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To cite this article: Maria Rodó-Zárate (2022): Intersectionality and the Spatiality of Emotions in Feminist Research, The Professional Geographer, DOI: 10.1080/00330124.2022.2075406
引用本文：Maria Rodó-Zárate (2022)：交叉性与女性主义研究中情感的空间性》，《专业地理学家》，DOI: 10.1080/00330124.2022.2075406

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00330124.2022.2075406
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Published online: 05 Jul 2022.
在线出版：2022 年 7 月 5 日。

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In intersectionality studies, experience has taken a central role in the conceptualization of the effects of power structures such as gender, race, or class in the configuration of inequalities in everyday life. Crenshaw (1991) defined “structural intersectionality” as a central dimension of intersectionality related to the mode in which people experience multiple dimensions of inequality. In this regard, since its origins, experience of oppression has been a crucial dimension for studying intersectional dynamics in relation to Black women, with experience as a source of knowledge and its analysis a way of struggling against structural inequalities (hooks 1981, 1984; Lorde 1984; Crenshaw 1989, 1991; Collins 1990).
在交叉性研究中，经验在概念化权力结构（如性别、种族或阶级）对日常生活中不平等现象的影响方面发挥着核心作用。克伦肖（Crenshaw，1991 年）将 "结构性交叉性 "定义为交叉性的一个核心维度，它与人们经历多方面不平等的模式有关。在这方面，自其起源以来，受压迫的经历一直是研究与黑人妇女有关的交叉性动态的一个关键维度，经历是知识的来源，对经历的分析是与结构性不平等作斗争的一种方式（Hooks，1981 年，1984 年；Lorde，1984 年；Crenshaw，1989 年，1991 年；Collins，1990 年）。

Here I approach lived experience focusing on the role of emotions in (re)producing intersecting inequalities from a geographical perspective that considers spatiality as a central element for conducting research on the variability of intersectional dynamics. With the aim of contributing to debates on how to consider the emotional and the geographical dimension in research on intersectionality, I rely on Ahmed’s (2007) conceptualization of emotions as embodied experiences of social relations and specifically on her development of the notion of comfort. I consider emotions of comfort and discomfort as pointers to inequalities caused by different axes and their interrelations to show how spaces are inhabitable for some bodies and not others. In this sense, I situate the relationality between places, bodies, and emotions as a central element for understanding the coconstitution of spatiality and sociability in intersectional dynamics.
在此，我从地理学的角度来探讨生活经验，重点关注情感在（重新）产生交叉不平等中的作用，并将空间性视为开展交叉动态可变性研究的核心要素。为了推动关于在交叉性研究中如何考虑情感和地理维度的讨论，我借鉴了艾哈迈德（2007 年）将情感概念化为社会关系的具身体验，特别是她对舒适概念的发展。我将舒适和不适的情绪视为不同轴心及其相互关系所造成的不平等的指针，以说明某些身体可以居住的空间是如何存在的，而另一些身体则无法居住。从这个意义上说，我将场所、身体和情绪之间的关系定位为理解交叉动态中空间性和社会性共同构成的核心要素。
In the next section I focus on the relation between emotions, inequalities, and spatialities, proposing a differentiation between different types of (dis)comforts based on their different relation to power geometries (Massey 2005). Then I illustrate the implications for intersectional dynamics through some examples of Relief Maps, focusing not only on the oppressive positions but also on the lines of privilege through the emotional maps of silence. I conclude with some reflections on the role of (dis)comforts for social change.
在下一节中，我将重点讨论情感、不平等和空间性之间的关系，根据它们与权力几何的不同关系，提出了不同类型（不）舒适的区分方法（Massey，2005 年）。然后，我通过一些 "救济地图"（Relief Maps）的例子来说明其对交叉动态的影响，不仅关注压迫性的立场，还通过沉默的情感地图关注特权的界限。最后，我将对"（不）舒适 "在社会变革中的作用进行一些思考。

