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Anderson, R. G. W. 2000. The Archaeology of Chemistry. In Instruments and Experimentation in the History of Chemistry. Dibner Institute Studies in the History of Science and Technology. Eds Frederic L. Holmes et al. Cambridge: MIT Press, The MIT Press. 6–34.
安德森,R.G.W. 2000 年。《化学考古学》。收录于《化学史中的仪器与实验》。迪布纳科学与技术史研究所研究。由弗雷德里克·L·霍尔姆斯等人编辑。剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社。6-34 页。
Inadequate attention has been paid by historians to the material culture of science and to the skills of scientific practices. Comparing the various scientific disciplines, chemistry has done even worse than average. The balance may have been redressed a little in recent years; still, differences remain in levels of interest between, say, astronomy and chemistry. Books and papers have explored telescopes, planetaria, and astrolabes,' but little or nothing has appeared concerning furnaces, burning lenses, and alembics.
The case of alembics suggests why this might be. The alembic, used for distillation, was certainly known to Greek chemists working in Alexandria and was used by Arabs from the rise of Islam.? It was extensively employed in the West until relatively recently and may continue to be used in out-of-the-way pharmacies even today. It furnishes a striking example of continuity and stability in the history of chemical instruments.
Evidence for the history of the alembic can be found in texts, both in manuscript and in printed form. However, it must be treated with caution. Few alembics are known, or rather known about, and most are fragmentary. They are utilitarian and not objects of high status. Glass examples, being fragile and relatively cheap to manufacture, are likely to have been discarded, and metal alembics rarely survive. They contain relatively little information. It is exceedingly difficult—in fact, nearly impossible— to determine who made them and where they were made. They incorporate little or no contemporary chemical theory. If texts and objects are scrutinized, one finds that the texts are often obscure and illustrations are diagrammatic or inexact. For all these reasons, alembics are scarcely studied by science historians at all. Their presence is unacknowledged. In fact, they may exist in some specialized museum collections but, as they reveal little (or seem to), they are largely ignored.
A worthwhile endeavor might be to reassess this situation and to consider what early chemical apparatus does survive alongside literary description. This would be a major research project and, in this chapter, it can be attempted only in a cursory manner. Only apparatus and texts earlier than the arbitrary date of 1750 are considered, and the argument concentrates on distillation apparatus. Distillation is a process used primarily in earlier times for concentrating alcohol from mixtures of water and alcohol. The product was often used, sometimes with other substances, for medicinal purposes, though distinguishing these from social uses of alcoholic beverages can be difficult. Perfumes were also extracted using distilling techniques.
重新评估这种情况,并考虑早期化学设备在文学描述之外的存留。这将是一个重大的研究项目,在本章中,只能以粗略的方式尝试。只考虑 1750 年之前的设备和文本,并且论点集中在蒸馏设备上。蒸馏是一个主要用于从水和酒精混合物中浓缩酒精的过程。该产品通常被用于药用,有时与其他物质一起使用,尽管将其与社交用途的酒精饮料区分开可能会很困难。香水也是使用蒸馏技术提取的。
Nearly all treatises on chemistry make reference to distillation. Distillation apparatus includes some of the most distinctively shaped chemical vessels. Caution is necessary when surveying previous work on this subject because, from time to time, apparatus that was never intended for distillation is identified as such, this being true particularly of spouted cupping glasses and breast relievers, which are sometimes called alembics.
Most examples of texts and apparatus considered are from western Europe, though references are made to the Near East. A small fraction of the surviving archaeological evidence is assessed here: At least 70 single items or groups from a single location are to be found in the literature and, of these, approximately one-fourth are considered very briefly. Only a small proportion of the evidence comes from sources that can be dated even approximately. One might think that a clear evolution of styles of apparatus would emerge, though even if this were the case (which it probably is not), too few examples have a secure chronological base on which to make comparisons. Texts are of some help, but they must be treated with caution, as printed sources became available only some time after the development of chemical practices in western Europe, and manuscripts have so far not proved to be very useful.
大多数考虑的文本和设备示例来自西欧,尽管也提到了近东。这里评估了存世考古证据的一小部分:至少有 70 个单独项目或来自同一地点的群体在文献中可以找到,其中大约四分之一被简要考虑。只有一小部分证据来自可以大致确定日期的来源。人们可能会认为设备风格的明显演变会显现出来,尽管即使是这种情况(这可能并非如此),也有太少的例子具有可靠的时间基础来进行比较。文本有一定帮助,但必须谨慎对待,因为印刷来源只在西欧化学实践发展一段时间后才可用,而手稿迄今尚未被证明非常有用。
Before dealing directly with the material evidence, we consider a little of the literature of early chemical apparatus. The first problems were identified by R. J. Forbes in 1948: "We must remark ... that illustrations of apparatus in medieval manuscripts are neither very numerous nor clear ... [ilt is always well to mistrust their [book] illustrations as they usually refer to the time when the printed edition was issued, which may be several centuries later than the original manuscript."s
在直接处理实物证据之前,我们先来了解一些早期化学器具的文献。1948 年,R.J.福布斯首次提出了一些问题:“我们必须指出……中世纪手稿中的器具插图既不是很多,也不是很清晰……[总是最好怀疑它们[书籍]的插图,因为它们通常指的是印刷版发行时的时间,这可能比原始手稿晚了几个世纪。”
This accounts for the derivative nature of many illustrations and of the descriptions of them. For example, the double pelican (used for long reflux distillations) appears in similar form in many works. An early description and an illustration appear in Hieronymus Brunschwig's Liber de arte Distallandi de Compostis of 1512, and this may act as a source for later authors. The pelican is a good example of the disparity that in all likelihood exists between the frequency of description in texts and the actual production and usage of certain items of chemical apparatus.
这解释了许多插图及其描述的衍生性质。例如,双鹈鹕(用于长时间回流蒸馏)在许多作品中以类似形式出现。早期的描述和插图出现在 1512 年 Hieronymus Brunschwig 的《Liber de arte Distallandi de Compostis》中,这可能成为后来作者的来源。鹈鹕是一个很好的例子,说明文本中描述的频率与某些化学设备的实际生产和使用之间很可能存在差异。
Nearly every sixteenth- and seventeenth-century text includes a description and a (usually poor) woodcut of the vessel that reveals little of the mode of construction (figures 1.1 and 1.2). Yet very few complete or even fragmentary double pelicans survive. Some illustrations are fanciful, such as those published by G. B. della Porta in 1609, wherein it is difficult to believe that the tortoiselike retort was not engraved to show a closer resemblance to the animal than to its actual form. Other anthropomorphic devices in this work include a tower of alembics intended for fractional distillation and constructed in the form of the multiheaded hydra and an alembic and cucurbit resembling a rampant bear.
