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Worshipers from the Northern Shrine of Temple II, Panjikent
Author(s): B. I. MARSHAK and V. I. RASPOPOVA
Source: Bulletin of the Asia Institute, 1994, New Series, Vol. 8, The Archaeology and Art of Central Asia Studies From the Former Soviet Union (1994), pp. 187-207
来源:亚洲学院通报,1994 年,新系列,第 8 卷,前苏联中亚考古与艺术研究(1994),第 187-207 页。
Published by: Bulletin of the Asia Institute, a Non-Profit Corporation
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24048774
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Worshipers from the Northern Shrine of Temple II, Panjikent

B. I. M A R S H A K A N D V. I. R A S P O P O V A

The archaeological site of Panjikent, situated about east of Samarkand in the central portion of ancient Sogdiana, is noted for its mural paintings and sculptures of the fifth to eighth centuries A.D. This article focuses on paintings found almost thirty years ago in a small shrine (room 5) adjacent to Temple II, one of the two large temple complexes at the site. The shrine, located across a courtyard to the north of the temple, was constructed in the fifth century, subsequent to the erection of the temple. While the sixth-century mural depicting a four-armed goddess is well known, the related figures have not been properly described. Now, new perspectives make it possible to interpret these figures as performers who play the parts of gods in a seasonal festival associated with the shrine.
位于古代索格底亚中部,距离撒马尔罕以东约 的潘吉肯特考古遗址以其五至八世纪的壁画和雕塑而闻名。本文重点介绍了近 30 年前在遗址的两个大型寺庙建筑之一的寺庙二旁的一个小神殿(房间 5)中发现的壁画。这个神殿位于寺庙的北侧庭院对面,建于五世纪,寺庙建造之后。虽然六世纪的描绘四臂女神的壁画广为人知,但相关的人物尚未得到适当的描述。现在,新的观点使得我们可以将这些人物解释为在与神殿相关的季节性节日中扮演神的角色的表演者。

Description of the Shrine

Excavations were carried out in 1963, 1964, 1967, and 1970 (figs. 1, 2). In the second period of its construction, to which the paintings belong, the shrine consisted of a rectangular hall ca. ), oriented north to south. On the outside, contiguous to the eastern wall of the shrine, there was a columned portico with a bench; inside, a U-shaped high bench was positioned along the hall's southern, northern, and western walls. The shrine was entered through a door in the eastern wall. The thickness of the walls (about and the width of the hall suggest that the roof of the shrine was constructed of wood.
1963 年、1964 年、1967 年和 1970 年进行了挖掘(图 1、2)。在其建造的第二阶段,也就是绘画所属的时期,神殿由一个矩形大厅组成,大约朝北朝南(b1)。在神殿的东墙外,有一个有柱廊和长凳的连续空间;内部,一个 U 形高凳沿着大厅的南、北和西墙设置。神殿通过东墙的门进入。墙壁的厚度(约为 b3)和大厅的宽度表明神殿的屋顶是由木材建造的。
Initially, there was a doorway in the western wall opposite the entrance, but during the second construction period it was filled in, forming a large, deep rectangular niche (ca. ), the floor of which is positioned at the level of the bench. Along the western wall of the niche there was a rectangular altar that took up most of the niche area. Constructed of sun-dried brick, the altar had a flat top coated with a clay slip, as were its walls. The eastern portion of the top surface of the altar bears traces of burning, and the painting at the lower portion of the northern wall is covered with a heavy layer of soot.
最初,在入口对面的西墙上有一个门道,但在第二个建设时期,它被填塞,形成了一个大而深的长方形壁龛(约 ),其地面位于长凳的水平位置。在壁龛的西墙上有一个长方形的祭坛 ,占据了大部分壁龛的面积。祭坛由太阳晒干的砖块建造,顶部涂有一层黏土,墙壁也是如此。祭坛顶部表面的东部有燃烧的痕迹,北墙下部的绘画被厚厚的煤烟覆盖着。
The terminus post quem of the shrine was established by ceramics from the fill of the bench, dating to not later than the early sixth century A.D. The shrine was destroyed and part of its walls pulled down during a major rebuilding of the northern wall around the grounds of the temple in the seventh century. At that time, the niche was filled up with dried bricks and the paintings on its walls thus preserved. Although all of the walls of the hall of the shrine were covered with paintings, the only well-preserved examples are from the niche and a small area of the western wall south of the niche. Outside the niche, a red background remains.
神社的起始时间可以通过座椅填充物中的陶瓷确定,不晚于公元 6 世纪初。在公元 7 世纪围绕寺庙场地进行重建时,神社被摧毁,部分墙壁被拆除。当时,壁龛被填满了干砖,壁龛上的壁画得以保存。尽管神社大厅的所有墙壁都覆盖着壁画,但保存完好的例子只有壁龛和壁龛南侧西墙的一个小区域。壁龛外部仍保留着红色背景。
On the wall on the western end of the niche is a representation of a four-armed goddess seated on a dragon throne that has been published repeatedly, with detailed descriptions. We shall merely note here that the painting is surrounded by a border consisting of a broad gray strip with white dots that undoubtedly represents a cloth. The figure appears against a light ocher background ornamented with small, faint H-shaped shapes. P. I. Kostrov, who traced the painting, correctly interpreted this as a representation of a fabric, perhaps indicating either that the goddess
在壁龛的西端墙上,有一幅四臂女神坐在龙椅上的描绘,这幅画已经多次发表,并有详细的描述。我们在这里只需注意到,画面周围有一个由宽阔的灰色条带和白点组成的边框,无疑代表着一块布料。这个形象出现在一个浅黄色的背景上,上面装饰着小而模糊的 H 形图案。追踪这幅画的 P. I. 科斯特罗夫正确地解释了这是一种织物的描绘,也许暗示着女神可能
Fig. 1. Panjikent. General plan.
图 1. 潘吉肯特。总体规划。
is depicted in a tent or that the painting imitates an icon painted on silk on which the goddess is shown against a background of another type of fabric.
The northern and southern walls of the niche carried similar compositions representing worshipers turned toward the goddess (figs. 3, 4), but the painting on the northern wall is better preserved. On a red background, the lower portions of the figures are shown frontally, with their shoulders slightly turned toward the goddess. Their legs are wide apart and foreshortened so that the heels appear to be high above the ground level, depicted here as a white horizontal strip some from the floor of the niche. Below, almost at the floor, another white strip is separated from the first by an expanse of red background that corresponds to a red strip on the lower por- tion of the end wall on either side of the altar. A broad, light-colored vertical strip runs along the eastern edge of the northern wall, possibly representing a corner pilaster. This use of borders gives a sense of completeness to the composition and allows the paintings of the niche to be seen as an integral whole.
壁龛的北墙和南墙上都有类似的构图,描绘了朝向女神的崇拜者(图 3、4),但北墙上的绘画保存得更好。在红色背景上,人物的下半身正面展示,肩膀稍微转向女神。他们的腿分开很宽,被透视处理,以至于脚跟看起来高于地面,这里用一个白色的水平条带表示,距离壁龛地板有一定距离。在下方,几乎接近地板,另一个白色条带与第一个条带相隔,两者之间是一片红色背景,对应着祭坛两侧末墙下部的红色条带。一条宽阔的浅色垂直条带沿着北墙的东侧边缘延伸,可能代表一个角柱。这种边界的运用使构图具有完整感,并使壁龛的绘画作为一个整体来观看。
Four figures appear on the northern wall, with the two in the center depicted on a scale, comparable to that of the goddess, that is larger than that of the figures at either side. Although color photographs of the painting were published the description of the painting was not complete and many details important for its interpretation were not presented. Even the number of figures on the wall was reported incorrectly as three, instead of four. Thus, a reexamination was necessary. To this end, the painting has now been
Fig. 2. Panjikent. Plan of the temples, period 4.
图 2. 潘吉肯特。寺庙平面图,第 4 时期。
described in detail, and T. S. Vasilenko, a highly skilled restoration expert at the Hermitage Museum, with the participation of the authors of this article, has produced a drawing made by means of tracing the painting on polyethylene film.
详细描述,并由艾尔米塔日博物馆的高级修复专家 T.S.瓦西连科与本文作者合作,通过在聚乙烯薄膜上追踪绘制,制作了一幅图画。

Paintings of the Northern Wall

The large-scale figure nearest to the goddess is richly attired in a cloak thrown over his shoulders that widens out as it falls over his back, with the lower portion shown in folds. Nearly black on the exterior, with a light-colored lining, the cloak is fastened under the neck of the figure with a small oval, two-part fibula, at the center of which are three transverse lines and a tiny round pendant. Semicircular shoulderpieces that extend to the elbows are of the same shade of red as the background and are bordered at the top by a narrow strip of black cloth ornamented with concentric circles of applied white dots. Inserted longitudinal and crosswise black strips can be seen on the sleeves below the shoulder-pieces. A silver (?) pendant (shown as white), with a large silver ring set in the center and studded with pearls along the circumference, is suspended from the fibula. The handle of a dagger is similarly ornamented.
The garment under the cloak is shorter than the cloak itself and consists of four triangular sections with "wavy" edges whose points extend to the knees. Wide trousers tucked into boots are visible between the triangular sections at the front of the garment. At the mid-front of the trousers, there are inserts of narrow strips of black cloth ornamented with concentric circles of applied dots, the cloth cut in the middle of the circles to form two adjoining semicircles that may have been intended to indicate embroidery. On each of the long sleeves, which are fashioned from two fabrics, the border consists of a narrow strip of smooth black cloth dotted with small black lozenges; below this is a wide strip with a protruding point that falls over the hand of the figure. On the wrist of the left arm, on top of the sleeve, is a smooth, narrow white bracelet.
Hanging from the waist of the figure are two broad black ribbons, the ends of which pass through a wide ring-buckle decorated with pearls (fig. 5). Suspended almost vertically between the ribbons is a dagger encased in a sheath patterned in tiny squares and bordered with pearls (?). The hilt of the dagger is curved and wider at the top and has "pearls" intended to fit between the fingers when the hilt was grasped to facilitate a firm grip. A clip can be seen at the top of the sheath. While the headdress proper no longer exists, from the top of an edge that has been preserved one can make out streaming ribbons, and two wide triangular ribbons with wavy, fluttering edges, one ribbon covering the other, extend out from the headdress area.
挂在人物腰间的是两条宽黑色丝带,其末端穿过一个装饰有珍珠的宽环扣(图 5)。几乎垂直悬挂在丝带之间的是一把匕首,匕首鞘上有小方格图案,并用珍珠镶边(?)。匕首的柄呈弯曲状,顶部较宽,并有“珍珠”设计,方便握持时放在手指之间以提供牢固的握把。鞘顶部可见一个夹子。虽然头饰本身已不存在,但从保存下来的边缘顶部可以看到飘动的丝带,以及两条宽大的三角形丝带,边缘波浪状,一条丝带覆盖在另一条上方,从头饰区域延伸出来。
The legs of the figures are shown in high, tightly fitting pink boots with turned-down tops of spotted leopard skin (fig. 6). Broad triangular ribbons with wavy edges are fastened to the ankles by means of buckles consisting of two circles whose design is different on each boot. The buckle at the right ankle is smaller than that on the left, while the edge of the other buckle is studded with pearls.
图中的人物腿部穿着高筒、紧身的粉色靴子,靴口翻下来是豹纹花纹(图 6)。宽大的三角形带子边缘波浪状,通过由两个圆圈组成的扣子固定在脚踝上。右脚踝上的扣子比左脚踝上的扣子小,而另一个扣子的边缘镶有珍珠。
Fig. 3. Panjikent. Northern shrine, Temple II, northwest corner. Photo: A. M. Belenitskii.
图 3. 潘吉肯特。北神殿,第二座庙宇,西北角。照片:A. M.贝莱尼茨基。
Fig. 4. Panjikent. Northern shrine, Temple II, northern wall. Drawing: T. S. Vasilenko.
图 4. 潘吉肯特。北神殿,第二座庙宇,北墙。绘图:T. S. Vasilenko.
Fig. 5. Strap of the dagger worn by "Adbag."
图 5. "Adbag"所佩戴的匕首的带子。
Fig. 6. Boots worn by "Adbag."
图 6. "Adbag"所穿的靴子。
Fig. 7. Musical instrument and plectrum held by "Adbag."
图 7. "Adbag"手持的乐器和拨片。
The figure holds a poorly preserved pink object in his right hand (fig. 7). The lower portion, painted a solid pink, is rounded. Below this is a narrow rectangular strip with mushroom-shaped arrow-slit openings from which a rod shaped like a horn (of which only the lower portion is preserved) extends upwards. A small object is visible in the left hand.
这个人物右手拿着一个保存状况不佳的粉色物体(图 7)。下部分是一个圆形的纯粉色区域。在下面是一个狭长的矩形条,上面有蘑菇形状的箭孔开口,从中伸出一个形状像号角的杆(只有下部分保存完好)。左手中可见一个小物体。
The second large-scale male figure is somewhat smaller than the first. He wears a long, broad, ankle-length cloak lined in black, ornamented with a finely executed geometric pattern (?). One can see the hem of a tunic bordered by a strip of a different fabric on this rather elaborate costume. The lower portion of the figure has been badly damaged by soot, so that only its contours are visible, but the tunic appears to be slightly broader at the lower edge. Over the tunic, there is a lightcolored coat of plate armor, slightly more than thigh-length, on which square plates fastened with black cords may be seen. At the lower edge of the armor there is a strip of a darker color. The tunic is wider than the plate armor and emerges from beneath it in folds. As on the other figures, the sleeves are narrow. The cuffs are shown exactly as they are on the first figure. Over each sleeve, above the elbow, one can see either the sleeve of another garment or a shoulder-piece that is constructed of black cloth decorated with black squares (probably damask). Along the edge is a narrow strip of light-colored fabric.
Around his waist, the figure wears a belt fastened with a buckle consisting of two identical