The intellectual debate on the conceptualization of emotions in relation to power and the (re)production of inequalities has focused on diverse issues such as the geopolitics of fear (Pain and Smith 2008), the hierarchies of grief (Butler 2004), or the imperative of happiness (Ahmed 2010). In geographical debates, humanistic geography, feminist geography, and nonrepresentational theory have been concerned with emotions in earlier geographies (Bondi 2005), showing the capacity of place to evoke emotions (see Tuan 1979), politicizing emotions through showing their gendered nature (see Rose 1993), and focusing on affect (inexpressible) as a way to go beyond the language of emotions (see Thrift 2004). As Pile (2010) noted, geographers have described a diversity of emotions in a wide range of contexts: anger, anxiety, caring, desire, envy, fear, grief, happiness, injustice, love, pride, or worry, among many others. Emotions have also been
关于将情感概念化与权力和不平等的（再）产生联系起来的思想辩论集中在各种问题上，如恐惧的地缘政治（Pain 和 Smith，2008 年）、悲伤的等级制度（Butler，2004 年）或幸福的必要性（Ahmed，2010 年）。在地理学辩论中，人文地理学、女性主义地理学和非代表性理论一直关注早期地理学中的情感问题（Bondi，2005 年），展示了地方唤起情感的能力（见 Tuan，1979 年），通过展示情感的性别性质将情感政治化（见 Rose，1993 年），以及关注情感（不可表达）作为超越情感语言的一种方式（见 Thrift，2004 年）。正如 Pile（2010 年）所指出的，地理学家在广泛的背景下描述了多种多样的情感：愤怒、焦虑、关爱、渴望、嫉妒、恐惧、悲伤、幸福、不公、爱、自豪或担忧等等。情绪也被

addressed in relation to their importance and place in the research process (Widdowfield 2000; Laliberté and Schurr 2016), in relation to the manipulation of emotions by various forms of power (Thrift 2004), or regarding their role in expressing and challenging intersectional inequalities (Schurr 2012). The examination of the relationship between specific emotions with the perception or use of space, such as Valentine’s (1989) research on women’s fear of male violence, has also shown the importance of emotions as “produced in the interplay between and among people and environments” (Bondi, Davidson, and Smith 2005, 3). Despite the calls, however, for an emotional turn that shows the importance of how “the human world is constructed and lived through the emotions” (Anderson and Smith 2001), Davidson, Bondi, and Smith (2005) argued that human geography “often presents us with an emotionally barren terrain” and that, as many other disciplines, geography “has often had trouble expressing its emotions” (7).
这些研究涉及情绪在研究过程中的重要性和地位（Widdowfield，2000 年；Laliberté 和 Schurr，2016 年）、各种形式的权力对情绪的操纵（Thrift，2004 年）或情绪在表达和挑战交叉不平等方面的作用（Schurr，2012 年）。对特定情绪与空间感知或使用之间关系的研究，如瓦伦丁（Valentine，1989 年）关于女性对男性暴力的恐惧的研究，也显示了情绪作为 "在人与环境之间的相互作用中产生 "的重要性（Bondi, Davidson, and Smith 2005, 3）。然而，尽管人们呼吁情感转向，以显示 "人类世界是如何通过情感来构建和生活的"（Anderson 和 Smith，2001 年）的重要性，但 Davidson、Bondi 和 Smith（2005 年）认为，人文地理学 "经常向我们展示的是情感贫瘠的土地"，与许多其他学科一样，地理学 "经常难以表达其情感"（7）。

To examine the role of emotions in (re)producing social inequalities, I use the notions of comfort and discomfort as holistic emotions that can include a wide range of specific emotions such as fear, humiliation, or tranquility. As Ahmed (2007) argued in relation to (dis)comforts:
为了研究情绪在（重新）制造社会不平等中的作用，我将舒适和不适作为整体情绪的概念，其中可包括恐惧、屈辱或平静等多种具体情绪。正如艾哈迈德（Ahmed，2007 年）在谈到（不）舒适时所指出的：

To be comfortable is to be so at ease with one’s environment that it is hard to distinguish where one’s body ends and the world begins. One fits, and by fitting the surfaces of bodies disappears from view. White bodies are comfortable as they inhabit spaces that extend their sbape. The bodies and spaces “point” towards each other, as a “point” that is not seen as it is also “the point” from which we see. In other words, whiteness may function as a form of public comfort by allowing bodies to extend into spaces that have already taken their shape. Those spaces are lived as comfortable as they allow bodies to fit in; the surfaces of social space are already impressed upon by the shape of such bodies. (158)
舒适就是与周围环境融为一体，以至于难以分辨身体的尽头和世界的起点。人与环境相适应，身体的表面就会从视野中消失。白人的身体是舒适的，因为他们居住的空间扩展了他们的外貌。身体和空间彼此 "指向 "对方，作为一个 "点"，我们看不到它，因为它也是我们看到的 "点"。换句话说，"白 "可以作为一种公共舒适的形式，让身体延伸到已经成形的空间。这些空间生活舒适，因为它们允许身体融入其中；社会空间的表面已经被这些身体的形状所覆盖。(158)

