The Mechanism of Socio-Spatial Evolution in Rural Areas Driven by the Development of the Planting Industry—A Case Study of Yuezhuang Village in Shandong Province, China
种植业发展驱动下的农村社会空间演化机制--以山东省岳庄村为例

Abstract 摘要

Rural industrialisation in China, which has historically been restricted by urban–rural dual development policies, has been largely encouraged since the Rural Revitalisation Strategy released in 2018. Industrialisation has deeply influenced socio-spatial evolution by providing job opportunities and promoting the construction of infrastructure and public services, accelerating the two-way flow of urban–rural factors in rural areas. However, this may lead to social and spatial issues, such as social inequalities and unsuitable living conditions, to some extent. This research aims to investigate how the socio-spatial evolution of rural areas was influenced by rural industrialisation and the two-way flow of urban–rural factors. The cherry planting industry and an active “industrial centre”, Yuezhuang Village, in Linqu County, Shandong Province, China, were selected for the empirical study. This research analysed the evolution of the cherry planting industry, the formulation of rural social networks, and the spatial adaptation of the two using mixed qualitative and quantitative methods, followed by a discussion on the current rural planning policies in China. The results show that the cherry industrial chain largely extended the planting areas, and the categories of land use generally increased in Yuezhuang Village over the 30 years studied. The average output value per mu (mu is unit of area measurement used in China, where it is officially standardised. It corresponds to 1/15 of a hectare, or about 666.67 m²). In 2021 was 25 times larger than that in 1996. The population involved in industrial activities increased to over 5000 people countrywide from the initial 17 households. The results also show that urban–rural factors, such as capital, population, techniques, and information, rapidly accelerated in the annual peak season of the cherry industry. This research indicates that small-scale, characteristic, and traditional agriculture could become one of the main driving forces in urban–rural integration and may contribute to sustainable and inclusive rural communities and urban–rural partnerships. This provides the theoretical mechanism of socio-spatial interaction in rural industrialisation in China based on the empirical case study.
中国的农村工业化在历史上一直受到城乡二元发展政策的限制，自2018年发布乡村振兴战略以来，农村工业化在很大程度上得到了鼓励。工业化通过提供就业机会、促进基础设施和公共服务建设、加速城乡要素在农村地区的双向流动，深刻影响着社会空间演变。然而，这可能在一定程度上导致社会和空间问题，如社会不平等和不适当的生活条件。本研究旨在探讨农村工业化和城乡要素双向流动对农村社会空间演变的影响。本文以山东省临朐县岳庄村为例，选取樱桃种植产业和一个活跃的“产业中心”进行实证研究。 本研究采用定性与定量相结合的方法，分析了樱桃种植业的演变、乡村社交网络的形成以及两者的空间适应性，并对中国当前的乡村规划政策进行了讨论。研究结果表明：30年来，岳庄村樱桃产业链延伸，种植面积大幅增加，土地利用类型普遍增加。亩平均产值（亩）是中国使用的面积计量单位，在那里它是官方标准化的。它相当于1/15公顷，或约666.67米（ ² ）。是1996年的25倍。全国从事工业活动的人口从最初的17户增加到5000多人。研究结果还表明，城乡要素，如资本，人口，技术，信息，迅速加速在樱桃产业的年度旺季。 这项研究表明，小规模、特色和传统农业可能成为城乡一体化的主要驱动力之一，并可能有助于可持续和包容性的农村社区和城乡伙伴关系。通过对中国农村工业化的实证研究，提出了中国农村工业化社会空间互动的理论机制。

1. Introduction 1.介绍

Improving industrial development has been widely recognised as a priority for strengthening urban–rural linkages, which contributes to sustainable and inclusive economic growth and social equality [1,2]. Similar to strategies proposed in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDGs), the Industrial Revitalisation Strategy was released as the priority in the Rural Revitalisation Strategy in 2018 in China [3], followed by the Urban–Rural Integration Strategy proposed in 2019 [4]—which encourages the two-way flow of urban–rural factors to achieve functional complementarity and structural coordinated development towards a sustainable future [5]. In fact, from 2004 onward for 18 years, China promulgated policies that focused on rural development in terms of the promotion of agriculture, the countryside, and farmers [6], and among them, the development of agriculture is of particular importance. Furthermore, as part of the development of proper secondary and tertiary industries, such as tourism, cultural and creative, handicraft [7,8] was considered an effective strategy to promote the two-way flow of urban–rural factors, such as capital, population, techniques, and information [9]. However, due to rural land restrictions, insufficient skilled labour, and a lack of organisation and management in the production process, rural industries have been trapped in a dilemma for a long period [10].
改善工业发展已被广泛认为是加强城乡联系的优先事项，有助于可持续和包容性经济增长和社会平等[ 1，2]。与2030年可持续发展议程（SDGs）中提出的战略类似，中国在2018年发布了工业振兴战略，作为乡村振兴战略的优先事项[ 3]，其次是2019年提出的城乡一体化战略[ 4]-鼓励城市的双向流动-农村因素，实现功能互补和结构协调发展，以实现可持续的未来[ 5]。事实上，从2004年开始的18年里，中国在促进农业、农村和农民[ 6]方面颁布了以农村发展为重点的政策，其中农业的发展尤为重要。 此外，作为适当的第二和第三产业发展的一部分，如旅游，文化和创意，手工艺[ 7，8]被认为是促进城乡要素双向流动的有效战略，如资本，人口，技术和信息[ 9]。然而，由于农村土地限制、熟练劳动力不足、生产过程缺乏组织和管理，农村工业长期处于困境[ 10]。

Rural industrialisation in China has been largely influenced by urban–rural dual development policies, mainly land-use policies, household registration policies, and industrial policies. Because land-use policies restricted the majority of rural land use as homesteads owned by farmers and arable land to ensure national food security [11,12,13], rural construction land for the development of new industries was strongly limited, leading to less investment and fewer job opportunities in rural areas [14]. However, household registration policies changed in 2000 to allow the rural population to migrate to cities, leaving behind large numbers of older people and children [15], which meant a lack of labour in rural areas. In contrast, urban areas had adequate construction land controlled by the land market, which attracted investments for various large-scale industries [14,16]. The development of urban industries further attracted urban and rural populations and promoted the construction of urban infrastructures and public services [17]. Additionally, due to the lack of scale effects and environmentally unfriendly production [18], rural industries declined during the late 1990s. Although small industries related to agriculture were still developing, favourable policies that aimed to encourage the large-scale development of rural industries were released after 2011 [9]. These policies showed that rural industrialisation in China experienced significant challenges.
中国的农村工业化在很大程度上受到城乡二元发展政策的影响，主要是土地使用政策、户籍政策和产业政策。由于土地使用政策限制农村土地大部分用作农民拥有的宅基地和耕地，以确保国家粮食安全[11，12，13]，农村建设用地用于发展新产业受到强烈限制，导致农村投资减少，就业机会减少[ 14]。然而，2000年户籍政策发生变化，允许农村人口迁移到城市，留下大量老年人和儿童[ 15]，这意味着农村地区缺乏劳动力。相比之下，城市地区有足够的建设用地，由土地市场控制，吸引了各种大型工业的投资[ 14，16]。 城市产业的发展进一步吸引了城乡人口，促进了城市基础设施和公共服务的建设[ 17]。此外，由于缺乏规模效应和对环境不友好的生产[ 18]，农村工业在1990年代后期衰落。虽然与农业相关的小型工业仍在发展，但2011年后出台了旨在鼓励农村工业大规模发展的优惠政策[ 9]。这些政策表明，中国的农村工业化经历了重大挑战。

The influences of the rural industrialisation process have been widely discussed over recent years, especially regarding the socio-spatial evolution of rural areas. After the Rural Revitalisation Strategy was released in 2018, the increasing two-way flow of urban–rural factors in the rapid urbanisation process promoted rural industrialisation [19]. With the improvement in transportation and digital infrastructure in both urban and rural areas, spatial distance was no longer a barrier to seeking high-quality employment opportunities and living conditions [20] in this new era in China. With issues such as traffic congestion, high housing prices, and insufficient public activity space in urban areas [21], rural areas became more attractive to people looking for spaces to live and work due to the good natural environment and distinctive production resources [22]. However, the development of rural industries and appropriate living conditions in rural areas is unbalanced [23]. The pursuit of maximising the benefits of rural industrial development has led to a decline in the quality of the rural living environment, which is characterised in different ways and has led to an “asymmetric” structure in the socio-economic development of these regions [24]. Aiming to alleviate such imbalances, some researchers proposed that socio-spatial development needs to suit the change in rural productivity and production relations [25,26]; that is, the demands of industrial activities and social networks need to be seriously considered in rural planning, construction, and implementation.
近年来，农村工业化进程的影响得到了广泛讨论，特别是关于农村地区的社会空间演变。2018年乡村振兴战略发布后，快速城镇化进程中城乡要素双向流动不断增加，促进了农村工业化[ 19]。随着城市和农村地区交通和数字基础设施的改善，在中国这个新时代，空间距离不再是寻求高质量就业机会和生活条件的障碍。由于城市地区存在交通拥堵、高房价和公共活动空间不足等问题[ 21]，农村地区因良好的自然环境和独特的生产资源而对寻找生活和工作空间的人们更具吸引力[ 22]。然而，农村产业和农村适宜居住条件的发展是不平衡的[ 23]。 追求农村工业发展效益最大化，导致农村生活环境质量下降，表现为不同的特点，并导致这些地区社会经济发展的“不对称”结构[ 24]。为了缓解这种不平衡，一些研究者提出社会空间发展需要适应农村生产力和生产关系的变化[25，26]，即在农村规划、建设和实施中需要认真考虑产业活动和社交网络的需求。

