Social Origins of Protestant Reformation
新教信仰的社会渊源
PROTESTANT REFORMATION demands the attention of the sociologist for two reasons. First, it was one of the most important movements which inaugurated what is called the "modern west". Just as the idea of popular participation in the government was established with the French Revolution and large-scale mechanical production with the Industrial Revolution, so individualism in the religious sphere began to assert itself from 1517, with Martin Luther's revolt. Hence one cannot understand the modern west and the contemporary world in general without gaining some clear idea as to what the Reformation was. Second, there are a number of sociologists who try to establish the casual priority of the ideal factors based on the assumption that modern capitalism was primarily an outcome of the protestant ethic. This assumption has its origin in the writings of the German sociologist Max Weber.' Even in our own days such a theory is accepted by several sociologists under the leadership of Talcott Parsons.
新教改革需要社会学家的关注,原因有两个。首先,它是开创所谓“现代西方”的最重要的运动之一。正如法国大革命确立了人民参与政府的理念,工业革命确立了大规模机械生产,宗教领域的个人主义从 1517 年马丁·路德的起义开始确立了自己的地位。因此,如果不对宗教改革是什么有一些清晰的了解,就无法理解现代西方和一般的当代世界。其次,有许多社会学家试图根据现代资本主义主要是新教伦理的结果这一假设来确定理想因素的随意优先权。这个假设起源于德国社会学家马克斯·韦伯 (Max Weber) 的著作。即使在我们这个时代,这样的理论也被塔尔科特·帕森斯 (Talcott Parsons) 领导下的几位社会学家所接受。
Karl Marx, against whom most of these authors take their stand, too had noted that the Reformation was the true setting of a new world, especially of a new Germany.2 But Marx did not abandon his general thesis that religion was made by man and that the Reformation in particular was related to the
这些作者中的大多数都反对卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx),他也指出,宗教改革是一个新世界,特别是一个新德国的真正背景。但马克思并没有放弃他的一般论点,即宗教是由人创造的,特别是宗教改革与 economic
经济interests and the material circumstances of the upcoming bourgeoisie. Thus Marx too recognized the influence of the Reformation on the origin of our contemporary world. But he saw the ultimate base of this influence in the new economic forces that were emerging even before the Reformation
即将到来的资产阶级的利益和物质环境。因此,马克思也认识到宗教改革对我们当代世界起源的影响。但他看到了这种影响力的最终基础,即甚至在宗教改革之前就已经出现的新经济力量.
The Reformation had a remote as well as a proximate social background. The remote background consisted of the general economic change affecting Europe such as the Crusades, the Balck Death, the new trade routes, the medieval frontier and certain internal contradications of the feudal structure. This paper however, is focussed on the immediate provocations which triggered off the Protestant Reformation. Our argument is that even these provocations were economic and political rather than religious. In other words, it was not the moral indignation of a few righteous people on the "immorality of the Church" which was the most important factor behind the movement called Reformation
宗教改革有一个遥远的和邻近的社会背景。偏远的背景包括影响欧洲的总体经济变化,例如十字军东征、巴尔克之死、新的贸易路线、中世纪边境和封建结构的某些内部矛盾。然而,本文的重点是引发新教改革的直接挑衅。我们的论点是,即使是这些挑衅也是经济和政治的,而不是宗教的。换句话说,并不是少数义人对 “教会的不道德” 的道德愤慨,才是宗教改革运动背后的最重要因素.
The Church and the European Nations.
教会和欧洲国家。
Famous is the saying that Christ preached the Kingdom of God, but what came out was the church of Rome. The Kingdom of God preached by Christ was a protest movement against the rulers and the rich. The Gospels (the good messages of Christ) implied that God will put down the mighty and satiate the poor. But Christ was not preaching a political revolution; he was challenging the state religion of the old Roman Empire. Thus he was aiming at a secularization process. But the process initiated by Christ was reversed by an alliance of the chruch and the state under Constantine, the Great. Thus what was begun as a protest against the dominant ideology became itself the ideology of the ruling class even after the fall of Rome, and the chruch (the pope) became the feudal overlord of all Europe. The "barbarian" kings of the emerging new nations of Europe considered the chruch as a necessary instrument of unity and political stability at national and even international levels.