Ahmed related the notion of comfort to whiteness and situated the relationality between places, bodies, and emotions as a central element for understanding the coconstitution of spatiality and sociability. To feel comfortable in the everyday spaces implies an emotional fit and a lack of awareness or worry about one’s position in a place, understanding that “spaces are inhabitable for some bodies and not others” (Ahmed 2007, 162). Following Tolia-Kelly’s (2006) view that different bodies have different affective capacities, my argument here is that looking at (dis)comforts might be a way to analyze which bodies can (in)habit what spaces. However, do emotions, and specifically (dis)comforts, relate to geometries of power in the same way?
艾哈迈德将 "舒适 "概念与 "白人 "联系起来，并将场所、身体和情感之间的关系定位为理解空间性和社会性的核心要素。在日常空间中感到舒适意味着情感上的契合，以及对自己在某个地方的位置缺乏认识或担忧，理解 "有些空间适合某些身体居住，有些则不适合"（Ahmed，2007 年，162 页）。托里亚-凯利（Tolia-Kelly，2006 年）认为，不同的身体具有不同的情感能力，我在此提出的论点是，观察（不）舒适性可能是分析哪些身体可以（不）习惯哪些空间的一种方法。然而，情感，特别是（不）舒适感，是否以同样的方式与权力几何相关联？

Ahmed (2007) referred to comfort as an emotion that derives from privilege. In the same line, Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert (2021) argued that “comfort feminism often functions as an illusion of sisterhood” (4) that might be complicit with diverse forms of violence. Geographers of sexualities, however, have also shown that comfort can derive from other social processes. Gorman-Murray (2009) argued that comfort “can be seen as the emotional ‘fit’ between the embodied self and place” (448). In a similar vein, Holliday (1999), in her study on the performance of sexual identities in work, domestic, and social spaces, argued that comfort derives from being “recognizably” queer, from “expressing externally that which one feels inside” (481). Skeggs et al. (2004), regarding the experiences of safety in relation to homophobic violence, argued that comfort is sexualized and defined against danger and insecurity. Held (2015), in her research on emotions in sexualized nighttime leisure spaces, argued that the awareness of comfort is produced in relation to other spaces where lesbians experience homophobia. Moreover, the author argued that these feelings are triggered by sameness and difference and at the same time constitute them (Held 2015).
艾哈迈德（2007 年）将 "舒适 "视为一种源于特权的情感。同样，Gökariksel、Hawkins 和 Neubert（2021 年）认为，"安逸的女权主义往往是一种姐妹情谊的幻觉"(4)，可能与各种形式的暴力同流合污。然而，性学地理学家也指出，舒适感可能来自于其他社会进程。戈尔曼-默里（Gorman-Murray，2009 年）认为，舒适 "可被视为体现自我与场所之间的情感'契合'"（448）。同样，Holliday（1999 年）在研究工作、家庭和社会空间中性身份的表现时认为，舒适感来源于 "可识别的 "同性恋，来源于 "向外表达内心的感受"（481）。Skeggs 等人（2004 年）在谈到与恐同暴力有关的安全体验时认为，舒适是性化的，是与危险和不安全感相对应的。Held (2015)在对夜间性休闲空间中的情绪进行研究时认为，舒适感是在女同性恋者遭遇恐同的其他空间中产生的。此外，作者还认为，这些情感是由同一性和差异性引发的，同时又构成了同一性和差异性（Held，2015 年）。

These notions of comfort differ in some relevant ways regarding their relation to geometries of power: Whereas Ahmed’s (2007) and Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert’s (2021) conceptualizations relate to privilege, geographers of sexualities point at processes of resistance and transgression derived from oppressive positions. In this regard, I distinguish three different types of comforts regarding their relation to power dynamics. Ahmed’s (2007) notion of comforts would be the systemic/systematic comforts, which would be those related to a privileged position in a power structure (systemic), those that allow bodies to fit in the spaces of daily life (systematic). They are the expressions of the fit between the body and a place that is already shaped by the presence (or the inherited presences) of certain bodies. The comfort felt when being able to express what is felt inside, or when experiencing safety in a place in comparison to suffering violence or discrimination in another, however, would be another type of comfort: the relief comfort. It can be seen as the result of political struggles, both collective and organized struggles for the construction of safe spaces, and also the everyday struggles to create places of relief. There would also be normalizing comforts, which would be caused by the naturalization of discomforts that are not expressed as such and that shape and are shaped by processes of normalization. Politics of passing could also be related to such comforts.
在与权力几何的关系方面，这些舒适的概念有一些相关的不同之处：艾哈迈德（2007 年）和戈卡里克塞尔、霍金斯和纽伯特（2021 年）的概念与特权有关，而性问题地理学家则指出了源自压迫地位的反抗和越轨过程。在这方面，我区分了三种不同类型的舒适与权力动态的关系。艾哈迈德（Ahmed，2007 年）的舒适概念是系统性/系统性舒适，即那些与权力结构中的特权地位（系统性）相关的舒适，那些使身体能够适应日常生活空间（系统性）的舒适。它们表达了身体与场所之间的契合，而场所已经被某些身体的存在（或继承的存在）所塑造。然而，当能够表达内心的感受时，或者当在一个地方体验到安全与在另一个地方遭受暴力或歧视时所感受到的舒适，是另一种类型的舒适：解脱舒适。它可以被看作是政治斗争的结果，既包括为建设安全空间而进行的集体和有组织的斗争，也包括为创造救济场所而进行的日常斗争。此外，还有正常化的舒适，这是由不适感的自然化造成的，这些不适感并没有以正常化的方式表达出来，而是通过正常化的过程来形成和塑造。通行政治也可能与这种舒适感有关。