The above discussion regarding the background of rural industrialisation in China reveals that there may be tight connections between industrial development and socio-spatial evolution in rural areas. Thus, this research aims to better understand the relationship between these two factors and their influences on urban–rural integration. The key research question is as follows: How has the socio-spatial evolution of rural areas been influenced by rural industrialisation and the two-way flow of urban–rural factors? This research involves the study of the planting industry, which is one of the most characteristic, representative, and embedded industries in rural areas. Yuezhuang Village, Linqu County, Shandong Province, China, was chosen as the study area due to its importance in the cherry planting industry. Linqu County is one of the four main greenhouse cherry cultivation areas in China. A review of the existing literature on rural industrialisation and its influences on urban and rural areas and the socio-spatial dialectical perspective is presented in Section 2. The research setting and methods are illustrated in Section 3. The evolution of the cherry planting industry, the formulation of rural social networks, and the spatial adaptation of the two are discussed in Section 4, resulting in the identification of the mechanism of socio-spatial evolution driven by industrial development. The current rural planning policies and planning inspiration in China are discussed in Section 5, and Section 6 concludes the paper.
上述关于中国农村工业化背景的讨论表明，工业发展与农村社会空间演化之间可能存在着紧密的联系。因此，本研究旨在更好地了解这两个因素之间的关系及其对城乡一体化的影响。研究的关键问题是：农村地区的社会空间演变是如何受到农村工业化和城乡要素双向流动的影响的？种植业是农村最具特色、最具代表性、最具嵌入性的产业之一。山东省临朐县岳庄村因其在樱桃种植业中的重要性而被选为研究区域。临朐县是全国四大温室大樱桃主要栽培区之一。 第二部分回顾了现有的关于农村工业化及其对城市和农村地区的影响的文献，以及社会空间辩证观点。第三节说明了研究的背景和方法。第四部分讨论了樱桃种植业的演变、乡村社交网络的形成以及两者的空间适应性，从而确定了产业发展驱动下的社会空间演变机制。第五部分探讨了中国乡村规划的政策现状和规划启示，第六部分对全文进行了总结。

2. Literature Review 2.文献综述

2.1. Rural Industrialisation and Its Influences on Urban and Rural Areas
2.1.农村工业化及其对城乡的影响

The research on rural industrialisation usually focused on urban–rural socio-economic development. Amjad mentioned that “the aim of rural industrialisation has been to promote the production of commodities based on agricultural output” [27], showing the significance of rural industrialisation on poverty reduction, economic growth, and better living conditions towards sustainability [28]. Many scholars analysed the relationship between rural industrialisation and floating populations, job opportunities, and economic increases using statistical data and questionnaires [27,28,29], indicating the urban–rural socio-economic linkage and the flow of factors in the urbanisation process [30]. Scholars discussed the relationship between rural industrialization and rural enterprises, focusing on employment opportunities and financial support for farmers in China [31,32]. Scholars also studied the relationship between small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and rural development, analysed the characteristics of rural firms compared to their counterparts in urban England, and contributed to the discussion on policies [33]. However, most of the past research on rural industrialisation usually focused on social-economic development, but the change of spatial constructions in rural areas were not deeply analysed. Although Desai has mentioned that the poor infrastructural facilities in rural segments was one of the factors holding back rural industrialisation in India [34], the relationship between the socio-economic development and spatial constructions were not discussed due to a lack of data on rural areas, which showed the inadequate understanding of the flow of urban–rural factors in the rural industrialization process.
对农村工业化的研究通常侧重于城乡社会经济发展。Amjad提到，“农村工业化的目的是促进基于农业产出的商品生产”[ 27]，显示了农村工业化对减贫，经济增长和改善生活条件以实现可持续发展的重要性[ 28]。许多学者利用统计数据和问卷调查分析了农村工业化与流动人口、就业机会和经济增长的关系[27，28，29]，指出了城市化过程中城乡社会经济联系和要素流动[ 30]。学者们讨论了农村工业化与农村企业的关系，重点关注中国农民的就业机会和财政支持[ 31、32]。 学者们还研究了中小企业与农村发展之间的关系，分析了农村企业与英格兰城市企业相比的特点，并为政策讨论做出了贡献[ 33]。然而，以往对农村工业化的研究大多集中在社会经济发展方面，而对农村空间结构的变化却没有进行深入的分析。尽管Desai提到农村地区基础设施落后是阻碍印度农村工业化的因素之一[ 34]，但由于缺乏农村地区的数据，没有讨论社会经济发展与空间建设之间的关系，这表明对农村工业化过程中城乡要素流动的理解不足。

With the upgrading of urban and rural transportation, mobile Internet, and other infrastructure, rural industrialisation is deeply influenced by the flow of urban–rural factors, and production and living spaces present new features and trends in rural China. New forms of business such as rural cloud economy, agricultural headquarters, homestay economy, and customized agriculture are constantly emerging, and new rural settlements such as e-commerce villages, live streaming villages, and artist villages are emerging one after another [35]. The return of “new villagers”, urban and rural part-time workers, and returned entrepreneurs also promotes the continuous evolution of the social structure of some villages [36]. The two-way flow of urban–rural factors promotes the integration and co-construction of urban and rural social networks and spaces. Therefore, it is necessary to explore the socio-spatial interaction from the perspective of the two-way flow of urban–rural factors when studying rural industrialisation. The research on mechanisms of this interaction needs to be revealed in the current period of urban–rural integration in China.
随着城乡交通、移动的互联网等基础设施的升级，农村工业化受到城乡要素流动的深刻影响，生产生活空间在中国农村呈现出新的特点和趋势。农村云经济、农业总部、民宿经济、定制农业等新业态不断涌现，电商村、直播村、艺术家村等新型乡村聚落层出不穷[ 35]。“新村民”、城乡兼职人员、返乡创业者的回归，也推动了部分村庄社会结构的不断演进[ 36]。城乡要素的双向流动，促进了城乡社交网络和空间的融合共建。 因此，在研究农村工业化时，有必要从城乡要素双向流动的角度探讨社会空间互动。这种互动机制的研究，在我国城乡一体化发展的现阶段亟待揭示。

2.2. The Flow of Urban–Rural Factors from the Socio-Spatial Dialectic Perspective
2.2.社会空间辩证法视角下的城乡要素流动

The two-way flow of urban–rural factors in rapid urbanisation poses new challenges for understanding urban–rural relations, which should be fully reconsidered in the research on rural revitalisation in the new era. Since the 1990s, scholars have reflected on the definition of urban and rural areas based on new practical experiences of urban and rural areas in the process of globalization. They have identified the difficulty in grasping differences and connections between urban and rural areas from the perspective of binary development, and a new understanding of the co-evolution of urban and rural areas has been widely discussed and supported [37,38]. China has experienced an extreme “time–space compression” [39] in the rapid urbanisation process. The traditional understanding of the “dual” development pattern of urban and rural areas has been replaced by the “flow space” network pattern [40] in this process in China. The flow of urban–rural factors has led to deeply interconnected and interactive urban–rural areas as a whole within a temporal and spatial range [41]; however, this process also led to inevitable urban–rural socio-economic inequalities. Compared to rural areas, urban areas have more advantages in attracting urban–rural factors, such as labour, investment and information, resulting in an under-developed rural built environment included inadequate construction of infrastructures and hollowed-out villages due to declined rural populations [23]. In the period of urban–rural integration, diverse and multidimensional spatial characteristics in rural areas [42] need to be studied to improve the understanding of urban–rural relations [41,43].
快速城镇化中城乡要素的双向流动，对认识城乡关系提出了新的挑战，新时代乡村振兴研究应充分反思这一点。20世纪90年代以来，学者们基于全球化进程中城乡新的实践经验，对城乡的界定进行了反思。他们从二元发展的角度认识到了把握城乡差异和联系的困难，对城乡协同进化的新认识得到了广泛的讨论和支持[ 37，38]。中国在快速城市化过程中经历了极端的“时空压缩”[ 39]。传统上对城乡“二元”发展格局的认识，在中国这一过程中被“流动空间”网络格局所取代[ 40]。 城乡要素的流动导致了城乡在时空范围内的深度相互联系和互动[ 41];然而，这一过程也导致了不可避免的城乡社会经济不平等。与农村地区相比，城市地区在吸引劳动力、投资和信息等城乡要素方面具有更大的优势，导致农村建成环境欠发达，包括基础设施建设不足和农村人口减少造成的空心村[ 23]。在城乡一体化时期，需要研究农村地区多样性和多维性的空间特征[ 42]，以提高对城乡关系的认识[ 41，43]。

The socio-spatial dialectic perspective explores spatial organisation and meaning construction based on factor behaviour and its interrelationships, providing a comprehensive way to understand rural industrialisation during the period of urban–rural integration. The foundation of socio-spatial dialectics is the “production of space” theory proposed by Lefebvre, which demonstrates the logic of spatial production through the construction of the theoretical frameworks of “spatial practice” and “representation of space” [44]. It criticises the traditional “container” absolute spatial view and the classical Marxist theory that emphasises the connection between society and history, while neglecting the connotation of the connections among space, society, and history [45]. Soga proposed “socio-spatial dialectics” based on Lefebvre and Harvey’s construction of the theory of the “production of space”, expressing “spatial organization as a social product” through “spatiality”. The organisation and significance of space are the products of the correlations and interactions among various factors in society [46]. Behaviour of space users endow space value and strive to meet their own needs by influencing and transforming space as much as possible; at the same time, there is a gradual adaptation to the spatial environment and other surrounding entities, forming an interaction between entities and space [47]. From the dialectical perspective of society, space, and time, the bidirectional continuous interaction between the behavioural subject and the surrounding specific space promoted the shareability of space [48] and the involvement of the behavioural subject. This perspective provides an epistemological basis for understanding spatial–behavioural interaction [49]. Compared with the research on individual behaviours in behavioural geography [50], behaviours of actors driven by rural industrialisation within a specific space promoted the shareability of space [48] and the involvement of the behavioural subject. This perspective provides an epistemological basis for understanding spatial–behavioural interaction [49]. Compared with the research on individual behaviours in behavioural geography [50], behaviours of actors driven by rural industrialisation within a specific spatial–temporal range has stronger certainty due to their consistent goals. spatial–temporal range has stronger certainty due to their consistent goals. Moreover, the projection characteristics of the factors’ interrelationships in space are more typical, which can better reveal the evolution mechanism of the rapid flow of urban–rural factors and spatial interactions in the urbanisation process in China.
社会空间辩证法的视角探讨了基于因素行为及其相互关系的空间组织和意义建构，为理解城乡一体化时期的农村工业化提供了一种全面的方法。社会空间辩证法的基础是列费夫尔的“空间生产”理论，它通过“空间实践”和“空间表征”的理论框架的构建，论证了空间生产的逻辑[ 44]。它批判了传统的“容器”式的绝对空间观和马克思主义经典理论，强调社会与历史的联系，而忽视了空间、社会和历史之间联系的内涵[ 45]。索加在列费夫尔和哈维构建的“空间的生产”理论的基础上提出了“社会空间辩证法”，通过“空间性”表达“作为社会产品的空间组织”。 空间的组织和意义是社会中各种因素相互关联和相互作用的产物[ 46]。空间使用者的行为赋予空间价值，并通过尽可能地影响和改造空间来努力满足自己的需求;同时，对空间环境和周围其他实体也有逐渐的适应，形成实体与空间的互动[ 47]。从社会、空间和时间的辩证角度来看，行为主体与周围特定空间的双向持续互动促进了空间的共享性[ 48]和行为主体的参与。这种观点为理解空间-行为相互作用提供了认识论基础[ 49]。 与行为地理学中对个体行为的研究[ 50]相比，在特定空间内由农村工业化驱动的行为者的行为促进了空间的可共享性[ 48]和行为主体的参与。这种观点为理解空间-行为相互作用提供了认识论基础[ 49]。相对于行为地理学对个体行为的研究[ 50]，在特定时空范围内，农村工业化驱动下的行为主体的行为，由于目标一致，具有更强的确定性。由于目标一致，时空范围具有更强的确定性。而且，要素相互关系在空间上的投影特征更具有典型性，能够更好地揭示中国城市化进程中城乡要素快速流动和空间互动的演化机制。

