列。见Juvayni (1958: 505);Rashīdal-Dīn(1946:23,25);Grekov,Yakubovskij 1950:131f。

3Juvayni (1958: 517).
Juvayni(1958:517)。

4 According to Vardan (Arevelc‘i), another Armenian historian, Öljeitü sent Arghun in year 702 of the Armenian chronology (in 1253). See VardanBarjrberdcʻi (1861: 195).
根据另一位亚美尼亚历史学家瓦尔丹 (Arevelc'i) 的说法,Öljeitü 在亚美尼亚年表的 702 年(1253 年)派遣了 Arghun。参见VardanBarjrberdcʻi (1861: 195)。

5 Kirakos Ganjakecʻi (1961: 361-363).
5 Kirakos Ganjakecʻi(1961:361-363)。

6 Kartʻlis Cʻxovreba (2014: 350).
Kartʻlis Cʻxovreba(2014:350)。

7Juvayni (1958: 599).
Juvayni(1958:599)。

8 Mahmud Yalavač was a member of the Chengis Khan Embassy to Khwārazmshāh Mohammed II in 1218 (hence Yalavač, which means ambassador in Turkish), and for sometime he ruled Mawarannahr (Kolbas 2013: 44-68; Bartold 1963: 261).
8 马哈茂德·亚拉瓦奇 (Mahmud Yalavač) 是 1218 年成吉思汗驻花剌子模沙赫穆罕默德二世大使馆的成员(因此 Yalavač,在土耳其语中意为大使),并有一段时间他统治了 Mawarannahr(Kolbas 2013:44-68;巴托尔德 1963:261)。

229

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

people. Moreover, in the Georgian ‘Hundred Years’ chronicle’, Arghun is presented as a ‘law-maker, just-spoken, judicious man.9
人。此外,在格鲁吉亚的“百年编年史”中,阿尔贡被描述为一个“立法者,公正的明智之人”9。

In our opinion, this example of a tolerant approach to the clergy of other religions and their exemption from taxes is the best manifestation of the trends that later formed the basis for the subsequent religious policy of Ilkhans.
我们认为,这个对其他宗教的神职人员采取宽容态度并免税的例子,是后来构成伊尔汗随后宗教政策基础的趋势的最好体现。

The Ilkhans, the protectors of Christians
伊尔汗人,基督徒的保护者

The sources we have studied (Step‛anos Orbelyan, Mar Yahballaha, Bar Hebraeus, Hayton, etc.) unanimously confirm Ilkhan Arghun’s (1284-1291) sympathy towards the Christians (especially the Eastern Syriac Christians and Armenians) and Christianity in general (Figure 2). In the same sources we find similar warm and positive descriptions of Arghun portraying him as ‘kind,’ ‘fair,’ chosen by God,’ ‘the favourite of Christians,’ words that they do not use for the Christian Ilkhan Baïdu. Arghun’s sympathy towards the Christians is also reported in the Chronicle of the Templar of Tyre - ‘This Argon loves Christians very much and has asked the Pope and the King of France many times to become allies and crush the Saracens (Muslims - G.M.) together.’10 The Dominican missionary Riccoldoda Monte di Croce, despite presenting Arghun as a bloodthirsty tyrant, who ‘shed a lot of blood of innocent women and children’, notes that Arghun was a friend of Christians (amicus Christianorum).11 There is a high probability that the mutual ‘love and sympathy’ between Arghun and the Christians had political motivations, implying mutual assistance and an alliance against the Islamic world, especially against the Mamluks of Egypt and Syria. The authors of reviews about Arghun were high-rank clergymen (Orbelyan was a bishop, Mar Yahballaha was a catholicos, etc.), and they were interested in this union and patronage of Arghun, and therefore they praised him. However, some notes made by the scribes of the manuscripts, who in this case can be regarded as commoners, directly indicate that Arghun was sincerely beloved by the Christians: ‘and it is written in 1287, during the rule of the Tatars, in the time of God crowned king, khan Arghun’ (scribe Grigor Tavushetsi, colophon of the manuscript ‘Interpretation of Psalms of VardanArevelcʻi’, Ardžeš).12 A similar message is also found in a colophon13 of the Bible of 1287 ‘[in the time of] Arghun khan, who ruled over my homeland, [who] was kind to us and was loved very much by the Christians’ (scribe Davit, Tełenik monastery).14 In addition to the fact that Arghun demonstrated great respect for the
我们研究的资料(Step'anos Orbelyan、Mar Yahballaha、Bar Hebraeus、Hayton 等)一致证实了 Ilkhan Arghun(1284-1291 年)对基督徒(尤其是东叙利亚基督徒和亚美尼亚人)和整个基督教的同情(图 2)。在相同的资料中,我们发现对阿尔贡的类似温暖和积极的描述,将他描绘成“善良”、“公平”、被上帝拣选“、”基督徒的最爱“——这些词他们没有用于基督徒伊尔汗·拜杜。《推罗圣殿骑士编年史》中也记载了阿尔贡对基督徒的同情——“这位阿尔贡非常热爱基督徒,并多次要求教皇和法国国王成为盟友,一起粉碎撒拉逊人(穆斯林 - G.M.)10 多米尼加传教士里科尔多达·蒙特·迪·克罗齐,尽管将阿尔贡描绘成一个嗜血的暴君, 他“流了很多无辜妇女和儿童的鲜血”,并指出阿尔古恩是基督徒的朋友(amicus Christianorum).11阿尔古恩和基督徒之间的相互“爱和同情”很有可能具有政治动机,意味着相互援助和联盟反对伊斯兰世界,特别是反对埃及和叙利亚的马穆鲁克人。关于Arghun的评论的作者是高级神职人员(Orbelyan是主教,Mar Yahballaha是天主教徒等),他们对Arghun的这种结合和赞助感兴趣,因此他们称赞他。 然而,手稿抄写员所做的一些注释,在这种情况下可以被视为平民,直接表明阿尔古恩受到基督徒的真诚爱戴:“它写于 1287 年,在鞑靼人统治期间,在上帝加冕为国王可汗阿尔古恩的时代”(抄写员 – Grigor Tavushetsi,手稿“瓦尔丹·阿雷维尔奇诗篇的解释”的底页, 12 在1287年《圣经》的底页13中也发现了类似的信息,“[在]统治我祖国的阿尔贡汗时代,[他]对我们很好,深受基督徒的爱戴”(抄写员Davit,Tełenik修道院)。14 除了亚古浑对

9 Kartʻlis Cʻxovreba 2014: 350.
Kartʻlis Cʻxovreba 2014:350。

10 Chronique du TemplierDe Tyr (1887: 296).
10 Chronique du TemplierDe Tyr(1887:296)。

11 Laurent 1864: 121f.
11 Laurent 1864:121f。

12 ŽG dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1984: 600f.).
12 ŽG dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1984: 600f.)。

13 The colophons of Armenian manuscripts form a separate genre in Armenian literature, dating from the earliest period of manuscript production to the end of the 18th century, when the practice transferred to early Armenian printing. The colophons not only provide information on the scribes, artists, sponsors, commissioners and the spread of scriptoriums, but also details on the trials and tribulations suffered by the scribes, their motives for copying manuscripts, injunctions regarding the use of manuscripts and anathemas against violators. See Nersessian 2015: 199-210.
13 亚美尼亚手稿的底页在亚美尼亚文学中形成了一个独立的体裁,其历史可以追溯到最早的手稿制作时期,直到18世纪末,当时这种做法转移到了早期的亚美尼亚印刷术中。底页不仅提供了有关抄写员、艺术家、赞助人、专员和抄写员传播的信息,还详细介绍了抄写员所遭受的考验和磨难、他们抄写手稿的动机、关于使用手稿的禁令以及对违规者的诅咒。参见 Nersessian 2015:199-210。