Fig. 8, above left. Belt worn by "Vashagn."
图 8,左上方。"Vashagn"所佩戴的腰带。
Fig. 9, right. Sword of "Vashagn."
图 9,右侧。"瓦沙格恩"之剑。
Fig. 10, above. Necklace.
图 10,上方。项链。
roundels whose centers are decorated with pearl circlets (fig. 8). A flaring ribbon, in the same color as the background, passes between the roundels and apparently is tied to the buckle. Below this, supporting a sword, is a broad belt, decorated with superimposed plaques (?), that falls to the left thigh. Both waist belt and sword belt are painted the same shade of ocher as the sheath. The sword is suspended from two figured (annular?) clips on both sides of the sheath and hangs almost ver-
中文翻译:中央装饰有珍珠环的圆形饰片(图 8)。一条与背景颜色相同的扩张带穿过圆形饰片,似乎系在扣环上。在下方,支撑着一把剑的是一条宽大的腰带,上面装饰着叠加的金属片(?),垂至左大腿。腰带和剑带的颜色与剑鞘的深黄色相同。剑悬挂在剑鞘两侧的两个图案(环形?)夹子上,几乎垂直悬挂。
tically, with a slight slant of the hilt to the left (fig. 9). The sword is very long, more than half the height of the man, and its tip probably extended down to the right foot. Like the dagger shown on the first male figure, the sword's crosspiece is set at a right angle. The hilt of the sword, only partially preserved, is long.
剑的形状略微向左倾斜(图 9)。剑非常长,超过了人的身高的一半,剑尖可能延伸到右脚。与第一个男性形象上展示的匕首一样,剑的十字护手呈直角。剑柄只有部分保存,很长。
The wide trousers worn by the figure are tucked loosely into tight-fitting high boots with blunt toes. Narrow vertical strips of another fabric are

sewn onto the middle of the trouser legs. A buckle and ribbon (?) can be faintly traced on the boots at the ankle. No wavy ribbons are visible.
The outstretched right hand of this second male rests on the hat that crowns the head of a figure shown at his feet. Representing an anthropomorphic monster of some sort, this figure consists of a head, either constructed on a frame or fashioned of solid material, and a shapeless garment of soft cloth. The tall, rounded hat is slightly darker than the background and has a wavy white flap. The flap might represent felt or some other kind of cloth, while the hat proper might be formed by a woven basket (the weaving seems to be visible in some areas). A high forehead, puffy cheeks and nose, and open eyes are clearly visible. The eyebrows and moustache are shown in the background color of the painting and are rendered as half-palmettes. Similar motifs are used to depict other features of figures depicted in the niche paintings, for example, the eyebrows and ears of the dragon on which the four-armed goddess of the shrine is seated.
A black tulip appears on the background between the central figures. Above the figure standing near the goddess is another flower on a thick stem, perhaps an unopened tulip, that has a black leaf like the tulip but a straw-colored blossom.
The smaller figure to the right in front of the goddess wears an off-white tunic that flares out as it falls somewhat above his knees. Apparently, it has lateral slits, as there are trimmings of an ocher-like color along the hem and at the sides. The sleeves are long, with tight, broad cuffs of the same fabric as the ocher trim. On the tunic's right shoulder is a sewn-on long, narrow strip of fabric, shown in the same color as the background, that falls from the shoulder to the sleeve and joins a similar strip sewn on at right angles. In the middle of the front flap of the tunic, a strap or sewn-on strip of dark fabric hangs vertically. The legs of the figure are encased in knee-high, tight-fitting pink boots, with blunt toes. Wide, straw-colored trousers are tucked loosely into the boots. His right arm is bent horizontally and touches his breast; while in his left hand, which is extended toward the deity, he holds a pearl (?) with his thumb and an elegantly bent forefinger (fig. 10). Behind part of his hand one can see the fabric that surrounds the representation of the goddess.
右侧的较小的人物站在女神面前,穿着一件略微超过膝盖的米白色长袍。显然,长袍有侧面的裂口,因为在下摆和两侧有类似赭色的装饰。袖子很长,宽大的袖口与赭色装饰的面料相同。长袍右肩上缝有一条长而窄的面料条,与背景色相同,从肩膀垂下,与垂直缝在一起。在长袍的前翻盖中间,有一条黑色面料的带子或缝在上面的条纹垂直悬挂。人物的腿被膝盖高的粉红色紧身靴子包裹着,鞋头钝圆。宽松的草黄色裤子松松地塞进靴子里。他的右臂水平弯曲,触碰着胸部;而他的左手伸向女神,拇指和优雅弯曲的食指握着一颗珍珠(?)(图 10)。在他的手的一部分后面,可以看到围绕女神形象的面料。

The figure at the end of the procession, the smallest in the scene, is poorly preserved and can be discerned only with great difficulty. It is clad in a long, knee-length tunic and is trimmed at the bottom and sides with a fabric that differs in color from that of the tunic. The high, narrow, tightfitting boots have blunt toes. No trousers are visible. It may be assumed that this is a woman (the only one represented on the northern wall)-it was possible to trace a long black braid that falls to the hem of a long tunic that is nipped in at the waist. Her left hand, seen against the background of the cloak of the figure in an armored coat, holds a necklace with a large pearl (?) at the center. While a representation of a large dagger can be traced in the area of the costume of this figure, it clearly does not belong to her. The dagger, whose hilt is split at the top, is suspended at an angle, with the hilt protruding far beyond the figure and the tip of the dagger visible slightly above the left knee. The woman is probably holding on to the dagger's long shoulder belt.

Paintings of the Southern Wall

The remains of three figures, essentially feet and legs, can be discerned on the southern wall; comparison with the northern wall indicates that there could have been four figures here as well. One figure on the southern wall corresponds exactly to the largest figure on the northern wall. Tight-fitting high boots with blunt toes survive, and the boots similarly display turned-down tops of leopard skin and are decorated at the ankles with waving ribbons fastened by means of large round buckles, each with a pearl-studded circle at the center. At the front of wide trousers tucked into the boots, dark patches decorated with white circlets consisting of pasted-on dots are shown running lengthwise. Behind the figure, there seems to be a portion of a cloak.
To the left of this figure, there is a portion of another male. He wears tight-fitting, blunt-toed black boots decorated with bows (?). Broad trousers are tucked into the boots and, as is typical in these paintings, are shown blousing over the tops of the boots. The lower portion of the tunic, with lateral slits, survives. The flap and the lateral slits carry a border of a different fabric. There was yet another figure to the right of the central
Fig. 11. Samarkand. Ossuary.
图 11.撒马尔罕。骨灰堂。
figure, but nothing remains except the tip of a ribbon that decorated a boot. The left leg of the central figure overlaps the right leg of the figure in the black boots described above.

Identification of the Figures on the Northern Wall

Vashagn/Verethragna and the Trophy

The battle dress of the second male figure in the northern wall mural (who may be assumed to be Vashagn, the Sogdian Verethragna) indicates that the anthropomorphic monster with the grotesquely large head shown at his feet cannot be interpreted as a mask that he might wear. It is more probable that the monster is a theatrical representation of a conquered demon, a trophy taken in battle.
Several terra-cottas from Central Asia display this motif, along with additional attributes that are not present in this painting. well-known ossuary from Samarkand now in the State Hermitage Museum provides a close parallel. Its designs were produced by pressing into soft clay a fragment of another ossuary that apparently carried a composition typical of the sixth-seventh centuries: an arcade with figures of deities in each arch. A male seated in an arch in a Sasanian royal posture wears a crown and a pendant around his neck, a cloak, and a shoulder-piece (figs. 11, 12). He is armed with a sword and touches a grotesque "mask" set at his feet with his right hand.
中亚的几个陶俑展示了这个图案,还有其他在这幅画中没有的特征。萨马尔罕的一个著名骨灰盒,现在收藏在国家埃尔米塔日博物馆,提供了一个近似的对比。它的设计是通过将另一个骨灰盒的碎片压入软泥中制作而成,该碎片显然带有典型的六七世纪的构图:每个拱门上都有神祗的形象。一个男性坐在一个拱门里,采用萨珊王朝的姿势,戴着王冠和项链,披着斗篷和肩甲(图 11、12)。他手持剑,用右手触摸他脚下的一个怪异的“面具”。
Fig. 12. Detail of Samarkand ossuary.
图 12. 塞马尔坎骨灰盒的细节。
According to N. I. Veselovskii, it is precisely a mask that lies at the feet of the seated male; other scholars have held it to be the severed head of a monster. These interpretations are not necessarily contradictory, since a mask might represent a severed head comparable to the head in the Panjikent painting. That this is not a realistic representation is more evident in the painting than in the terra-cotta. Perhaps the painter, unlike the sculptor, did not depict a deity as such but rather a participant in a mystery or procession who played the part of the deity.
根据 N. I. Veselovskii 的说法,正是一张面具躺在坐着的男性脚下;其他学者认为它是一个怪物的被斩首的头部。这些解释并不一定相互矛盾,因为面具可能代表着一个类似于潘吉肯特壁画中的头部的被斩首的头部。在绘画中,这种不是现实主义的描绘更加明显,而在陶土中则不太明显。也许画家与雕塑家不同,他所描绘的不是一个神明本身,而是一个参与神秘或游行的人物,扮演神明的角色。
There are four hypotheses regarding the name of the personage on the ossuary: Apollo; a deity of the planet a personification of the constellation "Par-Siyavush" or "Bar-Siyavush"; and, finally, David with a slingshot and the head of Goliath. The David hypothesis may be discarded, since a slingshot can be discerned only in a touched-up reproduction of an ossuary. Concerning the constellation, however attractive it might be to see Siyavush on the ossuary, this hypothesis also must be rejected, since Barshavish (as the name is given in a tenth-century composition of as-Sufi) is an obviously distorted transcription of the Greek "Perseos." The constellation Perseus was represented as a running figure who holds both a raised sword and a cut-off head by the hair, which is at variance with the static Sogdian figures. Nor can we find any confirmation of the Apollo premise.
Thus, the only plausible hypothesis is A. IA. Borisov's suggestion that the figure is a personification of the planet Mars. According to Zoroastrian thought, the planets themselves, and particularly the blood-red planet Mars, are creations of Ahriman, but their deleterious effects are overcome by the attending Ahurian deities whose names correspond to the Iranian names of the planet. The god of victory and provider of benefits Verethragna (Vashagn) is appointed to watch over the planet Mars. Therefore, Verethragna could have been depicted as the victor over the planet's demon, symbolized in both the Panjikent mural and the Samarkand ossuary by his trophy.
因此,唯一合理的假设是 A. IA.博里索夫的建议,即这个形象是火星的拟人化。根据琐罗亚斯德教的思想,行星本身,尤其是血红色的火星,是阿里曼的创造物,但它们的有害影响被与之对应的伊朗行星名字的阿胡拉神所克服。胜利之神和福利供应者 Verethragna(Vashagn)被任命为火星的守护神。因此,Verethragna 可以被描绘为战胜行星恶魔的胜利者,这在潘吉肯特壁画和撒马尔罕骨灰盒中都以他的战利品象征着。
In the sixth century, eastern Hellenistic astrological iconography arrived in Sasanian Iran in the form of book illustrations and also reached India; via Buddhist art, it spread as far as China. It was in Sogdiana, in the fifth-sixth centuries, that an iconography of local deities with borrowed Sasanian and Indian elements was created under the impact of the art of India and Tokharistan. Astrological iconography was still alive under Islam as well. Mars, shown with sword in hand and holding a severed head, together with Scorpio and Aries, which are astrological houses of this planet, is depicted twice on a bronze pitcher from Khorasan dating to the twelfth or early thirteenth century. The arms and costume of the Panjikent "Mars" resemble the Sasanian fashion that had been current in the East since the late fourth century, as note the sword suspended from a sword belt and the ribbons of the double buckles. The smooth cuirass and the short "skirt" of several rows of square plates of the armor bring to mind the battle dress of a late fourth century Kushano-Sasanian king. This coat of plate armor is too archaic for the sixth century, and there are no analogous examples in Sogdiana or in eastern Turkestan.
在六世纪,东方的希腊化天文学图像以书籍插图的形式传入萨珊王朝的伊朗,并传播到印度;通过佛教艺术,它传播到了中国。在五至六世纪的苏格底亚纳,受到印度和托哈里斯坦艺术的影响,创造了一种带有借用的萨珊和印度元素的当地神祇图像。天文学图像在伊斯兰时期仍然存在。在哈萨兰的一件铜壶上,可以看到火星手持剑并拿着一个被砍下的头,与天蝎座和白羊座一起,它们是这颗行星的星座,这件壶可以追溯到十二或十三世纪初。潘吉肯特的“火星”的武器和服装与自公元四世纪末以来在东方流行的萨珊时尚相似,例如悬挂在剑带上的剑和双扣带的丝带。光滑的胸甲和由几行方形板组成的短裙让人想起四世纪末库什亚诺-萨珊国王的战斗服装。 这件板甲太过古老,不适合六世纪,而且在索格底亚和东突厥斯坦也没有类似的例子。