3. Case Selection and Methods
3.病例选择和方法

3.1. Case Selection: Yuezhuang Village in Linqu County
3.1.案例选择：临朐县岳庄村

This research selected Yuezhuang Village and the county it belongs to, namely, Linqu County in Shandong Province, as the area for the empirical study. Linqu County is one of the four main greenhouse cherry cultivation areas in China, and Yuezhuang Village was one of the first areas to contain cherry planting test plots (in 1991). This village is one of the most active and famous centres of cherry industry activity in Linqu County according to multiple participatory observations and in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted from 2019 to 2023. Yuezhuang Village is a hamlet located at an urban–rural interface and is under the jurisdiction of Chengguan District in Linqu County, 1.5 km west of the county centre (Figure 1). The registered population of the village is approximately 1800 people (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). The total area of the village is 1894 mu (1.26 km²), and orchards account for approximately 68%, according to the third national land resource survey carried out in 2019. The current cherry planting area accounts for about 54% of the land area of the village (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). The cherry growing period in Yuezhuang Village runs from November to May of the following year, and the trading period (peak season) is from early March to the end of May. During the study period, data regarding the urban–rural factors (population, technology, capital, and information) were gathered not only for Yuezhuang Village but also for the urban–rural interfaces in Linqu County. The industrial activities in Yuezhuang Village have formed an active labour market and trading market, which have improved the construction of rural infrastructure and local public services.
本研究选取山东省临朐县岳庄村及其所在的县作为实证研究的区域。临朐县是全国四大温室樱桃栽培主产区之一，岳庄村是最早包含樱桃种植试验区的地区之一（1991年）。根据2019年至2023年进行的多次参与式观察和深度半结构化访谈，该村庄是临朐县樱桃产业活动最活跃和最著名的中心之一。岳庄村是临朐县城关区下辖的一个城乡结合部小哈姆雷特，位于县城以西1.5公里处（图1）。该村户籍人口约1800人（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。全村总面积1894亩（1.26公里 ² ），果园占比约68%，2019年开展的第三次全国土地资源调查显示。目前大樱桃种植面积约占全村土地面积的54%（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。岳庄村的大樱桃生长期为11月至次年5月，交易期（旺季）为3月上旬至5月底。在研究期间，有关城乡因素（人口，技术，资本和信息）的数据收集不仅为岳庄村，而且为临朐县城乡界面。岳庄村的产业活动形成了活跃的劳动力市场和贸易市场，改善了农村基础设施建设和当地公共服务。

Figure 1. Location of the case. Source: Authors’ own diagrams. The China map was obtained from the standard map service system. (http://211.159.153.75/browse.html?picId=%274o28b0625501ad13015501ad2bfc0291%27) accessed on 31 March 2024).
图1.箱子的位置。资料来源：作者自己的图表。中国地图是从标准地图服务系统中获得的。（http://211.159.153.75/browse.html?）的电子邮件地址。picId=%274o28b0625501ad13015501ad2bfc0291%27）于二零二四年三月三十一日查阅）。

3.2. Data and Mixed Method Research
3.2.数据与混合方法研究

This research focused on the socio-spatial evolution in Yuezhuang Village driven by industrial planting activities in the peak and off-peak seasons as well as the flows of urban–rural factors related to such activities. Thus, the history of the planting industry and annual industrial activities were outlined first in this research. Furthermore, economic transformation (e.g., job opportunities and industrial output), social networks, and land-use changes driven by industrial development were identified as essential aspects of the research [33,51] and were taken as evidence for the industrial–socio-spatial interaction. This research also analysed the two-way flow of urban–rural factors in this interaction by identifying people’s mobility patterns in this process.
本研究主要探讨了月庄村在工业种植活动的驱动下，在旺季和淡季的社会空间演变，以及与工业种植活动相关的城乡要素流动。因此，本研究首先概述了种植业的历史和每年的产业活动。此外，经济转型（例如，就业机会和工业产出）、社交网络和工业发展驱动的土地利用变化被确定为研究的基本方面[ 33，51]，并被视为工业-社会-空间相互作用的证据。本研究还通过确定这一过程中的人口流动模式，分析了城乡要素在这一互动中的双向流动。

This study used people’s mobility patterns to illustrate the characteristics of the annual industrial activities and social networks they formed. Mobility patterns show the connection between an origin and destination, illustrating the flow of people during a specific period [52,53], which can be captured using location-based service (LBS) data [54,55]. This research utilised the LBS data from Linqu County for two whole months, namely, April (in the peak season) and September (the off-peak season) in 2019, which contained the anonymous and comparatively accurate real-time positions of individuals. These data were analysed using density-based spatial clustering of applications with the noise algorithm, which can effectively handle noise points and identify high-density areas as spatial clusters [56,57]. The identified clusters can be further filtered by excluding the frequencies of inactive real-time positions of anonymous IDs. In this research, a trajectory that occurred from 10:00 pm to 5:00 am the following day was defined as being within the residence of the ID, and a trajectory that occurred from 9:00 am to 4:00 pm was defined as being within the working place of the ID, according to the in-depth field investigations conducted in Yuezhuang Village. Using a comparative analysis of the spatial distribution of residences and working places in the peak and off-peak seasons in different spatial ranges, this research visualised the mobility patterns driven by annual industrial activities and revealed the social networks and their spatial connections within and outside of Yuezhuang Village.
本研究以人的流动模式来说明每年的产业活动及其形成的社交网络的特点。移动模式显示了起点和目的地之间的连接，说明了特定时期的人员流动[ 52，53]，可以使用基于位置的服务（LBS）数据[ 54，55]捕获。本研究使用了临朐县2019年4月（旺季）和9月（淡季）两个月的LBS数据，其中包含了匿名且相对准确的个人实时位置。这些数据使用基于密度的空间聚类应用程序与噪声算法进行分析，该算法可以有效地处理噪声点并将高密度区域识别为空间聚类[ 56，57]。可以通过排除匿名ID的非活动实时位置的频率来进一步过滤所识别的聚类。 通过对岳庄村的深入实地调查，将晚上10：00 ~次日凌晨5：00发生的轨迹定义为在身份证的住所内，将上午9：00 ~下午4：00发生的轨迹定义为在身份证的工作场所内。通过对月庄村不同空间范围内的居住地和工作地在旺季和淡季的空间分布对比分析，揭示了月庄村村内外的社交网络及其空间联系。

This research also involved an archival study and in-depth field investigations, including participatory observations from 2019 to 2023, in-depth semi-structured interviews, and mapping. These methods were used to identify the evolution stages of the cherry planting industry, identify the industrial activities and socio-spatial interactions in the peak and off-peak seasons, verify the findings from the LBS data analysis, and directly and indirectly obtain evidence of the two-way flow of urban–rural factors in the socio-spatial evolution process.
这项研究还涉及档案研究和深入的实地调查，包括2019年至2023年的参与式观察，深入的半结构化访谈和绘图。运用这些方法，识别樱桃种植产业的演化阶段，识别高峰期和淡季的产业活动和社会空间互动，验证LBS数据分析的结果，直接和间接地获得社会空间演化过程中城乡要素双向流动的证据。

Both qualitative and quantitative data were obtained in this research. Qualitative data were obtained from in-depth semi-structured interviews with 15 villagers and merchants who lived and worked in Yuezhuang Village in the peak and off-peak seasons between 2021 and 2023, including each category of actors involved in industrial activities. In addition, a group discussion with village representatives and local market managers was also conducted. The interviews with villagers were focused on the following: their roles in industrial activities; their attitudes to current land use and spatial functions in the village; their job opportunities and incomes; their knowledge of current land-use policies and rural industrial policies; major challenges they faced; and their concerns about the future development of the village, such as the changes in infrastructure and public services. The interviews with local market managers investigated the following: their attitudes to current land use and spatial functions in the village; their knowledge of current land-use policies and rural industrial policies; how they managed the transaction process in the peak season; how they built social networks with other urban–rural regions; the major challenges they faced; and their concerns about the future development of the village. The interviews were conducted with two planning professionals who had been embedded in local development for a long period (more than 4 years). Each interview with the villagers lasted for about half an hour, and the interview with local market managers lasted 3 h (audio recorded with the consent of the respondents). Additionally, archival studies of the formulation of the cherry industry in Linqu County, as presented in documents provided by the village committee, were also used.
在本研究中获得了定性和定量的数据。定性数据来自于对2021年至2023年旺季和淡季在岳庄村生活和工作的15名村民和商户的深度半结构化访谈，包括参与产业活动的各类行为人。此外，还与村代表和当地市场管理人员进行了小组讨论。对村民的访谈主要集中在以下方面：他们在产业活动中的作用;他们对村庄目前土地使用和空间功能的态度;他们的就业机会和收入;他们对目前土地使用政策和农村产业政策的了解;他们面临的主要挑战;以及他们对村庄未来发展的担忧，如基础设施和公共服务的变化。 与当地市场管理人员的访谈调查了以下内容：他们对该村当前土地使用和空间功能的态度;他们对当前土地使用政策和农村产业政策的了解;他们如何在旺季管理交易过程;他们如何与其他城乡地区建立社交网络;他们面临的主要挑战;以及他们对该村未来发展的担忧。访谈对象是两名长期参与当地发展的规划专业人员（超过4年）。每次与村民的访谈持续约半小时，与当地市场管理人员的访谈持续3小时（经受访者同意录音）。此外，还利用了临朐县村委会提供的文献资料，对临朐县樱桃产业的形成进行了档案研究。