14 Nersessian 2015: 601.
14 Nersessian 2015:601。

230

The ‘Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
“基督教”伊尔汗:神话与现实

leaders of Christian churches, it is known from certain sources that there was also a ‘mobile church’ in the hordes or headquarters of Arghun. While returning from Cilicia, Step‛anosOrbelyan was received in the headquarters of Arghun, where he saw this church, which was sent to Arghun by the Pope, and he witnessed how this Ilkhan honoured the ‘Nestorian Catholicos and his 12 bishops’, in addition to other bishops. He also noteshow Arghun walked around the camp and blessed the camp with a bell in his hands.15 According to Mar Yahballaha, the church was built by Arghun, but it was a mobile church - ‘for the respect to the Catholicos and for the support of those, who profess Christ and to increase their love for him, he built a church near the throne gate [of the king’stent], so that there were ropes tying up the church [tent],with the ropes of his dwelling…When the camp moved, the priests also carried the church and all the things in it.16 It should be noted that the phenomenon of the mobile church was not new for the Mongols. It is known that a similar church existed in the court of the wife of the first Ilkhan Hulagu, Dokuzkhatun.17 The presence of the mobile church in the Ilkhan’s headquarters is also noted by al-Mufaddal.18
基督教会的领袖,从某些消息来源得知,在Arghun的部落或总部中也有一个“流动教会”。从奇里乞亚返回时,斯捷潘诺斯·奥尔贝良在阿尔贡总部受到接待,在那里他看到了这座由教皇派往阿尔贡的教堂,他目睹了这位伊尔汗如何向“聂斯托利派天主教徒和他的 12 位主教”以及其他主教致敬。15 根据 Mar Yahballaha 的说法,这座教堂是由 Arghun 建造的,但它是一座流动的教堂——“为了尊重天主教徒和支持那些自称基督并增加对他的爱的人, 他在〔国王的〕宝座门附近建造了一座教堂,用绳索将〔王〕的住所的绳索绑在教堂〔帐篷〕上......当营地搬迁时,祭司们也抬着教堂和里面的所有东西.16应该指出的是,流动教堂的现象对蒙古人来说并不新鲜。众所周知,在第一位伊尔汗旭烈兀的妻子多库兹哈屯的宫廷中也存在类似的教堂.17 al-Mufaddal 也注意到伊尔汗总部存在移动教堂.18

According to sources, the 5th Ilkhan Gaykhatu (1291-1295) also held a religious policy of toleration. StepʻanosOrbelyan reports that ‘Keghatu,who was called Yerndji Turndji, i.e. we found the lost,’19 was loyal to Christians and he ‘also reaffirmed presented decrees about our rights.20 In his turn, Mar Yahballaha describes the government of Gaykhatu even more positively. According to the author, the tenure of Gaykhatu was marked with the established peace, justice, and that Ilkhan patronised himself the leaders of all religions, both Christians and Arabs (i.e. Muslims). With the permission of Gaykhatu, Mar Yahballaha began the construction of a church in the name of St. Mary and St. George in Maragha. Also Gaykhatu gave 20.000 dinars to the Catholicos.21 Baidu – the 6th Ilkhan, who was the son of Taraghai and his concubine Borakchin and the grandson of Hulagu, the founder of the Ilkhanids dynasty, ruled for just 5months in 1295.22 The fact that Baidu was not only the patron of the Christians, but was also a Christian, was reported by the Venetian geographer and traveller Marino Sanudo Torsello, Marco Polo, Stepʻanos Orbelyan, Bar Hebraeus and Hayton. ‘When Kiyakatu [Gaykhatu] died, Baidu, who was his uncle and who was a Christian, ascended to the throne’- writes Marco Polo.23 Hayton (Hetum) describes Baidu as a good Christian ‘who restored the churches of Christians and forbade preaching the Law of Mahomet in his land.24 Marino Sanudo Torsello repeats almost the same words of Hayton that Baiduwas ‘a faithful Christian, and forbade Saracens to preach Islam
据消息来源称,第五代伊尔汗·盖哈图(1291-1295)也奉行宽容的宗教政策。斯捷潘诺斯·奥贝良(StepʻanosOrbelyan)报告说,“被称为耶恩吉·特恩吉(Yerndji Turndji)的凯加图(Keghatu)”,即我们找到了失丧的人“,19他忠于基督徒,他”还重申了关于我们权利的法令“20,而马·亚赫巴拉哈(Mar Yahballaha)则更积极地描述了盖哈图政府。据提交人称,Gaykhatu的任期以既定的和平、正义为标志,伊尔汗光顾所有宗教的领袖,包括基督徒和阿拉伯人(即穆斯林)。在Gaykhatu的许可下,Mar Yahballaha开始在Maragha以圣玛丽和圣乔治的名义建造一座教堂。Gaykhatu 也给了 20.000 第纳尔给天主教徒.21 百度 – 第 6 代伊尔汗,他是 Taraghai 和他的妃子 Borakchin 的儿子,也是 Ilkhanids 王朝的创始人旭烈兀的孙子,在 1295 年统治了 5 个月.22 事实上,百度不仅是基督徒的赞助人,而且还是基督徒, 威尼斯地理学家和旅行家马里诺·萨努多·托塞洛、马可·波罗、斯捷潘诺斯·奥尔贝良、巴尔·希伯来乌斯和海顿都对此进行了报道。“当Kiyakatu [Gaykhatu]去世时,他的叔叔和基督徒百度登上了王位”-马可·波罗写道.23海顿(Hetum)将百度描述为一位好基督徒,“他恢复了基督徒的教会,并禁止在他的土地上宣讲穆罕默德的律法.24马里诺·萨努多·托尔塞洛(Marino Sanudo Torsello)重复了海顿(Hayton)几乎相同的话,即百度是”忠实的基督徒, 并禁止撒拉逊人宣扬伊斯兰教

15 StepʻanosOrbelyan (1986: 376).
15 StepʻanosOrbelyan(1986:376)。

16 Mar Jabalaha (1895: 94).
16 Mar Jabalaha(1895:94)。

17 Melville 1995: 475f.
17 梅尔维尔 1995:475f。

18 Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl (1982: 181f.).
18 穆法扎尔·伊本·阿比勒-法扎伊尔(1982年:181f.)。

19 Mar Yahballaha called him Irindjin Turdji, Bar Hebraeus - Yernadjin Turjai
19 Mar Yahballaha 称他为 Irindjin Turdji, Bar Hebraeus - Yernadjin Turjai
.

20 StepʻanosOrbelyan (1986: 376).
20 StepʻanosOrbelyan(1986:376)。

21 Mar Jabalaha (1895: 97-99). 22 Rashīdal-Dīn (1971: 489).
21 Mar Jabalaha(1895:97-99)。22 Rashīdal-Dīn(1971:489)。

23 Marco Polo (1993: 476).
23 马可波罗(1993:476)。

24 Hayton (1906: 190).
24海顿(1906:190)。

231

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

among the Tatars.25 Stepʻanos Orbelyan reports that Baidu was a Christian, but he was deceived by his military leaders and converted to Islam.26 Sources remained silent about the official adoption of Islam by Baidu. But this message from Orbelyan becomes clearer when comparing it with Bar Hebraeu’s information. Bar Hebraeus first reported that Baidu had great sympathy for Christians, he even built a church and ‘called himself a Christian’. However, since some of the Mongols had become Hagarians (Muslims), Baidu, as if wishing to please the Muslims and maintain the balance, ‘said to Christians that he was a Christian and wore a cross around his neck, and to Muslims he showed that he was a Muslim’, but at the same time, during the time of prayer, he sent his son instead of himself, because he knew neither prayers nor Muslim customs.27 It should be noted that the information of these historians, while describing the political manoeuvring of the Ilkhan between the Christian and Muslim worlds, is especially valuable, as it once more confirms the fact that Baidu was a Christian. It is worth noting that generally researchers are more restrained and they consider Baidu a non-Christian, an Ilkhan who showed sympathy for Christianity and Christians,28 or a khan who, despite his sympathy for Christianity, actually ruled as a Muslim ruler.29
25 斯捷潘诺斯·奥贝良(Stepʻanos Orbelyan)报告说,百度是基督徒,但他被他的军事领导人欺骗并皈依了伊斯兰教.26 消息来源对百度正式采用伊斯兰教保持沉默。但是,当将Orbelyan的信息与Bar Hebraeu的信息进行比较时,它变得更加清晰。Bar Hebraeus首先报道说,百度对基督徒非常同情,他甚至建造了一座教堂,并“称自己为基督徒”。然而,由于一些蒙古人已经成为Hagarians(穆斯林),百度似乎希望取悦穆斯林并保持平衡,“对基督徒说他是基督徒,脖子上戴着十字架,对穆斯林说他是穆斯林”,但与此同时,在祈祷期间, 27 应该指出的是,这些历史学家的信息在描述伊尔汗在基督教和穆斯林世界之间的政治操纵时,特别有价值,因为它再次证实了百度是基督徒的事实。值得一提的是,一般来说,研究者比较克制,他们认为百度是一个非基督徒,一个同情基督教和基督徒的伊尔汗28,或者一个尽管同情基督教,但实际上以穆斯林统治者的身份统治的可汗29。

It is noteworthy that Muslim sources are silent on the detail that Baidu was a Christian. But there is another interesting fact, in our opinion. Rashīd al-Dīn successively writes about all Ilkhans, dedicating separate chapters to them in which he describes their genealogy and gives details about their lives. But, interestingly, there is no chapter about Baidu, which may give credence to the idea that Baidu was a Christian, and the historian deliberately omitted this part, as it may have been controversial considering the views of the Muslim patrons of Rashīdal-Dīn.
值得注意的是,穆斯林消息来源对百度是基督徒的细节保持沉默。但在我们看来,还有另一个有趣的事实。拉希德·阿尔丁(Rashīd al-Dīn)先后写了所有伊尔汗人,专门为他们写了单独的章节,其中他描述了他们的家谱并详细介绍了他们的生活。但是,有趣的是,没有关于百度的章节,这可能使百度是基督徒的观点可信,历史学家故意省略了这一部分,因为考虑到拉希达尔丁的穆斯林赞助人的观点,这可能是有争议的。

Were the Ilkhans Muslims?
伊尔汗人是穆斯林吗?