The Female Figure 女性形象

The small female figure behind the assumed Vashagn is probably associated with him thematically. Her long plait of hair and dress that covers the knees and the top of the boots recall a bronze Sogdian statuette of a woman from Qalce-ye Nofin on the Magian River. The treatment of the braid along the hem of the dress and its lateral slits is particularly similar. The figure in the wall painting is shown with a necklace and a large dagger apparently suspended from a long sword belt. Whereas the necklace could be a standard offering made to the goddess, the dagger must be a trophy dedicated to her, a weapon of the vanquished demon. A procession of bearers of such weapons suspended from straps was depicted in a later Panjikent wall painting (first half of the eighth century) on the southern wall of room 50, section XXIII.
翻译结果: 假设瓦沙格恩后面的小女性形象可能与他在主题上有关。她的长辫子和裙子遮住了膝盖和靴子的顶部,让人想起马金河上的卡尔塞-耶-诺芬的一个女性苏格底亚青铜塑像。裙子下摆和侧面的裂口的处理方式特别相似。壁画中的人物戴着项链,似乎悬挂在长剑带上的一把大匕首。项链可能是向女神献上的标准祭品,而匕首必须是献给她的战利品,被征服的恶魔的武器。后来在潘吉肯特的一幅壁画(八世纪上半叶)中,展示了一队携带这种武器的人,他们用带子悬挂在身上,位于 50 号房间的南墙,第 23 节。

The Large Central Figure

The interpretation of the large figure with a dagger depends on how one views the object in his right hand (fig. 7). The mushroom-like arrowslits are well known as architectural motifs used on ossuaries. They also might ornament models of a building, a chest, or a leg of a portable altar. However, the object held by the Panjikent figure has a curved bottom, which indicates yet another interpretation. For example, openings in the resonators of musical instruments were designed in the shape of arrow-slits. On the harp of the Airtam frieze, there is a sagittal arrow-slit, while on the cithara of a Sogdian terra-cotta icon from Afrasiyab, arrow-slits display three triangles that form a cruciform figure near the upper portion, resembling details of ossuaries (fig. 13). Thus, it is possible to interpret the object in the Panjikent figure's right hand as a musical
大图中带有匕首的解释取决于如何看待他右手中的物体(图 7)。蘑菇状的箭孔作为建筑图案在骨灰盒上被广泛使用。它们也可能装饰建筑模型、箱子或便携祭坛的腿。然而,潘吉肯特人物手中的物体底部呈弯曲状,这表明另一种解释。例如,乐器共鸣箱的开口设计成箭孔形状。在艾尔坦浮雕的竖琴上,有一个矢状箭孔,而在阿弗拉西亚布的粟特人陶塑图标的竖琴上,箭孔显示出三个三角形,形成一个十字形图案,与骨灰盒的细节相似(图 13)。因此,可以将潘吉肯特人物右手中的物体解释为音乐器械。
Fig. 13. Sarmarkand. Terra-cotta icon.
图 13. 塞马尔坎。陶土图标。
instrument such as a cithara or lyre. This also explains the small object in the figure's left hand, which must be a plectrum.
Sogdian terra-cottas yield additional evidence. Three variants of miniature terra-cotta icons depict the figure of a ruler holding a cithara or lyre. The fragments of two such small icons, traceable to a single initial mold, were found in a sixthcentury stratum at Panjikent, where miniature icons are generally characteristic of this period (figs. 14, 15). An arch with a finial in the shape of a sphere and crescent holds the figure of a deity shown with flames above his shoulders. The god wears a winged royal crown from which issues a long, wavy ribbon and on his shoulders is a cloak fastened at the chest with a fibula. Although the lower part of the composition is lost, the arrangement of the folds of the figure's clothing indicates that he was shown seated and that his garments, as in the Panjikent painting, were not girded. No weapons are shown. In his left hand there is a cithara.
粟特陶俑提供了额外的证据。三种不同的小型陶俑图标描绘了一个手持竖琴或琵琶的统治者形象。两个这样的小型图标的碎片可以追溯到一个最初的模具,在潘吉肯特的六世纪地层中发现,小型图标通常是这个时期的特征(图 14、15)。一个带有球形和新月形顶饰的拱门承载着一个神明的形象,他的肩膀上方有火焰。神明戴着一个有翅膀的皇冠,冠上有一条长而波浪状的丝带,肩膀上有一个用纽扣针扣在胸前的披风。虽然作品的下部已经丢失,但是人物服装褶皱的布局表明他是坐着的,并且他的衣物,就像潘吉肯特的绘画一样,没有束腰。没有显示出武器。他的左手拿着一把竖琴。
Another type of small icon, represented at Paniikent by an intact plaque and a fragment, differs only in some details (figs. 16, 17). The cloak also is fastened at the chest with a fibula,
另一种小图标,在 Paniikent 以完整的牌匾和一个碎片的形式呈现,只在一些细节上有所不同(图 16、17)。披风也是用纽扣固定在胸前。
Fig. 14. Panjikent terra-cotta icon.
图 14. 潘吉肯特的陶瓷图标。
Fig. 15. Panjikent. Upper section of terra-cotta icon.
图 15. 潘吉肯特。陶瓷图标的上部分。
and ribbons issue from the crown. A long sword with a right-angle crosspiece hangs on a sword belt similar to those of the sword and dagger in the mural. The deity is seated on a throne with elephant-head supports. Instead of a cithara, a lyre rests on the left knee of the god, and in his right hand there is a plectrum. The well-known Afrasiyab terra-cotta mentioned in connection with arrow-slits on a resonator belongs to the third type of miniature icon (fig. 13). Details differ in many respects, but the image is undoubtedly the same. While the crown is different, it also is adorned with ribbons, and in this case, too, the cloak is fastened at the chest with a fibula. The motif of Sasanian ribbons attached to crowns, which appears on the murals, is by no means characteristic of other crowned figures shown on Sogdian terra-cottas. Thus, one might assume
且丝带从皇冠上垂下。一把带有直角十字架的长剑挂在类似于壁画中剑和匕首的剑带上。神祇坐在一个有象头支撑的宝座上。在左膝上放着一把竖琴,而在他的右手中握着一个拨片。与共鸣器上的箭孔有关的著名的阿弗拉西亚布陶器属于第三种迷你图标(图 13)。细节在许多方面有所不同,但图像无疑是相同的。虽然皇冠不同,但它也装饰着丝带,并且在这种情况下,披风也是用纽扣针固定在胸前。出现在壁画上的萨珊丝带附在皇冠上的图案,绝不是其他显示在粟特陶器上的戴冠人物的特征。因此,可以假设
Fig. 16. Panjikent. Terra-cotta icon.
图 16. 潘吉肯特。陶土图标。
that the figure depicted on the terra-cottas is the same figure depicted on the Panjikent wall paintings.
The Sogdian cithara player has been compared to the god Apollo, but it is most unlikely that a Greek god appears on the terra-cottas on which a seated figure is shown playing this instrument. The Sogdian musicians are much closer to the many representations in Late Antique and early Byzantine art of a seated Orpheus who, as a Thracian, was depicted by artists as a barbarian wearing garments resembling those of a Parthian or of the local nobility of Roman Syria. In the early third century, Flavius Philostratus described the image of Orpheus in Parthian Babylonia: "They are, by the way, favorably disposed toward Orpheus more for his tiara and wide trousers than for his skill in playing the cithara or singing, which had such an enchanting force." A reinterpretation of this image in Judaic (and subsequently in early Christian) art as King David facilitated the conversion of a seated cithara player in Oriental clothes into a Sogdian regal deity. The Sogdians learned about Christianity primarily from Nestorian missionaries
索格底亚的竖琴演奏者被比作阿波罗神,但希腊神明出现在这些陶器上的坐姿人物演奏这种乐器的可能性非常小。索格底亚音乐家更接近晚期古代和早期拜占庭艺术中坐姿奥菲斯的众多描绘,奥菲斯作为一个色雷斯人,被艺术家描绘为穿着类似帕提亚人或罗马叙利亚当地贵族的服饰的野蛮人。在公元 3 世纪初,弗拉维奥斯·菲洛斯特拉图斯描述了巴比伦的奥菲斯形象:“顺便说一下,他们更喜欢奥菲斯的头巾和宽松裤子,而不是他演奏竖琴或唱歌的技巧,这些技巧具有迷人的力量。”这一形象在犹太(随后是早期基督教)艺术中被重新解释为大卫王,从而将穿着东方服饰的坐姿竖琴演奏者转化为索格底亚的王者神。索格底亚人主要通过耶稣教的传教士了解基督教。
Fig. 17. Panjikent. Fragment of terra-cotta icon.
图 17. 潘吉肯特。陶瓷图标的碎片。
from the Sasanian Empire. Among the early Christians, Orpheus represented Christ, while David was a prototype of Christ. Occasionally Orpheus, seated on a throne in a royal Sasanian pose with splayed knees and surrounded with beasts and mythological monsters shown listening to him reverently, appears as the Almighty. However, such compositions, which were not Christian images, were interpreted merely as allegories. Sogdians in search of iconographic images could turn to Orpheus imagery without fear of being mistaken for Christians. In doing so, the Sogdians not only emphasized the features that already resembled a Sasanian king in the prototype but also depicted a seated cithara player on a throne with elephant supports, which, like all zoomorphic thrones of the gods, certainly carried a symbolic meaning. In Sogdiana, each deity had a corresponding animal on which he might be shown riding; his throne might resemble the supine animal or be supported by such animals. All three variants are equivalent in Sogdian art, so that a zoomorphic throne may be regarded as similar to a vahana, the vehicle of an Indian god.
As a matter of fact, the Sogdians equated their gods to the Indian gods and, for example, likened their own Adbag to Shakra (Indra), whose vahana was the elephant. Such comparisons, reflected in Sogdian Buddhist texts, arose in a Buddhist environment, but the Panjikent representation of the god Veshparkar, identified with Mahadeva (Shiva), indicates that they also influenced the local non-Buddhist iconography.
Thus, the god with the cithara or lyre may be Adbag, equivalent to Indra, the Indian lord of the heavens. Ahura Mazda himself appears in Sogdian texts under the name of Adbag. Could the cithara player in our mural be so exalted a deity? In scale he is larger than the supposed Vashagn and stands in front of him. The royal ribbons issue from his crown, and there are equally long ribbons on his boots, in contrast to the costume of Vashagn. Ribbons on boots of this type could have no functional purpose but instead must have been adopted from Sasanian costume as a royal attribute. Yet, could a god of so high a rank as Adbag be an intercessor before the four-armed goddess?
因此,持有竖琴或琵琶的神祇可能是 Adbag,相当于印度的天空之主 Indra。阿胡拉·马兹达本人在粟特文献中以 Adbag 的名字出现。我们壁画中的竖琴演奏者能否是如此崇高的神祇?从比例上看,他比所谓的瓦沙格更大,并站在他的前面。他的王室丝带从他的头冠上延伸出来,他的靴子上也有同样长的丝带,与瓦沙格的服装形成对比。这种类型的靴子上的丝带没有实际用途,而是从萨珊王朝的服装中采用的皇家属性。然而,一个如 Adbag 这样高级的神祇能成为四臂女神面前的调解者吗?

Interpretation of the Northern Wall Mural

The obviously metaphorical trophy of Vashagn suggests that the painter depicted not the gods themselves but actors playing their parts. And here, the actor-gods are shown on a larger scale (close to that of the figure of the goddess) than the minor figures who portray mere mortals. There is no analogy in the royal costume to the strange ungirded clothes of "Adbag" cut at the lower edge into four long, pointed triangular pieces. Perhaps, like the varying buckles on the boots, they are specific details of an actor's attire, which could be rather extravagant, as demonstrated by the painting of Sogdiana and eastern Turkestan. Another example is a garment with four triangular sections trimmed with bells at the lower edge that is worn over the dress of a singer in the upper tier of the murals in room 41 (section VI).
瓦沙格的明显隐喻性奖杯表明画家描绘的不是神祇本身,而是扮演他们角色的演员。在这里,演员神祇的形象比描绘凡人的小人物更大(接近女神的形象)。在皇家服饰中没有类似于“阿德巴格”奇怪的未束腰的衣服,下边缘被剪成四个长而尖的三角形。也许,像靴子上的不同扣环一样,它们是演员服装的具体细节,可能相当奢华,正如所示的粟特和东突厥斯坦的绘画。另一个例子是在 41 号房间(第六部分)壁画的上层中,一位歌手穿着一件下边缘装饰有铃铛的四个三角形部分的服装。
It is impossible to establish a precise number for the dramatis personae: they could number seven or eight. Although the southern wall retains the traces of three figures, their number there could be four if one assumes that the compositions of the two walls were symmetrical and mirror-like. On the southern wall, nearer to the goddess, is a small-scale male figure differing from its opposite in that his boots are black, not pink, and have bows and buckles like those of Vashagn. The large figure on the southern wall, opposite Adbag, is almost identical to him in scale and dress (so far as one can judge by the legs). The third figure, as indicated by the preserved boot ribbon, also is large in scale, although it is unclear whether it is male or female. So little room remained for the fourth figure that it could only have been small, if it existed at all.
无法确定人物角色的确切数量:可能是七个或八个。尽管南墙上保留着三个人物的痕迹,但如果假设两面墙的构图是对称和镜像的,那么那里的数量可能是四个。在靠近女神的南墙上,有一个小尺寸的男性形象,与对面的形象不同之处在于他的靴子是黑色的,而不是粉色的,并且有像 Vashagn 一样的蝴蝶结和扣环。南墙上的大尺寸人物与 Adbag 相对,几乎在比例和服装上与他完全相同(就腿部而言)。第三个人物根据保留的靴带来看,也是大尺寸的,尽管不清楚它是男性还是女性。如果第四个人物存在的话,剩下的空间非常小,可能只能是小尺寸。
Since it is most likely that the iconographic features of one of the figures had astrological origins, it is necessary to consider the possibility of an astral interpretation of the combined composition of both walls, in which the seven figures correspond to the seven planets. Given such an interpretation, Adbag Ahura Mazda the deity of the planet Jupiter, which Ahura Mazda looked after. But if so, the smaller figures are also planets, which presents a contradiction. Indeed, three of the figures for some reason appear to be sharply diminished in comparison with the rest, which cannot be explained in astrological terms. If the small figures are not related to planets, there remain only four planets, but the choice of only four once more defies an astrological explanation. Thus, there are no grounds for the astral interpretation.
When creating their cultic iconography in the fifth-sixth centuries A.D., the Sogdians turned to foreign models, of India and Greece (Silenus, Athena, Heracles, and others) and, occasionally, Kushan Tokharistan. All these models underwent change under the influence of Sasanian art, probably in areas controlled by the KushanoSasanians. This occurred both under the Sasanians and later, under the Kidarites and the Hephthalites, throughout the fourth-sixth centuries A.D. From these sources came the poses of the enthroned goddesses, the typically Sasanian wavy ribbons, and other characteristics of cultic compositions. However, despite these borrowings, the Sogdians pursued their own identity, representing in concrete, distinct depictions a multiplicity of gods worshiped by individual families and communities. Rather than portraying the major Buddhist, Christian, or Manichean images, they found it suitable to borrow the -