The quantitative data in this research consisted of the LBS data and land-use data. The LBS data were collected from the trajectories of people living and travelling within the research area, namely, Linqu County, and were processed and visualised using SQL and GIS software 10.7. All data obtained were anonymised. The data regarding land use in Yuezhuang Village came from the second and third national land resource surveys carried out in 2009 and 2019 in China; the related diagrams presented in this research were created by the author according to the original data. This study strictly abided by academic ethics.
研究中的定量数据包括LBS数据和土地利用数据。LBS数据是从研究区域（即临朐县）内人们生活和旅行的轨迹中收集的，并使用SQL和GIS软件10.7进行处理和可视化。获得的所有数据均匿名。岳庄村土地利用数据来源于2009年和2019年开展的第二次和第三次全国土地资源调查;本研究中的相关图表由作者根据原始数据创建。本研究严格遵守学术道德。

4. Analysis 4.分析

4.1. Industrial Evolution: The Formation Stages and Annual Activities of the Cherry Industry
4.1.产业演进：樱桃产业的形成阶段与年度活动

The evolution of the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village can be basically divided into three stages. The urban–rural flows of industrial factors were initially formed in the first two periods and had begun to interact with the physical environment of the village, while the agglomeration of industrial factors accelerated the formation of social correlation networks and led to socio-spatial evolution in the third period.
岳庄村樱桃产业的演变，基本可以分为三个阶段。前两个时期，产业要素的城乡流动初步形成，并开始与村庄的物质环境发生互动;第三个时期，产业要素的集聚加速了社会关联网络的形成，并导致了社会空间的演化。

The first stage was the initial period of the cherry industry and rural construction (1990–2000). “In 1991, Yuezhuang Village did not have any secondary industry, and the village committee had little money to develop the village” (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). To improve the current situation of the low collective income and meagre per capita income in the village, the old village committee secretary introduced the cherry planting industry in Yuezhuang Village in 1992 through personal social relationships. The initial cherry planting area was 17 mu (0.011 km²) in 1992, and the average output value per mu was RMB 2000 in 1996, according to historical documents from the village committee. There were initially 17 households in Yuezhuang Village who tried to plant cherries from 1992 to 1993. Driven by rural talents, planters promoted the planting techniques, especially the technique of greenhouse cherry planting, and connected with fruit distributors outside Linqu County. By the end of 1998, the average output value per mu of cherry planting had risen to RMB 15,000 (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, August 2021). Meanwhile, new spatial planning of Yuezhuang Village began around 1990, which laid the foundation for homestead distribution, neighbourhood space allocation, and internal roads in the village. At this stage, the cherry planting industry was gradually becoming more accepted by the villagers due to its high profits compared with grain planting; however, the industrial factors had not been systematically organised.
第一阶段是樱桃产业和乡村建设的起步期（1990-2000年）。“1991年，岳庄村还没有第二产业，村委会几乎没有钱发展村子”（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。为改善村里集体收入低、人均收入微薄的现状，老村委书记通过个人社会关系，于1992年在岳庄村引进樱桃种植产业。村委会的历史资料显示，1992年樱桃种植面积17亩（0.011公里 ² ），1996年平均亩产2000元。1992年至1993年，岳庄村最初有17户尝试种植樱桃。在乡村人才的带动下，种植户推广种植技术，特别是大棚樱桃种植技术，并与临朐县外的水果经销商对接。 到1998年底，樱桃种植的平均亩产值已上升到1.5万元（李先生，深度采访，2021年8月）。同时，1990年前后，岳庄村开始了新的空间规划，为宅基地布局、邻里空间配置、村内道路等奠定了基础。在这一阶段，樱桃种植业因其相对于粮食种植的高利润而逐渐被村民所接受，但产业要素尚未得到系统的组织。

The second stage was the spatial construction period driven by industrial activities (2000–2010). Benefiting from the greenhouse cherry planting technique, after 2000, the villagers in Yuezhuang Village prioritised this work. “By the end of 2000, 95% of the cultivated land had planted cherries (about 1000 mu, 0.667 km²), leading to the increasing demand for an extended industrial chain, including trading and transporting” (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). Because cherries are not easy to store and have a short shelf life, the farmers needed to sell products to merchants in a short time to maximise their profits. Thus, the bottom-up organization of the cherry-trading process emerged and flourished after 2006 in Yuezhuang Village according to farmers’ knowledge of characters of cherry cultivation periods (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). At this stage, urban–rural factors driven by the planting industry had begun to flow in and out of the village and even the county. However, the spatial construction of the village had not adapted in a timely manner to the new demand for trade, resulting in insufficient trading space and inadequate transportation infrastructure. To alleviate this problem, the village committee funded the Cherry Trading Centre in the northern ditch of the village in 2008, hardened the main trading road, and connected the roads inside and outside the village in 2010 to improve the physical environment.
第二阶段是产业活动驱动的空间构建期（2000-2010年）。受益于大棚大樱桃种植技术，2000年后，岳庄村的村民把这项工作放在了优先位置。“截至2000年底，95%的耕地种植了樱桃（约1000亩，0.667公里 ² ），导致对贸易、运输等延伸产业链的需求不断增加”（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。由于樱桃不易储存，保质期短，农民需要在短时间内将产品卖给商人，以实现利润最大化。于是，2006年以后，岳庄村根据农民对樱桃种植时期特征的认识，自下而上组织樱桃交易过程的方式出现并蓬勃发展（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。在这一阶段，以种植业带动的城乡要素已经开始在村里乃至县城内外流动。 然而，该村的空间建设没有及时适应新的贸易需求，导致贸易空间不足，交通基础设施不足。为缓解这一问题，村委会于2008年出资在村北方沟修建了樱桃交易中心，硬化了主要交易道路，并于2010年连通了村内外道路，改善了物质环境。

The third stage was the socio-spatial evolution of Yuezhuang Village, which was driven by the agglomeration of industrial factors and the improvements in infrastructure (2010 to present). The cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village extended its industrial chain, including cultivation activities, and relevant supporting industries, trading activities, and relevant supporting industries and logistics, during this period. By the end of 2021, the average output value per mu of cherry planting had increased to RMB 50,000 (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). Meanwhile, the Yuezhuang Village Committee established the Market Management Office of the Yuezhuang Village Cherry Trading Centre in Linqu County to improve the market supervision and management system and collected scale fees instead of rental booth fees. The total scale fees generated in the trading market was over RMB 3.2 million in 2021 (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023), which was reinvested into the construction of infrastructure and public services such as security and cleaning in Yuezhuang Village. Industrial activity concentrated the urban–rural factors within a certain space, namely, Yuezhuang Village, and facilitated discussions and official interactions among people involved in the planting and trading process, thus producing social correlation networks. “In peak seasons, besides villagers, there could be over 5000 people who are involved in the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village from all over the country” (Mr. Li, in-depth interview, April 2023). However, the number of people and the intensive industrial activities could cause conflicts during peak seasons. In order to maintain security, improve the physical environment, and meet the demands of the trading season, the village committee strengthened the village roads, installed supervision, and built service facilities, such as temporary trading sheds, streetlights, cameras, and loudspeakers.
第三阶段是岳庄村的社会空间演变，这是由产业要素的集聚和基础设施的改善驱动的（2010年至今）。在此期间，岳庄村的樱桃产业延伸了产业链，包括种植活动、相关配套产业、贸易活动以及相关配套产业和物流。截至2021年底，樱桃种植的平均亩产值已提高到5万元（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。同时，岳庄村委会成立了临朐县岳庄村樱桃交易中心市场管理办公室，完善市场监督管理制度，收取定额收费，代替租赁摊位费。于二零二一年，交易市场产生的定额费用总额超过人民币3，200，000元。 李，深度采访，2023年4月），再投入到岳庄村治安保洁等基础设施和公共服务建设中。工业活动将城乡要素集中在一定的空间内，即岳庄村，并促进了参与种植和贸易过程的人们之间的讨论和官方互动，从而产生了社会关联网络。“旺季的时候，除了村民，可能还有5000多人从全国各地来到岳庄村参与樱桃产业”（李先生，深度采访，2023年4月）。然而，人数众多，工业活动密集，在旺季可能会引发冲突。 为了维护安全，改善物质环境，满足交易季节的需求，村委会加强了村庄道路，安装了监管，并建造了服务设施，如临时交易棚，路灯，摄像头和扬声器。

Based on the group discussion and interviews with 15 villagers and merchants, Figure 2 summarises the annual activities, the actors involved, and their locations in the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village.
根据对15名村民和商户的小组讨论和采访，图2总结了岳庄村樱桃产业的年度活动、参与者及其所在地。

Figure 2. Industrial actors, activities, and their locations in Yuezhuang Village. Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图2.岳庄村的产业行为者、活动及其位置。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

The cherry industry’s annual activities in Yuezhuang Village mainly consist of three stages. One is the growing process from November to May in the following year. This process includes planting, fertilisation, pesticide spraying, fruit picking, and other industrial activities. The supporting industries of the cultivation activities include pesticide and fertiliser production and sales, related machinery production and sales, planting technology guidance, and warehousing. The supporting industries usually run for the whole year and are located outside Yuezhuang Village. The second stage is trading activities in peak seasons (from March to May). These activities include confirming transactions, fruit selection, sorting, packaging, and loading. The supporting industries of trading activities include packaging production and sales, e-commerce, and retail. Furthermore, public services are also included, such as catering, accommodation, and bathing and entertainment venues. These activities were mainly organised by residents in Yuezhuang Village, who working as agents, managers, operators of supporting industries in this period. In addition, there is a demand for market supervision and management, which are organised by the village committee, as well as market maintenance to ensure the security and cleaning of the market during the peak season. The third stage is transporting activities in the peak season, including freight logistics and express delivery, to ensure that the cherries in Yuezhuang Village can be sent to places for sale (Figure 2).
岳庄村樱桃产业的年度活动主要包括三个阶段。一个是从11月到次年5月的生长过程。这一过程包括种植、施肥、喷洒农药、采摘水果和其他工业活动。种植活动的配套产业包括农药、化肥生产及销售、相关机械生产及销售、种植技术指导、仓储等。配套产业通常全年运行，位于岳庄村外。第二阶段是旺季（3月至5月）的交易活动。这些活动包括确认交易、挑选水果、分类、包装和装载。贸易活动的支撑产业包括包装生产和销售、电子商务和零售。此外，还包括餐饮、住宿、洗浴娱乐场所等公共服务。 这些活动主要是由这一时期岳庄村的居民组织的，他们从事着代理人、管理者、配套产业的经营者等工作。此外，还有市场监督管理的需求，由村委会组织，以及市场维护，确保旺季市场的安全和清洁。第三阶段是旺季的运输活动，包括货运物流和快递，确保岳庄村的樱桃能送到地方进行销售（图2）。