几乎每一份 16 和 17 世纪的文本都包括对容器的描述和(通常质量较差的)木刻图,但这些描述很少涉及建造方式(见图 1.1 和 1.2)。然而,很少有完整的或甚至是残缺的双鹈鹕器保存下来。一些插图是奇幻的,比如 1609 年 G.B.德拉·波尔塔出版的插图,其中很难相信乌龟般的蒸馏器不是被雕刻成更接近动物而不是实际形态。这项工作中的其他拟人装置包括一个用于分馏的蒸馏塔,其形状类似多头九头蛇,以及一个类似狂暴熊的蒸馏器和烧瓶。
Written descriptions vary from the deliberately obscure to the intensely practical. A number of chemical texts incorporated the socalled Tabula Smaragdina, where we find the following description:
Ascend with the greatest sagacity from the earth to heaven, and then again descend to the earth, and unite together the powers of things superior and things inferior. Thus you will obtain the glory of the whole world, and obscurity will fly far away from you.
This alchemical precept refers to distillation or sublimation and provides a revealing comparison with the following clear instructions in a seventeenth-century English translation of Geber:
The distance from the fire, the magnitude of the vent holes of the furnace, and the structure of the furnace are important in achieving and maintaining desired temperatures. The apparatus is placed in an earthen pan full of ashes for some distillations, or wrapped in hay or wool and placed into water, for others. If upon ashes, the apparatus rests upon a layer one finger thick, and is covered with ashes almost as high as the neck …
Undoubtedly, detail was deliberately omitted on occasion, a practice that was sometimes even admitted. Thomas Norton's Ordinal of Alchemy was written in verse form circa 1477. In chapter 6, he lists the uses of a furnace of his own design, but he declines to describe it:
毫无疑问,有时会故意省略细节,有时甚至会公开承认这种做法。托马斯·诺顿(Thomas Norton)的《炼金术序言》约于 1477 年以诗歌形式写成。在第 6 章中,他列出了自己设计的炉子的用途,但他拒绝描述它:
An other fornace for this operacion By me was fownde bi ymaginacion; Nobilly servynge for separacion Of dyuydentis, and for altificacion; It will for some thyngis serve desiccacion, It servith full well for preparacion; So for vj thingis it servith well, And yet for all at oons as I can tell. This is a newe thynge which shall not be Sett owte in picture for all men to see.
为这个操作提供另一个熔炉 通过我的想象力找到 为分离而高贵地服务 牙科医生的来源,以及用于改变; 它将为一些事物提供脱水服务, 它非常适合用于准备; 因此,对于 vj 事物,它服务良好, 然而,就我所知,这一切都是一次性的。 这是一件新事物,不会发生。 为所有人展示的图片。
What historians can see, or at least can seek, is the physical evidence. This might well precede any written evidence—might because some doubt must surround the two earliest groups claimed: bowl-shaped vessels from Mesopotamia and retortlike apparatus from the Indian subcontinent.
The Mesopotamian evidence is found in material excavated from Tepe Gawra on the River Tigris." Fragments of four ceramic bowls were excavated from levels dating to 3500 Bc. The common feature of all is the double rim, or gutter, around the top. Martin Levey postulated that lids would fit around the circumference, though these have not been found. A vapor could condense on the inner surface of the lid and dribble down into the gutter, whence it could be removed in batches. Two of the vessels, now in Baghdad, have holes in the circumference. Levey further speculated that the gutters might have been filled with comminuted plants, the liquid being distilled leaching out products, presumably of pharmaceutical use.
美索不达米亚的证据发现在提格拉河畔的特佩加瓦拉遗址出土的材料中。出土的四个陶瓷碗碎片可以追溯到公元前 3500 年的遗层。所有碗的共同特征是顶部周围的双边缘或沟槽。马丁·莱维推测盖子应该可以围绕周长安装,尽管这些盖子尚未被发现。蒸汽可能会凝结在盖子的内表面上,然后滴入沟槽中,从而可以分批取出。如今保存在巴格达的两个容器的周长上有孔洞。莱维进一步推测,沟槽可能填满了研磨后的植物,液体被蒸馏出来,可能用于药用。
Distinctive vessels, quite probably for distillation, have been found at widely separated sites in India and Pakistan. The first group to be reported had been excavated in 1930 at Sirkap, site of Taxila in the Indus Valley. 12 The city originated on this site circa the second century BC, and it remained in occupation for three centuries. The still itself was found in levels of the time of the Sáka invasions (i.e., 90 BC to AD 25). The complete apparatus was composed of four elements, all made of ceramic material, and the way in which they fit together provides the argument that they form a distillation unit. The parts are a globular pot; a shallow vessel with a spout close to the rim, which fits on the pot; a tapered tube, which fits into the spout; and a globular vessel with an opening to receive the tube. The archaeologist Sir John Marshall speculatively added a further conjectural component: a water bath in which the globular vessel, the receiver, is placed to increase efficiency of condensation. The still head could not be described as an alembic, as it had no internal gutter. Rather, it is a proto-retort. Large numbers of this type of receiver bottle were discovered in the Vale of Peshawar in 1963 and 1964, from levels datable from 150 Bc to AD 350. Some of the receivers had an impressed "tanga" mark that led the excavator to suggest that this was a royal stamp or license and that such marks indicated ownership, or at least a license, for the ownership of the distilled product that they may have contained. This theory must remain highly speculative, however.
在印度和巴基斯坦的不同地点发现了独特的容器,很可能用于蒸馏。首批被报道的一组容器是在 1930 年在印度河流域的塔克西拉遗址 Sirkap 进行挖掘时发现的。这座城市始于公元前 2 世纪左右,持续了三个世纪。蒸馏器本身是在萨卡入侵时期(即公元前 90 年至公元 25 年)的遗址中发现的。完整的装置由四个陶瓷元素组成,它们的组合方式表明它们构成了一个蒸馏装置。这些部件包括一个球形罐;一个底部带有靠近边缘的喷口的浅容器,可放在罐子上;一个锥形管,可插入喷口;以及一个球形容器,带有一个接收管的开口。考古学家约翰·马歇尔爵士推测性地增加了一个假设的组件:一个水浴,用于放置接收器的球形容器,以增加冷凝效率。蒸馏器的顶部不能被描述为蒸馏器,因为它没有内部槽。相反,它是一个原始回馏器。 1963 年和 1964 年在白沙瓦谷发现了大量这种类型的接收瓶,可以追溯到公元前 150 年至公元 350 年的时期。一些接收瓶上有一个凹印的“坦嘎”标记,这导致挖掘者提出这可能是一种皇家印章或许可证,并且这些标记表明这些瓶子可能包含的蒸馏产品的所有权,或至少是一种许可证。然而,这个理论必须保持高度推测性。
The earliest literary references to chemical practices relate to workshops in Hellenistic Alexandria of the third and fourth centuries. They have been carefully studied and published by Robert Halleux. 14 As regards physical evidence for chemical practices, the best known are those texts that include diagrams of distillation processes. These manuscripts are, however, late medieval copies of earlier texts and afford no certainty that the diagrams illustrate ancient apparatus. They may simply have been brought into the text by the medieval scribe. This possible discrepancy must be examined carefully. The diagrams show alembics, some with two or three separate spouts, examples of which do not survive from any physical evidence that remains (none whatsoever having been reported from Alexandria).15
Generally agreed is that the culture of Hellenistic Egypt and Byzantium was transmitted to the West via Arabic cultures of the Near East. This seems to have involved an intermediate stage when Greek texts, including alchemical ones, were first translated from Greek into Syriac in the city of Edessa, just to the east of the upper Euphrates. 16 The absence of apparatus from Greek sites might lead to the conjecture that somewhat later sites in the Near East might provide clues.