At the end of 13th century, after Ghazan ascended the throne, he and his successors are known in history as Muslim rulers. It can be said that after Ghazan’s conversion, Islam obtained a superior position both in the Ilkhanid elite and in the Ilkhanate in general. But, in our opinion, it would not be correct to consider Ghazan Khan and his successors as only Muslim rulers. Generally, the facts indicate that Christianity kept its esteemed position amongst the Ilkhanid elite regardless of the ‘victory’ of Islam.
13世纪末,合赞登上王位后,他和他的继任者在历史上被称为穆斯林统治者。可以说,在合赞皈依之后,伊斯兰教在伊尔汗王朝的精英阶层和整个伊尔汗国都获得了优越的地位。但是,在我们看来,将合赞汗及其继任者仅仅视为穆斯林统治者是不正确的。总的来说,事实表明,无论伊斯兰教的“胜利”如何,基督教在伊尔汗王朝精英中都保持着受人尊敬的地位。

There are some more interesting facts about Ilkhans, particularly about the Muslim Ilkhans and their attitude towards Christianity (especially in regard to Eastern Syriac Christians, Armenians and Georgians). It is known that Ilkhan Öljeitü Muhammad Khudabanda (1304-1316), the successor of Ghazan Khan and the son of Arghun Khan, was better known as a Muslim ruler. The period of his reign was
关于伊尔汗人有一些更有趣的事实,特别是关于穆斯林伊尔汗人及其对基督教的态度(特别是关于东叙利亚基督徒、亚美尼亚人和格鲁吉亚人)。众所周知,合赞汗的继任者、阿尔浑汗的儿子伊尔汗·埃尔杰图·穆罕默德·胡达班达(1304-1316 年)更广为人知的是穆斯林统治者。他在位的时期是

25 Sanudo Torsello (2011: 382). During his voyage, M. S. Torsello visited Asia Minor, Armenia, Egypt, Syria and finally summarised and presented all the knowledge in his work ‘Liber secretorum fideliumcrucis’.
25 萨努多·托塞洛(2011:382)。在航行期间,M. S. Torsello 访问了小亚细亚、亚美尼亚、埃及、叙利亚,并最终总结并介绍了他的著作“Liber secretorum fideliumcrucis”中的所有知识。

26 StepʻanosOrbelyan (1986: 334).
26 StepʻanosOrbelyan(1986:334)。

27 Bar Hebraeus (1932: 505).
27 Bar Hebraeus(1932:505)。

28Jackson 2005: 176; Bartold 1971: 489.
28杰克逊 2005: 176;巴托尔德 1971:489。

29 Atwood 2004: 253.
29 阿特伍德 2004:253。

232

The ‘Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
“基督教”伊尔汗:神话与现实

distinguished by the persecution of Christians. He restored the collection of jizya30 from non-Muslims; Christians were marked with special blue signs,31 he forced them to wear a special‘bondage of reproach from the shoulder on the back’in order to recognise them as Christians in public32. In this vein,of great interest are the colophons of Armenian scribes regarding Öljeitü’s attitude towards Christians and Christianity. These colophons are very important because they help us reconstruct the chronology of Öljeitü’s Christianity Islam religious policy changes. In the colophons of 1304- 1306,the scribe’sattitude towards Öljeitü was neutral-positive:‘Instead of Ghazan, his brother, Kharbandoghl came to the throne, he showed kindness to the people’(1304, scribe Hovhannes),33‘This year pasha khan, whose name was Kharpanda, came to the throne, which gave him the Lord Christ, to take care of our Christian people with devotion and delights (1304, scribe Mkrtich),’34‘This St. Gospel was written during the reign of sultan Öljeitü, who was a wise and kind king, let the God give him a long life (1306, scribe Hovsian).35 But since 1307, according to the colophons, Öljeitü was mentioned as a sultan, during whose rule‘the nation of the archers left their law and believed in the law of Muhammad’, Islam became stronger, the people of Ismaelitian became dependent, persecution of non-Muslims began, and so on.36
以对基督徒的迫害而著称。他恢复了非穆斯林的 jizya30 收藏;基督徒被标记在特殊的蓝色标志上,31 他强迫他们戴上特殊的“背上肩膀上的责备束缚”,以便在公共场合承认他们是基督徒32在这种情况下,亚美尼亚抄写员关于 Öljeitü 对基督徒和基督教的态度的底页非常令人感兴趣这些底页非常重要,因为它们帮助我们重建 Öljeitü 的基督教→伊斯兰教宗教政策变化的年表。在 1304-1306 年的底页中,抄写员对 Öljeitü 的态度是中立的积极态度:“他的兄弟 Kharbandoghl 登上王位,而不是 Ghazan,他对人民表现出仁慈”(1304 抄写员 Hovhannes),33'这一年,名叫 Kharpanda 的帕夏汗登上王位,这给了他主基督,以奉献和喜悦照顾我们的基督徒人民(1304 年, 抄写员 Mkrtich),'34'这本圣福音书写于苏丹 Öljeitü 统治时期,他是一位睿智善良的国王,让上帝赐予他长寿(1306 年,抄写员 Hovsian)。35 但自1307年以来,根据底页,Öljeitü被提及为苏丹,在他的统治期间,“弓箭手的国家离开了他们的法律,相信穆罕默德的律法”,伊斯兰教变得更加强大,伊斯梅尔蒂安的人民变得依赖,对非穆斯林的迫害开始了,等等36。

Öljeitü was born in a shamanist environment. He was baptised and converted to Christianity at the age of 8.37 Later, he practiced Buddhism, then converted to Sunni Islam, after became Shiite Twelver Muslim, and finally he was reconverted to Sunni Islam.38 As we have already noted, Öljeitü was also Christian, and the sources confirm this fact. For example, Hayton writes that Öljeitü (in the text Carbenda-distorted Kharbanda or Khudabanda, the nickname of Öljeitü), thanks to his Christian mother Erok Katon (Uruk/Arkaukhatun in other sources), was baptised and was given the name Nicholas in honor of Pope Nicholas IV,39 and he remained a Christian until the death of his mother40. Mar Yahballaha confirms the information about the baptism of Öljeitü and also reports that he often visited the Nestorian Catholicos with his
Öljeitü 出生在萨满教的环境中。他在 8.37 岁时受洗并皈依基督教,后来他信奉佛教,然后皈依逊尼派伊斯兰教,成为什叶派十二穆斯林,最后他重新皈依逊尼派伊斯兰教.38 正如我们已经指出的那样,Öljeitü 也是基督徒,消息来源证实了这一事实。例如,海顿写道,由于他的基督徒母亲 Erok Katon(在其他来源中为 Uruk/Arkaukhatun),Öljeitü(在文本中 Carbenda 歪曲了 Kharbanda 或 Khudabanda,Öljeitü 的昵称),受洗并被命名为尼古拉斯,以纪念教皇尼古拉斯四世,39 他一直是基督徒,直到他母亲去世40Mar Yahballaha 证实了有关 Öljeitü 洗礼的信息,并报告说他经常拜访聂斯托利派天主教徒他

30 According to Mar Yahballaha, starting from 1305, according to the order of Öljeitü, Christians were charged with a pillow to submit Gezita-Jizya, but 3 years later in 1308/1309 this Ilkhan gave mercy to the Catholicos Yahballaha,freeing bishops, monks, priests and deacons from paying the jizya and lifting it in Arbela. See Mar Jabalaha (1895: 149-152); Pigulevskaja 2011: 733-737.
30 根据 Mar Yahballaha 的说法,从 1305 年开始,根据 Öljeitü 的命令,基督徒被要求用枕头来提交 Gezita-Jizya,但 3 年后的 1308/1309 年,这位伊尔汗怜悯天主教徒 Yahballaha,释放了主教、僧侣、神父和执事支付 jizya 并在 Arbela 举起它。见Mar Jabalaha (1895: 149-152);皮古列夫斯卡娅 2011:733-737。

31 Margaryan 2015: 137.
31 玛格丽安 2015:137。

32 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 47). 33 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 26) 34 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 25). 35 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 42).
32 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 47).33 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 26) 34 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 25).35 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 42).