These industrial activities attracted villagers and surrounding people to engage as different industrial actors. Farmers and relevant supporting operators were mainly involved in cultivation activities. Agents, merchants, managers, and relevant supporting operators were mainly involved in trading activities. In addition, logistics operators and practitioners were involved in transporting activities. The interactions among industrial actors are further discussed in Section 4.2. Meanwhile, these industrial activities occurred in a certain spatial scope—namely, Yuezhuang Village. Cultivation activities were usually limited within the scope of the orchard land, while trading and related activities could occur along the main road and in the Cherry Trading Centre, homestead courtyards, and temporary trading sheds in the village, which significantly influenced the spatial functions during the peak season. Transporting activities usually occurred along the main road or the outer streets of Yuezhuang Village. The changes in land use and spatial functions in Yuezhuang Village are discussed in Section 4.3.
这些工业活动吸引了村民和周围的人作为不同的工业行为者参与其中。农户和相关配套经营者主要参与种植活动。主要从事贸易活动的有代理商、商人、管理者和相关的配套经营者。此外，物流经营者和从业人员也参与运输活动。工业参与者之间的相互作用将在第4.2节中进一步讨论。同时，这些产业活动都发生在一定的空间范围内，即岳庄村。种植活动通常局限在果园用地范围内，而贸易及相关活动可发生在沿着的主要道路、樱桃交易中心、宅基地庭院和村庄内的临时交易棚，这显著影响了旺季的空间功能。 运输活动通常沿着岳庄村的主干道或外街进行。第4.3节讨论了岳庄村土地利用和空间功能的变化。

In summary, the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village has developed considerably over the past 30 years with a bottom-up pattern. It has extended the industrial chain from an initial cultivation industry to an assembly industry, including cultivation, trading, logistics, supporting public services, and management. The cultivated areas increased from 17 mu in 1992 to approximately 1000 mu after 2000, and the average output value per mu in 2021 was 25 times larger than that in 1996. The number of people involved in this industry increased to over 5000 people from all over the country from the initial 17 households in the village. Along with the industrial development, urban–rural factors (labour, investments, information, and techniques) developed in Yuezhuang Village and flowed regionally, transforming the village from a primarily residential and agricultural site into an industrial cherry centre with diversified new functions. The agglomeration of industrial activities showed a strong correlation with the cherry growing season and significantly influenced the land use and functions of the existing rural space. Thus, the seasonal characteristics of the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village needed to be analysed to illustrate the characteristics of the local social networks and spatial functions influenced by industrial activities.
综上所述，岳庄村的樱桃产业在过去30年里以自下而上的模式得到了长足的发展。它将产业链从最初的种植业延伸到组装业，包括种植，交易，物流，配套公共服务和管理。耕地面积从1992年的17亩增加到2000年后的约1000亩，2021年平均亩产产值比1996年扩大了25倍。参与这一产业的人数从村里最初的17户增加到来自全国各地的5000多人。沿着工业的发展，城乡要素（劳动力、投资、信息、技术）在岳庄村发展和区域流动，使岳庄村从一个以居住和农业为主的村庄转变为一个具有多样化新功能的工业樱桃中心。 产业活动的集聚与樱桃生长季节有很强的相关性，并显著影响了现有乡村空间的土地利用和功能。因此，需要对岳庄村樱桃产业的季节特征进行分析，以说明产业活动影响下的当地社交网络特征和空间功能。

4.2. Social Networks: Actors’ Interactions Driven by Industrial Planting Activity
4.2.社交网络：产业种植活动驱动下的行动者互动

As mentioned in Section 3.2, this research used the daily trajectories of LBS data to identify the residences and working places of actors to reflect the seasonal characteristics of the cherry planting industry. Figure 3, Figure 4, Figure 5, Figure 6, Figure 7, Figure 8, Figure 9 and Figure 10 show the spatial distribution of the residences of the actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village, and the spatial distribution of the workplaces of the actors who lived in Yuezhuang Village during the planting season (April) and the off-peak season (September) within Linqu County and Shandong Province, respectively, based on LBS data obtained in 2019.
如第3.2节所述，本研究使用LBS数据的每日轨迹来识别演员的住所和工作地点，以反映樱桃种植行业的季节性特征。图3、图4、图5、图6、图7、图8、图9和图10分别显示了在岳庄村工作的演员的居住地空间分布，以及在种植季节（4月）和淡季时居住在岳庄村的演员的工作场所空间分布（9月）分别为临朐县和山东省范围内，基于2019年获得的LBS数据。

Figure 3. The spatial distribution of residences of actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village in April (within Linqu County). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图3. 4月在岳庄村工作的演员居住地空间分布（临朐县境内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 4. The spatial distribution of working places of actors who lived in Yuezhuang Village in April (within Linqu County). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图4. 4月居住在岳庄村的演员工作地点的空间分布（临朐县范围内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 5. The spatial distribution of residences of actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village in September (within Linqu County). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图5. 9月在岳庄村工作的演员居住地的空间分布（临朐县范围内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 6. The spatial distribution of working places of actors who lived in Yuezhuang Village in September (within Linqu County). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图6. 9月居住在岳庄村的演员工作地点的空间分布（临朐县范围内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 7. The spatial distribution of residences of actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village in April (within Shandong Province). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图7. 4月在岳庄村工作的演员居住地的空间分布（山东省内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 8. The spatial distribution of working places of actors who lived in Yuezhuang Village in April (within Shandong Province). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图8. 4月居住在岳庄村的演员工作地点的空间分布（山东省内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 9. The spatial distribution of residences of actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village in September (within Shandong Province). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图9. 9月在岳庄村工作的演员居住地的空间分布（山东省内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 10. The spatial distribution of working places of actors who lived in Yuezhuang Village in September (within Shandong Province). Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图10. 9月居住在岳庄村的演员工作地点的空间分布（山东省内）。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

During the busy planting season (April), Yuezhuang Village becomes a well-known local “employment centre”, providing employment opportunities for residents in the provincial range (Shandong Province) and especially in Linqu County, which enhances the regional urban–rural two-way flow. Compared with the number of actors who worked in Yuezhuang Village in September, this increased by more than three times in April. Of these actors, 17% lived in the village, 66% were from Linqu County, 90% were from Shandong Province, and the remaining 10% were mostly distributed in the neighbouring provinces of Shandong (Figure 3, Figure 5, Figure 7 and Figure 9). In the off-season, about 80% of the working people in Yuezhuang Village came from Linqu County, and almost all of them came from Shandong Province (Figure 6 and Figure 10). Meanwhile, the number of working actors in Yuezhuang Village in April was 1.6 times the number of residents. However, the residents of Yuezhuang Village were not fully engaged in cherry growing activities in the village, and some of them worked in nearby districts (Chengguan and Dongcheng; Figure 3 and Figure 4), which indicates that the social networks formed by the residents of Yuezhuang Village and the actors of the cherry industry overlapped to some extent but did not completely coincide. Additionally, Yuezhuang Village was mainly used for residential functions outside of the growing season, when the number of residents within it was 45% lower than that in April.
在忙碌种植旺季（4月），岳庄村成为当地知名的“就业中心”，为省内范围（山东省）特别是临朐县的居民提供了就业机会，增强了区域城乡双向流动。与9月份到岳庄村工作的演员人数相比，4月份这一数字增加了3倍多。这些行为者中，17%居住在农村，66%来自临朐县，90%来自山东省，其余10%主要分布在山东的邻近省份（图3、图5、图7和图9）。淡季时，岳庄村80%左右的务工人员来自临朐县，且几乎全部来自山东（图6、图10）。与此同时，月庄村4月份的打工演员数量是居民数量的1.6倍。 不过，岳庄村居民并未完全投入到村里的樱桃种植活动中，部分居民在附近的小区工作（城关、东城;图3、图4），这说明岳庄村居民与樱桃产业的行为体形成的社交网络有一定重叠，但并不完全重合。此外，月庄村在生长季节以外主要用作居住功能，其居民人数较4月减少45%。

Urban–rural factors (capital, techniques, information, etc.) driven by the cherry planting industry regularly and frequently enhanced the interactions among multiple actors, forming a tight local social network. There were three main types of actors in the Yuezhuang Village case: (1) cherry farmers and supporting industry operators in the cherry growing process; (2) agents, merchants, market managers, and supporting industry operators in the cherry transaction process; and (3) logistics operators and practitioners (Figure 2). The interactions driven by the agri-food chain activities were as follows. Cherry farmers in Yuezhuang Village managed the growing and picking of cherries and employed labour from surrounding areas (shown in Figure 6) to help with the fertilisation, pesticide spraying, and fruit-picking activities during the planting season (usually in late March and April). Young villagers, mostly the children of cherry farmers, became cherry-trading agents for the trading process during the peak season (usually in April and May) and coordinated cooperation between cherry farmers and merchants from home and abroad. Meanwhile, cherry-trading agents hired short-term workers to assist the merchants with the following: sorting and packaging activities; collecting booth fees, management fees, and weighing fees; and delivering cherries to logistics company operators for transportation. Additionally, the village committee’s market supervision and management personnel, as well as the market environment maintainers (security and cleaning), also played key roles in industrial activities. As a result, the residents who served as multiple actors in industrial activities frequently interacted with each other and various urban–rural factors, forming a tight social network.
城乡因素（资金、技术、信息等）在樱桃种植业的推动下，定期和频繁地加强了多个行动者之间的互动，形成了一个紧密的地方社会网络。岳庄村案例中的行为主体主要有三类：（1）樱桃种植过程中的樱桃农户和配套产业经营者;（2）樱桃交易过程中的代理商、商户、市场管理者和配套产业经营者;（3）物流经营者和从业者（图2）。由农业食物链活动驱动的相互作用如下。月庄村的樱桃种植户负责樱桃的种植和采摘，并从周边地区雇用劳动力（如图6所示），在种植季节（通常在3月下旬和4月）帮助施肥、喷洒农药和采摘水果。 年轻村民大多是樱桃种植户的子女，在交易旺季（通常在4月和5月）成为樱桃交易代理人，协调樱桃种植户与国内外客商的合作。与此同时，樱桃交易代理商雇用短期工人协助商家进行以下活动：分拣和包装活动;收取摊位费，管理费和称重费;将樱桃交给物流公司运营商运输。此外，村委会的市场监督管理人员以及市场环境维护人员（保安和清洁）也在产业活动中发挥了关键作用。作为产业活动多元参与者的居民，在产业活动中频繁地与各种城乡因素互动，形成了紧密的社会网络。