nor representations of Hindu gods and allegorical and astrological images of Greek mythology, which by that time had lost their immediate cultic significance. From this point of view, the astrological Mars and allegorical Orpheus in Sogdian painting correspond entirely, each reflecting certain ideas that are markedly different from their Classical prototypes.
The tulip flowers on the painting's background enable one to associate the subject with traditional spring celebrations, when blooming tulips were picked on the hills and brought back to the villages. E. M. Peshchereva, who described these processions, songs, and dances, demonstrated their relationship to the ancient cults of dying and reviving Nature, as well as to the wellknown European rite of the "May tree." Special processions, songs, and pageants were important elements of spring rites universally (suffice it to recall the role of Dionysian festivals in the development of the Greek theater and the May songs which stimulated the development of medieval lyrics in Europe). In ancient Sogdiana, too, there were mysteries or processions in which actors represented the gods and adorants were depicted as standing in supplication before the water goddess. The cult of the spring waters, one of the fundamental constituents of spring rituals, continued the traditions of the Tajiks and Uzbeks. That the Panjikent deity is female corresponds to concepts of the Tajiks and Uzbeks associated with the spring celebrations, according to which Spring herself appears as a female image. One may note that a goddess with a tulip in her hand, perceived as the water deity Anahita, was depicted on a Sasanian seal.
画作背景上的郁金香花使人们能够将主题与传统的春季庆祝活动联系起来,当时盛开的郁金香被采摘到山上,带回村庄。E. M.佩什切列娃描述了这些游行、歌曲和舞蹈,展示了它们与古老的死亡和复苏自然的崇拜以及著名的欧洲“五月树”仪式的关系。特殊的游行、歌曲和盛大的庆典是春季仪式的重要组成部分(只需回想一下狄奥尼索斯节日在希腊戏剧发展中的作用和刺激中世纪抒情诗发展的五月歌曲的作用)。在古代粟特地区,也有神秘的游行,演员扮演神明,崇拜者被描绘为在水神面前恳求。春水崇拜是春季仪式的基本组成部分之一,延续了塔吉克族和乌兹别克族的传统。 潘吉肯特的女神是女性与塔吉克人和乌兹别克人与春节庆祝活动相关的概念相符,根据这些概念,春天本身被描绘成女性形象。可以注意到,在一枚萨珊王朝的印章上,有一位手持郁金香的女神,被认为是水神阿纳希塔。
In our mural, the tulip indicates the particular seasonal festivities to which reference is made, although there is no allusion to its harvesting and ritual use. Perhaps the action is conceived of as taking place on a meadow in front of the goddess' tent. That the great gods appeared as participants in the world drama of the death and revival of Nature in the pageant that had inspired the artist clarifies the role of the triumphant Vashagn-Verethragna, the bestower of victory over the demon and of plenty (including the abundance of cattle). As for Adbag, he is likened to Orpheus, who restored life through his divine playing of the cithara or through his singing, and who had descended into the Underworld and returned to Earth. In Greece, worshipers of Orpheus attempted to penetrate his mysteries in order to attain eternal bliss. Such an image would be quite welcome at a celebration of spring. Sogdians, of course, knew nothing of the Orphic mysteries and interpreted the iconography of Orpheus in their own manner, providing their cithara player with a royal crown and weapons and, in a terra-cotta, even depicting him seated on an elephant throne. This syncretic representation borrowed no less from a Sasanian king than from the Thracian bard, yet the Sogdians, too, embraced the idea of divine music.
在我们的壁画中,郁金香象征着特定的季节庆典,尽管没有提及它的收获和仪式用途。也许这个场景被设想发生在女神帐篷前的草地上。伟大的神明以参与者的身份出现在世界戏剧中,这个戏剧描绘了大自然的死亡和复苏,这激发了艺术家的灵感,从而阐明了凯旋的瓦沙格-维雷斯拉格纳的角色,他是战胜恶魔和赐予丰饶(包括牲畜丰盛)的胜利者。至于阿德巴格,他被比作奥菲斯,通过他神圣的琴弹或歌唱恢复生命,并下到冥界并返回人间。在希腊,奥菲斯的信徒试图揭示他的奥秘,以获得永恒的幸福。这样的形象在春天的庆祝活动中是非常受欢迎的。当然,粟特人对奥菲斯的奥秘一无所知,并以自己的方式解释奥菲斯的图像,给他的琴弹者戴上皇冠和武器,并在一个陶土作品中甚至描绘他坐在大象宝座上。 这种综合的表达方式既借鉴了萨珊王的特点,又借鉴了色雷斯诗人的特点,然而,苏格底人也接受了神圣音乐的概念。
Sogdian cultic art often depicted the deities themselves with musical instruments. An example from Panjikent shows Veshparkar with a horn and a goddess, seated on a throne supported by senmurvs, who holds in her hand a peculiar frame adorned with bells-like a Hellenistic Isis who is depicted with a kind of sistrum and seated on the back of the dog Sirius. An ossuary from southern Sogdiana depicts a four-armed goddess dancing to music (seated figures may strike a similar pose, but the ossuary lacks the carpets and thrones that would have been shown in such a case). On the ossuary this is a representation of the Garden of Eden, the destination of the soul of the deceased. Finally, it is important to note that the Zoroastrian Eden is an abode of song and a source of sweet music for the enjoyment of righteous souls. The action depicted on the ossuary takes place beneath the arcade of a temple, indicating that this is one of the temple ritual scenes (for example, a sacrifice performed on a stationary altar) that are frequently portrayed on ossuaries. These scenes are generally interpreted as fictional, although, in light of the scene from the small shrine at Panjikent, one must consider the possibility that they may also correspond to an actual ritual with actors playing the roles of gods.
索格底亚的宗教艺术经常描绘神祇本身持有乐器。潘吉肯特的一个例子展示了持有号角的维什帕卡尔和一位女神,她坐在由森穆尔夫支撑的王座上,手中拿着一个装饰有铃铛的奇特框架,类似于希腊的伊西斯,她被描绘为持有一种类似铃铛的乐器,坐在天狼星的背上。南索格底亚的一个骨灰盒描绘了一位四臂女神跳舞伴奏音乐(坐着的人物可能会摆出类似的姿势,但骨灰盒上没有展示地毯和王座)。在骨灰盒上,这是对伊甸园的描绘,是亡者灵魂的目的地。最后,值得注意的是,琐罗亚斯德教的伊甸园是一个歌唱之地,是正直灵魂享受甜美音乐的源泉。骨灰盒上描绘的行动发生在一座寺庙的拱廊下,表明这是寺庙仪式场景之一(例如,在固定祭坛上进行的祭祀),这种场景经常出现在骨灰盒上。 这些场景通常被解释为虚构的,尽管考虑到潘吉肯特小神殿的场景,我们必须考虑它们也可能对应着一种真实的仪式,其中演员扮演着神的角色。
In a number of cases, musical instruments are placed in the hands of heavenly residents who accompany a deity, as can be noted in the paintings of Panjikent and Shahristan, 48 and often they are carried by the people who participate in a ritual, as in paintings from Varakhsha and Panjikent. It is very rare that well-preserved cultic compositions completely lack music or dancing, and it has been suggested that the Panjikent cult was non-Zoroastrian in character
在许多情况下,乐器被放在天堂居民的手中,他们伴随着神明,正如潘吉肯特和沙赫里斯坦的绘画中所能看到的那样,48 而且通常由参与仪式的人们携带,就像瓦拉克沙和潘吉肯特的绘画中一样。非常罕见的是,保存完好的宗教作品完全没有音乐或舞蹈,有人认为潘吉肯特的崇拜是非祆教性质的。

because old Iranian traditions, as we know them from Herodotus, were quite different. However, although cultic music (at least flute-playing) was unknown to the Persians, as were the statues and temple buildings (Herodotus 1.131, 132) that also became so typical of early medieval Sogdiana, later Avestan hymns were sung to the accompaniment of stringed instruments.
因为我们从希罗多德所知的旧伊朗传统已经相当不同了。然而,尽管祭祀音乐(至少是吹奏长笛)和成为早期中世纪粟特族的典型特征的雕像和寺庙建筑在波斯人中是未知的(希罗多德 1.131, 132),以后的阿维斯陀教赞歌是伴随着弦乐器演奏的。
Theatricalization of the cult in Sogdian temples can be traced not only in the northern shrine of Temple II but also in its main building, whose cella apparently preserved the remnants of a wooden machine used to create magic theatrical effects, in some measure like those described by adi, who described a hidden rope that made an Indian idol raise its arms.
A wall painting from the northern shrine of Temple I, room 10a (which most probably dates to the sixth centuryl, depicts figures of male dancers and musicians under a canopy. The presence of a mask, disks on the ears, a tiger skin, a bowl, and the nudity of the participants point not simply to some dancing but to a festival resembling a carnival. This is probably not a depiction of a real carnival/festival celebrating the end of winter that was known among the Iranians, since the participants are very lightly clad, but is probably a celebration of the New Year, which was observed in summer. This seems to be confirmed by a somewhat later mural with a scene of a feast from the shrine's pronaos (room 10) that shows not only flowering branches but ripe fruit. certain parallelism, though by no means identical character, may be observed in the themes of the murals of the northern shrines of both temples. In addition, the two temples were built toward the end of the fifth century, apparently in connection with the appearance of some additional cults or rituals.
一幅来自寺庙 I 北神殿 10a 房间的壁画(很可能可以追溯到六世纪),描绘了一群男舞者和音乐家在一个帐篷下。参与者身上的面具、耳环、虎皮、碗以及裸体的状态,不仅仅是一些舞蹈,而更像是一个类似狂欢节的节日。这很可能不是描绘伊朗人所知的冬季结束庆祝活动的真实狂欢节/节日,因为参与者穿着非常轻便,而可能是夏季庆祝新年的活动。这似乎得到了稍后的壁画的证实,该壁画描绘了神殿前厅(10 号房间)的宴会场景,不仅有盛开的树枝,还有成熟的水果。两座寺庙的北神殿壁画主题存在某种相似性,尽管并非完全相同,这可能与两座寺庙建于五世纪末,显然与一些额外的崇拜或仪式的出现有关。
The painting of the northern shrine of Temple II depicts the participants in the ritual as worshipers who venerate the goddess after the demon has been vanquished by Vashagn, that is, after the play is over. The rite observed in the shrine probably included the lighting of a fire on a low adobe altar that is quite unlike those that are well known from Sogdian representations of the fifth-eighth centuries. The traces of flames and smoke in the walled-up niche cannot be the traces of a secondary usage, since the altar was preserved intact. It is doubtful that a large fire was kindled on it; it is more likely that the altar was used for perfuming. Biruni wrote of perfuming with smoke and fumes, but he was describing what went on everywhere on certain days, not a temple ritual.
北神殿的画作描绘了仪式参与者在恶魔被瓦沙格恩击败后,即戏剧结束后,崇拜女神的场景。神殿中观察到的仪式可能包括在一个低矮的土坛上点燃火焰,这与从 5 至 8 世纪的粟特绘画中所熟知的坛台完全不同。墙壁上封闭的壁龛中的火焰和烟雾痕迹不可能是二次使用的痕迹,因为坛台完好无损。对于是否在上面点燃了大火存在疑问,更有可能是用于熏香。伯鲁尼提到了用烟雾和气味熏香,但他描述的是在某些特定日子在各地进行的活动,而不是寺庙仪式。
The composition with worshipers is interesting not only as a source for the history of cults and rites but as a reflection of Sogdian art as well. It makes it possible to assess the specifics of theatrical versus ordinary costume and the prevailing fashions. In addition, and of particular importance, is that this is one of the few examples of sixth-century Sogdian painting.
The theatrical costume and props were distinguished not so much by their richness as by the ostentatious use of diverse elements. The ordinary costume worn by Adbag is supplemented by attributes of the Sasanian royal costume: wavy ribbons attached to the crown and the boots, as well as the specifically theatrical garment with long triangular sections. The boots are the same on all figures, but affixed to those of the actor there are ribbons. The dagger is suspended like a sword, but from two broad ribbons instead of the customary sword belt. The belt, an important attribute for a warrior as well as a king, is missing.
Here one can see the common features of the traditional theater of many peoples. P. G. Bogatyrev described the costumes of the folk theater: "In all these costumes, along with a tendency to evoke among the public an idea of the historicity and originality of the personae dramatis (but in a manner meeting the tasks of theatricality), we see also another tendency-to bring the actor's costumes closer to the public, to use the costumes the public regards as its own, and to which it is used. ... Thus, we encounter here a new antinomy of two different tendencies in theatrical costumes, at times manifested in one and the same costume: (1) to create an unusual costume, differing from ours; (2) to bring it closer to our own costume. We often observe these two contradictory tendencies in other theatrical elements: in the properties, etc., and they are not characteristic of the folk theater alone."
Dancers on other Paniikent murals are attired specially for performances in goat skins and footwear differing on the right and left feet (section XXVI) and are shown frequently with shoulder-pieces with four festoons hung with bells and strings with bells. At times, participants in a play intentionally bared their bodies and wore masks and a kind of disk that covered the ears,
其他帕尼肯特壁画上的舞者穿着特制的山羊皮和左右脚不同的鞋子(第 XXVI 节),经常配有四个悬挂着铃铛的肩垫和带有铃铛的绳子。有时,戏剧参与者故意露出身体,戴上面具和一种遮住耳朵的圆盘。