36 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 42 passim).
36 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 42 passim).

37 According to J. Pfeiffer, Öljeitü was baptised as a Nestorian Christian, but this contradicts Orbelyan’s report that he was baptised by a Catholic bishop and Öljeitü’s godfather was a certain Sir Char[L]z, a European who was also, of course, Catholic, and therefore Öljeitü was baptised as a Catholic. Pfeiffer1999: 37.
37 根据J. Pfeiffer的说法,Öljeitü受洗成为聂斯托利派基督徒,但这与Orbelyan的报告相矛盾,即他是由一位天主教主教洗礼的,而Öljeitü的教父是某个欧洲人Char[L]z爵士,当然也是天主教徒,因此Öljeitü受洗成为天主教徒。菲佛199937。

38 Aigle 2008: 434.
38 艾格勒 2008:434。

39 Roux 1993: 408; Ryan 1998: 416.
39 Roux 1993:408;瑞安 1998:416。

40 Hayton (1906: 211-212, 332).
40海顿(1906:211-212,332)。

233

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

mother Arkau41 Khatun.42 StepʻanosOrbelyan adds that the son of Arghun Khan, who was called Kharband, was baptised by a bishop who came from the Pope, and Öljeitüs godfather ‘was a Frank named sir Char[L]z.43
母亲 Arkau41 Khatun.42 StepʻanosOrbelyan 补充说,Arghun Khan 的儿子,名叫 Kharband,由一位来自教皇的主教洗礼,而 Öljeitüs 教父“是一位名叫 Char[L]z.43 的法兰克人。

It is also known that not only Öljeitü, but the Ilkhans Ahmed Tekuder and Ghazan Mahmud were baptised and adopted Christianity as children.44 Ghazan Khan, known as the Padishah of Islam, a true Muslim ruler, firstly was Buddhist (or shamanist), then adopted Christianity, and only by the efforts of his influential emir Nowruz (the son of the aforementioned Arghunaka) he adopted Islam. According to Abu Bakr al-Ahari, Nowruz and the Emirs convinced Ghazan Khan that if he wanted to succeed, he must adopt Islam and the Almighty and praise him. ‘The heart of Ghazan was illuminated with the light of Islam’: on the 4th of sha’ban (19.06.1295) in Lar-iDamawand, in the palace of Ilkhan Arghun, Ghazan was converted to Islam.45 Ghazan first became a Shiite Twelver and then he was converted to Sunni Islam.46 Despite this, and even after his adoption of Islam, Ghazan continued his tolerant religious policy, especially in regard to his Christian subordinates. This is reflected in the records of the Armenian scribes, who spoke about the reign of Ghazan with kind words, and the death of Gazan Khan was perceived with great bitterness by them47. Here it is appropriate to refer to the accurate formulation of Luizetto, who characterised Ghazan Khan as the ‘last protector of the Christians.48
众所周知,不仅 Öljeitü,而且 Ilkhans Ahmed Tekuder 和 Ghazan Mahmud 都接受了洗礼并接受了基督教.44 Ghazan Khan,被称为伊斯兰教的 Padishah,一位真正的穆斯林统治者,首先是佛教徒(或萨满教徒),然后接受了基督教,只有在他有影响力的埃米尔诺鲁孜(上述 Arghunaka 的儿子)的努力下,他才接受了伊斯兰教。根据阿布·贝克尔·阿哈里的说法,诺鲁孜节和埃米尔说服了合赞汗,如果他想成功,他必须接受伊斯兰教和全能者并赞美他。“加赞的心被伊斯兰教的光芒照亮了”:在沙班(19.06.1295)的4日,在拉尔-伊达马万德,在伊尔汗·阿尔古恩的宫殿里,加赞皈依了伊斯兰教.45 加赞首先成为什叶派十二人,然后他皈依了逊尼派伊斯兰教.46尽管如此,甚至在他接受伊斯兰教之后,加赞继续他宽容的宗教政策, 特别是关于他的基督徒下属。这反映在亚美尼亚文士的记录中,他们用善意的话语谈论加赞的统治,他们非常痛苦地看待加沙汗的死47。在这里,我们不妨参考路易泽托的准确表述,他将合赞汗描述为“基督徒的最后保护者”48。

It can be said that among the Ilkhans, only Abu Said Bahadur Khan appeared and presented himself as a Muslim ruler, and in this regard, it is noteworthy that Abu Said actively participated in the organisation of the hajj in Mecca and Medina.49 He
可以说,在伊尔汗人中,只有阿布·赛义德·巴哈杜尔汗出现并表现为穆斯林统治者,在这方面,值得注意的是,阿布·赛义德积极参与了麦加和麦地那的朝觐组织。

41 It is very interesting to point on the form used for the name of Öljeitü’smother. They call her Arkau/ Uruk/Erok, which was perhaps a nickname. The fact is that at the beginning of the 20th century N. Marr demonstrated that Mongols called the Christians arkaun. This word is noted in the Armenian sources of 13-14th centuries as a synonym of the word Christian. The origin of the word is not Mongolian, but a borrowing from some language. Beginning from the 7th century there were Armenian and Assyrian religious Christian communities called ‘arkauns’- the Christians. It is possible that this word entered into the Mongolian environment and was adopted in this way. We can suppose that the form Arkau -Uruk- Erok was not Öljeitü’smother’s name but a way of addressing her: Arkaukhatun meant Christian queen or princess. There is a parallel of this in the case of Maria, the illegitimate daughter of Michael VIII Palaiologos. She was sent to be married to Hulagu Khan, but after his death she married Abagha. Moreover, according to Gandzaketsi, this was done only after his baptism. She is the same Mary of the Mongols ‘dominaeMugulliorum’,who married ‘Apaga’ khan, according to Pachymeres. But, according to the sources she was also known by the name Despina/Δέσποινα (Bar Hebraeus calls her Despoena) khatun. And, as in the case of adoption of the termarkaun, in this case too, many Byzantine princesses who married Turco-Mongol rulers were also named Despina khatun. But this was not their real name. See Kirakos Gandzakec’i (1961: 284); Pachymeres, Bekker 1835: 174-175, 620; Patkanov 1873: 79; Marr 1906: 1-69.
41 指出Öljeitü的母亲的名字所使用的形式是很有意思的。他们称她为Arkau/Uruk/Erok,这也许是一个昵称。事实是,在 20 世纪初,N. Marr 证明蒙古人称基督徒为 arkaun。这个词在 13-14 世纪的亚美尼亚资料中被注明为基督教一词的同义词。这个词的起源不是蒙古语,而是从某种语言借来的。从 7 世纪开始,有亚美尼亚和亚述的宗教基督教社区,称为“arkauns”——基督徒。这个词有可能进入蒙古环境并以这种方式被采用。我们可以假设,Arkau -Uruk- Erok 的形式不是 Öljeitü 母亲的名字,而是称呼她的一种方式:Arkaukhatun 的意思是基督教女王或公主。米海尔八世·帕里奥洛格斯(Michael VIII Palaiologos)的私生女玛丽亚(Maria)的情况与此类似。她被派去嫁给旭烈兀汗,但在他死后,她嫁给了阿巴哈。此外,根据甘扎基茨的说法,这是在他受洗后才完成的。根据 Pachymeres 的说法,她是蒙古人“dominaeMugulliorum”的同一个玛丽,她嫁给了“Apaga”汗。但是,根据消息来源,她也被称为 Despina/Δέσποινα(Bar Hebraeus 称她为 Despoena)khatun。而且,就像在这种情况下收养 termarkaun 的情况一样,许多嫁给突厥-蒙古统治者的拜占庭公主也被命名为 Despina khatun。但这不是他们的真名。见Kirakos Gandzakec'i (1961: 284);Pachymeres,Bekker 1835:174-175,620;帕特卡诺夫 1873:79;Marr 1906:1-69。