The above social network has two characteristics according to the features of the cherry industry. Firstly, the roles of actors in the social network could be changed to meet the demands of the industrial activities. On the one hand, the cherry trading and supporting services were labour-intensive industries with low technological content and a weak division of labour, leading to the possibility of changing job content for the actors. On the other hand, the agglomeration of the cherry planting industry offered multiple job options for participants. In Yuezhuang Village, temporary hired workers could undertake multiple tasks, such as cherry picking, sorting, and packaging for multiple farmers, agents, or merchants on the same day. In this case, the change in job content promoted interactions among multiple actors in the social network. Secondly, besides the tight connection based on consanguinity and geographical proximity, the actors in this social network spontaneously interacted with each other through online platforms, accelerating the urban–rural factors’ flows in the cherry industry, which strengthened the interdependence of the actors in the social network and, in turn, improved the efficiency and scale of industrial activities, generating new demands for the spatial construction of the village.
根据樱桃产业的特点，上述社会网络具有两个特征。首先，社会网络中的行动者角色可以改变，以满足产业活动的需求。一方面，樱桃贸易和辅助服务是劳动密集型产业，技术含量低，分工薄弱，导致行为者的工作内容有可能改变。另一方面，樱桃种植业的集聚为参与者提供了多种就业选择。在岳庄村，临时雇佣的工人可以在同一天为多个农户、代理商或商户承担樱桃采摘、分拣、包装等多项工作。在这种情况下，工作内容的变化促进了社交网络中多个参与者之间的互动。 其次，除了血缘和地缘上的紧密联系外，这个社会网络中的行动者通过网络平台自发地相互作用，加速了樱桃产业中城乡要素的流动，加强了社会网络中行动者之间的相互依赖，进而提高了产业活动的效率和规模，对村庄的空间建设产生新的需求。

4.3. Spatial Adaptation: The Changes in Land Use and Spatial Functions
4.3.空间适应：土地利用与空间功能的变化

The changes in land use are essential evidence of the evolution of the cherry industry in Yuezhuang Village. Figure 11 and Figure 12 show the changes in land use in Yuezhuang Village between 2009 and 2019, and Table 1 shows the areas of each type of land use. Compared with 2009, the total area of the village remained the same, but the number of categories of land use had increased considerably. Among them, public service land and warehousing land were two sectors relating to cherry transaction activities that had increased significantly since 2010. Meanwhile, the road area in Yuezhuang Village doubled between 2009 and 2019, indicating the increasing demands of trading and transporting activities during the third period of the cherry industry.
土地利用的变化是岳庄村樱桃产业演变的重要证据。图11、图12为岳庄村2009 - 2019年土地利用变化情况，表1为各土地利用类型面积。与2009年相比，该村的总面积保持不变，但土地使用类别的数量大幅增加。其中，公共服务用地和仓储用地是与樱桃交易活动相关的两个板块，自2010年以来大幅增加。与此同时，岳庄村的道路面积在2009年至2019年期间翻了一番，表明樱桃产业第三期的贸易和运输活动需求不断增加。

Figure 11. The land use in Yuezhuang Village at the end of 2009. Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图11. 2009年底岳庄村土地利用情况。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Figure 12. The land use in Yuezhuang Village at the end of 2019. Source: Authors’ own diagrams.
图12. 2019年底岳庄村土地使用情况。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

Table 1. The area of each type of land use in Yuezhuang Village in 2009 and 2019.
表1. 2009年、2019年岳庄村各类用地面积。

Types of Land Use 土地利用类型	2009	2019
Rural homesteads 农村宅基地	0.264 km2	0.235 km2
Orchards 果园	0.913 km2	0.855 km2
Roads 道路	0.039 km2	0.080 km2
Public services 公共服务	0 km2 0公里 2	0.034 km2
Warehousing 仓储	0 km2 0公里 2	0.007 km2
Others 别人	0.044 km2	0.049 km2
Total 总	1.26 km2	1.26 km2

Source: Authors’ own table.
资料来源：作者自己的表格。

Besides the changes in land use, the spatial functions changed to adapt to the new demands of actors in social networks driven by industrial activities, leading to the adaptive use of existing spaces and new spatial construction in Yuezhuang Village. With the needs of transaction activities growing since 2010, the Cherry Trading Centre (built in 2008) could barely contain most of the industrial activities during the peak season; thus, the main road in Yuezhuang Village became the main space for trading, shipping, and other industrial activities. Meanwhile, the function of homesteads also changed. Trading sheds built in the courtyard of homesteads and courtyards adjacent to the main road became trading, warehousing, and industrial service spaces, mainly utilised for receiving, sorting, and packaging functions. These were originally used as living areas. According to observations, 162 courtyards along the main road, accounting for about 25% of all courtyards in Yuezhuang Village, were temporarily used for industrial activities due to their good accessibility and proximity to the main road during the peak season (Figure 13).
除了土地利用的变化外，空间功能也发生了变化，以适应产业活动驱动下社交网络中行动者的新需求，从而导致岳庄村对现有空间的适应性利用和新的空间构建。自2010年以来，随着交易活动需求的增长，樱桃交易中心（建于2008年）在旺季几乎无法容纳大部分工业活动，因此，岳庄村的主干道成为交易，航运和其他工业活动的主要空间。与此同时，宅基地的功能也发生了变化。在宅基地的庭院和主干道附近的庭院中建造的交易棚成为交易、仓储和工业服务空间，主要用于接收、分类和包装功能。这些最初被用作生活区。 据观察，主干道沿线沿着有162个院落，约占岳庄村所有院落的25%，因其交通便利，旺季时靠近主干道，被临时用于工业活动（图13）。

Figure 13. Changes in the functions of courtyards and the main road in Yuezhuang Village during the peak season. Source: Authors’ own diagram.
图13.月庄村旺季院落和主干道功能变化。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

The changes in land use and spatial functions also accelerated the development of industrial activities and social networks and caused various social and spatial issues in Yuezhuang Village due to land restrictions. Limited to the territorial scope of the village, the height regulations for construction, and the regulations for land use, planting and trading activities could only adapt the current land use and spatial construction in Yuezhuang Village, which restricted the further acceleration of urban–rural factors driven by the cherry industry. This situation led to various social and spatial issues, such as difficulties in transportation, loading, and parking due to insufficient trading space, safety issues, and traffic congestion due to the coexistence of people and vehicles, and noise issues due to mixed living and trading activities in courtyards in both Yuezhuang Village and the surrounding areas. Additionally, the planting industry actors actively or passively adapted to the phased utilisation of space. In the peak season, some of the residents in Yuezhuang rented out their homestead courtyards to short-term industrial workers and temporarily lived in greenhouses on the planting land, leading to possible issues in terms of unsuitable living conditions.
土地利用和空间功能的变化也加速了产业活动和社交网络的发展，并因土地限制而引发了岳庄村的各种社会和空间问题。受限于村庄的地域范围，建筑高度规定、土地使用、种植和交易活动规定只能适应岳庄村目前的土地利用和空间建设，制约了樱桃产业带动城乡要素的进一步加速。这种情况导致了各种社会和空间问题，如交易空间不足导致的运输、装载和停车困难，人车共存导致的安全问题和交通拥堵，以及月庄村庭院生活和交易活动混合导致的噪音问题。及周边地区。 此外，种植业行为者主动或被动地适应空间的分阶段利用。在旺季，岳庄的部分居民将其宅基地出租给短期产业工人，并暂时居住在种植用地上的温室中，导致可能出现居住条件不适合的问题。

4.4. The Mechanism of Socio-Spatial Evolution Driven by Industrial Development
4.4.产业发展驱动下的社会空间演化机制

Industrial activities concentrated various urban and rural factors within a specific temporal and spatial range, forming a strong correlated social network and promoting a change to the existing rural space. By providing local employment opportunities, the cherry industry attracted urban and rural practitioners who gathered annually within a particular territorial range (Yuezhuang Village) during certain months (the peak season of the industry), promoting the development of industrial organisation, which was initiated from the bottom up. Such development caused the agglomeration effect of urban–rural factors (population, capital, technology, information, etc.) related to industry and integrated the upstream and downstream industrial chain to maximise benefits, such as planting and planting support services, trading and trading support services, transport logistics, and market management. Meanwhile, the development of the cherry industry formed a tightly connected local and regional social network through the interaction of multiple actors driven by industrial activities and generated new and multiple functions in rural areas. The new demands changed the existing spatial functions and, to some extent, improved the spatial quality of these areas. The adaptive socio-spatial evolution mechanism driven by industrial development is shown in Figure 14.
产业活动将城乡各种要素集中在特定的时空范围内，形成了一个关联性很强的社会网络，并推动了现有乡村空间的变化。通过提供当地就业机会，樱桃产业吸引了城乡从业者，他们每年在特定的月份（产业旺季）聚集在特定的地域范围内（岳庄村），促进了产业组织的发展，这是自下而上发起的。这种发展造成了城乡要素（人口、资本、技术、信息等）的集聚效应。与产业相关的产业链，整合上下游产业链，实现效益最大化，如种植及种植配套服务、贸易及贸易配套服务、运输物流、市场管理等。 同时，樱桃产业的发展在产业活动的驱动下，通过多个行动者的互动，形成了一个紧密联系的地方和区域社会网络，并在农村地区产生了新的和多重的功能。新的需求改变了现有的空间功能，并在一定程度上提高了这些地区的空间质量。工业发展驱动的适应性社会空间演化机制如图14所示。

Figure 14. Socio-spatial evolution mechanism driven by industrial development. Source: Authors’ own diagram.
图14.产业发展驱动下的社会空间演化机制。资料来源：作者自己的图表。