有句名言说,基督宣讲上帝的王国,但出来的是罗马教会。基督所宣扬的上帝王国是一场反对统治者和富人的抗议运动。福音书(基督的美好信息)暗示上帝会打倒强者,使穷人饱足。但基督不是在宣扬一场政治革命;他在挑战古罗马帝国的国教。因此,他的目标是世俗化进程。但是,由基督发起的过程被君士坦丁大帝领导下的教会和国家的联盟所逆转。因此,即使在罗马灭亡之后,最初对主流意识形态的抗议本身也变成了统治阶级的意识形态,而 chruch(教皇)成为整个欧洲的封建霸主。欧洲新兴国家的“野蛮”国王将 chruch 视为在国家甚至国际层面上团结和政治稳定的必要工具。
Eventually, however, the nation-states were consolidated in many parts of Europe, partly at least owing to the economic demands of these regions. The new political structure had to undermine the age-old relations between the chruch and the state. The new nations with despotic monarchs started challenging the overlorship of Rome. These challenges, again, were shaped by the politico-economic conditions of each region. Thus the kings of France could obtain the cooperation of all the thre
然而,最终,民族国家在欧洲的许多地方得到了巩固,至少部分原因是这些地区的经济需求。新的政治结构不得不破坏 chruch 和国家之间古老的关系。拥有专制君主的新国家开始挑战罗马的霸权。这些挑战同样受到每个地区的政治经济条件的影响。这样,法国的国王就可以得到所有国王的合作e “Estates
屋” to defeat the popes and even keep some of them as prisoners in Avignon. The kings of England, on the other hand, had several rounds with the popes. Some of them defied the popes; others obtained the cooperation of the church to contain the barons. Finally, of course, Henry VIII would openly break with Rome. But Germany was politically and economically much weaker than either France or England. The feudal princes of Germany had no wish to strengthen the hands of the Holy Roman Emperor and thus weaken their own political power. Hence the rulers of Germany had to submit themselves to the pope on several occasions. Typical as well as famous is the case of Henry IV, who (in 1077) had to wait three days in the winter with a rope around his neck as a penitent before he was admitted to the presence of the pope in his castle at Canossa. But this economic and political weakness of Germany itself, in a curious historical configuration, became the immediate prop for the success of the Reformation. In a nu
击败教皇,甚至将他们中的一些人作为囚犯关押在阿维尼翁。另一方面,英格兰的国王与教皇进行了几次回合谈判。他们中的一些人违抗教皇;其他人则得到了教会的合作,以遏制男爵们。最后,亨利八世当然会公开与罗马决裂。但德国在政治和经济上比法国或英国弱得多。德国的封建诸侯们无意加强神圣罗马帝国皇帝的势力,从而削弱他们自己的政治权力。因此,德国的统治者不得不多次向教皇屈服。亨利四世 (1077 年) 不得不在冬天用绳子等了三天作为忏悔者,才被允许进入卡诺萨城堡的教皇面前。但是,德国本身的这种经济和政治弱点,在一个奇怪的历史结构中,成为宗教改革成功的直接支柱。在 nutshell, an excessive drain of money from an economically weak nation prepared the necessary ground for a successful protest movement. This drain included the papal taxes, the veneration of relics and the sale of indulgen
Shell 的裁决,一个经济薄弱的国家的过度资金流失为成功的抗议运动奠定了必要的基础。这种流失包括教皇税、对文物的崇拜和出售 indulgences.
CES 的
As far as the taxes were concerned, the effect was almost uniform. Thus all nations of Europe had to pay the tithes and the crusading tax, though Peter's pence was levied only on England and the Scandinavian countries, at least in the beginning. But Italy benefited the most from these collections when the popes were in Rome, and France, when the popes were in Avignon. Further, the check on the levy of taxes and their transfer to Rome was less in Germany than in England or France. The feudal possessions of the church too differed from nation to nation. Thus the Catholic church owned a half of Germany, while only a fifth of France (valued at three quarters of the wealth of France, it is said) and only one-third of the Italian peninsula. Such possessions were still smaller in other nations though they included vast estates of immense wealth. There is no doubt that the ecclesiastical possessions as well as exactions were resented by every nation concerned, mainly because it strangulated the emerging merchant capitalism. The monarchs of these nations too, who depended on the merchants and the landed gentry (the commerical farmers) could not support the pope. Hence we see that an attack on the financial irregularities became the rallying point of religious re- formation in feudal Europe. Secondly, the Reformation broke out in Germany because that region had suffered the worst form of papal exactions. This must be the reason why Luther could succ
就税收而言,效果几乎是一致的。因此,欧洲所有国家都必须缴纳什一税和十字军东征税,尽管彼得的便士只向英格兰和斯堪的纳维亚国家征收,至少在一开始是这样。但是,当教皇在罗马时,意大利从这些收藏中受益最大,当教皇在阿维尼翁时,法国从中受益最大。此外,德国对税收征收和向罗马转移的检查比在英国或法国要少。教会的封建财产也因国家而异。因此,天主教会拥有德国的一半,而法国的五分之一(据说价值相当于法国财富的四分之三)和意大利半岛的三分之一。在其他国家,这样的财产仍然较小,尽管它们包括拥有巨大财富的大量庄园。毫无疑问,教会的财产和苛求受到每个有关国家的憎恨,主要是因为它扼杀了新兴的商业资本主义。这些国家的君主也依赖商人和地主绅士(商业农民)无法支持教皇。因此,我们看到,对金融违规行为的打击成为封建欧洲宗教改革的集结点。其次,宗教改革在德国爆发,因为该地区遭受了最恶劣形式的教皇驱逐。这一定是路德能够成功的原因eed
电子化in Germany whereas his forerunners in other countries either failed or had only a minimum of success.