This material is also disappointing, however, because although a number of probable Arabic and Iranian pieces are known in museums, their origin is unclear. Sketchy reports cite discovery of glass distillation apparatus at Fustat in Egypt in eighth- to eleventh-century levels!? and at Tell Hesban in Jordan of ninth- to tenth-century date. 18 Perhaps most frustrating of all are four remarkable pieces of apparatus in the Science Museum, London, of devitrified glass. 1º They include an alembic (figure 1.3) and associated cucurbit for distillation and what may be a pair of vessels for sublimation. They were purchased in 1978 from a dealer who was not able to offer their source other than to suggest that they were from Lebanon. Glass historians have suggested dates ranging from the eighth to the twelfth century, though an earlier period has been suggested by one scholar who wondered whether they might be Sasanian, which would date them from the third to the seventh centuries.
这些资料同样令人失望,因为尽管博物馆中已知有一些可能是阿拉伯和伊朗的器物,但它们的来源仍不清楚。简略的报告提到在埃及的富斯塔特发现了玻璃蒸馏器具,年代为八至十一世纪?以及在约旦的赫斯班特尔发现了九至十世纪的器物。也许最令人沮丧的是伦敦科学博物馆中的四件非常出色的玻璃器具。它们包括一个蒸馏器(图 1.3)和相关的蒸馏瓶,以及可能是一对升华用的容器。这些器具是 1978 年从一名无法提供来源的交易商那里购买的,只能暗示它们来自黎巴嫩。玻璃史学家提出了从八至十二世纪不等的年代,尽管有一位学者提出了更早的时期,怀疑它们可能是萨珊王朝的,这将把它们的年代定在三至七世纪。
At least six other unprovenanced Near Eastern alembics in museum collections have been noted, and doubtless many more await discovery. One, however, has excellent provenance (figure 1.4). It was collected in 1975, along with a cucurbit froin the alchemist Azad Manesh, who was operating at the time in Isfahan, Iran. When it was acquired, the cucurbit was wrapped in clay, but this fell off when the vessel was en route to London.? The technique of surrounding vessels of inferior-quality glass with clay to prevent them cracking during heating is mentioned in many texts. No fundamental difference distinguishes the design of this Isfahan apparatus from that which could date from a millennium earlier. Stability over time in the design of instruments can scarcely go further.
至少有六个其他未经证实来源的近东蒸馏器在博物馆收藏中被发现,并且毫无疑问还有更多等待被发现。然而,其中一个具有出色的来源(图 1.4)。它是在 1975 年收集的,当时与炼金术士 Azad Manesh 一起在伊朗伊斯法罕从事活动。当收到时,蒸馏器被包裹在黏土中,但在运往伦敦途中黏土脱落了。在许多文本中提到,用黏土包裹劣质玻璃容器以防止在加热过程中破裂的技术。这个伊斯法罕装置的设计与可能早一个千年的设计没有根本区别。仪器设计的稳定性几乎无法再进一步。
Turning from Eastern to Western practices and concentrating particularly on the later medieval period, we find manuscripts and early printed books produced at this time in some numbers. Four are examined here before the archaeological evidence is considered.
Portions of the first have been quoted already: Thomas Norton's Ordinal of Alchemy, which was written in 1477. Norton (71433-1513 or 1514) was a significant figure from Bristol, a member of King Henry VIl's household. The second has also been mentioned: Hieronymus Brunschwig's Liber de arte Distallandi de Compositis of 1512, sometimes known as the Grosses Distillierbuch, which went through many editions, three of them in English. The first English edition of 1527 has been used and is readily available in reprint. Brunschwig (ca. 1430-1512 or 1513), an exact contemporary of Norton, came from Strasbourg; his name is spelled in a variety of ways. The third is John French's The Art of Distillation of 1651. French (1616-1657) was an English military physician. Last is Johan Joachim Becher's Tripus Hermeticus Fatidicus of 1689, which concentrates particularly on chemical furnaces. Becher (1635-1682), a well-traveled German physician from Speyer, came to England in 1679 and probably died in London. 23
第一部分已经被引用过了:托马斯·诺顿的《炼金术序言》,写于 1477 年。诺顿(71433-1513 或 1514)是来自布里斯托尔的重要人物,是亨利七世的家臣。第二部分也被提到过:希罗尼姆斯·布伦施维希的《关于混合物蒸馏艺术的书》于 1512 年出版,有时被称为《大蒸馏书》,出版了多个版本,其中三个是英文版。1527 年的第一版英文版已被使用,并且可以重新印刷。布伦施维希(约 1430-1512 或 1513),与诺顿同时代,来自斯特拉斯堡;他的名字有多种拼写方式。第三部分是约翰·弗伦奇的《蒸馏艺术》于 1651 年出版。弗伦奇(1616-1657)是一位英国军事医生。最后是约翰·约阿希姆·贝克尔的《1689 年的三足金属预言书》,特别关注化学炉。贝克尔(1635-1682)是一位旅行广泛的德国医生,来自斯皮尔,于 1679 年来到英国,可能在伦敦去世。
The Norton manuscript offers some very practical details. A section is devoted to the shape and material of chemical vessels, which relates to their specific purpose:
The thridd concorde to many us full derke, To ordeyne Instrument is according to ye werke. As every Chapter hath dyuesse ententis, So hath thei dyuesse Instrumentis; Both in matere, and allso in shappe, In concorde that no thynge myshappe.