Therefore, comfort is intimately linked to discomfort, which at the same time differently relates to power dynamics. In the same line, then, there are different types of discomfort that point to geometries of power (Rodó-Zárate 2017, 2021). First, systemic/systematic discomforts are those related to situations where a social position is a source of
因此，舒适与不适密切相关，而不适又与权力动态有着不同的关系。同样，有不同类型的不适指向权力几何（罗多-扎拉特，2017 年，2021 年）。首先，系统性/制度性不适是指与社会地位是权力来源的情况相关的不适。
discomfort in many of the places of the everyday life (systematic) or point to inequalities that are related to oppressed positions in power structures. This would be the other side of the coin of what Ahmed (2007) described in relation to whiteness, because these would be the discomforts felt for not fitting in specific places. An example of this kind of discomfort would be the previously mentioned fear in public space suffered by women. Second, circumstantial discomforts are sporadic discomforts that are not systematically related to an oppressed position. It would be, for instance, feeling discomfort as a cisheterosexual man in a gay pub. Although this can be felt as a discomfort, it is circumstantial for a specific social configuration where a minoritized social group is hegemonic in a certain space. Third, etbical discomforts would be discomforts due to political views, empathic feelings, or ethical positions. An example would be feeling anger for a homophobic comment at work while being heterosexual. This last type has an important political potential, because it opens the door for alliances and solidarities based on empathic emotions that go beyond identity politics.
在日常生活中的许多地方感到不适（系统性的），或指出与权力结构中被压迫地位有关的不平等。这就是艾哈迈德（2007 年）所描述的与白人有关的硬币的另一面，因为这些都是因不适应特定场所而感受到的不适。前面提到的女性在公共场所遭受的恐惧就是这种不适的一个例子。其次，环境不适是与受压迫地位没有系统联系的零星不适。举例来说，作为顺式异性恋男子，在同性恋酒吧里会感到不适。虽然这可以被视为一种不适感，但它是特定社会结构中的一种环境性不适感，在这种社会结构中，一个被少数化的社会群体在某个空间中占据霸权地位。第三，政治性不适是指因政治观点、移情情感或道德立场而产生的不适。举例来说，异性恋者在工作中听到仇视同性恋的评论会感到愤怒。最后一种类型具有重要的政治潜力，因为它为超越身份政治的基于移情情感的联盟和团结打开了大门。

As an illustration and visualization of the emotional dimension of intersectional geometries of power, I present an example through Relief Maps. Relief Maps are a conceptual and methodological model for working on geographies of intersectionality. First developed as a handmade tool for collecting, analyzing, and visualizing geographic data on inequalities, emotions, and intersectionality (see Rodó-Zárate 2014), its development as a digital tool (www.reliefmaps.cat) has boosted its potentialities as a tool for research. The data are collected through an online form that asks the participants in the research process for their subjective experience in different places and for different social positions through various means of expressing emotions: responding to an open question about their feelings in each place or social position; selecting from a list of emotions such as fear, humiliation, acceptance, or tranquility; and situating a dot in a gradation of comfort to discomfort. The final figure shows the curves of (dis)comforts due to intersecting social positions in diverse spaces of everyday life, and the comments and emotions attributed to them are interactively displayed (see Rodó-Zárate [2021] for a development).
作为对权力交叉性几何的情感维度的说明和可视化，我通过 "浮雕地图"（Relief Maps）来举例说明。浮雕地图是一种研究交叉性地理的概念和方法模型。它最初是作为一种手工工具开发的，用于收集、分析和可视化有关不平等、情感和交叉性的地理数据（见罗多-扎拉特，2014 年），后来发展成为一种数字工具（www.reliefmaps.cat），增强了其作为研究工具的潜力。数据是通过一份在线表格收集的，该表格通过各种表达情绪的方式，询问研究过程中的参与者在不同地点和不同社会地位的主观体验：回答一个关于他们在每个地点或社会地位的感受的开放式问题；从恐惧、羞辱、接受或平静等情绪列表中进行选择；以及在从舒适到不适的渐变中定位一个点。最后的图形显示了在日常生活的不同空间中，由于社会地位的交叉而产生的（不）舒适感曲线，并以互动的方式显示了对这些曲线的评论和归因于它们的情绪（参见罗多-扎拉特[2021]的发展）。