而他在其他国家的先驱要么失败,要么只取得了最低限度的成功。
Prelude to the Lutheran Reformation
路德宗改革的前奏
Here we wish to point out that the Lutheran revolt was preceded by a number of attempts at the purification of the church. The Catholic church itself had made repeated attempts at a reformation from within. But the popes, the College of Cardinals and the bureaucracy of the Curia could not agree upon a common formula as the economic interests of each party or group could not coincide with the interests of other groups. Reformation from outside was a must in the face of this failure. Attempts at this was made by kings, priests, intellectuals and even by common peopl
在这里,我们想指出,在路德宗起义之前,有过一些净化教会的尝试。天主教会本身曾多次尝试从内部进行改革。但是教皇、枢机主教团和教廷的官僚机构无法就一个共同的公式达成一致,因为每个党派或团体的经济利益无法与其他团体的利益一致。面对这一失败,必须从外部进行改革。国王、牧师、知识分子甚至普通人都对此进行了尝试e.
Perhaps the first king who seriously challenged the church was Louis of Bavaria (1314 to 1347). He declared marriage to be a purely civil affair and granted divorce on his own authority. He patronized the first well
也许第一个严重挑战教会的国王是巴伐利亚的路易(1314 年至 1347 年)。他宣布婚姻是纯粹的民事事务,并凭自己的权力批准离婚。他光顾了第一口井 known intellectual (among the reformers), William of Ockham. Ockham was a Fransican friar and had seen the liquidation of several of his confriers who tried to reform the church. Ockham declared, with the help of the king, that the pope had no infallibility as he claimed to have. There were two more famous intellectuals who revolted in line with Ockham; one was Wycliff and the other was H
著名的知识分子(在改革者中),奥卡姆的威廉。奥卡姆是一位方济各会修士,他目睹了几位试图改革教会的修士被清算。在国王的帮助下,奥卡姆宣布,教皇并不像他声称的那样是绝对无误的。还有两位著名的知识分子与奥卡姆一起起义;一个是 Wycliff,另一个是 Huss.
美国。
Wycliff(1320-1384) was a priest teaching theology at the university of Oxford. He taught, among other things, that there was no need for such intermediaries as the pope and the bishop to stand between God and the faithful. Wycliff was protected by John of Gaunt, the ruler of England. John was badly in need of money to defed his country against France, especially when the pope was a Frenchman. Wycliff understood the situation and published a pamphlet advocating the retention of the church dues and the severance of the English church from Rome. Actually Wycliff taught almost every precept Luther and Calvine stood for later. But the social base in England was not ripe for a complete break with the church of Rome. A revolt of the lower classes demanded a strengthening of the status quo in England. The government forthwith discouraged Wycliff from going further in his line, though he got enough protection from the government to die in peace. The Catholic church could take action lonly against his bones; these were dug and thrown into the river by a decree of the Council of Constance (May 4, 1415).
威克里夫(Wycliff, 1320-1384)是一位在牛津大学教授神学的牧师。他教导说,除了其他事情外,没有必要像教皇和主教这样的中间人站在上帝和信徒之间。威克里夫受到英格兰统治者冈特的约翰的保护。约翰非常需要钱来保卫他的国家对抗法国,尤其是当教皇是法国人的时候。威克里夫了解情况,并出版了一本小册子,主张保留教会的会费,并将英国教会从罗马分离出来。事实上,威克里夫几乎教导了路德和加尔文后来所代表的每一条戒律。但英格兰的社会基础还没有成熟,无法与罗马教会完全决裂。下层阶级的起义要求加强英格兰的现状。政府立即劝阻威克里夫不要在他的路线上走得更远,尽管他从政府那里得到了足够的保护,可以安详地死去。天主教会可以孤独地对他的骨头采取行动;这些是康斯坦茨委员会(1415 年 5 月 4 日)的一项法令挖掘并扔进河中的。
John Huss, a contemporary of Wycliff, however, could not be protected even by the emperor's brother and heir apparent. Huss was taken out of his home country, Bohemia, on guarantee of safe conduct to the Council of Constance. But the Council roasted him alive in July 1415. It was against this background that Martin Luther, who is generally known as the leader of the Reformation, appeared on the scene.