42 Mar Jabalaha (1895: 734f.).
42 Mar Jabalaha (1895: 734f.)。

43 StepʻanosOrbelyan (1986: 376).
43 StepʻanosOrbelyan(1986:376)。

44 Bausani 1968: 541; Foltz 1999: 62.
44 鲍萨尼 1968:541;福尔茨 1999:62。

45 al-Ahri (1954: 45f.).
45 al-Ahri(1954:45f.)。

46 Melville 1990: 159-177.
46 梅尔维尔 1990:159-177。

47 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 24, 26).
47 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 24, 26)。

48 Luisetto 2007: 228.
48 Luisetto 2007:228。

49 Mujmal-i Fasihi (1980: 51).
49 Mujmal-i Fasihi(1980:51)。

234

The ‘Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
“基督教”伊尔汗:神话与现实

even sent 30.000 dinars and Mahmal there,50 which served as a kind of symbol of the ruler, demonstrating his power and devotion to the sacred cities of the Islamic world: ‘According to the order of [Sultan Abu Said], the aforementioned Malik Ghiyas ad-Din Muhammad headed the Mahmil and took him to the holy Ka’aba, may Allah magnify her dignity!’-wrote Fasih Hawafi.51
甚至在那里发送了 30.000 第纳尔和马哈迈勒,50 作为统治者的一种象征,展示了他对伊斯兰世界圣城的权力和奉献:“根据 [苏丹阿布·赛义德] 的命令,前面提到的马利克·吉亚斯·阿丁·穆罕默德率领马哈米尔并将他带到神圣的克尔白,愿真主尊崇她的尊严!-法西赫·哈瓦菲(Fasih Hawafi)写道.51

It is possible to assume that, after Ghazan and Öljeitü adopted Islam, taking into consideration the circumstances that Abu Said was a ‘pure Muslim ruler, and accepting the decisive victory of Islam in the Ilkhanate, the historical sources should not contain any surprises. But there is an Armenian author of the 12th century - Samuel Anetsi, whose work was completed continuously by anonymous authors up to the 18th century. They are called the continuers of Samuel Anetsi’s work. An anonymous continuer of Samuel Anetsi in the 14th century reports very interesting information about Arpa Khan (1335-1336). According to him:
可以假设,在 Ghazan 和 Öljeitü 接受伊斯兰教之后,考虑到阿布·赛义德是“纯穆斯林统治者”的情况,并接受伊斯兰教在伊尔汗国的决定性胜利,历史资料不应包含任何惊喜但是有一位 12 世纪的亚美尼亚作家 - 塞缪尔·阿内西,他的作品一直由匿名作者完成,直到 18 世纪。他们被称为塞缪尔·阿内西(Samuel Anetsi)工作的延续者。14世纪塞缪尔·阿内西(Samuel Anetsi)的一位匿名续者报告了有关阿尔帕汗(1335-1336)的非常有趣的信息。据他介绍:

‘…in 133452 Busayit (Abu Said) Khan died and Arpha Khan sat [on the throne] for 6 months, and Busayit’s uncle Ali phasha nuin53 came from Baghdad and killed Arpa Khan because he was Christian and he was from the household of the first khans54. And he [Ali Pasha] put on the throne a new khan, Musi,55 who did not become mighty. Ali Pasha ruled over Ordu for one and a half years and he ordered the closure of churches. They closed a lot of churches in several places from Mosul to Khlat and Salmast’ (Original text - hQQ4 (1334) wuhl ubnwL pnLuwJhⅦ nwll bL luⅦwL un小wnwll 2 (6) wuhu, bL b4bwl Ωbnh pnLuwJhηhl ulh 小w2wJ lnLhll h pwnηwⅦwJ qun小w nwll bu以wl, ywulqh ΩnhuⅦnlbwJ bnJwnw2hl nwlnnwg qwnubl, bL hlΩl hLnnyh wJl lnn nwl bηh 仔wN仔l unLuh wlnLl, nn nΣblwL bL qonwgwL bL hlΩl ulh 小w2wJl ywnbn qhnLΩul 563 onηnLhl wnh bL 4bu, bL wnwn hnwuwl Ωw4bl qb4bnbghu, bL Ωw4bghlh pwqnLu Ⅶbnhu h uoulwJ uhlΣbL h nlw仔 bL h uwlwuwuⅦ’’).56
‘…133452年,布赛义特(阿布·赛义德)汗去世,阿尔法汗在位6个月,布赛伊特的叔叔阿里·帕沙·努因53从巴格达来,杀死了阿尔帕汗,因为他是基督徒,他来自第一任可汗的家族54他[阿里帕夏]推上了王位,穆西,55,他没有变得强大。阿里帕夏统治奥尔杜一年半,他下令关闭教堂。他们关闭了从摩苏尔到赫拉特和萨尔马斯特的几个地方的许多教堂(原文 - hQQ4 (1334) wuhl ubnwL pnLuwJhVII. nwll bL luVII.wL un小wnwll 2 (6) wuhu, bL b4bwl Ωbnh pnLuwJhηhl ulh 小w2wJ lnLhll h pwnηwVII.wJ qun小w nwll bu以wl, ywulqh ΩnhuVII.nlbwJ bnJwnw2hl nwlnnwg qwnubl, bL hlΩl hLnnyh wJl lnn nwl bηh 仔wNl unLuh wlnLl, nn nΣblwL bL nΣ qonwgwL bL hlΩl ulh 小w2wJl ywnbn qhnLΩul 563 onηnLhl VII.wnh bL 4bu, bL wnwn hnwuwl Ωw4bl qb4bnbghu, bL Ωw4bghlh pwqnLu VII.bnhu h uoulwJ uhlΣbL h nlw仔 bL h uwlwuwuVII.'').56

The information that Arpa was Christian has also been noticed by P. Jackson, who wrote that ‘An anonymous Armenian chronicler states that Arpā was a Christian and that he was killed for that reason; but this is confirmed by other sources.57 The fact that this unique report is not confirmed in other sources decreases its reliability. But, on the other hand, the reaffirmation of this fact by other medieval sources may be of great importance and value. We can note with satisfaction that we managed to find the direct confirmation of this detail in the colophon of a Gospel of the year
P.杰克逊也注意到了阿尔帕是基督徒的信息,他写道:“一位匿名的亚美尼亚编年史家说,阿尔帕是基督徒,他因此被杀;57 这份独特的报告未在其他来源中得到证实,这一事实降低了其可靠性。但是,另一方面,其他中世纪资料对这一事实的重申可能具有重要意义和价值。我们可以满意地注意到,我们设法在当年福音书的底页中找到了对这一细节的直接确认

50 Al-Maqrīzī (1941: 190).
50 Al-Maqrīzī(1941:190)。

51 About Mahmal see Jomier 1991: 44-46.
51 关于Mahmal,见Jomier 1991:44-46。

52 Arpa died in 1335, the author probably meant late 1334 or this part was written in 1335, but under the year 1334.
52 阿尔帕死于1335年,作者可能是指1334年末,或者这部分写于1335年,但在1334年之下。

53 Ali Pasha or Ali Padishah ibn Chichak was a powerful Oirat chieftain, Sutay’s governor in Iraq and Diyarbakrand the uncle of Abu Said Khan. Vardanyan 2013: 9f.
53 阿里帕夏或阿里·帕迪沙·伊本·奇恰克是一位有权势的卫拉特酋长,是苏泰在伊拉克的总督,也是阿布·赛义德汗的叔叔迪亚巴克兰德。瓦尔达尼扬 2013:9f。

54 Arpa was descended not from Hülegü (Hūlāgu) but from the latter’s younger brother Ariḡ Böke (Arīq Būkā), this branch of the family having entered Iran from Central Asia in the person of Prince Mingqān in 708/1308. Daryaee 2012: 212; Jackson 1986: 518f.
54 阿尔帕不是旭烈兀(Hūlāgu)的后裔,而是后者的弟弟阿里克·伯克(Arīq Būkā)的后裔,这个家族的分支于708/1308年以明睿亲王的身份从中亚进入伊朗。达里亚伊 2012:212;杰克逊 1986:518f。