There are three interdependent chains in the above mechanism, constituting the complete industrial–socio-spatial evolution process: (1) the interaction between the two-way flow of urban–rural factors and multiple functions driven by the cherry industry; (2) the interaction between the spatio-temporal activities of actors and the evolution of social networks; and (3) the interactions between multiple functions, social networks, and spatial construction and utilisation in rural areas. Through flexible employment during the peak season, many labourers from surrounding counties and cities temporarily gathered in Yuezhuang Village and were involved in the local social network. Through the different industrial activities they engaged in, they shaped the new usage of the existing venue space in rural areas, generated multiple functions to demand industrial activities, and further strengthened the agglomeration of urban–rural factors. Meanwhile, relying on the construction of urban–rural infrastructure and the Internet, these factors simultaneously interacted with each other at the cross-regional level beyond the specific scope of rural areas. The existing space in Yuezhuang Village, such as the main road and homesteads, became an inclusive place for neighbourly communication and the exchange of industrial information, which consolidated the geographical social network and strengthened corporations of industrial actors during the peak season. New demands for the construction of rural infrastructure and public services that were also generated from the abovementioned activities and networks promoted the inclusive and variable utilisation of the existing rural spaces with multi-actor collaborations in different periods of industrial development. This evolution process further strengthened the agglomeration of urban–rural industrial factors and social network connections, promoting the sustainable development of rural industries and constructions.
上述机制中存在三个相互依存的链条，构成了完整的产业-社会-空间演化过程：（1）城乡要素双向流动与樱桃产业驱动的多重功能之间的相互作用;（2）行为体时空活动与社交网络演化之间的相互作用;（3）农村多元功能、社交网络与空间建设和利用的互动关系。通过旺季灵活就业，不少周边县市的劳动力临时聚集在岳庄村，融入了当地的社会网络。他们通过所从事的不同产业活动，塑造了乡村既有场地空间的新用途，产生了多种功能需求产业活动，进一步强化了城乡要素的集聚。 同时，依托城乡基础设施建设和互联网，这些因素在农村特定范围之外的跨区域层面上同时相互作用。月庄村的主干道、宅基地等现有空间成为邻里沟通和产业信息交流的包容场所，巩固了地理社会网络，强化了产业主体在旺季的合作。上述活动和网络也产生了建设农村基础设施和公共服务的新需求，促进了在工业发展的不同时期，通过多行为体合作，对现有农村空间的包容性和可变性利用。 这一演进过程进一步强化了城乡产业要素的集聚和社会网络联系，促进了乡村产业和乡村建设的可持续发展。

5. Discussion 5.讨论

5.1. Complexity of the Mechanism
5.1.机制的复杂性

The socio-spatial evolution process driven by rural industries is complex due to the interactions among components. In this study, the industrial activities shaped and constrained the spatio-temporal behaviours of the participating industrial actors, and the interaction between social networks and their spatial carriers had two sets of “friction forces”. One was the friction between the pursuit of the “global optimal” industrial organisation and the optimal choice of participating actors’ spatio-temporal industrial activities [58]. Individuals sought to optimise the benefits (efficiency and completion) of the multi-purpose behaviours within a specific time and space range, which did not necessarily lead to the maximisation of group behaviour benefits. The endogenous contradiction between the two led to the loss of internal efficiency in the industrial organisations. To reduce this “friction force”, spatial carriers, which were jointly shaped by social network entities and industrial activities [59], also had a reverse effect. Although showing the potential for adaptive use, the existing limited functions of the carriers still constrained individual’s industrial activities within a specific period (the peak season), leading to the relatively coordinated development of individuals and the industrial organisation. The other friction force was between the pursuit of a “globally optimal” industrial organisation and spatial construction. Urban–rural factors driven by industrial activities pursued the optimal scale and benefits. With the cross-spatio-temporal characteristics of these factors, the evolution process was often faster than the construction of its spatial carriers, resulting in a temporary imbalance between the function and space. To meet the new needs of these industrial activities over time, the actors first needed to temporarily change the use of existing spatial carriers and then promote the construction of new, more suitable ones.
乡村产业驱动下的社会空间演化过程是复杂的，各要素之间存在着相互作用。在本研究中，产业活动塑造并制约着参与产业活动的产业主体的时空行为，社交网络与其空间载体之间的相互作用存在两组“摩擦力”。其中之一是追求“全球最佳”工业组织与参与者时空工业活动的最佳选择之间的摩擦[ 58]。个人寻求在特定的时间和空间范围内优化多目的行为的效益（效率和完成），这并不一定会导致群体行为效益的最大化。二者的内生矛盾导致了产业组织内部效率的丧失。 为了减少这种“摩擦力”，由社会网络实体和工业活动共同塑造的空间载体[ 59]也产生了相反的效果。尽管载体具有适应性利用的潜力，但其现有的有限功能仍然限制了个体在特定时期（旺季）的产业活动，导致个体与产业组织的相对协调发展。另一个摩擦力是追求“全球最优”产业组织与空间建设之间的摩擦力。产业活动驱动下的城乡要素追求最优规模和效益。由于这些要素具有跨时空的特性，其演化过程往往快于其空间载体的构建，造成功能与空间的暂时失衡。 随着时间的推移，为了满足这些工业活动的新需求，行为者首先需要暂时改变现有空间载体的使用，然后推动建设新的、更合适的空间载体。

Categories of rural industries can also influence the interactions among components in the socio-spatial evolution process. The two types of “friction” were characterised differently according to the differences of various industrial organisations, where the constraints on the spatio-temporal behaviours of participating individuals were different. Meanwhile, existed in various spatial hierarchies and scopes, urban-rural factors gathered in different ways driven by various industrial activities, influenced the formulation of social networks and spatial constructions. For instance, the activities of the primary industry were widely spread across various land types in urban and rural areas, and the social network strongly relied on geographical connections [24]. Thus, there were higher demands for suitable and adaptive space construction and use compared with those of the secondary and tertiary industries. Meanwhile, activities in the tertiary industry mostly relied on digital technology and Internet facilities or could be completed in concentrated areas and, thus, were less affected by the spatial and temporal scope. This type of social network is usually formed online across regions [35]. Thus, the correlation between industrial activities and space construction and use was relatively weak.
农村产业的类别也会影响社会空间演化过程中各组成部分之间的相互作用。这两种类型的“摩擦”根据不同工业组织的差异而具有不同的特征，其中对参与个体时空行为的约束也不同。同时，城乡要素存在于不同的空间层次和空间范围内，在各种产业活动的驱动下以不同的方式聚集，影响着社交网络的形成和空间结构。例如，第一产业的活动广泛分布在城市和农村地区的各种土地类型中，社会网络强烈依赖于地理联系[ 24]。因此，与第二、三产业相比，对空间的适宜性和适应性建设和使用有更高的要求。 同时，第三产业的活动大多依赖于数字技术和互联网设施，或者可以在集中的地区完成，因此受空间和时间范围的影响较小。这种类型的社交网络通常是跨地区在线形成的[ 35]。因此，工业活动与空间建设和使用之间的相关性相对较弱。

In summary, the factors in industrial activities interact and form a social network to influence the socio-spatial interaction with spatial carriers. The three key components in the socio-spatial evolution mechanism driven by industrial development were interrelated and coordinated and were influenced by the dominant industry categories. Compared with the gradual evolution of rural functions and social networks, spatial construction had a certain lag.
总之，产业活动中的各种因素相互作用，形成一个社会网络，影响着与空间载体的社会空间互动。产业发展驱动下的社会空间演化机制的三个关键组成部分相互关联、相互协调，并受到主导产业类别的影响。与乡村功能和社交网络的逐步演进相比，空间建构具有一定的滞后性。

5.2. Current Rural Planning Policies and Planning Inspiration in China
5.2.我国现行乡村规划政策及规划启示

Learning from the empirical case study, the inclusive development of both rural industries and communities is important for promoting social networks and spatial construction, which needs to be considered in current rural planning policies in China. Relevant strategies for inclusive development are listed in the SDGs, action frameworks, and inspiring practices published in UN-Habitat [60,61] to ensure sustainable development in rural areas. In response to these, strategies such as providing inclusive employment opportunities, encouraging small industries, and enhancing the liveability of rural areas are also listed in the national Rural Revitalisation Strategy and relevant opinions released by the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the State Council of China [3]. However, more detailed strategies and approaches to inclusive development, which adapt to current developments in rural areas, still need to be considered. As illustrated in this study, planting industries, which are highly rooted in rural areas, offer localised employment positions with low labour skill requirements and absorb the labour force scattered throughout urban and rural areas to form a new rural social network. To meet the demands of the actors in the network and the seasonal characteristics of industrial activities, consideration must be made as to where and how suitable spatial carriers can be constructed. Additionally, carrying out industrial training to improve the quality of the labour force is helpful for inclusive and sustainable industrial development and further strengthens the flow of urban–rural factors towards a virtuous cycle of socio-spatial evolution.
从实证案例研究中可以看出，乡村产业和社区的包容性发展对于促进社交网络和空间建构具有重要意义，是当前中国乡村规划政策中需要考虑的问题。联合国人居署发布的可持续发展目标、行动框架和鼓舞人心的做法中列出了包容性发展的相关战略[ 60，61]，以确保农村地区的可持续发展。针对这些问题，提供包容性就业机会、鼓励小工业、提高农村地区宜居性等策略也被列入国家乡村振兴战略和中共中央、中国国务院理事会发布的相关意见[ 3]。然而，仍然需要考虑适应农村地区当前发展的更详细的包容性发展战略和办法。 如本研究所示，种植业高度扎根于农村地区，提供了本地化的就业岗位，劳动技能要求低，并吸收了分散在城乡地区的劳动力，形成了新的农村社会网络。为了满足网络中行为体的需求和工业活动的季节性特征，必须考虑在何处以及如何建造合适的空间载体。此外，开展工业培训以提高劳动力素质有助于包容性和可持续工业发展，并进一步加强城乡要素的流动，以实现社会空间演变的良性循环。