like the musicians and dancers in the shrine of Temple I.
像寺庙 I 的音乐家和舞者一样。
The actor's costume in some measure reproduces the costume of celestial beings, i.e., statues depicted in paintings, but in a manner that is less rich and more akin to ordinary Sogdian dress, although occasionally it is intentionally portrayed as extravagant. This difference may be well marked when comparing the caryatid harp player, representing a celestial being from the retinue of the goddess Nana, and the harp player from the epic scene in the murals of the wellknown "Blue Hall." 63
Both in Sogdiana and eastern Turkestan, which is related to Sogdiana, most often one sees musicians, dancers, and mummers, with or without masks, rather than the grand figures of the gods of the pantheon, as on the mural with which we are concerned. A chest from Kucha with representations of actors and musicians is of particular interest because it shows the social rank of the participants in cultic pageants. Along with the actors, there are musicians dressed as gentlemen who would never part with a dagger.
The elements of ordinary costume are easily recognizable in the garments of an actor because they are the same as those worn by the smaller figures of the same mural, by donors in the main buildings of both temples and other figures. On the walls of the northern shrine a similar costume is depicted on murals dating to the late fifth century, whereas the figures shown in paintings of the seventh and eighth centuries are attired differently. The Sogdian costume of the fifthsixth centuries A.D., with its short tunic and trousers tucked into boots and blousing over the sides, may be traced back to a Parthian version of the ancient Iranian costume /see, on a Sasanian gem, the representation of a defeated foe of Bahram IV, late fourth century), but the closest analogies are found in the paintings of the fifthearly sixth centuries A.D. from eastern Turkestan and some wall paintings from Dilbarjin in Tokharistan.
While the costumes portrayed in the fifth and sixth centuries paintings of the northern shrine are similar, the aesthetic concepts are by no means identical. In the fifth century work, the artist, following the Hellenistic tradition, depicted the ground line with a low horizon, and the flowers on that ground. The color scheme of the earlier painting is restrained: silvery ocher with a few dark-red spots. Tonal transitions, highlights, and shading give the representations a sense of volume. The figures are compact and stocky, with large hands and heavy heads. The contours are always black and usually thick and expressive, used not to outline colors but as contours in their own right.
In the sixth century, the artist depicted the figures and flowers against a very festive, purely decorative red background. In this period, there was a change in the artistic function of the contour, which became the border of a painted object. Contours now were thin and were red as well as black. Common colors were red, pink, and ocher of varying intensities and white, black, and gray. Although the line continued to convey volume, everything was flatter and part of the decorative rhythm of areas of color, and even the background no longer consisted of large monochrome fields but was divided by complicated, wavy outlines of figures, flying ribbons, and flowers. The figures became more graceful, with smaller hands, and their legs appeared to rise on tiptoe since the ground on which they would normally stand had disappeared, making their foreshortening unrealistic. Figures garbed in cloaks acquired all but fantastic lightness. The rendering of Adbag's cloak, with the sinuous line of the ends of the lower folds but without corresponding folds that would have given them the volume of Classical drapery, is typical. The style of the worshiper panels is not completely paralleled even in the Panjikent murals of similar date. Later, while preserving an abstract background, artists returned to depicting more stable, powerful figures. They went further than the sixth century masters in tackling the problem of making the murals decorative, at the same time retaining the expressiveness and authenticity of the images. However, the delicacy and richness of our mural were no longer known in the seventh and eighth centuries.
在六世纪,艺术家将人物和花卉描绘在一个非常喜庆、纯粹装饰性的红色背景上。在这个时期,轮廓的艺术功能发生了变化,它成为了绘画对象的边界。轮廓线变得细而且红色和黑色都有。常见的颜色有红色、粉红色和不同强度的赭色,还有白色、黑色和灰色。尽管线条仍然传达着体积感,但一切都变得更加扁平,成为了色彩区域的装饰节奏的一部分,甚至背景也不再由大块的单色区域组成,而是被复杂的、波浪状的人物轮廓、飞舞的丝带和花卉所分割。人物变得更加优雅,手变得更小,他们的腿似乎站在脚尖上,因为他们通常站立的地面已经消失,使得他们的透视变得不现实。披着斗篷的人物获得了几乎是奇幻般的轻盈感。阿德巴格斯的斗篷的描绘,以下摺的蜿蜒线条为特色,但没有相应的摺褶,这些摺褶会给予它们古典服饰的体积感。 崇拜者面板的风格甚至在巴尼金特壁画中也没有完全相似。后来,艺术家们在保留抽象背景的同时,又开始描绘更加稳定、有力的形象。他们在解决壁画装饰性问题上比六世纪的大师们更进一步,同时保留了形象的表现力和真实性。然而,我们壁画的精致和丰富在七、八世纪已不再被人所知。
The iconography of the paintings displays a Classical heritage. For example, the terra-cotta sculpture of the eyvan of Temple II, very close to the mural of the small shrine in date, retains a clearly Hellenistic interpretation of form. When N. I. Veselovskii compared the terra-cotta reliefs with the images of the cithara player and the king with the mask, he suggested that they represented one and the same god in different
绘画的图像描绘了古典遗产。例如,与小神殿壁画日期非常接近的第二庙的天然红陶雕塑,保留了明显的希腊形式解读。当 N. I. Veselovskii 将天然红陶浮雕与弹琴者和戴面具的国王的形象进行比较时,他暗示它们代表了同一个神在不同的形象中。

iconographic variants. However, since they are placed side by side on one painted panel, we see them as two related, but different personages.
The small terra-cotta figures of the sixth century, as distinct from earlier and later figures, were often painted after being fired, and served as inexpensive icons. The similarities between these figures and those in the murals help to identify the representations of the gods in the wall paintings, where the figures are usually rather fragmented. Our cithara player and the man with the mask supplement the series of images represented both on the terra-cottas and on the murals. This series also includes the goddess on a lion, the god on the camel throne, and the goddess resembling Athena (the latter has been recorded in painting only in Tokharistan).
The Tokharistan mural from Dilbarjin with the goddess who resembles Athena, like the figures examined here, demonstrates an interpretation of the Classical heritage under the impact of Sasanian art. Both at Panjikent and at Dilbarjin, the painters included details of Sasanian royal costume, reproducing not only realistic ribbons but also their stylized treatment in the Sasanian manner. The Sogdians made extensive use of the iconographical schemes of their southern neighbors, the people of the Kushan lands who were subordinated by the Sasanians in the late fourth and the first half of the fifth centuries. This is seen as early as the fifth century, when the goddess of the Panjikent northern shrine of the first period was depicted in a pose virtually identical to that of the deity on the reverse of some Kushano-Sasanian coins. This influence was not all-embracing, since we have already mentioned the use of pure Classical traditions that were not transmitted via KushanoSasanian art.
托哈里斯坦的迪尔巴尔金壁画上的女神与雅典娜相似,就像这里所研究的人物一样,展示了在萨珊艺术的影响下对古典遗产的解读。在潘吉肯特和迪尔巴尔金,画家们包括了萨珊王室服饰的细节,不仅重现了逼真的丝带,还以萨珊方式进行了风格化处理。粟特人广泛使用了他们南方邻居的图像方案,即库善地区的人民,在 4 世纪末和 5 世纪上半叶被萨珊人征服。早在 5 世纪,潘吉肯特北部神殿的女神就以与一些库善-萨珊硬币背面的神祇几乎相同的姿势被描绘出来。这种影响并不是全面的,因为我们已经提到了纯粹的古典传统的使用,并没有通过库善-萨珊艺术传承下来。
The most important aspect to consider in this respect is the basic and distinctive goals of Sogdian artists. The monumental art of the Sogdians covers a wide array of phenomena, reproducing various scenes of merrymaking and illustrations of mythological, epic, and fairy-tale subjects as well as static scenes of worship. The urban nobility was not as remote from the people as were the almost deified Iranian monarchs, which explains why we find in the temples and houses of Panjikent the depiction, somewhat aristocratized, of many popular pageants that are often associated with calendrical agricultural festivals. It is difficult to determine how these celebrations correlated with the festive days of the official 365-day year of the Sogdian calendar, which was dedicated to the gods of their pantheon and in which the New Year was shifted by one month every 120 years.
在这方面需要考虑的最重要的方面是粟特艺术家的基本和独特的目标。粟特人的纪念性艺术涵盖了各种现象,再现了各种欢乐场景和神话、史诗和童话题材的插图,以及静态的崇拜场景。城市贵族与人民之间的距离并不像几乎被神化的伊朗君主那样遥远,这解释了为什么我们在潘吉肯特的寺庙和房屋中发现了许多与日历农业节日相关的流行游行的描绘,这些描绘有些被贵族化了。很难确定这些庆祝活动与粟特历法的官方 365 天年的节日如何相关,该历法专门供奉他们的众神,并且每 120 年将新年推迟一个月。
Generally speaking, the role of the supreme deities in calendar folk festivals, as demonstrated by ethnographers, is incomparably less than the role of field demons, whose cult persevered in spite of radical changes in religion. In the worshipers mural both gods and mortals are mere participants in the ritual. There is a direct image of the Harvest Spirit and the celebration of bring. ing in the harvest at Panjikent. In a wall painting in the house of a granary owner, the popular cult is indeed aristocratized: the Harvest Spirit (Baba-ye-dehqan, "Grandfather Land Tiller" of Tajik folklore) is seated on a throne, clad in rich silks. Also at Panjikent there is a representation of a folk festival drawn in the 760s on the wall of a house by an amateur painter who, among other things, depicted the masks and special theatrical costumes of the participants in the ritual.
总的来说,民俗节日中最高神的角色在民族学家的证明下,与田野恶魔的角色相比,无疑要少得多,尽管宗教发生了根本性的变化,但田野恶魔的崇拜仍然坚持下来。在崇拜者的壁画中,无论是神灵还是凡人都只是仪式的参与者。在潘吉肯特,有一个直接描绘了丰收之神和庆祝丰收的形象。在一个谷仓主人的房子里的壁画中,民间崇拜确实被贵族化了:丰收之神(塔吉克民间传说中的“农田祖父”)坐在宝座上,身穿华丽的丝绸。在潘吉肯特还有一个民间节日的描绘,是由一个业余画家在公元 760 年左右画在一座房子的墙上,他在画中描绘了参与仪式的人们的面具和特殊的戏剧服装。
The Panjikent mural enables one to see the almost complete cycle of annual folk festivals: the tulip festival; the summer festival with bathing, garlands, and the New Year wrestling and fortune-telling; the harvest festival; and, possibly, the autumn-winter festival associated with the hunt.
Decades of work at Panjikent have yielded ample material, so that each composition now helps to complete the interpretation of Sogdian art. This made it possible, thirty years after its discovery, to return to the interpretation of the wall painting to which this study is devoted.

Appendix 附录

At the peak of the spring season in sixth-seventh centuries eastern Iran, a festival analogous to the processions, songs, and dances associated with tulips in Sogdiana was celebrated in which participants donned tulip garlands (Fakhriddini Gurgoni [Fakhr od-Din Gorgani], Vis va Ramin [Dushanbe, 1966], p. 22). A description of this festival in the Sasanian version of the Parthian (?) poem Vis o Ramin has nothing to do with Now-
在 6-7 世纪东伊朗的春季高峰期,人们举行了一个类似于粟特地区郁金香游行、歌曲和舞蹈的节日,参与者戴着郁金香花环(Fakhriddini Gurgoni [Fakhr od-Din Gorgani], Vis va Ramin [杜尚别,1966 年],第 22 页)。萨珊版本的帕提亚(?)诗歌《Vis o Ramin》中对这个节日的描述与现代没有任何关系。