As can be seen in Figure 1, a Relief Map relates three dimensions: the social (intersecting power structures), the geographical (places) and the psychological (emotions). With a spatially organized image, it visualizes the ever-shifting social geometries of power through the subjective perception of inequalities of people differently positioned.
如图 1 所示，浮雕地图涉及三个维度：社会（相互交叉的权力结构）、地理（地点）和心理（情感）。通过空间组织的图像，它通过处于不同位置的人对不平等的主观感知，将不断变化的社会权力几何图形形象化。

This example illustrates Sara’s subjective perception of discrimination and inequality through diverse emotions. Sara is a bisexual fifteen-year-old woman who migrated from South America when she was a child. She lives in a medium-sized village near Barcelona and studies at a public high school. ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} As Figure 1 shows, she situated multiple dots upward in relation to diverse axes. The discomforts she identified would be the systemic/systematic ones, because she expressed that they were linked to racist and xenophobic attitudes against her (as seen in Figure 1 for origin, religion, and nationality at home) but also to gender-based violence, sexist comments, and homophobic discrimination both at home and in public spaces. Instead, the comfort she experiences in virtual spaces in relation to her sexual orientation could be seen as a normalizing comfort, as it is related to her avoidance of disclosing such information in social networks.
这个例子通过不同的情感来说明萨拉对歧视和不平等的主观感受。萨拉是一名 15 岁的双性恋女性，小时候从南美移民过来。她住在巴塞罗那附近的一个中等规模的村庄，在一所公立高中学习。 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 如图 1 所示，她将多个点向上与不同的轴相关联。她指出的不适感是系统性的，因为她表示，这些不适感与针对她的种族主义和仇外态度有关（如图 1 中关于出身、宗教和国籍的内容），同时也与基于性别的暴力、性别歧视言论以及在家中和公共场所对同性恋的歧视有关。相反，她在虚拟空间中体验到的与性取向有关的舒适感可以被视为一种正常化的舒适感，因为这与她避免在社交网络中披露此类信息有关。

Following a situated intersectionality perspective (Yuval-Davis 2011), the role of context and specific social and historic configurations are central to examining intersectional dynamics. Domination is differently
根据情景交叉性视角（尤瓦尔-戴维斯，2011 年），背景以及特定的社会和历史配置的作用是研究交叉动态的核心。支配是不同的

Figure 1 Sara’s Relief Map.
图 1 萨拉的地形图。
structured in different places and thus intersectionality acquires different meanings depending on specific social contexts (Collins and Bilge 2016). In this sense, for example, Sara’s experience in relation to her origin, skin color, or sexual orientation, among others, is contextually configured, and the specific social relations in place condition the ways in which she suffers discrimination and also in which she struggles and resists it. The contextualized analysis is beyond the scope of this article, but through Sara’s lines it can be seen how emotions point at structural intersecting discriminations and inequalities. In this case, her (dis)comforts point at situated social processes and power relations such as the heteronormalization and adultification of private, public, and virtual spaces for youth with nonnormative sexualities and the gendered and racialized processes that produce those spaces, too. Thus, the relation between emotions, space and place, and intersecting power dynamics is rendered visible through her lived experience in places of her everyday life. Discomfort here is not only the effect of social relations of inequality but is also productive of inequalities in the sense that it restricts, limits, and denies the use, access, participation, and enjoyment of the spaces of her everyday life.
因此，交叉性因具体的社会背景而具有不同的含义（Collins 和 Bilge，2016 年）。在这个意义上，例如，萨拉的经历与她的出身、肤色或性取向等有关，这些都是根据具体情况配置的，特定的社会关系决定了她遭受歧视的方式，也决定了她抗争和抵制歧视的方式。背景分析超出了本文的讨论范围，但通过萨拉的台词，我们可以看到情绪是如何指向结构性交叉歧视和不平等的。在这种情况下，她的（不）舒适感指向了社会进程和权力关系，如对非正常性别青年的私人、公共和虚拟空间的异质正常化和成人化，以及产生这些空间的性别化和种族化进程。因此，情感、空间和地点以及相互交织的权力动态之间的关系，通过她在日常生活中的亲身经历而变得清晰可见。这里的不舒适不仅是社会不平等关系的结果，也是不平等的产物，因为它限制、制约和剥夺了她对日常生活空间的使用、进入、参与和享受。