55 Musa Khan – grandson of Baidu, 1336-1337.
55 穆萨汗 – 百度之孙,1336-1337 年。

56 Samuel Anecʻi (2014: 261).
56 塞缪尔·阿内西(2014:261)。

57Jackson 1986: 518f.
57杰克逊 1986:518f。

235

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

1336 (scribe Tuma Artchishetsi) - ‘In this year [1336] 3 kings changed.58 The first was very kind to Christians and he believed in Christ. And the second was vile and cursed, he was called Ali pashah. He tortured the Christians and he closed the churches and did evil to devout Christians (Original text h JwJuu wuh [1336], nnnLu unublhg w2Nwnhu wnwlg 仔wqwLnnh b4wg wu uh, Ωwlqh bnbΩ 仔wqwLnn 小nNbgwL, u uh h lngwlb 廿wuwlw4 wnwn: unw2hll wlΣw小 pwnh bn ΩnhuⅦnlbhg ulw hwLwⅦwnqRnhuⅦnu wuⅦnLwδ, hu4 bn4nnnηl、以hnδ uwlhδbwl, nn wlnLll ulh 小w2wN 4nΣh, JwnnJg pwqnLu hwlwδwlu h ybnwJ ΩnhuⅦnlbhg, u qb4bnbghul 小w4bwg, u 2wⅦ Σwnwnwn RnhuⅦnuh hwLwⅦwgblngu).59
1336年(抄写员Tuma Artchishetsi) - “在这一年[1336],有3位国王更换了.58第一位国王对基督徒非常友善,他相信基督。第二个是卑鄙和被诅咒的,他被称为阿里帕沙。他折磨基督徒,关闭教堂,对虔诚的基督徒作恶(原文 – h JwJuu wuh [1336], nnnLu unublhg w2Nwnhu wnwlg 仔wqwLnnh b4wg wu uh, Ωwlqh bnbΩ 仔wqwLnn 小nNbgwL, u uh h lngwlb 廿wuwlw4 nΣ wnwn: unw2hll wlΣw小 pwnh bn ΩnhuVII.nlbhg ulw hwLwVII.wnqRnhuVII.nu wuVII.nLwδ, hu4 bn4nnnηl、以hnδ uwlhδbwl, nn wlnLll ulh 小w2wN 4nΣh, JwnnJg pwqnLu hwlwδwlu h ybnwJ ΩnhuVII.nlbhg, u qb4bnbghul 小w4bwg, u 2wVII. Σwnwnwn RnhuVII.nuh hwLwVII.wgblngu).'59

This report on the Christian Arpa Khan is not confirmed in Muslim or European sources. In our opinion, it can be explained by the fact that Arpa Khan reigned for a very short time, and the European travellers and chroniclers could not have known this fact. As for the Muslim sources, it seems to us that it is unlikely that Muslim historiography would have allowed a reference to a Christian ruler who ruled over Muslims in a Muslim state (the Ilkhanate) in the pages of Muslim histories.
这份关于基督教阿尔帕汗的报道在穆斯林或欧洲资料中没有得到证实。在我们看来,这可以通过阿尔帕汗在位时间很短的事实来解释,欧洲旅行者和编年史家不可能知道这一事实。至于穆斯林的资料,在我们看来,穆斯林史学不太可能允许在穆斯林历史中提到在穆斯林国家(伊尔汗国)统治穆斯林的基督教统治者。

The anti-Muslim religious policy of some Ilkhans
一些伊尔汗人的反穆斯林宗教政策

The Ilkhans’ pro-Christian policy had another side too. Sympathy for Christians and Christianity was sometimes accompanied by the repression of Muslims. There is evidence of such cases in both Christian and Muslim sources. It is known that the first Ilkhan Hulagu60 also showed some loyalty to Christians and was even a patron of them. Of course, it was thanks to the efforts of his wife, the Christian Dokuz Khatun, that after the capture of Baghdad in 1258, the Ilkhan showed the Christian population mercy. Here is a very interesting report given by the Armenian historian GrigorAknerci61
伊尔汗的亲基督教政策也有另一面。对基督徒和基督教的同情有时伴随着对穆斯林的镇压。在基督教和穆斯林的资料中都有此类案件的证据。众所周知,第一位伊尔汗·旭烈兀60也对基督徒表现出一定的忠诚,甚至是他们的赞助人。当然,正是由于他的妻子克里斯蒂安·多库兹·哈顿的努力,伊尔汗在 1258 年占领巴格达后才向基督徒人民表示怜悯。这是亚美尼亚历史学家格里戈尔·阿克纳奇(GrigorAknerci)给出的一份非常有趣的报告61
:

‘Hulavu himself was a man of the great mind. He was knowledgeable, just and at the same time bloodthirsty; but he killed only the wicked and his enemies, and was merciful to the good and pious. He loved Christians more than other nations and to such an extent that instead of a year’s tribute he demanded 100,000 pigs from Armenians. He sent 2,000 pigs to all the Muslim cities, ordering them to appoint shepherds from Mohammedans [Muslims],62 to wash them every Saturday with soap
“旭烈武本人是一个有伟大思想的人。他知识渊博,公正,同时又嗜血;但他只杀恶人和他的敌人,怜悯善良和虔诚的人。他爱基督徒胜过爱其他国家,以至于他没有一年的贡品,而是向亚美尼亚人索要10万头猪。他派了2000头猪到所有穆斯林城市,命令他们从回教徒[穆斯林]62中任命牧羊人,每周六用肥皂清洗它们

58 By ‘3 kings’ the author probably meant the three enthroned Ilkhāns Arpā Geʾün, Mūsā Khān, and Muḥammad Khān, succeeding each other in 736 AH/1335-1336 AD and known for their coins of that year. 59 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 281).
58 作者所说的“三位国王”可能是指三位登基的伊尔汗人——阿尔帕·根、穆萨·汗和穆罕默德·汗,他们在伊斯兰历736年(公元1335-1336年)相继继位,并以当年的硬币而闻名。59 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 281)。

60 Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl (1982: 110f.).
60 穆法扎尔·伊本·阿比勒-法扎伊尔(1982年:110f.)。

61 The authorship of ‘The History of the nation of archers’ (∩wⅦunL仔hLl wqqhl lbⅦnnwg) (sometimes also called ‘The History of the Tatars’ (∩wⅦunL仔hLl 仔w仔wnwg)) was mistakenly attributed to the monk of Maghakia and VardanAreveltsi, but the author of the work is GrigorAknertsi. The most detailed secondary sources on Aknertsi are those of father Nerses Akinean in the journal Hande’s Amso’reay [Nerse’s Akinean, Grigor k’ahanay Aknerc’ipatmagir T’at’arats’ Patmut’ean 1250-1335 (Grigor the Priest of Akner, Historian of the History of the T’at’ars)’, (1948: 387-403), and, in the same volume, ‘Akants’ kam Akneri vank’e’ (The Monastery of Akants’ or Akner)’ (1948: 217-250).
61 《弓箭手国家的历史》(∩wVII.unL仔hLl wqqhl lbVII.nnwg)(有时也称为《鞑靼人的历史》(∩wVII.unL仔hLl 仔w仔wnwg))的作者被错误地归因于马加基亚和瓦尔达阿雷韦尔齐的僧侣,但该作品的作者是格里戈尔·阿克内尔齐。关于阿克内尔齐最详细的二手资料是父亲内尔塞斯·阿基尼安(Nerses Akinean)在《汉德的阿姆索雷ay》杂志上的资料[Nerse's Akinean, Grigor k'ahanay Aknerc'ipatmagir T'at'arats' Patmut'ean 1250-1335(阿克纳的牧师格里戈尔,T'at'ars历史历史学家)'(1948:387-403),以及同一卷中的'Akants' kam Akneri vank'e'(阿坎茨修道院或阿克纳)'(1948: 217-250).