然而,与威克里夫同时代的约翰·胡斯 (John Huss) 甚至无法受到皇帝的兄弟和继承人的保护。 Huss 被带出他的祖国波希米亚,向康斯坦茨委员会保证安全行为。但议会在 1415 年 7 月将他活活烤死。正是在这种背景下,通常被称为宗教改革领袖的马丁·路德 (Martin Luther) 出现了。
Luther in Germany
路德在德国
The most important point to be noted is that Luther was in many respects a repetition of Wycliff in England, Huss in Bohemia, Brescia Flora and Savonarola in Italy. Just as Bohemia could not protect Huss, so too Italy could not prevent Savonarola from being given to the flames. But why was Luther not burnt alive? Part of the reason lies in the fact that Europe was undergoing a tremendous change and by Luther's time the soci
需要注意的最重要的一点是,路德在许多方面都是英格兰的威克里夫、波希米亚的胡斯、意大利的布雷西亚弗洛拉和萨沃纳罗拉的重复。正如波希米亚无法保护胡斯一样,意大利也无法阻止萨沃纳罗拉被付之一炬。但为什么路德没有被活活烧死呢?部分原因在于欧洲正在经历一场巨大的变化,到路德的时代,社会al
铝-economic situation had changed favorably for new ideas. Europe was no more a closed continent which it was for centuries. The Europeans had alre
-经济形势发生了有利于新想法的变化。欧洲不再是一个封闭的大陆,就像几个世纪以来那样。欧洲人已经ady rounded the continent of Africa on the one side and crossed the Atlantic on the other. The sixteenth century, the century of Luther, saw the maturing of the mercantile capitalism. Nationalism too was much stronger in the sixteenth century than it was before, Portugal, Spain, France, the Netherlands, England and even Russia had awakened from the medieval slumber. As Holborn notes: "Everywhere the secular authorities tried to counter the papal policy and they found support even among the devout, who felt that a papacy devoid of its universality and ridden with secularism could not guar
dy 一边绕过非洲大陆,一边穿越大西洋。16 世纪,路德的世纪,见证了商业资本主义的成熟。16 世纪的民族主义也比以前强大得多,葡萄牙、西班牙、法国、荷兰、英国甚至俄罗斯都已从中世纪的沉睡中醒来。正如霍尔本所指出的:“世俗当局到处都试图对抗教皇的政策,他们甚至在虔诚的人中也得到了支持,他们认为一个缺乏普遍性和充斥着世俗主义的教皇是无法保证的。antee the common welfare."4 Germany, of course, was far behind France and England in national strength and unity. But even in Germany the princes were founding universities. a function that was strictly reserved for the church till then
ntee 公共福利。4 当然,德国在国力和团结方面远远落后于法国和英国。但即使在德国,王子们也在创办大学。在那之前,这一功能严格保留给教堂.
When we look at Germany of those days, we see a few distinctive characteristics that mark her off from her neighbours, such as France and England. Germany was declining because the continental economy in terms of mining and commerce was losing ground to the maritime economy controlled by Spain, the Nether- lands and others. Secondly, the church was giving less concessions to Germany because she had a weaker central government com- pared to France or England. Thirdly, the weakness of the central government meant that the local princes were more powerful. There was actually no one Germany that was bargaining with the pope but a number of regions under various leaders. When it came to the Reformation too, it was easier for Luther to bring this or that prince to his side than to convert the king or the whol
当我们审视当时的德国时,我们会看到一些独特的特征,使她与法国和英国等邻国区分开来。德国正在衰落,因为大陆经济在采矿和商业方面正在被西班牙、荷兰和其他国家控制的海洋经济所取代。其次,教会对德国的让步较少,因为与法国或英国相比,德国的中央政府较弱。第三,中央政府的软弱意味着当地的诸侯更强大。实际上,没有一个德国在与教皇讨价还价,而是在不同的领导人领导下的一些地区。当涉及到宗教改革时,路德把这个或那个王子带到他身边,比让国王或那个王子皈依要容易得多e of
e 的Germany. In fact, he won over one prince after the other, that too by emphasizing the economic aspects of the papal power
德国。事实上,他赢得了一个又一个王子的青睐,这也是通过强调教皇权力的经济方面.