This would be an example of the relation between emotions, spaces, and intersectional dynamics from nonnormative or oppressed positions. But what about privilege? Figure 2 is the Relief Map of Marc, a white, heterosexual young man, fifteen years old, living in Barcelona and going to a private high school in a wealthy neighborhood of the city. His Relief Map consists of four flat lines, no comments written, and few emotions expressed. It shows systemic/systematic comfort as the privilege to move through places and across the social, physical, and legal lines and borders without experiencing spatially situated emotions.
这就是从非正常或受压迫的立场出发，说明情感、空间和交叉动态之间关系的一个例子。那么特权呢？图 2 是马克的 "浮雕地图"，他是一名白人异性恋青年，15 岁，住在巴塞罗那，在该市富人区的一所私立高中上学。他的 "浮雕地图 "由四条平线组成，没有注释，也很少表达情感。这显示了系统性/制度性的舒适感，即在没有空间情感体验的情况下，在不同地方和跨越社会、物理和法律界线和边界的特权。

Behind these flat lines there is privilege and there is silence. These are lines and dots empty of words and of emotions, silent dots that point to privilege and express the fit between social positions and places. They visualize the privilege of not being conscious of one’s social position and of not worrying about one’s position in a specific place. It is not only “not feeling fear” but not even wondering whether one feels afraid. This silence is the sound of feeling in place, which is an unnoticed emotion.
在这些平面线条的背后，有特权，也有沉默。这些线和点没有文字，也没有情感，它们是无声的点，指向特权，表达了社会地位和地点之间的契合。它们形象地描述了一个人的特权，即不意识到自己的社会地位，不担心自己在特定地方的地位。这不仅是 "不感到恐惧"，甚至是不会怀疑自己是否感到恐惧。这种沉默是一种感觉到位的声音，是一种不被察觉的情感。

Ahmed (2007) noted, “We might only notice comfort as an affect when we lose it, when we become uncomfortable” (158) and related this lack of feelings to whiteness. The author considered “whiteness as a category of experience that disappears as a category through experience” and described it as “an ongoing and unfinished history, which orientates bodies in specific directions, affecting how they ‘take up’ space” (Ahmed 2007, 150). She also argued that “colonialism makes the world ‘white’, which is of course a world ‘ready’ for certain kinds of bodies, as a world that puts certain objects within their reach” (Ahmed 2007, 154) and defended that these objects could be physical objects but also capacities, aspirations, or habits.
艾哈迈德（2007 年）指出，"我们可能只有在失去舒适感，变得不舒适时，才会注意到舒适感的影响"（158），并将这种感觉的缺失与 "白人性 "联系起来。作者认为 "白人性是一种经验类别，它通过经验作为一种类别而消失"，并将其描述为 "一种持续的、未完成的历史，它将身体导向特定的方向，影响他们如何'占据'空间"（Ahmed，2007 年，150）。她还认为，"殖民主义使世界变成了'白色'，这当然是一个为某些类型的身体'准备好'的世界，是一个将某些对象置于他们可及范围之内的世界"（Ahmed，2007 年，154），并辩护说，这些对象可以是实物，也可以是能力、愿望或习惯。

From a spatial perspective, these objects could also be thought as spaces, places of the everyday life that are reachable for some bodies and not for others, and this reachability is central for intersectional geometries of power. In Ahmed’s (2007) conception of space, “spaces acquire the ‘skin’ of the bodies that inhabit them … spaces also take shape by being orientated around some bodies, more than others” (157). In the Relief Maps, places are configured by the dots of (dis)comfort that shape them and, at the same time, are shaped by the social relations in every specific context.
从空间的角度来看，这些物体也可以被视为空间，是一些身体可以到达而另一些身体无法到达的日常生活场所，这种可到达性是权力交叉几何的核心。在艾哈迈德（2007 年）的空间概念中，"空间获得了居住在其中的身体的'皮肤'......空间也通过围绕某些身体而不是其他身体的定向而成形"（157）。在 "救济地图 "中，地点是由（不）舒适的点构成的，同时也是由每个特定环境中的社会关系形成的。