62 As R. Patkanov noticed in the translation of this source ‘Tajik’ was originally understood by Armenian writers as Arabic tribes; later - Mahometans or Muslim peoples in general’. It should be added that the use and understanding of the term Tajik as a synonym of a Muslim or Arab (Muslim Arab) has a rather interesting explanation. With the spread of Islam and the Arab conquests of the local indigenous people associated
62 正如 R. Patkanov 在翻译本文时所指出的那样,“塔吉克人”最初被亚美尼亚作家理解为阿拉伯部落;后来 - Mahometans 或一般的穆斯林民族'。应该补充的是,塔吉克语作为穆斯林或阿拉伯人(穆斯林阿拉伯人)的同义词的使用和理解有一个相当有趣的解释。随着伊斯兰教的传播和阿拉伯人对当地土著人民的征服

236

The Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
基督教的伊尔汗:神话与现实

and to feed them with almonds and dates. Moreover, he ordered the execution of every Tajik [Muslim], without distinction of fortune, if he refused to eat pork. This is what respect he gave to Tajiks [Muslims]!’63
并用杏仁和枣子喂他们。此外,他下令处决每一个塔吉克人[穆斯林],如果他拒绝吃猪肉,就不分财富。这就是他对塔吉克人(穆斯林)的尊重!63

Unfortunately, we have not been able to find confirmation (or mention) of this report of the Armenian historian about this kind of order from Hulagu in any other source. Besides, the author does not further explain whether the order was put into effect. In what ‘Muslim’ cities, and for how long? The uniqueness of this message and the impossibility to find confirmation of the abovementioned in other sources may, of course, call its veracity into question. However, on the other hand, it is necessary to take into account some important facts and factors - 1) the presence in the family and entourage of Hulagu of people who had accepted Christianity- Sorkaktani begi (mother of Hulagu), Dokuz Khatun (wife of Hulagu), Kitbugha noyon (chief-commander of the troops of Hulagu), 2) as well as the precedent in the ‘anti- Muslim→ pro-Christian’ religious policy of Hulagu, which had already manifested itself during the Middle Eastern conquests. After the capture of Baghdad in 1258,it is known that the Muslim population was subjected to severe beatings and massacres, and Christians were spared64 by the efforts of the Christian wife of Hulagu, Dokuz Khatun,65 and Christianity was spared by one of the most influential women in the Genghis Khan elite – Sorkaktani begi -the niece of the Khan Kerait tribal chief Toghril Wang Khan and the wife of the youngest son of Genghis Khan, Tolui, and she was also the mother of Kublai, Möngke, Hulagu and Arig Buga.66 Another important and influential figure among the people close to Hulagu was Kitbugha noyon, who was a Christian and, as noted by S. Runciman, ‘did not hide his sympathies for them.67 From our point of view, taking into account the abovementioned facts and factors, it is possible to assume that, the issuance of such an order by Hulagu could have taken place, but the question of whether it was put into action is controversial and not clear.
不幸的是,我们无法在任何其他来源中找到亚美尼亚历史学家关于旭烈兀这种命令的报告的确认(或提及)。此外,提交人没有进一步解释该命令是否生效。在哪些“穆斯林”城市,持续多长时间?当然,该消息的独特性以及在其他来源中无法找到上述消息的确认可能会对其真实性产生疑问。然而,另一方面,有必要考虑一些重要的事实和因素——1)旭烈兀的家庭和随行人员中存在接受基督教的人——Sorkaktani begi(旭烈兀的母亲)、Dokuz Khatun(旭烈兀的妻子)、Kitbugha noyon(旭烈兀军队的总司令),2)以及旭烈兀“反穆斯林→亲基督教”宗教政策的先例, 这在中东征服期间已经表现出来。1258 年占领巴格达后,众所周知,穆斯林人口遭受了严重的殴打和屠杀,基督徒因旭烈兀的基督徒妻子 Dokuz Khatun 的努力而幸免于难64,而成吉思汗精英中最有影响力的女性之一——Sorkaktani begi 幸免于难——Khan Kerait 部落首领 Toghril Wang Khan 的侄女和成吉思汗小儿子的妻子Khan,Tolui,她也是忽必烈,Möngke,Hulagu和Arig Buga的母亲.66与旭烈兀关系密切的人中另一个重要和有影响力的人物是Kitbugha noyon,他是一名基督徒,正如S. Runciman所指出的那样,“毫不掩饰他对他们的同情。67 从我们的角度来看,考虑到上述事实和因素,可以假设旭烈兀发布这样的命令是可能的,但是否付诸行动的问题是有争议的,也不清楚。

The ‘anti-Muslim’ policy and rhetoric of Arghun’s government was different. B. Spuler explained Arghun’s policy (as well as of his father Abagha) of protecting
阿尔贡政府的“反穆斯林”政策和言论是不同的。B. Spuler 解释了 Arghun(以及他的父亲 Abagha)的保护政策

with a Muslim,
与穆斯林,
i.e.
, Arab = Muslim, or as V. Bartold aptly noted, ‘who thus became
,阿拉伯人=穆斯林,或者正如巴托尔德(V. Bartold)恰当地指出的那样,“他们因此成为
an Arab’. In
一个阿拉伯人'。在
addit
添加
ion,
离子
the Turkic population of
突厥人口
Turkestan, following the example of
突厥斯坦,效仿
the Persians, was called Tajiks
波斯人,被称为塔吉克人
by Arabs.J.
发帖人Arabs.J.
Perry gives an interesting example concerni
佩里举了一个有趣的例子。
ng this question, according to which ‘Arab → (Arab) Muslim
ng 这个问题,根据哪个“阿拉伯→(阿拉伯)穆斯林
→ Muslim
→穆斯林
(Muslim) Persian/Turk, etc.’, this example explains
(穆斯林)波斯语/土耳其语等“,这个例子解释了
how in Armenian
亚美尼亚语
historiography
史学
the term
术语
Tajik
塔吉克斯坦
could
be applied
应用的
to Arabs
阿拉伯人
(Muslim)
(穆斯林)
Muslims
穆斯林
(regardless
(不管
of ethnicity
种族
- Arabs,
阿拉伯人
Persians,
波斯
Turks, etc.).e.)
土耳其人等)。e.)
→ to non-Arabic Muslims
对非阿拉伯穆斯林的→
(mainly Iranians and Turks);
(主要是伊朗人和土耳其人);
and from the
above
以上
materi
材料
al the conclusion
结论
will
be the following
以后
‘equation’
“方程式”
- if Tajik=Ar
塔吉克语=Ar
ab, but Arab=Muslim,
阿拉伯=穆斯林,
then
然后
Tajik=Muslim.
塔吉克语=穆斯林。
Note
注意
also
that in the anonymous Armenian chronicle (17-18th c
在匿名的亚美尼亚编年史(17-18世纪)
entury) we find one most interesting combination
entury)我们发现了一个最有趣的组合
of words –
的话–
uwhubⅥw4wl
uwhubVI.w4wl
w6h4
W6H4型
(indirect translation -
(间接翻译 -
‘Tajik Mohammedian’), where the Tajik points
“Tajik Mohammedian”),塔吉克人指出
to an ethnic (here - O
到一个民族(这里 - O
ttoman Turks), and the Mohammedian - to a religious affiliation (in the text it is a
ttoman Turks)和 Mohammedian - 宗教信仰(在文本中它是
question of
问题
one Turk who was a mullah in the Vostan,
土耳其人是沃斯坦的毛拉,
but later
arrived in
抵达
Van, accepted Christianity
范,接受基督教
and in consequ
结果
ence he
was burned
by Muslims). SeePatkanov 1871:
由穆斯林)。参见帕特卡诺夫 1871:
34; Perry
佩里
2009; Manr
曼尔
Žamanakagrutʻyunner (1956: 415); Bartold 19
(1956: 415);巴托尔德 19
63: 456.

63 Małakia abeła (1870: 32).
63 Małakia abeła(1870:32)。

64 Spuler 1938: 156-175; Ryan 1998: 416.
64 Spuler 1938:156-175;瑞安 1998:416。

65 Bar Hebraeus 1932: 428-431; Spuller 1969: 25f.; Joseph 1983: 16; Runciman 1987: 302-304.
65 Bar 希伯来书 1932: 428-431;斯普勒 1969: 25f.;约瑟夫 1983:16;朗西曼 1987:302-304。

66Jackson 2014: 101; Nicola, Melville 2016: 122.
66杰克逊 2014: 101;尼古拉,梅尔维尔 2016:122。