ruz (cf. M. Boyce, ed. and trans., Textual Sources for the Study of Zoroastrianism [Manchester, 1984], p. 70), since spring, according to Vis and Ramin, begins in the ninth month, Adhar (V. Minorsky, "Vīs u Rāmin: A Parthian Romance," BSOAS 11 [1946]; 12 [1947]; S. H. Taqizadeh, Gahshumari dar Iran-i-qadim [Tehran, 1317/ 1939], p. 263).
根据《琐罗亚斯德教研究文本来源》(曼彻斯特,1984 年,第 70 页),根据《维斯和拉敏》,春季从第九个月阿达尔开始(V. Minorsky,《维斯和拉敏:一部帕提亚浪漫小说》,《英国东方与非洲研究学会学报》11 [1946]; 12 [1947]; S. H. Taqizadeh,《伊朗古代的季节划分》[德黑兰,1317/1939],第 263 页)。
As to the identification of the tulip festival with the mourning rites and collection of the bones of the divine scion, as reported in a seventhcentury Chinese source (E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue [Turcs] occidentaux, Sbornik trudov Orkhonskol̆ ekspeditsii, vol. 6 [St. Petersburg, 1903], n. 5, pp. 132-33), these festivals occur at different seasons of the year. The Chinese source, referring to the Sogdian ritual, speaks of the seventh month of the Chinese calendar, which is a month later than the Sogdian New Year, and a summer one in that period. According to the source, the bones of the divine scion were collected, the bones apparently represented not by red (bloody) flowers but by ears of grain (cf. the text from the Fihrist regarding Sogdian summer rites, cited by A. M. Belenitskii, according to which the bones of Tavuz were ground in a mill [A. M. Belenitskiř and B. I. Marshak, "Stennye rospisi, obnaruzhennye v 1970 godu na gorodishche drevnego Pendzhikenta" (Wall paintings discovered in 1970 at the ancient town site of Panjikent), SGE 36 (1973), p. 77]). Correspondingly, the Sogdian seventhcentury festival belongs to a cycle not associated with spring flowering but with the magic of ensuring the future harvesting of the crops. The collection of the bones was associated with ossuary rites, all the more so that the same passage contains information on the Sogdians' burial customs. In several countries, there is some similarity between the spring and summer rites (see S. A. Tokarev's Introduction to Kalendarnye obychai i obriady stranakh zarubezhnoĭ Evropy: Istoricheskie korni i razvitie obychaev, ed. S. A. Tokarev et al. [Moscow, 1983], p. 3). While the legend cited by E. M. Peshchereva does not correspond precisely to the seventh-century myth, it belongs to the same, most ancient (according to its sources), series of legends about a dismembered man, the parts of whose body were scattered by his murderers in the fields. A similar death was attributed to Orpheus, the torn and scattered parts of whose body were collected by the Muses (S. A. Tokarev, Rannie formy religil ikh razvitie [Moscow, 1964], pp. 381-83).
关于郁金香节与哀悼仪式以及收集神圣子孙的骨骼的联系,根据一份七世纪的中国文献(E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue [Turcs] occidentaux, Sbornik trudov Orkhonskol̆ ekspeditsii, vol. 6 [St. Petersburg, 1903], n. 5, pp. 132-33)所述,这些节日在一年的不同季节举行。这份中国文献提到了粟特人的仪式,称其在中国历法的第七个月举行,比粟特人的新年晚一个月,而且是在夏季。根据这份文献,神圣子孙的骨骼被收集起来,这些骨骼显然不是用红色(血腥)的花朵代表,而是用谷物的穗代表(参见 Fihrist 中关于粟特人夏季仪式的文本,引用自 A. M. Belenitskii,其中提到 Tavuz 的骨骼被磨成粉末[A. M. Belenitskiř and B. I. Marshak, "Stennye rospisi, obnaruzhennye v 1970 godu na gorodishche drevnego Pendzhikenta" (Wall paintings discovered in 1970 at the ancient town site of Panjikent), SGE 36 (1973), p. 77])。 相应地,苏格底亚七世纪的节日属于一个与春季开花无关,而与确保未来农作物收获的魔力有关的周期。骨骼的收集与骨灰坛仪式有关,尤其是因为同一段落中包含了关于苏格底亚人的葬礼习俗的信息。在几个国家,春季和夏季仪式之间存在一些相似之处(参见 S. A. Tokarev 的《Kalendarnye obychai i obriady stranakh zarubezhnoĭ Evropy: Istoricheskie korni i razvitie obychaev》引言,由 S. A. Tokarev 等人编辑[Moscow, 1983],第 3 页)。虽然 E. M. Peshchereva 引用的传说与七世纪的神话不完全相符,但它属于同一最古老(根据其来源)的关于一个被肢解的人的传说系列,他的身体部分被他的凶手散落在田地里。类似的死亡被归因于奥菲斯,他的身体被撕裂和散落的部分被缪斯收集起来(S. A. Tokarev,《Rannie formy religil ikh razvitie》[Moscow, 1964],第 381-83 页)。
S. P. Tolstov identified the dismembered divine scion with Siyavush, who, according to the Shahnama, was not buried (S. P. Tolstov, Drevniі̆ Khorezm: Opyt istoriko-arkheologicheskogo issledovaniia [Moscow, 1948], pp. 202-5); from the blood he shed grew the plant called the "Blood of Siyavush." This, however, must be some other myth, since the Siyavush of the Shahnama perished not as an infant or youth but as an adult with two wives and a son. The Blood of Siyavush plant is not a tulip (Abu Rey̆khan [Rayhan] Biruni, Sobranie svedeniĭ dlia poznaniia dragotsennostĕ̆: Mineralogiia, trans. A. M. Belenitskiї; article and commentary by A. M. Belenitskiî and G. G. Lemmlein [Moscow, 1963], pp. 37-38, 125). Apparently, Iranian-Central Asian legends, like those from Greece, recount that from the drops of blood that were shed grew various flowers associated with specific personages. 
At Panjikent there are no representations of Siyavush (cf. M. M. D'iakonov, “Obraz Siiavusha v sredneaziatskol̆ mifologii" [The image of Siyavush in Central Asian mythology], KSIIMK, no. 40 [1951]; A. A. Semenov, "Zhivopis' drevnego Panjikenta" (The painting of ancient Panjikent) [review], Trudy AN TadzhSSR 42 [1956], pp. 243-44). The seduction scene from section III belongs to the "minor genre" of illustrations of fairy tales and fables and not to the Siyavush heroic tale, as suggested by M. M. D'iakonov.
在潘吉肯特没有描绘 Siyavush 的形象(参见 M. M. D'iakonov 的《中亚神话中的 Siyavush 形象》[The image of Siyavush in Central Asian mythology],KSIIMK,第 40 期[1951];A. A. Semenov 的《古代潘吉肯特的绘画》[review],Trudy AN TadzhSSR 42 [1956],第 243-44 页)。第三部分的诱惑场景属于童话和寓言的“小型流派”插图,而不属于 Siyavush 英雄故事,如 M. M. D'iakonov 所提出的。