From an intersectional perspective, the comfort of whiteness could be applied (considering the different configurations of it) to being cis, heterosexual, or adult, among other socially privileged positions. As “white bodies do not have to face their whiteness” (Ahmed 2007, 156), heterosexual bodies do not have to face their heterosexuality. Privileged positions are felt as neutral, as not even social positions. In relation to heterosexuality, for instance, Nast (1998) argued that "heterosex’s normative public expressions are seen as innocent, natural, or
从跨部门的角度来看，白人的舒适感可以（考虑到其不同的配置）适用于顺性、异性恋或成人，以及其他社会特权地位。由于 "白人不必面对自己的白人身份"（Ahmed 2007, 156），异性恋者也不必面对自己的异性恋身份。特权地位被认为是中性的，甚至不是社会地位。例如，关于异性恋，纳斯特（Nast，1998 年）认为，"异性恋的规范性公开表达被视为是无辜的、自然的，或

Figure 2 Marc’s Relief Map.
图 2 马克地形图。
unremarkable" (192), that those practices and the bodies that perform them are not marked. The focus on these privileged positions is thus central for the denaturalization of the apparent asexuality of everyday spaces and for showing the social power of people who pass as “normal” (see Bell and Valentine 1995; Hubbard 2000).
不值得注意"（192），即这些做法和执行这些做法的身体没有被标记。因此，对这些特权地位的关注对于日常空间中表面无性的非自然化，以及展示冒充 "正常人 "的人的社会权力至关重要（见 Bell 和 Valentine，1995 年；Hubbard，2000 年）。

In this sense, acknowledging that people are simultaneously in oppressed and privileged positions, some white bodies might suffer heterosexist discomforts and some heterosexuals might suffer racism. As Collins (1990) noted, “Each individual derives varying amounts of penalty and privilege from the multiple systems of oppression which frame everyone’s lives” (229). From a geographic perspective, it could be added that the effects of these amounts of penalty and privilege vary across space and time (Valentine 2007). This conceptualization of the complexity of the emotional dimension of inequalities moves away from dichotomist and absolute conceptions of the oppressed and the oppressor and shows that there might be different configurations of (dis)comforts depending on intersecting positions but also on time and space. In this sense, in some places, some social positions will be salient and some others will not even be noticed, configuring complex geometries of power that can be identified through emotional geographies.
从这个意义上说，承认人们同时处于受压迫和享有特权的地位，一些白人可能会遭受异性恋主义的不适，一些异性恋者可能会遭受种族主义。正如柯林斯（1990 年）所指出的那样，"每个人都从多重压迫体系中获得了不同程度的惩罚和特权，而这些压迫体系决定了每个人的生活"（229）。从地理学的角度来看，这些惩罚和特权在不同时空的影响也不尽相同（Valentine，2007 年）。这种对不平等的情感维度的复杂性的概念化，摆脱了对被压迫者和压迫者的二分法和绝对化的概念，并表明可能会有不同的（不）舒适的配置，这不仅取决于相互交叉的立场，也取决于时间和空间。从这个意义上说，在某些地方，某些社会地位会很突出，而另一些社会地位甚至不会被注意到，这就形成了复杂的权力几何图形，可以通过情感地理学加以识别。

Discomforts are unevenly distributed, and this unevenness is “rendered invisible or insignificant by capitalist, imperialist, and patriarchal processes” (Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert 2021, 8). The antiuniversalist perspective on geographies of emotions presented here points at the importance of the geometries of power for acknowledging that “affective capacities of any body are signified unequally within social spaces of being and feeling” (Tolia-Kelly 2006, 214). In this sense, the spatial and emotional perspectives are crucial for understanding intersectional dynamics of power. Focusing on who suffers (dis)comforts, where and how, could be a very fruitful path for rendering visible this unevenness that is in the base of structural inequalities.
不适感的分布是不均衡的，而这种不均衡 "被资本主义、帝国主义和父权制进程所掩盖或淡化"（Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert 2021, 8）。这里提出的情感地理学的反普遍主义观点指出了权力几何的重要性，即承认 "任何身体的情感能力在存在和感受的社会空间中都是不平等的"（Tolia-Kelly 2006, 214）。从这个意义上说，空间和情感视角对于理解权力的交叉动态至关重要。关注谁（不）舒适，在哪里以及如何舒适，可能是一条非常富有成果的道路，可以让人们看到结构性不平等基础上的这种不均衡性。