67 Runciman 1987: 308.
67 朗西曼 1987:308。

237

Gor Margaryan
戈尔·玛格利安

Christians as a means of balancing against Muslim influence.68 According to the scribe Esaiya Nchetsi (colophon of 1284), ‘Arghun was horrifying, formidable towards the infidel and rebellious peoples of the Mohammedians [Muslims] and, on the contrary, gracious towards Christians.69 Another report regarding the anti-Muslim rhetoric of Arghun is from Marco Polo. According to Marco Polo, Argon/Arghun, addressing his advisors and generals, as another important argument against Muslim Ahmed Tekudar, leads to the fact that he ‘retreated from the law of the Mongols, and is it worthy of Saracens to rule over the people of the Tatars?’70 Perhaps the negative attitude towards Islam and Muslims during the reign of Arghun was also due to the factor of the influential Ilkhan, Jewish vizier Sa’d al-Daula. Sa’d al-Daula was able not only to regulate the economic life and the fiscal system of the state, but also to remove Muslims from their positions in the administrative apparatus and trusted only Christians or Jews with all their duties.71 Later authors, such as Khwandemir, testify that Sa’dal-Daula and Arghun were supposed to organise a military campaign against Mecca in the heart of the Muslim world, and ‘to turn the Ka’bah into the ‘temple of idolaters.’72 Of course, it is hard to believe that the Vizier acted without the knowledge and consent of Arghun, but with his policySa’dal-Daula gained the hatred of Muslims and eventually paid with his life. Seizing on the illness of Arghun Khan, several emirs, led by the influential Tagachar noyin (Tagachar ibn QutuBuga73), killed Sa’dal-Daula, and after a short time the Ilkhan died, and he may have even been poisoned.74
68 根据抄写员 Esaiya Nchetsi(1284 年的底页)的说法,“Arghun 是可怕的,对 Mohammedians [穆斯林] 的异教徒和叛逆的民族令人生畏,相反,对基督徒很仁慈.69 另一份关于 Arghun 反穆斯林言论的报道来自马可波罗。根据马可·波罗的说法,阿尔贡/阿尔浑对他的顾问和将军发表讲话,作为反对穆斯林艾哈迈德·特库达尔的另一个重要论据,导致他“从蒙古人的法律中撤退,撒拉逊人是否值得统治鞑靼人?70 也许在阿尔古恩统治期间对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的消极态度也是由于有影响力的伊尔汗,犹太大臣萨德·道拉的因素。Sa'd al-Daula 不仅能够规范国家的经济生活和财政制度,而且还能够将穆斯林从他们在行政机构中的职位上撤职,并且只信任基督徒或犹太人履行他们的所有职责.71 后来的作者,如 Khwandemir,作证说 Sa'dal-Daula 和 Arghun 应该在穆斯林世界的中心组织一场针对麦加的军事行动, 72当然,很难相信维齐尔是在阿尔贡不知情和不同意的情况下行事的,但凭借他的政策,萨达尔-道拉赢得了穆斯林的仇恨,并最终付出了生命的代价。几位埃米尔抓住阿尔浑汗的病情,在有影响力的塔加查尔·诺因(Tagachar ibn QutuBuga)的领导下,杀死了萨达尔-道拉,不久后伊尔汗死了,他甚至可能被毒死了74。

In the historical narrative sources we can meet the presenting of the Ilkhans as Christians, baptised or ‘christianophilus’. The case of the more objective and stricter sources such as documents, orders, letters and coins is different. But historians were not the only ones to mention the Ilkhans’ pro-Christian religious policy. The evidence of this fact is the letter written in 1268 to Pope Clement IV. In this letter, the khan reminds the Pope that they truly protect, defend and highly value Christians, and they even protect Christian churches.75
在历史叙事资料中,我们可以看到伊尔汗人被描述为基督徒、受洗或“基督徒”。文件、命令、信件和硬币等更客观、更严格的来源的情况则不同。但历史学家并不是唯一提到伊尔汗亲基督教宗教政策的人。这一事实的证据是 1268 年写给教皇克莱门特四世的信。在这封信中,可汗提醒教宗,他们真正保护、捍卫和高度重视基督徒,他们甚至保护基督教会75。

It is known that the tradition of Islamic coinage (with engraved Islamic texts, Shahada, citations from the Quran, etc.) continued to exist on the coins of Ilkhans. It gets more difficult to present any Ilkhan as a Christian when their minted coins have engraved Islamic texts on them. However, we should consider the other side of the question. These coins and the official documents belong to the country, where the majority of the population were Muslims. It is difficult to believe that in the Ilkhanate, where the Muslims and the Muslim elite had a dominant position, it would be possible to compose documents, orders and letters that mention that the ruler (the Ilkhan) of Muslim state was Christian. However, some of the coins with Islamic formulas
众所周知,伊斯兰铸币的传统(刻有伊斯兰文本、沙哈达、古兰经引文等)继续存在于伊尔汗的硬币上。当伊尔汗铸造的硬币上刻有伊斯兰文本时,将任何伊尔汗人呈现为基督徒变得更加困难。但是,我们应该考虑问题的另一面。这些硬币和官方文件属于该国,该国大多数人口是穆斯林。很难相信,在穆斯林和穆斯林精英占据主导地位的伊尔汗国,有可能撰写文件、命令和信件,提到穆斯林国家的统治者(伊尔汗)是基督徒。然而,一些带有伊斯兰公式的硬币

68 Spuler 1971: 41-46.
68 Spuler 1971:41-46。

69 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 556).
69 ŽD dari hayeren jeṙagreri hišatakaranner (1950: 556)。

70 Marco Polo (1845: 341).
70马可波罗(1845:341)。

71 Bar Hebraeus 1932: 478, 484, 490f.
71 Bar Hebraeus 1932:478、484、490f。

72 Khondemir (1834: 58-60); Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl (1982: 49). 73 Firdaws Al-iqbāl (1999: 23).
72 孔德米尔(1834:58-60);穆法扎尔·伊本·阿比勒·法扎伊尔(1982:49)。73 Firdaws Al-iqbāl(1999:23)。

74 StepʻanosOrbelyan (1986: 366), Rashīdal-Dīn (1943: 127).
74 Steph's Anosorbelian (1986: 366), Rashīdal-Dīn (1943: 127).

75 Tisserant 1946: 547-556.
75 Tisserant 1946:547-556。

238

The Christian’ Ilkhans: myths and reality
基督教的伊尔汗:神话与现实

have interesting peculiarities. For example, among the coins of the Muslim Ghazan Mahmud Khan are coins with not only Islamic formulas, but also with the Sanskrit formula ‘cha-kra-warti’ and Uyghur ‘Tngri-yin küčündür’ (by the will of God/Sky76). One of the most peculiar Ilkhanidcoin types with reverse legends in three different scripts - Arabic, Uyghur and Tibetan (Figure 3).
有有趣的特点。例如,在穆斯林合赞·马哈茂德汗(Ghazan Mahmud Khan)的硬币中,不仅有伊斯兰公式,还有梵语公式“cha-kra-warti”和维吾尔语“Tngri-yin küčündür”(根据上帝的旨意/Sky76)。最奇特的伊尔汗币类型之一,带有三种不同文字的反向图例——阿拉伯文、维吾尔文和藏文(图3)。

We also can find interesting details in the official records, such as the letter of Öljeitü Khan to Philip IV of France in 1305.77 The letter was not written in Arabic or Persian, but in Uyghur, and does not begin with the Islamic formulas (Basmala, Shahada, etc.). It is interesting to note that in the letter of a Muslim khan the word ‘Allah’ is not mentioned at all. Moreover, Öljeitü Khan calls Philip to fight against the common enemy not by the will of Allah but the ‘Order and will of the Sky’ (Tngri- yin küčündür büriyer deger-e anu ömerin bayiquriTngri medetügel).78 This sample demonstrates that perhaps this letter was not written by a traditional Muslim ruler. Another fascinating coin of Abagha khan (with the Christian symbol of faith, Uyghur script and Christian cross surrounded by Armenian characters) can also serve as a symbol of first Ilkhan’s tolerance toward to Christians (Figure 4).
我们还可以在官方记录中找到有趣的细节,例如 1305.77 年 Öljeitü Khan 给法国腓力四世的信,这封信不是用阿拉伯语或波斯语写的,而是用维吾尔语写的,并且不是以伊斯兰公式(Basmala、Shahada 等)开头的。有趣的是,在穆斯林可汗的信中根本没有提到“安拉”这个词。此外,Öljeitü Khan 呼吁腓力与共同的敌人作战,不是根据安拉的意志,而是“天空的秩序和意志”(Tngri- yin küčündür büriyer deger-e anu ömerin bayiquriTngri medetügel).78 这个样本表明,这封信可能不是由传统的穆斯林统治者写的。阿巴迦汗的另一枚迷人的硬币(带有基督教信仰的象征、维吾尔文字和被亚美尼亚字符包围的基督教十字架)也可以作为伊尔汗对基督徒宽容的象征(图4)。

Without pretending to submit a final answer to the issues under discussion and remaining open to further discourse, we will attempt to draw some conclusions. In addition to the fact that the Ilkhans were distinguished by the religious tolerance inherent to Mongolian rulers, religion played an important role both in their domestic policy and in their personal lives. The Ilkhans’ belonging to one or a