Luther Fights the Church
路德与教会作斗争
The sale of relics and indulgences was something normal in the Catholic church. But the particular sale of indulgence which sparked off the revolt of Luther had some special features. As already seen above, Germany was getting less money. Rome, how- ever, wanted more, not less. The indulgence in question was put on sale by Pope Julius II in 1057 to rebuild the cathedral of St Peter's. Pope Leo X in 1513 repeated the practice.
出售遗物和赎罪券在天主教会是很正常的。但是,引发路德反抗的特殊赎罪券销售具有一些特殊之处。如上所述,德国得到的钱越来越少。然而,罗马希望更多,而不是更少。1057 年,教皇朱利叶斯二世 (Pope Julius II) 出售了有问题的赎罪券,以重建圣彼得大教堂。教皇利奥十世在 1513 年重复了这一做法。
There was due protest against this collection from England, France and Spain. Hence these nations were pacified. Thus Henry VIII was given a fourth of the proceeds from England. King Charles I of Spain received 1,75,000 ducats in advance against the expected collection from Spain. Francis I of France too got a handsome amount. The German emperor, however, was given only a small amount of 3000 florins.
英国、法国和西班牙对这个系列提出了应有的抗议。因此,这些国家被安定了。因此,亨利八世从英格兰获得了四分之一的收益。西班牙国王查理一世提前收到了 1,75,000 达克特,而西班牙的预期收入则高于预期。法国的弗朗西斯一世也得到了一笔可观的数目。然而,德国皇帝只得到了少量的 3000 弗罗林。
Now there was an additional collection for the archbishop of Mainz. He hailed from the house of Hohenzollern and aspired to the title of archbishop from a pragmatic point of view. The archbishop of Mainz was one of the seven dignitaries who elected the Holy Roman Emperor. But Albert of Hohenzollern, the candidate for the archbishop's title, had some problems. To begin with, he was below the canonical age. Secondly, the canon law did not allow anyone to hold more than two titles. But the candidate was already the bishop of two dioceses. Hence he borrowed 20,000 ducats from the Fuggers and paid the pope for exemption. The pope in return authorized the new archbishop to collect the same amount by selling indulgence in all the three regions under him. The papers were available in shops and banks. Special agents adverti
现在,美因茨大主教又多了一份藏品。他来自霍亨索伦家族,从实用主义的角度渴望获得大主教的头衔。美因茨大主教是选举神圣罗马帝国皇帝的七位政要之一。但是,大主教头衔的候选人霍亨索伦的阿尔伯特(Albert of Hohenzollern)遇到了一些问题。首先,他低于规范年龄。其次,教会法不允许任何人拥有两个以上的头衔。但这位候选人已经是两个教区的主教。因此,他从 Fuggers 那里借了 20,000 达克特,并向教皇支付了豁免费用。作为回报,教皇授权新大主教通过在他管辖的所有三个地区出售赎罪券来收取相同的金额。这些报纸在商店和银行都有售。特工广告sed the sale through sermons and prayers.5 One slogan of she adverti
通过布道和祈祷进行销售.5 她广告的一个口号sers ran:
ERS 运行:“As soon as the money in the coffer rings, the toul from the purgatory springs.
金库里的钱一响,炼狱里的钱就涌了出来。”
One of the agents, a Dominican priest called Tetzel, reached the vicinity of Wittenberg, the locality of Luther. The local ruler, Fredrick the Wise, had forbidden the sale in his locality out of fear of economic drain. Fredrick himself was selling indulgences for his own locality of course. He had, for example, 19,000 relics in his castle church with an indulgence attached to each relic. He had sold a series of indulgences for the construction of a bridge. Earlier he had allowed the sale of indulgences for the crusades. The money collected, however, was entirely used for the universit
其中一名特工,一位名叫泰策尔的多米尼加牧师,到达了路德所在地维滕贝格附近。当地统治者智者弗雷德里克 (Fredrick the Wise) 由于担心经济流失而禁止在当地出售。当然,弗雷德里克本人也在为他自己的地方出售赎罪券。例如,他的城堡教堂里有 19,000 件遗物,每件遗物都附有大赦券。他出售了一系列赎罪券来建造一座桥。早些时候,他允许出售十字军东征的赎罪券。然而,筹集到的钱完全用于大学y of Wittenburg. This incident is an example of the tension that prevailed between the pope and the local ruler
维滕堡的。这一事件是教皇和当地统治者之间紧张关系的一个例子 of Germany.