第三个协议对我们很不透明, 根据工作安排仪器。 每一章都有不同的意图。 因此,他们有各种各样的仪器; 无论是在材料上,还是在形状上, 保持和谐,不会发生任何意外。
Norton goes on to explain that for division and separation, small vessels are used, whereas for soaking and circulation, they must be broad. For precipitation, they should be long, whereas for sublimation, the vessels might be long or short. For purification from adulterants ("correccion"), narrow vessels 4 inches tall are used. Of the materials from which ceramic vessels might be manufactured, Norton refers to "dedd claye," or highly fired ceramic. Many clays will split ("leepe in fyre") when heated. For heating at high temperatures, stoneware is recommended, though it has to be imported:
诺顿接着解释说,用于分割和分离的是小容器,而用于浸泡和循环的必须是宽容器。用于沉淀的应该是长容器,而用于升华的容器可能是长的或短的。用于从杂质中纯化的窄容器高 4 英寸。关于制造陶瓷容器的材料,诺顿提到了“dedd claye”,或者高温烧制的陶瓷。许多黏土在加热时会裂开(“leepe in fyre”)。对于高温加热,建议使用石器,尽管必须进口:
Othir vessels be made of stone, For fyre sufficient, but few. or noon Amonge werkmen as yet is fownde In any contray of english grownde Which of watire no thynge drynke shall, And yet abide drye fyre with all.
其他船只由石头制成, 对于火焰足够,但很少或没有。 在工匠中尚未发现 在任何英格兰的土地上 无论哪一个水域都不会干涸, 却能与干燥的火一同存在。
In fact, stonewares (low-fired protostoneware fabric) were imported into England from the Rhineland in the thirteenth century and in increasing quantities as a refined body over the period from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries. Not until the 1670s was the first English stoneware industry established, in London.
事实上,13 世纪时,从莱茵兰进口了石器(低温烧制的原始石器),并在 14 世纪至 17 世纪期间作为一种精致的材料大量进口到英格兰。直到 1670 年代,第一个英国石器工业才在伦敦建立起来。
Norton also discusses glass in a little detail: "All other vessels be made of glasse, That spirituall maters shuld not owte passe." Norton recommends that to make glass of the better kind, the components should be annealed overnight; harder glass contains cullet (waste glass melted down with fresh ingredients: "The hardir stuffe is callide freton, off crippynge of other glassis it com."
Then furnaces are dealt with. Norton says that in the past, individual chemists would devise a furnace to their own design, but these were often unsuccessful, having the wrong dimensions. He considers how the heat can be regulated and suggests that stoppers can be used to adjust air flow. Experience is vitally important:
The more is the stoppell, The lasse is the hete; Bi manyfolde stoppellis degrees ye may gete. Who knowith the power, ye worchyng and kynde Of every fornace he may well ye trouth fynde; And he which thereof dwellith in ignorance, All his werkis fallith uppon chaunce.
更多是 stoppell,热度更小; 通过多种 stoppellis 程度,你可以获得。 谁知道力量,你的工作和种族。 他可以在每个熔炉中找到真理; 而对此一无所知的人, 他所有的工作都取决于机遇。
Bruschwig's Grosser Distillierbuch is also very practical and makes the point that though alchemists are secretive, he will be open:
Bruschwig 的《大蒸馏书》也非常实用,并指出,尽管炼金术士们很神秘,他会公开:
Now be it that the lerned and experte maysters of the scyence of Alkemye hereof have a knowledge/ yet it is not upon to all maner of people wherefore I shall make here as thus, the fyrste rehersall..
现在,学识渊博的炼金术士们可能对此有所了解/ 但并非所有人都能理解,因此我将在这里做如下说明,首先是...
The first part of Brunschwig's book deals with the apparatus of distillation in a systematic and detailed way; for example:
Brunschwig 的书的第一部分系统而详细地讨论了蒸馏装置;例如:
[y]e must have capellys of whyte claye/suche as the goldesmythes crowl bales [crucibles] is made of/some leded and some not leded/ comonly half a yerde wyde and depe/or more or lesse as beyoweth acordynge to the proporcion of the fornayse.
Brunschwig lists apparatus for different kinds of distillation. For that at low temperatures, he specifies the bain-marie, a glass cucurbit bound to a lead plate with four rings. The plate weighs the cucurbit down so that when it is lowered into a copper kettle filled with water, it sinks instead of floating.
Brunschwig 列出了不同种类蒸馏的设备。对于低温下的蒸馏,他指定了巴恩玛丽,一个玻璃烧瓶与四个环绑在一块铅板上。该板将烧瓶压下去,这样当它被放入装满水的铜壶中时,它会下沉而不是浮起。
The type of glass is specified: Cucurbits "must be made of venys [Venetian] glasse bycause they shoulde the better withstande the hete of the fyre." Elsewhere, he recommends "bohemy [Bohemian] glas." For performing the distillation itself, Brunschwig mentions helms made of clay, copper, tin, or lead and retorts and alembics. For the process of circulation (reflux distillation), he lists pelicans, "blind helms" (one flask inverted into the neck of a larger one), and "circulatories" (shaped like two gourds joined at their necks, with a tube projecting from the lower vessel at an angle).
A good deal of discussion concentrates on furnaces and the rate at which distillation should proceed ("as ye telle one two thre by the clock/so softly must your droppys fall"). The heat produced by a furnace can be controlled by adjusting the ventilation ("And to every smoke hole ye shal make a plogge or tappe to governe your fyre with/ great or smal as it is nedefull"). The construction of the furnaces themselves is addressed, both the masonry and the grills ("above the holowe place ye shall laye rounde or square yron barrys every barre a great ynche of thyckenesse and they must be layde an ynche from eche other").
Many of the basic forms of vessels had not changed when John French described them in his Art of Distillation approximately 150 years after Brunschwig's description. The helm (which French calls the "common cold Still'), the bain-marie with its lead plate (figures 1.5 and 1.6), and the pelican are very similar. The change that took place was in the means of condensation, which became more efficient over time.
在约布伦施维格描述之后大约 150 年,约翰·弗伦奇描述的许多基本容器形式并未发生变化。舵(弗伦奇称之为“普通冷凝器”)、带铅板的水浴锅(图 1.5 和 1.6)以及鹈鹕都非常相似。发生的变化是在冷凝手段上,随着时间的推移变得更加高效。
Though the serpentine coil of copper tubing passing through a barrel of water is described in the thirteenth century, Brunschwig does not illustrate it, nor does he illustrate the Moor's head still, in which the still-head is surrounded by a basin into which cooling water is introduced (figure 1.7). This improvement seems to have been introduced at the end of the fifteenth century.
尽管铜管蜿蜒地穿过水桶的构想在十三世纪已被描述,但布伦施维格并未加以描绘,也未描绘摩尔人头式蒸馏器,其中蒸馏器头部被一个容器包围,冷却水被引入其中(图 1.7)。这一改进似乎是在十五世纪末引入的。
Furnaces had become more sophisticated by French's time, and there were good descriptions:
The forms also of Furnaces are various. The fittest form for Distillation is round; for so heat of the fire being carryed up equally diffuseth in every way, which happens not in a Furnace of another figure, as four square or triangular, for the corners disperse and separate the force of the fire.