Notes 笔记

  1. In 1963 and 1967 the excavations were led by E. V. Zeimal', on whose initiative this dig was begun; in 1964 and 1970 they were conducted by B. I. Marshak and A. M. Belenitskii. See their "Raskopki na gorodishche drevnego Pendzhikenta (1970 g.)" (Excavations at the town site of ancient Panjikent [1970]), ART, no. 10 (1970), pp. 106-8, pl. 16; A. M. Belenitskiĭ and B. I. Marshak, "Voprosy khronologii zhivopisi rannesrednevekovogo Sogda" (On the chronology of the painting of early medieval Sogdiana), Uspekhi sredneaziatskol̆ arkheologii 4 (1979), p. 34, fig. 3; idem, "Stennye rospisi, obnaruzhennye v 1970 godu na gorodishche drevnego Pendzhikenta" (Wall paintings discovered in 1970 at the ancient town site of Panjikent), SGE 36 (1973), pp. 58, 61; idem, "Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdiütsev VII-VIII vv. v iskusstve
    1963 年和 1967 年的发掘工作由 E.V.泽伊马尔领导,这次挖掘是在他的倡议下开始的;1964 年和 1970 年由 B.I.马沙克和 A.M.贝莱尼茨基进行。参见他们的《古代潘吉肯特城遗址的发掘(1970 年)》(ART,1970 年,第 10 期,第 106-8 页,第 16 图);A.M.贝莱尼茨基和 B.I.马沙克,《早期中世纪索格迪亚绘画年代学问题》(Uspekhi sredneaziatskol̆ arkheologii,1979 年,第 4 页,第 34 图);同上,《1970 年在古代潘吉肯特城遗址发现的壁画》(SGE,1973 年,第 36 页,第 58、61 页);同上,《7-8 世纪索格迪亚人艺术中的世界观特点》
Pendzhikenta" |Characteristics of the Sogdian world view of the seventh-eighth centuries in the art of Panjikent), in Istoriia i kul'tura narodov Sredneı̆ Azii: Drevnost' i srednie veka, ed. B. G. Gafurov and B. A. Litvinskiŭ (Moscow, 1976), pp. 76-77; A. M. Belenitskiǐ, B. I. Marshak, and V. I. Raspopova, "Raskopki drevnego Pendzhikenta v 1974 g." (Excavations of ancient Panjikent in 1974), ART, no. 14 (1979), pp. 4043, figs. 11-13.
潘吉肯特的艺术中反映了七至八世纪粟特人世界观的特点,《中亚民族的历史与文化:古代和中世纪》,编者 B. G. Gafurov 和 B. A. Litvinskiŭ(莫斯科,1976 年),第 76-77 页;A. M. Belenitskiǐ,B. I. Marshak 和 V. I. Raspopova,“1974 年潘吉肯特的古代挖掘”(1974 年潘吉肯特的古代挖掘),《艺术》杂志,第 14 期(1979 年),第 4043 页,图 11-13。
  1. A. Belenitsky, Central Asia (Geneva, 1968), ills. 126, 133; A. M. Belenitski1̆, "Iskusstvo antichnykh i srednevekovykh gorodov Srednerl Azii" (The art of the antique and medieval cities of Central Asia), in Proizvedeniia iskusstva novykh nakhodkakh sovetskikh arkheologov (Moscow, 1977), p. 125; idem, Monumental'noe iskusstvo Pendzhikenta: Zhivopis', skul'ptura (Moscow, 1973), pp. 12-14, 45, pls. 1, 2; A. M. Belenitski and B. I. Marshak, "L'art de Piandjikent à la lumière des dernières fouilles (1958-1968)," AAs 23 (1971), pp. 5-8, fig. 3-a, b; A. M. Belenizki, Mittelasien: Kunst der Sogden, trans. L. Schirmer (Leipzig, 1980), pp. 51-52, 196, pl. 17; V. G. Shkoda, "K voprosu o kul'tovykh stsenakh v sogdiřskoĭ zhivopisi" (On the matter of cultic scenes in Sogdian painting), SGE 45 (1980).
    A. Belenitsky, 中亚(日内瓦,1968 年),插图 126,133; A. M. Belenitski1̆,“中亚古代和中世纪城市的艺术”,收录于苏联考古学家的新发现艺术作品(莫斯科,1977 年),第 125 页; 同上,彭吉肯特的宏伟艺术:绘画,雕塑(莫斯科,1973 年),第 12-14 页,45 页,图版 1,2; A. M. Belenitski 和 B. I. Marshak,“彭吉肯特的艺术在最新的发掘(1958-1968 年)中的光芒下”,AAs 23(1971 年),第 5-8 页,图 3-a,b; A. M. Belenizki,中亚:苏格登的艺术,L. Schirmer 译(莱比锡,1980 年),第 51-52 页,196 页,图版 17; V. G. Shkoda,“关于苏格底亚绘画中的宗教场景问题”,SGE 45(1980 年)。
  2. Belenitski1̄, Monumental'noe iskusstvo Pendzhikenta, p. 14.
    贝莱尼茨基 1̄,彭吉肯塔的宏伟艺术,第 14 页。
  3. Ibid., pl. 2; Belenizki, Mittelasien, pl. 21; G. Azarpay, Sogdian Painting (Berkeley, 1981), pl. 27.
    同上,第 2 页;Belenizki,中亚,第 21 页;G. Azarpay,粟特绘画(伯克利,1981 年),第 27 页。
  4. G. Pougatchenkova, Les trésors de Dalverzinetépé (Leningrad, 1978), p. 74, figs. 52, 53.
    G. Pougatchenkova,《达尔维尔泽涅特佩的宝藏》(列宁格勒,1978 年),第 74 页,图 52、53。
  5. N. I. Veselovski1̈, "Eshche ob ossuariakh" (More about ossuaries), ZVORAO 17 (1906), fig. 5; Belenitsky, Central Asia, pl. 78.
    N. I. Veselovski1̈,《关于骨灰盒的更多信息》(More about ossuaries),ZVORAO 17(1906),图 5;Belenitsky,《中亚》,图 78。
  6. N. I. Veselovskil̆, "Grecheskie izobrazheniia na turkestanskikh ossuariiakh" (Greek representations on Turkestan ossuaries), IAK, no. 63 (1917), p. 64.
    N. I. Veselovskil̆,《希腊在突厥斯坦骨灰盒上的描绘》,IAK,第 63 期(1917 年),第 64 页。
  7. Veselovskǐ̆, "Grecheskie izobrazheniia."
  8. A. IA. Borisov, "K probleme sogdiřskogo iskusstva" (On the problem of Sogdian art), SGE 3 (1945), p. 10.
    A. IA. Borisov,《关于粟特艺术问题》(On the problem of Sogdian art),SGE 3(1945),第 10 页。
  9. A. M. Belenitskiı̆, "Voprosy ideologii i kul'tov Sogda po materialam pendzhikentskikh khramov" (Questions of Sogdian ideology and cults according to materials from Panjikent temples), in Zhivopis' drevnego Pendzhikenta, ed. A. IU. IAkubovskill and M. M. D'iakonov (Moscow, 1954), pp. 79-80.
    A. M. Belenitskiı̆, "Voprosy ideologii i kul'tov Sogda po materialam pendzhikentskikh khramov" (关于苏格达意识形态和祭祀的问题,根据潘吉肯特寺庙的资料), 收录于《古代潘吉肯特的绘画》,编者 A. IU. 亚库博夫斯基和 M. M. 迪亚科诺夫 (莫斯科, 1954), 第 79-80 页。
  10. Ibid.; F. Grenet, Les pratiques funéraires dans l'Asie centrale sédentaire: De la conquête grecque à l'islamisation (Paris, 1984), pp. 275-76.
    同上;F. Grenet,《中亚定居区的葬礼习俗:从希腊征服到伊斯兰化》(巴黎,1984 年),第 275-76 页。
  11. G. A. Pugachenkova and L. I. Rempel', Vydaiushchiesia pamiatniki izobrazitel'nogo iskusstva Uzbekistana (Tashkent, 1960), figs. 54, 55; one should also note that the cruciform figures on the ossuary are by no means Nestorian crosses but merely an ordinary architectural motif.
    G. A. Pugachenkova 和 L. I. Rempel',《乌兹别克斯坦艺术杰作》(塔什干,1960 年),图 54、55;还应注意,骨灰盒上的十字形图案绝不是尼斯托里派十字架,而只是一种普通的建筑装饰图案。
  12. E. Wellesz, An Islamic Book of Constellations (Oxford, 1965), fig. 7. Cf. IU. A. Rapoport, Iz istorii religii drevnego Khorezma: Ossuarii, TKhAEE, vol. 6 (Moscow, 1971), p. 21, n. 146.
    E. Wellesz,《伊斯兰星座书》(牛津,1965 年),图 7。参见 IU. A. Rapoport,《科雷兹马古代宗教史》:骨灰盒,TKhAEE,第 6 卷(莫斯科,1971 年),第 21 页,注 146。
  13. The Sogdians, by the way, did not identify the planet Mars with Vashagn as regards the names of the weekdays, using forms of Verethragna harking back to Middle Persian rather than to Sogdian (E. Benveniste and L. Renou, Vṛtra et Vṛragna: Étude de mythologie indo-iranienne [Paris, 1934], p. 86), perhaps never giving a thought to the etymology of the borrowed day name.
    顺便说一下,苏格底人在星期几的名称上并没有将火星与瓦沙格恩联系起来,而是使用追溯到中古波斯语而非苏格底语的 Verethragna 形式(E. Benveniste 和 L. Renou,《Vṛtra et Vṛragna: Étude de mythologie indo-iranienne》[巴黎,1934 年],第 86 页),也许从未考虑过借用的星期几名称的词源。
  14. A. IA. Borisov, "Ob odnom illiustrirovannom astrologicheskom traktate sasanidskogo vremeni" (On an illustrated astrological treatise from Sasanian times), in III Mezhdunarodnyĭ kongress po iranskomu iskusstvu i arkheologii: Doklady. Leningrad. Sentiabr 1935 (Moscow, 1939); S. M. Kochetova, "Bozhestva svetil v zhivopisi Khara-Khoto: Sinkretizm astrologicheskogo panteona ikonografii" (Deities of the luminaries in the painting of Qara Khoto: Syncretism of the astrological pantheon in the iconography), TOVE 4 (1947).
    A. IA. Borisov,《关于一本萨珊时期的插图占星学论文》(On an illustrated astrological treatise from Sasanian times),收录于《第三届伊朗艺术与考古国际大会:报告》(Leningrad,1935 年 9 月)(莫斯科,1939 年);S. M. Kochetova,《哈拉和托的绘画中的光明神:占星学万神殿与图像的融合》(Deities of the luminaries in the painting of Qara Khoto: Syncretism of the astrological pantheon in the iconography),TOVE 4(1947 年)。
  15. B. I. Marshak, "Indiǐskiı̆ komponent v kul'tovoĭ ikonografii Sogda" (The Indian component in Sogdian cultic iconography), in Kul'turnye vzaimosviazi narodov Sredneı̆ Azii i Kavkaza s okruzhaiushchim mirom drevnosti i srednevekov'e: Tezisy dokladov konferentsii (Moscow, 1981), pp. 107-9; idem, "Monumental'naia zhivopis' Sogda i Tokharistana rannem srednevekov'e" (The monumental painting of Sogdiana and Tokharistan in the early Middle Ages), in Baktriia-Tokharistan na drevnem i srednevekovom Vostoke: Tezisy dokladov Konferentsii posviashchennŏ̆ 10-letiiu IUzhno-Tadzhikistanskŏ̆ arkheologicheskō̆ ekspeditsii (Moscow, 1983), pp. 53-54.
    B. I. Marshak,《索格达的印度元素在宗教图像中的表现》,《中亚和高加索民族文化交流与古代和中世纪时期的周边世界》会议论文摘要(莫斯科,1981 年),第 107-9 页;同,"索格达和托哈里斯坦的早期中世纪壁画",《巴克特里亚-托哈里斯坦在古代和中世纪东方》会议论文摘要(莫斯科,1983 年),第 53-54 页。
  16. W. Hartner, "The Pseudoplanetary Nodes of the Moon's Orbit in Hindu and Islamic Iconographies," ArsIs 5 (1938); idem, "The Vaso Vescovali in the British Museum: A Study on Islamic Astrological Iconography," Kunst des Orients 9 (1973-1974).
    W. Hartner,《印度和伊斯兰图像中月球轨道的伪行星节点》,ArsIs 5(1938);同上,《大英博物馆的 Vaso Vescovali:伊斯兰占星图像研究》,Kunst des Orients 9(1973-1974)。
  17. J. W. Allan, Islamic Metalwork: The Nuhan Es-Said Collection (London, 1982), pp. 46-53.
    J. W. Allan,《伊斯兰金属工艺品:努汉·埃萨伊德收藏品》(伦敦,1982 年),第 46-53 页。
  18. V. G. Lukonin, Iskusstvo drevnego Irana (Moscow, 1977), p. 177.
    V. G. Lukonin,《古代伊朗艺术》(莫斯科,1977 年),第 177 页。
  19. B. IA. Staviski1̆, "Raboty Magianskol̆ gruppy v 1959 g." (Transactions of the Magian group in 1959), , no. 7 (1961), pp. 106-7, fig. 6.
    B. IA. Staviski1̆,《1959 年 Magianskol̆小组的工作》(Magian 小组的交易), ,第 7 期(1961 年),第 106-7 页,图 6。
  20. A. M. Belenitskiĭ, B. I. Marshak, and V. I. Raspopova, "Raskopki gorodishcha drevnego Pendzhikenta v 1979 g." (Excavations at the town site of ancient Panjikent in 1979), ART, no. 19 (1986).
    A. M. Belenitskiĭ, B. I. Marshak, and V. I. Raspopova, "1979 年古潘吉肯特城遗址的发掘", 《艺术》杂志,第 19 期(1986 年)。
  21. Grenet, Les pratiques funéraires dans l'Asie centrale sédentaire, pls. XXXI, XXXVII; Rapoport, Iz istorii religii drevnego Khorezma, fig. 20.
    格雷内,定居中亚的丧葬习俗,图版 XXXI,XXXVII;拉波波特,科雷兹马古代宗教史,图 20。
  22. VeselovskiĬ, "Grecheskie izobrazheniia," p. 60.
    VeselovskiĬ,《希腊图像》,第 60 页。
  23. Cf. D. Paquette, L'instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Grèce antique: Études d'organologie (Paris, 1984).
    参见 D. Paquette,《古希腊陶瓷中的乐器:器乐学研究》(巴黎,1984 年)。
  24. B. I. Marshak, "Otchet o rabotakh na ob"ekte XII za 1955-1960 gg." (Report on the work on section XII in 1955-1960), MIA, no. 124 (1964), pp. 239-40, fig. 26-6, 7.
    B. I. Marshak,《关于 1955-1960 年第十二部分工作的报告》,MIA,第 124 期(1964 年),第 239-40 页,图 26-6,7。
  25. Belenitsky, Central Asia, fig. 102.
    贝莱尼茨基,中亚,图 102。
  26. Veselovski1,, "Grecheskie izobrazheniia," p. 60.
    Veselovski1,《希腊图像》,第 60 页。
  27. A. Bisi, "Orfeo," in Enciclopedia dell'arte antica classica e orientale, vol. 5 (Rome, 1963), pp. 74647 , ill. 908, color plate.
    《奥菲欧》(Orfeo),收录于《古典和东方艺术百科全书》第 5 卷(罗马,1963 年),第 74647 页,插图 908,彩色版。
  28. Flaviǐ Filostrat [Flavius Philostratus], Zhizn' Apolloniia Tianskogo (Moscow, 1985), p. 20.
    弗拉维乌斯·菲洛斯特拉图斯,《阿波罗尼乌斯天使的生活》(莫斯科,1985 年),第 20 页。
  29. B. Narkiss, "The Jewish Realm," in The Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. K. Weitzmann (New York, 1979), pp. 369-70, fig. 48.
    B. Narkiss,《犹太领域》,收录于《灵性时代:晚期古代和早期基督教艺术,第三至第七世纪》,编者 K. Weitzmann(纽约,1979 年),第 369-70 页,图 48。
  30. Iskusstvo Vizantii sobraniiakh SSSR: Katalog vystavki, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1977), pp. 173-74; Weitzmann, The Age of Spirituality, p. 131, fig. 22; p. 182 , cat. no. 161.
    拜占庭艺术在苏联的收藏:展览目录,第 1 卷(莫斯科,1977 年),第 173-174 页;韦茨曼,《灵性时代》,第 131 页,图 22;第 182 页,目录编号 161。
  31. Cf. Bisi, "Orfeo." The animals listening to Orpheus also include an elephant.
    参见 Bisi 的《奥菲斯》。听奥菲斯演奏的动物还包括一只大象。
  32. Belenitski1 and Marshak, "Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdir̆tsev," pp. 80-81.
    贝莱尼茨基和马沙克,《索格德尔特的世界观》,第 80-81 页。
  33. H. Humbach, "Vayu, Śiva und der Spiritus Vivens im ostiranischen Synkretismus," in Monumentum H. S. Nyberg, vol. 1, ActIr 4 (Leiden, 1975).
    H. Humbach,《Vayu, Śiva und der Spiritus Vivens im ostiranischen Synkretismus》, 收录于《纪念 H. S. Nyberg 文集》,第 1 卷,ActIr 4(莱顿,1975 年)。
  34. A. M. Belenitskii and B. I. Marshak, "The Paintings of Sogdiana," in Azarpay, Sogdian Painting, pp. 28-32.
    A. M. Belenitskii 和 B. I. Marshak,《粟特绘画》,收录于 Azarpay 的《粟特绘画》一书,第 28-32 页。
  35. However, one should admit that the face of the god with the lyre or cithara seems too young for Ahura Mazda. It would better suit Mithra or Tir, who were likened to Apollo (on his comparison with Tir, see, for example, P. Bernard, "Vicissitudes au gré de l'histoire d'une statue en bronze d'Héraclès entre Séleucie du Tigre et la Mésêne," Journal des savants [1990], pp. 52-62). N. Sims-Williams believes that Adbag is an epithet attributed to various gods, but, among the Sogdians, Adbag (Indra) is likened to other gods-Zurvan (Brahma) or Veshparkar (Shiva)-as a special deity, for whom the epithet replaced the name (N. Sims-Williams, "Indian Elements in Parthian and Sogdian," in Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien: Vorträge des Hamburger Symposions vom 2. Juli bis 5 Juli 1981, ed. K. Röhrborn and W. Veenker [Wiesbaden, 1983], pp. 138-39). 
  36. Marshak, "Monumental'naia zhivopis' Sogda i Tokharistana."
  37. E. M. Peshchereva, "Prazdnik tiul'pana (lola) v selenii Isfary Kokandskogo uezda" (The tulip festival [lola] in the village of Isfara, Kokand district), in V. V. Barthol'du turkestanskie druz'ia, ucheniki pochitateli, ed. A. E. Shmidt and E. K. Betger (Tashkent, 1927); idem, "Nekotorye dopolneniia k opisaniiu prazdnika tiul'pana v Ferganskoŭ doline" (Some additional descriptions of the tulip festival in the Farghana valley), in Iranskiı sbornik: semidesiatipiatiletiiu professora I. I. Zarubina, ed. V. I. Abaev (Moscow, 1963).
    E. M. Peshchereva,《伊斯法拉村郊的郁金香节(洛拉)》,收录于《巴尔托尔德的突厥斯坦朋友,学生和崇拜者》,编者 A. E. Shmidt 和 E. K. Betger(塔什干,1927 年);同上,《费尔干纳谷地郁金香节的一些补充描述》,收录于《伊朗文集:纪念 I. I. Zarubin 教授七十五周年》,编者 V. I. Abaev(莫斯科,1963 年)。