德国的。
The Catholics of Wittenburg, however, crossed over the boundaries and bought the Certificates of Pardon. Some wanted to know from Luther whether these papers were worth anything- Luther answered in the negative, Tetzel, the agent, on hearing this, launched an attack on Luther. It was at this juncture that Luther nailed his famous 95 theses on the door of the castle church of Wittenburg. Nailing theses on a church door was the normal way of starting a debate in those days.
然而,维滕堡的天主教徒越过了界限,购买了赦免证书。有些人想从路德那里知道这些论文是否值钱——路德的回答是否定的,特工泰策尔听到这个消息后,对路德发起了攻击。正是在这个关头,路德将他著名的 95 条论纲钉在了维滕堡城堡教堂的门上。把论文钉在教堂的门上是那些时代开始辩论的正常方式。
Printing Press Alters Situation
印刷机更换情况
The theses of Luther were written in Latin as usual. But Luther had a translation in German circulated for the masses. Perhaps this was the first time that the press was used for the purpose of propaganda. The power of the press was just emer
路德的论纲像往常一样用拉丁文写成。但路德的德文译本被分发给大众。也许这是新闻界第一次被用于宣传目的。新闻的力量只是 emerging into the open. The presence of the press was one of the marked differences between the world of Luther and that of the previous reformers. This point may be clear from the fact that between 1457 and 1517 more than 400 editions of the Bible were published. The opponents of Luther too had the facility of the press. They too printed and circulated their counter-theses. Luther's theses appeared on 31 October 1517. Tetzel's 106 counter-theses appeared in December 1517. The public, however, was jubilant over the theses of Luther. When a hawker reached the market place of Wittenberg with 800 copies of counter-theses, the university students nabbed him and burned the theses of Tetzel. Thus what was intended as a modest debate was soon transformed into a fire of revolution.
ing into the open.报刊的存在是路德的世界与以前的改革者世界之间的显著区别之一。从1457年到1517年间出版了400多个版本的圣经这一事实可以清楚地看出这一点。路德的反对者也拥有新闻界的便利。他们也印刷和分发了他们的反论点。路德的论文发表于 1517 年 10 月 31 日。泰策尔的 106 篇反论点出现在 1517 年 12 月。然而,公众对路德的论点感到欢欣鼓舞。当一个小贩带着 800 份反论文到达维滕贝格市场时,大学生们抓住了他并焚烧了 Tetzel 的论文。因此,本应是一场温和的辩论很快就变成了革命之火。
Each offensive against Luther resulted in a stronger reac- tion from him. Thus within a short time he had to place an ecu- menical council above the pope and practically reject the merit of indulgences. But Luther had not forgotten to mention the economic issues involved. Thus we read in his very first thesis: "If the pope knew the poverty of the German people, he would prefer to see St Peter's in ashes than it should be built out of the blood and hide of his sheep. To this all Germans would agree .... Rome is the greatest thief and robber that has ever appeared on earth, or ever will. Poor Germans that we are... we were born to be masters, and we have been compelled to bow beneath the yoke of our tyrants.... It is time that the glorious Teutonic people should cease to be the puppet of the Roman pontif."
每一次对路德的攻势都引起了他更强烈的反感。因此,在很短的时间内,他不得不在教皇之上设立一个 ecu-menical council,实际上拒绝了赎罪券的功德。但路德并没有忘记提到所涉及的经济问题。因此,我们在他的第一篇论文中读到:“如果教皇知道德国人民的贫困,他宁愿看到圣彼得大教堂化为灰烬,也不愿用他的羊的血和皮毛建造。对此,所有德国人都会同意......罗马是地球上有史以来或将来出现的最大盗贼和强盗。我们是可怜的德国人......我们生来就是要成为主人的,却被迫屈服于暴君的枷锁下......现在是光荣的条顿人民停止成为罗马教皇的傀儡的时候了。
Thus the Reformation from the very beginning was a fight for political as well as economic freedom. Religion in this sense was only secondary. The exploitation was in the name of religion. Hence the revolt too had to use the same mask. The revolt could succeed this time because of (among other things) the political and the economic distractions of the pope and the emperor.