Revealingly, French includes a list of 22 hints or wise words ("Rules to be considered in Distillation") for the practical chemist. Some refer to apparatus ("When thou takest any earthen, or glasse vessell from the fire, expose it not to the cold aire too suddenly for feare it should break"), whereas others are more general ("Try not at first experiments of great cost, or great difficulty, for it will be a great discouragement to thee and thou wilt be very apt to mistake").
有趣的是,法国人列出了一份包含 22 条提示或智慧之言(“在蒸馏中应考虑的规则”)的清单,供实践化学家参考。有些是关于设备的(“当你从火中取出任何陶土或玻璃容器时,不要立即暴露在寒冷的空气中,以免它破裂”),而其他一些则更为一般性(“不要在第一次进行成本高昂或难度很大的实验,因为这会让你非常沮丧,你很容易犯错”)。
Becher's book on the portable furnaces has been considered because of the widely recognized problem of inflexibility of the traditional masonry type of furnace, some being incorporated into the fabric of the laboratory. Engravings of chemistry laboratories often show this (e.g., that depicting the 1682 laboratory of the University of Altdorf, near Nuremburg) 33 French already says, "[In defect of a Furnace, or fit matter to make one, we may use a Kettle, or a Pot set upon a Trefoot... The truth is, a good Artist will make any shift, yea and in half a dayes time make a Furnace or something equivalent to it for any operations."34 For operations in which lower levels of heat are adequate, he illustrated portable "lamp furnaces" that use candles; he claims, "[T]he truth is that if your candles be big ... you may have as strong a heat this way as by ashes in an ordinary furnace. "
贝歇尔关于便携式熔炉的书籍已经被认为是因为传统的砖熔炉类型的不灵活性而备受关注,一些熔炉被纳入实验室的结构中。化学实验室的雕刻品经常展示这一点(例如,描绘了纽伦堡附近奥尔多夫大学 1682 年实验室的那幅画)。法国人已经说过:“[如果没有熔炉,或者没有合适的材料来制作熔炉,我们可以使用一个壶或者一个放在三脚架上的锅……事实上,一个优秀的艺术家会想出任何办法,甚至在半天的时间内为任何操作制作一个熔炉或者等效物。”对于需要较低热量的操作,他展示了使用蜡烛的便携式“灯熔炉”;他声称:“事实上,如果你的蜡烛很大……你可以通过这种方式获得与普通熔炉中的灰烬一样强烈的热量。”
Becher designed a furnace that was both portable and versatile. Each chemical process-fusion, cupellation, calcination, reverberation, cementation, distillation, digestion (and the bain-marie), sublimation, fierce distillation, and distillation per ascendum-needed a particular kind of furnace. Becher's simple solution was to provide an eight-piece kit of parts that could be put together in six ways. The furnace was made of earthenware. According to Joseph Black's commentary published as late as 1803 (though his notes date from 1766 onward):
贝歇设计了一种既便携又多功能的熔炉。每种化学过程-熔融、铅精炼、钙化、反射、水泥化、蒸馏、消化(和温水浴)、升华、激烈蒸馏和升蒸馏-都需要一种特定类型的熔炉。贝歇的简单解决方案是提供一个由八个零件组成的工具包,可以有六种组装方式。这个熔炉是由陶器制成的。根据约瑟夫·布莱克在 1803 年发表的评论(尽管他的笔记从 1766 年开始):
"This [Becher's] furnace is constructed with much ingenuity and judgment, and does honour to this early chemist. When accurately made, so that the joinings of its different parts can be made tight with a little chalk, I believe that it may be easily managed in all its functions. But such earthen ware is very subject to crack ... A pottery, also, which is sufficiently strong for the furnace, will transmit the heat so much as to become extremely disagreeable, and it becomes very troublesome to keep receivers cool enough for condensing the vapours.”
Becher's ideas were pirated by Peter Shaw, translator of Boerhaave, who in 1731 published An Essay for Introducing a Portable Laboratory with instrument maker Francis Hauksbee. "A Principle Obstacle to the general exercise of Chemistry in England, being the difficulty of procuring proper Furnaces, Vessels, Utensils and Materials for the purpose; a Portable Laboratory, ready for Business, is here recommended to the Publick."37 An advertisement appears just before the plates:
Becher 的想法被彼得·肖(Peter Shaw)盗版,他是博尔哈夫(Boerhaave)的翻译者,于 1731 年与仪器制造商弗朗西斯·豪克斯比(Francis Hauksbee)合作出版了《引入便携实验室的论文》。"英格兰化学普遍实践的一个主要障碍是难以获得适当的炉、容器、器皿和材料;这里推荐一种准备就绪的便携实验室供公众使用。" 在插图之前出现了一则广告:
"THE PORTABLE LABORATORY, ready fitted for Business, may be had of Mr Hauksbee, in Crane-Court, Fleet-street, London." This is an early example of a named supplier of chemical apparatus, though one Glisson Maydwell (surely the name under which he traded rather than his true name) of The Strand, London, supplied copious quantities of chemical glassware from, at the latest, 1726.38 As with ceramicware, glassware likely was imported to England from the Continent at an earlier date. One record cites 300 "stilling glasses" being imported into England from Germany in 1587 to 1588.
“可随时准备好用于商业的便携实验室,可在伦敦弗利特街鹤楼的豪克斯比先生处获得。”这是一个早期的具名化学器材供应商的例子,尽管伦敦斯特兰德的格利森·梅德威尔(他的真名应该是他的贸易名称)至少在 1726 年供应了大量化学玻璃器皿。与陶瓷器皿一样,玻璃器皿很可能在更早的时期从欧洲大陆进口到英国。一份记录引述称,从 1587 年到 1588 年,有 300 个“蒸馏玻璃器”从德国进口到英国。
Returning now to the archaeological evidence from Europe, the majority of reports of chemical ceramic-, and glassware derive from English sites (figure 1.8).4 However, two particularly interesting groups, from Paris and near Vienna, have been discovered and reported in the last few years.
现在回到欧洲的考古证据,大多数关于化学陶器和玻璃器皿的报告来自英国的遗址(图 1.8)。然而,近几年在巴黎和维也纳附近发现并报告了两个特别有趣的群体。
Glassware and ceramicware can conveniently be assessed separately; few but the largest groups discovered include vessels of both pottery and glass. This may be a reflection on the small number of pieces with chemical associations identified in any excavations. Any extant glassware occurs mainly in three types of medieval site: glasshouses, castles, and monasteries. Ordinary urban locations are unusual, though that may indicate the relative paucity of excavations carried out in towns of medieval origin.
Considering glasshouses, the most substantial group was discovered at Knightons, Alford, Surrey, where four fragments of alembics were found, identified by the rims with their collecting channels or gutters.4 Additionally, an alembic spout was discovered, six rims of cucurbits, and pieces of tubing. This site, at which four glass kilns were discovered, is described as a Wealden glasshouse, situated in the afforested area between the North and South Downs (in the counties of Surrey and Sussex), where nearly all English medieval glass was made. 42 The date appears to be the 1550s. If this is confirmed to be earlier than records of German imports, English chemical ware may not have been technically satisfactory, may have been unable to keep up with demand, or may not have been economically competitive.