The policies for rural industrialisation should focus on the impact of the two-way flow of urban–rural factors driven by industrial activities on the local socio-spatial evolution, especially in urban–rural interfaces. As the empirical case study indicated, industries strongly rooted in rural areas, such as the planting industry, can attract the flow of urban–rural factors from cities to rural areas, which breaks the development pattern of urban siphoning of rural resources in the past rapid urbanisation stage in China. Such a new pattern may alleviate the population outflow and the environmental degradation in rural areas, contributing to urban–rural integration and rural revitalisation. In the new era, policies should encourage the improvement of industrial chains and the construction of rural social networks based on traditional agriculture, encourage the agglomeration of industrial factors in rural areas, and promote the coordinated development of rural society and space. Meanwhile, due to the accessibility of transportation, urban–rural interfaces may be the primary areas influenced by the flow of urban–rural factors [62,63,64]. As illustrated in this research, Yuezhuang Village is located in the urban–rural interface of Linqu County. To better encourage rural industrialisation, more comprehensive infrastructure construction, land and water supply, public services, and financial policies, etc., need to be considered in the policies for rural revitalisation, and guaranteeing mechanisms for policy implementation processes is also needed.
农村工业化政策应侧重于工业活动驱动的城乡要素双向流动对当地社会空间演变的影响，特别是在城乡界面。正如实证案例研究所表明的那样，种植业等植根于农村的产业可以吸引城乡要素从城市流向农村，打破了中国过去快速城市化阶段城市虹吸农村资源的发展模式。这种新模式可以缓解农村地区的人口外流和环境恶化，有助于城乡融合和乡村振兴。新时代，政策要鼓励以传统农业为基础的产业链完善和农村社交网络建设，鼓励产业要素在农村集聚，促进农村社会和空间协调发展。 同时，由于交通的可达性，城乡界面可能是受城乡要素流动影响的主要区域[62，63，64]。岳庄村位于临朐县城乡结合部。为了更好地鼓励农村工业化，更全面的基础设施建设，土地和供水，公共服务和金融政策等，需要在乡村振兴政策中加以考虑，也需要政策执行过程的保障机制。

Reserving flexible land and space for future industrial development was found to be essential for the current rural revitalisation in China. Rural industrialisation has attracted more frequent two-way flows of urban–rural factors since the Industrial Revitalisation Strategy was released, extended their industrial chains to relevant high-value-adding industries, and generated new functional demands for rural space. This process inevitably led to conflicts with the current situation of rural land use. To support the future development of rural areas, national policies have been developed to reserve flexible spaces in potentially useful areas; however, due to restrictive land-use policies to protect food security [11], it is difficult to obtain enough land for rural industrial development in rural areas. To achieve the maximum balance between protection and development, on the one hand, rural spatial planning should fully consider the characteristics of dominant industries and their inherent laws of evolution over the mid-term period, as well as the current stage of the construction of spatial carriers, and develop strategies for both land use and phasing; on the other hand, the allocation of reserved flexible land in rural areas needs to be coordinated at the county level in terms of territorial and spatial planning to ensure the sustainable development of essential industries in this region. Additionally, specific industrial and neighbourhood plans can be made if necessary to maximise the effectiveness of reserved flexible rural land.
为未来的产业发展预留灵活的土地和空间被认为是当前中国乡村振兴的关键。《产业振兴战略》发布以来，乡村工业化吸引了城乡要素更加频繁的双向流动，并将其产业链延伸至相关高附加值产业，对乡村空间产生了新的功能需求。这一过程不可避免地导致了与农村土地利用现状的矛盾。为了支持农村地区的未来发展，国家制定了政策，在可能有用的地区保留灵活的空间;但是，由于保护粮食安全的限制性土地使用政策，很难获得足够的土地用于农村地区的农村工业发展。 要实现保护与发展的最大平衡，一方面，乡村空间规划要充分考虑中期主导产业特点及其内在演变规律，以及当前空间载体建设阶段，制定用地与分阶段并举的策略;另一方面，农村弹性土地储备的配置，需要在县级国土空间规划上进行统筹，以保证该地区基础产业的可持续发展。此外，如有需要，可制订具体的工业和邻里规划，以尽量发挥预留的灵活乡郊土地的效益。

In addition, the scattered property rights of rural land and the limited availability of construction land are not conducive to attracting foreign capital for long-term investment. In the case of Yuezhuang Village, villagers own both orchards and homesteads and can use their own land as farming and trading venues during the peak period. Meanwhile, they attract people from across the county to join industrial activities through land leasing. This method has shown its effectiveness currently; however, it is not conducive to the future development of the industrial chain. Appropriate land policies should be considered to address the future extension of rural industrial chains and attract foreign capital and labour to villages. Meanwhile, the dispersion of rural land ownership makes it difficult to unify management in the rural industrialisation process, which may lead to unclean rural environments, incomplete public services, and difficulties in gathering urban–rural factors for future development. These should also be considered in future policies on rural industrial revitalisation in China.
此外，农村土地产权分散，建设用地有限，不利于吸引外资长期投资。以岳庄村为例，村民既拥有果园，又拥有宅基地，在高峰期可以将自己的土地作为养殖和交易场所。同时，他们通过土地租赁吸引全县人民参加工业活动。这种方法目前已显示出其有效性，但不利于产业链的未来发展。应考虑适当的土地政策，以解决今后农村产业链的延伸问题，并吸引外国资本和劳动力到农村。 同时，农村土地所有权分散，在农村工业化进程中难以统一管理，可能导致农村环境不清洁，公共服务不完善，难以聚集城乡要素用于未来发展。这些也应该在中国未来的乡村产业振兴政策中加以考虑。

6. Conclusions 6.结论

In general, the case of Yuezhuang Village showed that the two-way flow of urban and rural factors brought development opportunities to the traditional planting industry in rural areas and established a new socio-economic form based on characteristic industrial activities that integrated urban and rural areas, which fundamentally broke the single function and organisational structure of traditional villages limited to agricultural production. Benefitting from policies supporting agricultural industries in the early 2000s and the Rural Revitalisation Strategy and Urban–Rural Integration Strategy after 2018, socio-spatial evolution driven by rural industries is clearly observable over the past two decades. This research on Yuezhuang Village showed that, driven by rural talents and with the spontaneous participation of villagers, the cherry industry gradually formed an industrial chain with bottom-up development over 30 years, mainly consisting of planting, wholesale, logistics, the support of production and public services, and management in rural areas. The extension of the industrial planting chain drove the agglomeration and interaction of urban–rural factors within and outside of the county, provided inclusive employment opportunities, and formed a new and sustainable social network. With the support of transportation infrastructure and the Internet, this produced an industrial organisation model across time and space, promoting the two-way flow of urban–rural factors and the adaptable change of rural space.
总的来说，岳庄村的案例表明，城乡要素的双向流动给农村传统种植业带来了发展机遇，建立了以特色产业活动为基础的城乡一体化的新的社会经济形态，从根本上打破了传统村落局限于农业生产的单一功能和组织结构。受惠于2000年代初的农业产业扶持政策及2018年后的乡村振兴战略和城乡一体化战略，过去20年，乡村产业带动的社会空间演变清晰可见。 此次对岳庄村的研究表明，在农村人才的带动下，在村民的自发参与下，樱桃产业在30多年的发展中逐渐形成了一条自下而上发展的产业链，主要由种植、批发、物流、生产和公共服务支持、农村管理等组成。产业种植链条的延伸，带动了县内外城乡要素的集聚和互动，提供了包容性就业机会，形成了新型可持续的社会网络。在交通基础设施和互联网的支撑下，这产生了一种跨越时空的产业组织模式，促进了城乡要素的双向流动和农村空间的适应性变化。

This research highlighted the theoretical mechanism of socio-spatial evolution driven by current industrial development in China and presented a typical empirical case relevant to the SDGs for further academic discussion. The pattern of development of the cherry industry in Linqu County contrasted the traditional path of urban areas siphoning resources from rural areas during rapid urbanisation. Due to the deep embeddedness of the agri-food sector, the urban–rural factors mainly flowed from Shandong Province, i.e., regional-level urban areas, to Yuezhuang Village, i.e., rural areas. This indicates that small-scale, characteristic, and traditional agriculture can become one of the main driving forces in urban–rural integration towards sustainable development. Rather than large-scale secondary industries developed in urban areas, this research revealed an environmentally friendly and proper industrial revitalisation pattern for rural areas and discussed these impacts on the socio-spatial development in rural China. By offering decent jobs and improving economic growth, rural industries promote local social networks, infrastructure construction, and public services in rural areas, leading to sustainable and inclusive rural communities and urban–rural partnerships. Thus, the case studied here comprehensively implemented multiple SDGs, providing a typical empirical study for urban–rural integration in China.
本研究重点探讨了中国当前产业发展驱动下社会空间演化的理论机制，并提供了一个与SDG相关的典型实证案例，以供进一步的学术探讨。临朐县樱桃产业的发展模式与快速城市化过程中城市从农村汲取资源的传统路径形成了鲜明对比。由于农业食品行业的深度嵌入，城乡要素主要从山东省流出，即，区域级城区，到岳庄村，即，农村这表明，小规模、特色和传统农业可以成为城乡一体化实现可持续发展的主要动力之一。 本研究揭示了一种适合农村地区的环境友好型产业振兴模式，而不是在城市地区发展大规模的第二产业，并讨论了这些模式对中国农村社会空间发展的影响。通过提供体面工作和促进经济增长，农村工业促进了农村地区的地方社交网络、基础设施建设和公共服务，从而形成可持续和包容的农村社区和城乡伙伴关系。因此，本文所研究的案例全面落实了多个可持续发展目标，为中国城乡一体化提供了一个典型的实证研究。

This research has some limitations. As discussed in Section 4.1, the socio-spatial mechanism can differ among different rural industrialisation processes. The characteristics of the urban–rural factors involved and the interactions among them can be numerous in the above processes, resulting in various functional demands in rural areas. Likewise, the formulation processes used in local social networks and rural constructions may also be characterised differently. Thus, further studies on the socio-spatial mechanism driven by other rural industries, such as secondary and tertiary industries, and within different geographical scopes should be conducted. Additionally, the LBS data used in this research were considered a sampling survey to illustrate the spatial distribution of the workplaces and residences of actors in Yuezhuang Village. This is because these data only reflected the distribution of certain groups of people who used smartphones during a certain period. This research triangulated the LBS data with participatory observations, in-depth semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and mapping to improve the accuracy of the data.
这项研究有一定的局限性。正如第4.1节所讨论的，社会空间机制在不同的农村工业化进程中可能有所不同。在上述过程中，所涉及的城乡因素的特点及其相互作用可以是多种多样的，从而导致农村地区的各种功能需求。同样，在地方社交网络和农村建设中使用的制定过程也可能具有不同的特征。因此，应进一步研究农村其他产业（如第二产业和第三产业）在不同地理范围内的社会空间驱动机制。此外，本研究所使用的LBS数据被认为是一个抽样调查，以说明在岳庄村的演员的工作场所和住所的空间分布。这是因为这些数据只反映了在一定时期内使用智能手机的特定人群的分布情况。 本研究通过参与性观察、深度半结构化访谈、焦点小组和绘图对LBS数据进行三角测量，以提高数据的准确性。