因此,宗教改革从一开始就是一场争取政治和经济自由的斗争。从这个意义上说,宗教只是次要的。剥削是以宗教的名义进行的。因此,起义也不得不使用相同的面具。这次起义可能会成功,因为(除其他外)教皇和皇帝的政治和经济干扰。
The pope was no more the king-maker of Europe as he used to be before. Even though the pope had good relations with the Holy Roman Empire, he was less of an emperor-maker than an imperial chaplain. Hence the papal interventions outside the papal kingdom in Italy was conditioned by the interests of the emperor. And it was not in the interests of the emperor or the German prince to hand over a German national hero to be tried and automatically burnt at stakes in Rome. Hence when Luther was summoned on 7 July, 1518, the prince refused to comply with the pope's command. The emperor too was reluctant to touch Luther. The emperor's relations with the German princes were already sour. He did not want to make it worse. Further, he was distracted by the threat of the Turks and was straining his wits to raise money for defence. Of course, the pope declared a crusade. But the Europeans largely ignored it. It is interesting to note here that the same Europe which went to fight the infidels in the Holy Land was in no mood to fight for its own empire. The interest of the Europeans at this juncture was commerce and not crusades. Even when Constantinople fell to the Turks, a call to the crusades (in 1453) by the pope fell on the deaf years of the Europe
教皇不再像以前那样是欧洲的国王缔造者。尽管教皇与神圣罗马帝国关系良好,但他与其说是皇帝的缔造者,不如说是帝国的牧师。因此,教皇在意大利教皇王国之外的干预是以皇帝的利益为条件的。将一位德国民族英雄交给罗马审判并自动烧死在火刑柱上,这不符合皇帝或德国王子的利益。因此,当路德于 1518 年 7 月 7 日被传唤时,这位王子拒绝服从教皇的命令。皇帝也不愿意碰路德。皇帝与德国诸侯的关系已经很糟糕了。他不想让事情变得更糟。此外,他被土耳其人的威胁分散了注意力,并竭尽全力筹集国防资金。当然,教皇宣布了一场十字军东征。但欧洲人基本上忽视了它。有趣的是,去圣地与异教徒作战的欧洲并没有心情为自己的帝国而战。此时欧洲人的兴趣是商业,而不是十字军东征。即使君士坦丁堡落入土耳其人手中,教皇对十字军东征(1453 年)的号召也落在欧洲的聋哑岁月里ans.
回答。
Diet of Augsburg
奥格斯堡议会
Meanwhile, the Emperor had met the German princes in a Diet at Augsburg. The Pope had recommended a levy of a tenth of the priestly income and a twelfth of the lay income for the crusade against the Turks. But the Diet refused as the Germans had paid in the past several times, and the money was always used for papal purposes. The princes categorically stated that "the people would vigorously oppose any further remission of money to Italy."8 Such a bold rejection of the papal request was unprecedented. In such a situation it would have been disastrous to send Luther to Rome. The Pope and the emperor were further entangled in the election of a successor to the dying emperor Maximillian. The emperor's last wish was to see his grand- son (who later became emperor Charles V) elected the Holy Roman Emperor. The pope, however, was in favour of Fredrick the Wise, the ruler of Luther's region. The situation was best suited for Luther. Maximillian was not interested in helping the pope becau
与此同时,皇帝在奥格斯堡的议会中会见了德国诸侯。教皇建议征收神职人员收入的十分之一和平信徒收入的十二分之一,用于讨伐土耳其人。但国会拒绝了,因为德国人过去已经支付了好几次,而且这些钱总是用于教皇的目的。王子们明确表示,“人民将强烈反对进一步向意大利减免任何资金。8 如此大胆地拒绝教皇的要求是前所未有的。在这样的情况下,把路德送到罗马将是灾难性的。教皇和皇帝在选举垂死的皇帝马克西米利安的继任者方面进一步纠缠不清。皇帝的遗愿是看到他的孙子(后来成为查理五世皇帝)当选神圣罗马帝国皇帝。然而,教皇支持路德所在地区的统治者智者腓特烈。这种情况最适合路德。马克西米利安对帮助教皇不感兴趣se
硒the latter did not favour the emperor's candidate. Fredrick could not help the pope because it would estrange his own subjects. Meanwhile, the emperor died on 12 January 1519 and his grandson inherited the crown as Charles V. The new emperor, instead of asking Luther to go to Rome, asked the leaders of the German clergy and the laity to meet him at Worms. After all, the emperor had made an electoral promise that no German would be condemned without a proper trial. But something had to be done to mollify the Pope in view of a conflict that was brewing between France and the em
后者不支持皇帝的候选人。弗雷德里克无法帮助教皇,因为这会疏远他自己的臣民。与此同时,皇帝于 1519 年 1 月 12 日去世,他的孙子继承了查理五世的王冠。新皇帝没有要求路德去罗马,而是要求德国神职人员和平信徒的领袖在沃尔姆斯与他会面。毕竟,皇帝在选举中承诺,没有经过适当的审判,任何德国人都不会受到定罪。但鉴于法国和他们之间正在酝酿的冲突,必须采取一些措施来安抚教皇pire.