考虑到温室,最重要的一组被发现在萨里郡奥尔福德的奈顿斯,那里发现了四个蒸馏器的碎片,通过其收集槽或沟渠的边缘进行识别。此外,还发现了一个蒸馏器的喷口,六个葫芦的边缘和管道的碎片。在这个发现了四个玻璃窑的遗址上,被描述为位于北部和南部唐斯之间的林地玻璃厂(在萨里郡和苏塞克斯郡),几乎所有英国中世纪玻璃都是在这里制造的。日期似乎是在 1550 年代。如果这比德国进口记录要早,那么英国的化学器皿可能在技术上不尽如人意,可能无法满足需求,或者可能在经济上不具竞争力。
The castle category includes the largest number of sites where distillation apparatus has been discovered. The most substantial group has been reported from Sandal Castle, near Wakefield in Yorkshire, and has been dated to the period 1400 to 1450.43 Sandal Castle was originally built in the early years of the twelfth century. From then until the fourteenth century, its importance steadily grew. The chemical ware dates from a period of stagnation, if not decline. More than 200 green glass fragments, representing a minimum of 40 vessels, were found in the barbican ditch. Two of these fragments are alembic spouts, and six of the vessels are cucurbits. Of the ceramic material found at Sandal Castle, two complete cucurbits have been reconstructed.
城堡类别包括发现蒸馏设备最多的遗址。最大的一组报告来自约克郡韦克菲尔德附近的桑德尔城堡,可以追溯到 1400 年至 1450 年。桑德尔城堡最初建于 12 世纪初。从那时起直到 14 世纪,它的重要性逐渐增加。化学器皿的年代可以追溯到停滞甚至衰退的时期。在城堡外围防御工事的护城沟中发现了 200 多个绿色玻璃碎片,代表至少 40 个容器。其中两个碎片是蒸馏器的喷嘴,六个容器是瓜形瓶。在桑德尔城堡发现的陶瓷材料中,已经重建了两个完整的瓜形瓶。
Another spectacular group of chemical apparatus has been recovered from excavations near the Louvre in Paris during preparations for the Grand Louvre project which marked the bicentenary of the French Revolution in 1989.44 As visitors who descend beneath I. M. Pei's glass pyramid can discover, the original royal palace was a medieval castle.
另一组壮观的化学设备从巴黎卢浮宫附近的挖掘中被发现,这是为了准备 1989 年法国大革命 200 周年纪念的大卢浮宫项目。正如下降到贝聿铭的玻璃金字塔下的游客所发现的,原始的皇家宫殿是一座中世纪城堡。
The chemical ware was found a few yards away, in gardens belonging to the College of St. Nicholas. It has been argued that siting a laboratory away from other buildings would have been sensible because of the noxious nature of the products of chemical reactions. Another explanation for the siting is that the gardens may have provided ingredients for the processes. Large numbers of fragments of glass flasks, cucurbits, still-heads, and alembics were discovered, along with ceramics that included spouted cucurbits, distillation bases, aludels for sublimation, a remarkable pelican (discussed later), crucibles, strainers, and possibly the remains of a furnace.
The chemical ware was found in a circular masonry structure that was used for dumping rubbish over a long period. The apparatus was found together in a single stratum, and hence it was dumped at one given time. The date can be ascertained by the evidence of associated coins: It appears to be shortly after 1350. The same layer contained tiles and demolition rubbish, and one is tempted to think that the distillation laboratory and apparatus were abandoned together-and suddenly. 45 The purpose and products of the laboratory are unclear. The possibilities have been discussed in terms of professional activity, such as military science, goldsmithing, metallurgy, medicine production, and alchemy, but no clear conclusion emerges. With such a large amount of evidence on such a prominent and well-known site, this must be considered disappointing.
这些化学器皿被发现在一个圆形的砖石结构中,这个结构长期被用来倾倒垃圾。这些器具一起被发现在同一地层中,因此它们是在同一时间被倾倒的。通过相关硬币的证据可以确定日期:看起来是在 1350 年后不久。同一地层中还包含瓷砖和拆除垃圾,人们很容易会认为蒸馏实验室和器具是一起被遗弃的,而且是突然的。实验室的目的和产品尚不清楚。关于专业活动的可能性已经讨论过,比如军事科学、金匠、冶金、药品生产和炼金术,但没有得出明确结论。在这样一个著名且知名的遗址上有如此多的证据,这必须被认为是令人失望的。
Another remarkable discovery associated with a castle was made in 1980 at Schloss Oberstockstall at Kirchberg am Wagram, Lower Austria.46 Under the floor of the castle in a waste dump, fragments of 800 objects were found. The glass and ceramic objects were pieces of alembics, cucurbits, aludels, crucibles, flasks, a muffle furnace, and much else besides. Contrasted with the uncertainty of the function of the laboratory of St. Nicholas's College, the purpose of the Oberstockstall laboratory is much clearer: It was primarily intended for metallurgical processes. Some 280 crucibles have been recovered, all having been used in smelting processes. Included are also cupels for assaying. Many residues have been recovered, which should eventually clarify which distillation, sublimation, and melting processes were being conducted. The date of these operations has not been as easy to define as those that took place near the Louvre. The date of 1550 has been suggested, and research is being conducted into the activities of Christoph von Trenbach, Vicar of Kirchberg and Canon of Passau, the likely patron.
1980 年在下奥地利瓦格拉姆教堂堡的上斯托克斯托尔城堡发现了与城堡相关的另一个显著发现。在城堡地板下的废物堆中,发现了 800 件物品的碎片。玻璃和陶瓷物品是蒸馏器、葫芦、阿鲁德尔、坩埚、烧瓶、隔热炉等物品的碎片。与圣尼古拉斯学院实验室功能不明确相比,上斯托克斯托尔实验室的目的更为明确:主要用于冶金过程。已找到了约 280 个坩埚,全部用于冶炼过程。还包括用于化验的杯形容器。已找到许多残留物,最终应该能澄清正在进行的蒸馏、升华和熔化过程。这些操作的日期并不像在卢浮宫附近进行的那样容易定义。已提出了 1550 年的日期,并正在研究基兴堡和帕绍大教堂的教区长克里斯托夫·冯·特伦巴赫的活动,他很可能是赞助人。
Monasteries are the final category for glassware. Three English establishments have produced chemical vessels: Selbourne Priory in Hampshire, Pontefract Priory in Yorkshire, 4 and St. Leonard's Priory in Stamford, Lincolnshire. Monastic foundations are surely likely sites in which to find chemical ware because of the medical role they played; many had botanical gardens to provide the ingredients of pharmaceutical products. Rather discouraging is that the very intense work conducted in recent years at a medieval hospital site at Soutra, near Edinburgh, has produced no chemical vessels.