The question that remains open, however, is what the political implications of comfort for social change are. Here I have analyzed how the emotional silence that derives from comfort and privilege, the lack of worry about one’s position in the social environment, is also a lack of knowledge of how sociospatial relations work. The question that arises is this: What are the political implications of comfort? Holliday (1999) labeled comfort as social and personal atrophy, “a kind of social detachment, a kind of separation from real connections with others,” and defended that “it is discomfort, displacement, disruption which moves (queer) politics (and selves) forward into a more complex and less exclusive or complacent place” (489). In the same line, Ahmed (2007) argued that “every experience I have had of pleasure and excitement about a world opening up has begun with such ordinary feelings of discomfort” (163). Also, Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert (2021) explained that, although “there is nothing inherently productive or transformative about discomfort” (9), it can boost a questioning of power structures. So, despite the pain and the exclusionary dynamics that discomfort implies, discomfort is also a door to political consciousness and a door opened to the creation of bonds of solidarity and empathy among vulnerable groups.
然而，问题仍然是，安逸对社会变革的政治影响是什么。在这里，我分析了舒适和特权所带来的情感沉默，即对自己在社会环境中的地位缺乏担忧，同时也是对社会空间关系如何运作缺乏了解。由此产生的问题是安逸的政治含义是什么？霍利迪（Holliday，1999 年）将安逸称为社会和个人的萎缩，"一种社会疏离，一种与他人真正联系的分离"，并辩护说，"正是不适、流离失所、破坏将（同性恋）政治（和自我）推向一个更加复杂、不那么排外或自满的地方"（489）。同样，艾哈迈德（2007 年）认为，"我对世界开放的每一次愉悦和兴奋的体验，都是从这种普通的不适感开始的"（163）。此外，Gökariksel、Hawkins 和 Neubert（2021 年）也解释说，尽管 "不适感本身并不具有生产性或变革性"（9），但它可以促进对权力结构的质疑。因此，尽管不适意味着痛苦和排斥性动态，但不适也是一扇通往政治意识的大门，是一扇在弱势群体之间建立团结和共鸣纽带的大门。

Gökariksel, Hawkins, and Neubert (2021) argued that discomfort haunts feminist scholarship (in field research, university hallways, and conference rooms) but that it is rarely analyzed in research. Examining the uneven and embodied geographies of (dis)comforts could contribute to the understanding of social processes and structural inequalities that too often remain invisible. So opening up the discussion on the role of emotions in intersectional geometries of power could also be a path for social change.
Gökariksel、Hawkins 和 Neubert（2021 年）认为，不适感困扰着女权主义学术研究（田野调查、大学走廊和会议室），但在研究中却很少对其进行分析。研究（不）舒适的不均衡和体现性地理环境有助于理解社会进程和结构性不平等，而这些往往是看不见的。因此，就情感在权力交叉几何中的作用展开讨论，也可能是一条社会变革之路。

PID2020-118661RA-I00, MCIN/AEI/ 10.13039/ 501100011033
PID2020-118661RA-I00, MCCIN/AEI/ 10.13039/ 501100011033

Maria Rodó-Zárate (iD http://orcid.org/0000-0003$0633-4856$$0633-4856$0633-48560633-4856
Maria Rodó-Zárate (iD http://orcid.org/0000-0003 $0633-4856$$0633-4856$0633-48560633-4856 )

${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} The examples shown are based on the project “Multifaceted Views of Gender Violence: Proposals for Prevention at Secondary Schools from a Holistic and Intersectional Perspective,” funded by RecerCaixa (Principal Researchers: Gerard Coll-Planas and Maria Rodó-Zárate). The specific examples are part of the empirical work conducted with eighty-eight students aged fourteen to sixteen years old from four different high schools in the Barcelona province with diverse sociodemographic characteristics. In relation to the Relief Maps, each of them did their own digital map through the Web site in the classroom.
${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 所示示例基于 "对性别暴力的多方面看法 "项目：由 RecerCaixa（主要研究人员：Gerard Coll-Planas 和 Maria Rodó-Zárate）资助的 "从整体和交叉角度看中学预防建议 "项目。这些具体实例是实证研究的一部分，研究对象是来自巴塞罗那省四所不同高中的 88 名 14 至 16 岁学生，他们的社会人口特征各不相同。关于浮雕地图，他们每个人都在课堂上通过网站绘制了自己的数字地图。

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MARIA RODÓ-ZÁRATE is a Serra Húnter Fellow in the MIDE Department, University of Barcelona, 08035 Barcelona, Spain. E-mail: maria.rodo@ub.edu. Her research interests include feminist geographies and geographies of sexualities, with a special focus on intersectionality theory.
玛丽亚-罗多-扎拉特（MARIA RODÓ-ZÁRATE ）是西班牙巴塞罗那大学（08035 Barcelona, Spain）MIDE 系的 Serra Húnter 研究员。电子邮件：maria.rodo@ub.edu。她的研究兴趣包括女权主义地理学和性学地理学，特别关注交叉性理论。