  38. See Appendix. 请参见附录。
  39. Belenitski1,, Monumental'noe iskusstvo Pendzhikenta, p. 45.
    贝莱尼茨基 1 号,彭吉肯塔的宏伟艺术,第 45 页。
  40. Sh. U. Ustaev, "Novy1̆ god (Navruz) v mifologicheskikh vozzreniiakh tadzhikov i uzbekov" (The New Year [Nowruz] in the mythological conceptions of Tajiks and Uzbeks), (1985.6), pp. 97-104.
    沙·乌·乌斯塔耶夫,《塔吉克人和乌兹别克人的神话观念中的新年(纳吾兹)》,(1985.6),第 97-104 页。
  41. A. D. H. Bivar, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum: Stamp Seals, pt. 2, The Sassanian Dynasty (London, 1969), pp. 25, 62, pl. 7; P. O. Harper, The Royal Hunter: Art of the Sasanian Empire (New York, 1978), p. 145, cat. no. 69-B.
    A. D. H. Bivar,《大英博物馆西亚印章目录:图章印章,第 2 部分,萨珊王朝》(伦敦,1969 年),第 25 页,第 62 页,图版 7;P. O. Harper,《皇家猎人:萨珊帝国艺术》(纽约,1978 年),第 145 页,目录编号 69-B。
  42. Belenitskii and Marshak, "The Paintings of Sogdiana," fig. 5.
    贝莱尼茨基和马沙克,《苏格达纳的绘画》,图 5。
  43. V. Wessetzky, Die ägyptischen Kulte zur Römerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden, 1961), pp. 32-33, fig. 5.
    V. Wessetzky,《匈牙利罗马时期的埃及崇拜》(莱顿,1961 年),第 32-33 页,图 5。
  44. S. B. Lunina and Z. I. Usmanova, "Unikal'nyĭ ossuariǐ iz Kashkadar' " (A unique ossuary from the Kashka Darya), ONU (1985.3).
    S. B. Lunina 和 Z. I. Usmanova,《来自 Kashka Darya 的独特骨灰盒》(1985.3),ONU。
  45. J. D. C. Pavry, The Zoroastrian Doctrine of a Future Life, from Death to the Individual Judgment (New York, 1926), pp. 54-55; H. W. Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-Century Books (Oxford, 1943), pp. 113-14.
    J. D. C. Pavry,《拜火教关于来世的教义:从死亡到个人审判》(纽约,1926 年),第 54-55 页;H. W. Bailey,《九世纪书籍中的拜火教问题》(牛津,1943 年),第 113-14 页。
  46. L. V. Pavchinskaia, "Ossuariŭ iz Mullakurgana" (An ossuary from Mulla-kurgan), ONU (1983.3).
    L. V. Pavchinskaia,《穆拉库尔甘的骨灰盒》(来自穆拉库尔甘的骨灰盒),ONU(1983.3)。
  47. Such are the figures of the harp players who ornament the supports of the arch beneath which a seated deity is depicted, A. M. Belenitskiǐ and B. Piotrovskiı̆, eds., Skul'ptura i zhivopis' drevnego Pendzhikenta (Moscow, 1959), pl. VII; Zhivopis' i skul'ptura Tadzhikistana: Drevnost' i srednie veka, exhibition catalog, The Hermitage (Leningrad, 1984), pp. 44, 55, fig. 14; Shkoda, "K voprosu o kul'tovykh stsenakh v sogdiřskŏ̆ zhivopisi," fig. 10. 
  48. V. A. Shishkin, Varakhsha (Moscow, 1963), pl. XIV; Belenitskiı̌ and Marshak, "Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdiřtsev," p. 80, fig. 10.
    V. A. Shishkin, Varakhsha (莫斯科,1963 年),图版 XIV;Belenitskiı̌和 Marshak,“Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdiřtsev”(索格底人的世界观特点),第 80 页,图 10。
  49. This is noted in connection with Sasanian art by G. Azarpay on the grounds of a text from the Bundahishn (XX:B) (G. Azarpay, "The Allegory of Dēn in Persian Art," ArtAs 38 [1976], p. 47).
    这与萨珊艺术有关,根据《Bundahishn》(XX:B)中的一段文字,G. Azarpay 指出(G. Azarpay,“波斯艺术中的 Dēn 寓言”,ArtAs 38 [1976],第 47 页)。
  50. B. I. Marshak, "Pod"emnaia mashina v khrame drevnego Pendzhikenta" (An elevating machine in a temple in ancient Panjikent), in Proshloe Sredner̆ Azii: Arkheologiia, numizmatika i epigrafika, etnografiia, ed. V. A. Ranov (Dushanbe, 1987). 
  51. Sacdi, Bustan, trans. K. Chaĭkin (Moscow, 1935), pp. 184-87. 
  52. IAkubovskiı̆ and D'iakonov, Zhivopis' drevnego Pendzhikenta, p. 30, pl. XIV; Belenitskiı̆, Marshak, and Raspopova, "Raskopki gorodishcha drevnego Pendzhikenta v 1979 g.," pp. 286-89.
    IAkubovskiı̆和 D'iakonov,《古代彭吉肯特的绘画》,第 30 页,图版 XIV;Belenitskiı̆,Marshak 和 Raspopova,《1979 年古代彭吉肯特城遗址的发掘》,第 286-89 页。
  53. Cf. IU. A. Rapoport and E. E. Nerazik, eds., Toprak-kala: Dvorets, TKhAEE, vol. 14 (Moscow, 1984), pp. 73-85. 
  54. Abu Rě̆khan [Rayhan] Biruni, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokoleniı̌, vol. 1 of Izbrannye proizvedeniia (Tashkent, 1957), pp. 236-37; Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue [Turcs] occidentaux, p. 132, n. 5.
    阿布·雷汗·比鲁尼,《过去世代的纪念碑》,选集第 1 卷(塔什干,1957 年),第 236-37 页;夏万,《西突厥文献》,第 132 页,注 5。
  55. There used to be a summer festival in ancient Khwarazm with a characteristic name "[people] will emerge from their clothes," that is, will be nude. In Iran, in late June-early July, there was a blue lotus festival (Biruni, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokolenǐ̆, pp.231, 256), which, according to Biruni, "was recently introduced," i.e., was included in the month Tir near the turn of the tenth-eleventh centuries. Murals in room 12 at Dilbarjin, where the heads of "Athena"'s adorants are decorated with blue lotuses, testify to the existence of the festival in Tokharistan (I. T. Kruglikova, "Nastennye rospisi Dil'berdzhina" [The murals of Dilbarjin], in Drevniaia Baktriia: Materialy Sovetsko-Afganskoŭ arkheologicheskoŭ ekspeditsii 1969-1973 gg., vol. 1 [Moscow, 1976], figs. 55-58). At one time, in the sixth century, it could have coincided with the Nowruz celebration. 
  56. Belenitski1̌, "Voprosy ideologii i kul'tov," pp. 31, 32, 73-75, pls. IX, X, XII.
    贝莱尼茨基 1̌,《意识形态和崇拜问题》,第 31、32、73-75 页,图版 IX、X、XII。
  57. It is possible that the chapels, as distinct from the main edifices of a temple, were built especially for the rituals of one or another festival whose rituals had become so complicated, due to urbanization, as to require special buildings. 
  58. In the Hall of Masks at Topraq-qal , in the view of IU. A. Rapoport, the above altar "could have been cut down to its base, but even later a ritual fire was lighted episodically on the site" just as in "other abandoned shrines of the palace" (Toprak-kala, p. 188, n. 13). 
  59. In Iran, perfuming was performed at the time of the Sade festival, held on the tenth day of the eleventh month, and in Khwarazm on the days of the "Night of Mina," the fifteenth day of the tenth month (Biruni, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokolenǐ̆, pp. 243, 257). In the sixth century, these festivals fell in April and May, but the time at which various festivals were celebrated may have changed according to the movable calendar, making it difficult to ascertain which aspects of their rituals were associated with the seasonal customs of one era or another, since anachronisms, many of which were noted by Biruni himself, were traditionally perpetuated. In addition, it is unlikely that a chapel was used only once a year although the ritual represented on its walls was, of course, the main one celebrated there. 
  60. P. G. Bogatyrev, Voprosy teorii narodnogo iskusstva (Moscow, 1971), pp. 116-17. 
  61. On this widely used detail of an artistic costume, see N. V. D'iakonova, "K istorii odezhdy v Vostochnom Turkestane II-VII vv." (On the history of clothing in eastern Turkestan in the second-seventh centuries), SINV, no. 22 (1980), p. 181, n. 7. 
  62. Belenitskil̆ and Piotrovskiı̆, Skul'ptura i zhivopis' drevnego Pendzhikenta, pl. XLIX; A. M. Belenitskiǐ, "Drevniŭ Pendzhikent (osnovnye itogi raskopok 1954-1957 gg.)" (Ancient Panjikent [basic results of the 1954-1957 excavations]), SA (1959.1), fig. 18. 
  63. J. Sugiyama, Central Asian Objects Brought Back by the Otani Mission (Tokyo, 1971), pp. 154-55, pl. 140, 1-16. B. A. Litvinskii recently examined this monument in connection with the history of the theater of eastern Turkestan and Central Asia; see "Istoricheskie sud'by Vostochnogo Turkestana i Srednel Azii (k probleme etnokul'turnol obshchnosti)" (The historical destinies of eastern Turkestan and Central Asia [on the problem of a homogeneous society]), in Vostochnyı̆ Turkestan i Sredniaia Aziia: Istoriia, kul'tura, sviazi, ed. B. A. Litvinski1̆ (Moscow, 1984), pp. 21-22. 
  64. Belenizki, Mittelasien, pls. 18-20. 
  65. M. V. Gorelik, "K etnicheskol̆ identifikatsii personazheĭ izobrazhennykh na predmetakh Amudar'inskogo klada" (On the ethnic identification of figures depicted on the objects of the Amu Darya treasure), in Khudozhestvennye pamiatniki i problemy kul'tury Voștoka: Sbornik statĕ̆, ed. V. G. Lukonin (Leningrad, 1985), p. 39, pl. III, 3-5. Cf. Lukonin, Iskusstvo drevnego Irana, p. 127; D. Schlumberger, L'Orient hellénisé (Paris, 1970), p. 107. 
  66. Harper, The Royal Hunter, cat. no. 71, p. 147. 
  67. A. Grünwedel, Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chinesisch-Turkistan (Berlin, 1912), pp. 148, 149, figs. 336-38 (painters); Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West Berlin State Museums, exhibition catalog, The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1982), p. 74, fig. G; I. T. Kruglikova, "Nastennye rospisi v pomeshchenii 16 severovostochnogo kul'tovogo kompleksa Dil'berdzhina" (Murals in room 16 of the northeastern cultic complex in Dilbariin), in Drevniaia Baktriia: Materialy Sovetsko-Afganskŏ̆ arkheologicheskol̆ ekspeditsii, vol. 2 (Moscow, 1979), fig. 60. 
  68. Veselovskiı̆, "Grecheskie izobrazheniia," pp. 60, 64. 
  69. Belenitskiıii and Marshak, "Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdin̆tsev," p. 81. 
  70. A. M. Belenitskiı̌, B. I. Marshak, and V. I. Raspopova, "Raskopki gorodishcha drevnego Pendzhikenta v 1978 g." (Excavations at the town site of ancient Panjikent in 1978), ART, no. 18 (1984), pp. 251, 253. 
  71. Marshak, "Otchet o rabotakh na ob"ekte XII za 1955-1960 gg.," fig. 26-9. 
  72. Kruglikova, "Nastennye rospisi Dil'berdzhina," pp. 57-59. Cf. Marshak, "Otchet o rabotakh na ob"ekte XII," fig. 26, 7-8; G. V. Grigor'ev, "Poseleniia drevnego Sogda" (The settlements of ancient Sogdiana), KSIIMK, no. 6 (1940), fig. 3-2; V. A. Meshkeris, Koroplastika Sogda (Dushanbe, 1977), pl. XXX-88, 94, 97. 
  73. V. G. Lukonin, Kul'tura sasanidskogo Irana (Moscow, 1969), pl. XI-8. 
  74. Provided only that the Sogdians never made intercalations, returning the New Year back to its former position, the third month of the Sogdian year, named Nisanic, at some time could have corresponded to the Nisan of the Seleucid calendar, from which this month name was probably borrowed through Bactrian mediation (V. A. Livshits, "Zoroastriǐskiŭ kalendar"" [The "Zoroastrian" calendar], in E. J. Bickerman, Khronologiia drevnego mira [Moscow, 1975], p. 332). In the sixth century, among the Sogdians, the fifth-fifteenth days of the tenth month were days that fell mainly in April and were holidays. The fifteenth-sixteenth days of the tenth month were celebrated with interesting spring rites by the Persians (Peikkan and Kakil') and the Khwarazmians (the Night of Mina). Thus it was in the early Middle Ages, but this day, like any day of the movable calendar, fell at another time of the year in an earlier period. (Note that the Khwarazmian calendar differed little in this regard from the Sogdian calendar, with which it was synchronized.) Only at the beginning of the Middle Ages could the characteristics of a spring folk festival have been attached to it (Biruni, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokolenī̆, pp. 239, 240, 255, 257; idem, Kniga vrazumleniia nachatkam nauki o zvezdakh, vol. 6 [Tashkent, 1975], pp. 144-45). 
  75. Tokarev, Kalendarnye obychai obriady stranakh zarubezhnŏ̆ Evropy, pp. 12-14, 19. 
  76. B. I. Marshak and V. I. Raspopova, "Sogdiřskoe izobrazhenie Deda-Zemledel'tsa" (The Sogdian repre- sentation of the Old Man Land Tiller), in Voprosy drevne1̆ istorii IUzhnoй Sibiri (Abakan, 1984). 
  77. Belenitski1̆, Marshak, and Raspopova, "Raskopki gorodishcha drevnego Pendzhikenta v 1979 g." Popular Tajik pantomimes are known in ethnography; see, e.g., N. Nurdzhanov, Tadzhikskiū narodnyĭ teatr: Po materialam Kuliabskŏ̆ oblasti (Moscow, 1956). 
  78. Belenitskiı̌ and Marshak, "Cherty mirovozzreniia sogdiirtsev," fig. 19. 
  79. At the beginning of the sixth month, the Khwarazmian army, led by the king, conducted a semifestive/semi-military campaign into the steppe beyond the irrigated lands (Biruni, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokolenil̄, p. 257; idem, Kniga vrazumleniia nachatkam nauki o zvezdakh, p. 145). In the sixth-early seventh centuries, this festival fell in October-December (Khwarazmian and Sogdian months coincided). There is no special mention of the hunt, but one should not forget the important role it played in combat exercises and in the field life of Central Asian riders. In the ancient world, late autumn and winter were the hunting seasons. According to the Shahnama, Bahram Gur went hunting in the steppe in the spring and around the Mihragan festival; the sixth-seventh months of the Iranian calendar are also named. At the beginning of the seventh month of their year, the Sogdians celebrated the important festival of Nimsarda (half-year), which in the Tang shu was mistaken for the beginning of their year in the twelfth month of the Chinese calendar, idem, Pamiatniki minuvshikh pokoleniŭ, pp. 254-55; N. IA. Bichurin (Iakinf), Sobranie svedenǐ o narodakh, obitavshikh Srednĕ̆ Azii drevnie vremena, ed. A. N. Bernshtam and N. V. Kiuner, vol. 2 (Moscow, 1950), p. 310. In the Sui shi, the Chach festivals held on the sixth day of the first month and on the fifteenth day of the seventh month are mentioned (ibid., p. 382)-quite possibly they are the Greater Nowruz and the eve of Mihrigan according to the local, not Chinese, numbering of the months.