Ceramic evidence is more widespread than that of glass. Moorhouse classified pottery distillation apparatus into two basic groups: that which parallels glass apparatus (comprising cucurbit, alembic, and receiver) and a variation of this, in which the dome of the alembic form is drawn into a cone and the cucurbit is reduced to a bowllike form with a grooved flange around the rim, adapted to support the alembic and forming a seal (possibly without the need for luting). Paralleling the case for glassware, pottery apparatus is found on sites of kilns, castles, and religious houses, though later examples are also found at urban domestic sites. True pottery alembic forms are uncommon; far fewer have been recorded as compared with those of glass. One of the closest parallels is the nearly complete example found during excavations near the Radcliffe Camera in Oxford (figure 1.9).52 This example has a very large volume and a wide neck; the cucurbit must have been huge and would have been used for large-scale distillation, perhaps reflecting the requirements of Oxford's medieval scholars (figure 1.10). The material from which it is made, pink and sandy, is typical of later medieval Oxfordshire wares. In contrast, an example found during excavations at Surrey Street in London was almost certainly an import from the Raeren workshops south of Aachen, which dates it as pre-1630.53 A remarkable find was made in 1976 at a colonial site, Martin's Hundred, near Jamestown, Virginia. This discovery was of a similar alembic with a particularly pronounced finial. Associated evidence indicates that it was made locally, the most likely candidate being one Thomas Ward, who was active at Martin's Hundred between 1623 and 1635. What is surprising is that such a sophisticated vessel, surely not in great demand in the New World, could have been made by the local potter.
陶瓷证据比玻璃更为广泛。穆尔豪斯将陶器蒸馏装置分为两个基本类别:与玻璃装置相似的(包括瓶状容器、蒸馏器和接收器)以及这种变体,其中蒸馏器形式的圆顶被拉成锥形,瓶状容器被缩小为碗状形状,周围有凹槽的边缘,适合支撑蒸馏器并形成密封(可能无需使用密封剂)。与玻璃器皿的情况类似,陶器装置在窑址、城堡和宗教建筑遗址上发现,尽管后来的例子也在城市住宅遗址上发现。真正的陶器蒸馏器形式并不常见;与玻璃器皿相比,记录的数量要少得多。最接近的一个类似例子是在牛津 Radcliffe Camera 附近的发掘中发现的几乎完整的例子(图 1.9)。这个例子具有非常大的容积和宽口;瓶状容器必须非常巨大,可能用于大规模蒸馏,反映了牛津中世纪学者的需求(图 1.10)。 它的材料是粉红色和沙色的,典型的后中世纪牛津郡器物。相比之下,在伦敦 Surrey Street 的发掘中发现的一个例子几乎可以肯定是来自阿亨南部 Raeren 工坊的进口品,可以追溯到 1630 年之前。1976 年在维吉尼亚州詹姆斯敦附近的殖民地马丁斯百发现了一个引人注目的发现。这个发现是一个类似的蒸馏器,顶部特别突出。相关证据表明它是当地制造的,最有可能的候选人是托马斯·沃德,他在 1623 年至 1635 年间在马丁斯百活动。令人惊讶的是,这样一个复杂的容器,在新大陆显然不是很受欢迎,竟然可以由当地陶工制造。
A number of ceramic cucurbits, matching glass examples in shape, are known. Some pottery cucurbits have pronounced shoulders, however, and may have been made in this shape to increase the volume-toheight ratio, thereby allowing greater batches of liquid to be distilled. A fair number of cone-shaped ceramic alembics are also known. Here, the characteristic double curvature of the rim seen on glass alembics is unnecessary, as the gutter rests on the flange of a distillation base, a squat cylindrical vessel. Distillation bases abound (figures 1.11 and 1.12). Their general shape can be seen in an illustration in French's Art of Distillation 55 However, a certain ambiguity surrounds the function of this type of vessel. Other uses can be postulated, and some pointed out. that in certain regions of Britain in the fifteenth century, jars, cooking pots, and storage vessels have a flanged rim as the seating for the lid. However, in other instances; alembic and base have been found in the same archaeological context (e.g., at a kiln site at Chilvers Coton, Nuneaton, Warwickshire). An example of a distillation base that is datable is one that was used to contain a hoard of more than 1000 silver coins from Hartford near Huntingdon. The most recent coins date from 1503 (11 in all), and this is not likely to be long before the date of burial.
一些陶制葫芦状器物与玻璃器物形状相匹配。一些陶制葫芦状器物有明显的肩部,可能是为了增加体积与高度比例,从而使更多的液体批量蒸馏。还有许多锥形陶制蒸馏器。在这里,与玻璃蒸馏器上看到的特征双曲率边缘不必要,因为槽坐落在蒸馏基座的凸缘上,即一个矮圆柱形容器。蒸馏基座很常见。它们的一般形状可以在法国《蒸馏艺术》的插图中看到。然而,这种类型容器的功能存在一定的模糊性。可以推测其他用途,并有一些指出,在英国某些地区的 15 世纪,罐子、炊具和储存容器的凸缘边缘作为盖子的座位。然而,在其他情况下,蒸馏器和基座在同一考古背景中被发现。 一个可追溯日期的蒸馏基地的例子是一个用来装有 1000 多枚哈特福德(Hartford)附近亨廷顿(Huntingdon)的银币的基地。最近的硬币日期为 1503 年(共 11 枚),这很可能是埋藏日期不久之前。
Pelicans, according to the texts, were used for a process called circulation, a long-term reflux distillation. John French recommends a pelican "to make the Magistery of Wine, which will be one of the greatest Cordialls, and most odoriferous Liquor in the World." The pelican has two side tubes that recycle the condensed vapor down to the base of the vessel for redistillation. The illustrations of pelicans make them appear somewhat unlikely as practical vessels. They would be very difficult to make and very difficult to fill and seal. As far as I am aware, no surviving datable medieval example of traditionally illustrated shape exists. The Louvre pelican is a much better, stronger design, the return tube being incorporated into the fabric of the base of an alembic,58 though very effective luting would be needed if the vapor were not to escape over, for example, the course of 1 month (the period needed for the preparation of French's Magistery of Wine). Sensible though this design is, it does not appear to be illustrated in texts. Here, perhaps, is an example of an artifact adding to our previous understanding of distillation techniques from literary sources alone.
No mention has yet been made of surviving examples constructed from metal; yet, all the texts make reference to vessels made of iron, tin, copper, and lead.' The reason is that none appears to have come from an archaeological context. No example is known of the lead plates with rings that were used to weigh down cucurbits being gently heated in boiling kettles, though they are frequently illustrated in treatises on distillation. A fairly usual phenomenon is for metal to be absent from scrapped material. Though ceramic waste could not be recycled and glass may not have been worth the effort, metal was valuable and could be melted down. A wise saying refers to the pot stills used in Highland malt-whisky distilleries today: They are all as originally installed, and yet not a scrap of them is original. Worn-out parts are simply sent back to the coppersmith for melting down and reworking.
However, a number of metal vessels may be early, yet have no extended provenance. A Rosenhut (a variety of alembic) of pewter, complete with finial, has an early appearance® (figure 1.13), and a large copper boiler with still-head and receiver likewise might be old; it has certainly been well used, as can be seen by the way it has been patched.« These are located in the Science Museum in London. The Museum of the History of Science at Oxford possesses two Moor's head stills, one in copper (figure 1.14) and the other in copper and pewter.6 Though they have no certain provenance, they are said to come from the laboratory of Antoine Baumé (1728-1804). Both are better made and more sophisticated than are earlier examples.
然而,一些金属容器可能很早,但没有详细的来源。 一个锡制的罗森胡特(一种蒸馏器)完整地带有顶部,看起来很早(图 1.13),一个带有蒸馏头和接收器的大铜锅也可能很古老; 它显然被广泛使用,可以从它被修补的方式看出。 这些都位于伦敦的科学博物馆。 牛津的科学历史博物馆拥有两个摩尔人头蒸馏器,一个是铜制的(图 1.14),另一个是铜和锡制的。 尽管它们没有确定的来源,但据说它们来自安托万·鲍默(1728-1804)的实验室。 它们都比早期的例子更精致和复杂。
Little has been said about surviving evidence of furnaces. This is because very little does appear to survive. Wonderful examples seen in museums inevitably turn out to be "reconstructions," wood and plaster conjectures based on illustrations. Laboratories whose basic external fabric survives (e.g., that of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, constructed 1683, or that of the College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, constructed 1696) now contain no evidence of the furnaces that were once installed. A few furnace parts exist from the Louvre and Schloss Oberstockstall establishments but not enough to provide any real enlightenment. Strangely, none of the portable furnaces of the Becher-Shaw variety is known. Even the improved portable furnace of Joseph Black, devised in the 1750s and produced probably in the thousands (a supplier's catalog of 1912 still advertising it) has vanished without trace.63 Here, we are forced to accept the evidence of the texts alone.
关于炉子的幸存证据几乎没有被提及。这是因为几乎没有幸存下来的证据。在博物馆中看到的精美例子最终都被证明是“重建”,基于插图的木制和石膏推测。现在仍然保留基本外部结构的实验室(例如,1683 年建成的牛津阿什莫林博物馆,或者 1696 年建成的爱丁堡外科医生学院)已经没有了曾经安装的炉子的证据。卢浮宫和奥伯斯托克斯托尔城堡的一些炉子零件存在,但不足以提供任何真正的启示。奇怪的是,没有人知道贝克-肖式的便携式炉子。甚至是约瑟夫·布莱克改进的便携式炉子,该炉子于 1750 年代设计,可能生产了成千上万台(1912 年的供应商目录仍在宣传),却已经消失得无影无踪。在这里,我们只能接受文本的证据。
The exception is two curious furnaces with alchemical association. The first is that made for the Landgraf Moritz von Hessen-Kassel in 1610. It is a glamorous gilded tour de force and is engraved with symbols pertaining to alchemy. Its purpose is gentle heating, and it was probably used as a bain-marie for low-temperature distillations.
例外的是两个与炼金术有关的奇特炉子。第一个是 1610 年为黑森-卡塞尔的莫里茨大公制造的。这是一个光彩夺目的镀金杰作,上面刻有与炼金术相关的符号。它的用途是轻柔加热,可能被用作低温蒸馏的热水浴。
The second is more mysterious, a curious ceramic stove, probably French and of the seventeenth century. Internally, it has various channels and connections, and it is difficult to interpret.
第二个更神秘,一个奇特的陶瓷火炉,可能是法国的,可能是 17 世纪的。内部有各种通道和连接,很难解释。
Finally, two fairly early chemical furnaces are located in the Science Museum, London. The first is a brass, barrel-shaped vessel mounted on a tripod with curving legs. It is likely to be Dutch, possibly of the eighteenth century, and it may have been intended for use in an apothecary's establishment.& The other is a simple iron muffle furnace, possibly of the early eighteenth century and associated with Sir Isaac Newton." As it comes from the Royal Mint, this is not impossible, Newton being Master of the Mint at that time.
This mass of disparate evidence can now be cautiously summed up. References to texts on chemical operations may not give an accurate or balanced picture of what took place in chemical laboratories. In some cases, information is withheld, though some texts seem free with detailed information. The latter must be considered critically. The illustrations may be diagrammatic or symbolic. Pelicans, if used in large quantities, might be expected to have survived in the archaeological record. Their working life likely would not be extensive, as they surely were difficult to use, and broken examples should be common. Perhaps they were not, in fact, commonly used, though possibly they and other specialized vessels have not been recognized by archaeologists.
A further reason we should not take texts at face value is the importance that many authors place on defining a taxonomy of chemical operations. Brunschwig delineates two methods of distillation: the first without cost (by the use of fermenting dung as the heat source) and the second with the cost of fuel for a fire. The first method is subdivided into four techniques, the second into five. Yet, we have no way of knowing relatively how much each was adopted by the chemist, and maybe it was systematic description that was important to the author rather than an assessment of the practical situation.
我们不应该仅凭文字表面意义来理解的另一个原因是许多作者对定义化学操作分类的重视。Brunschwig 界定了两种蒸馏方法:第一种是不需要成本的(通过使用发酵的粪便作为热源),第二种需要燃料费用来生火。第一种方法分为四种技术,第二种分为五种。然而,我们无法相对了解化学家采用了多少,也许对作者来说,系统描述比对实际情况的评估更为重要。
The current archaeological record is patchy and is not sufficiently large to have statistical significance. The preponderance of records involve English sites, reflecting simply that archaeology has been an active pursuit in England or perhaps that publication has more frequently followed excavation than elsewhere. Most sites explored are the more obvious and traditional: castles and monasteries. Urban medieval sites are often inaccessible because of the buildings that stand on them today. Having declared that, distilling apparatus sometimes is discovered at the known centers of power-castles and monasteries- in medieval Europe. By a rough statistical count, approximately twice as many sites can be classified as castles or fortified houses than as any other kind of site, well defined or not. Glasshouses or kilns, which are special cases, are not included in the count.
To conclude, both the archaeological and the written record indicate relative stability and suggest that this change generally embodies a significant element of continuity. More alembics survive than might originally be thought. There is good potential to discover considerably more about early chemical practice from the surviving archaeological evidence. As further material comes to light, a better understanding of early chemistry will become possible.