pire 的
The Diet of Worms (in Germany) met from 27 January 1521. By this time Luther was no more an obscure professor of theology. He had already published 30 items and more than 300,000 copies of his writings sold.9 His most important work was an "Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation", in which he called upon the German princes to reform the church through a general council. Hence it was no wonder that Luther got a warm welcome on his way, and at Worms he overshadowed the emperor. The upshot of the Diet was that Luther refused to surrender. He ended his response to the Diet: "I cannot and I will not recant anything ... Here I stand, I can do no other. God help me. Amen." Europe was split into two. The pope and the emperor could only watch helplessly as the medieval chains were broken and a new Europe was being born. The old economy has been withering at least from the tenth century. Now the old religion too was shaken from the bottom. Later, the victory of Cromwell over Charles I of England and the French Revolution were to transform the political structure too
沃尔姆斯议会(在德国)于 1521 年 1 月 27 日召开。此时,路德已不再是一位默默无闻的神学教授。他已经出版了 30 件作品,并售出超过 300,000 册。9 他最重要的作品是“致德意志民族基督教贵族的演讲”,在演讲中他呼吁德国诸侯通过总议会改革教会。因此,难怪路德在路上受到热烈欢迎,在沃尔姆斯,他盖过了皇帝。国会的结果是路德拒绝投降。他结束了对国会的回应:“我不能也不会放弃任何事情......我站在这里,我别无他法。上帝保佑我。阿们。欧洲一分为二。教皇和皇帝只能无助地看着中世纪的锁链被打破,一个新的欧洲正在诞生。至少从 10 世纪开始,旧经济就一直在萎缩。现在,旧宗教也从底层动摇了。后来,克伦威尔战胜英格兰的查理一世和法国大革命也改变了政治结构.
Luther and the German Social Strata
路德与德国社会阶层
The Diet of Worms, of course, ended with a world shattering statement: "We have given him (Luther) twenty-one days dating from April 15 .... When the time is up, none is to harbour him. His followers also are to be condemned. His books are to be eradicated from the memory of man."10 The real question, how- ever, was who would harbour Luther and take the benefit of it? Germany had five important strata in those days-the princes, the prelates (ecclesiastical princes), the knights, the cities and the peasants. The knights and the peasants tried first, but fail
当然,《沃尔姆斯的饮食》以一句震惊世界的声明结束:“我们给了他(路德)从 4 月 15 日开始的 21 天......时间到了,没有人可以窝藏他。他的追随者也要受到定罪。他的书要从人类的记忆中抹去。10 然而,真正的问题是,谁会包庇路德并从中获益呢?当时的德国有五个重要的阶层——王子、教长(教会王子)、骑士、城市和农民。骑士和农民先试一试,但失败了ed miserably. Then the princes took over and they won. This is the gist of Luther's success. Below we present a few details which would corroborate our contention
d 悲惨地。然后王子们接管了比赛,他们赢了。这就是路德成功的要点。下面我们介绍一些细节来证实我们的论点.
Let us start with the knights. Two thousand out of
让我们从骑士开始。两千人 2500 local rulers of Germany were knights. But they together controlled less than 250 square miles of land." Hence the greed of the knights and their eagerness to plunder the church properties are easy to understand. Von Sickingen, one of the knights, seized the estates of the archbishop of Trier. Some other knights plundered the cities of Swabia. But the cities and the princes could not countenance this. The knights were crushed and their castles razed to the ground
德国的地方统治者是骑士。但他们加起来控制着不到 250 平方英里的土地。因此,骑士的贪婪和他们掠夺教堂财产的热衷很容易理解。骑士之一冯·西金根 (Von Sickingen) 没收了特里尔大主教的庄园。其他一些骑士洗劫了施瓦本的城市。但城市和王子们不能容忍这一点。骑士们被击溃,他们的城堡被夷为平地.
Peasant Revolts
农民起义
The next turn was that of the peasants. Peasant revolts were actually not new to Europe. There were peasant revolts in France in the thirteenth century, in England in the fourteenth century and in Bohemia in the fifteenth. But none was destined to succeed. The same fate awaited the revolt of the German peasants too. By April 1525, no less than 800,000 peasants were under arms in Germany. They looked up to Luther for support. Luther by this time was a symbol of the new social order. He had fought for years now against hypocri
下一个转折是农民的转折。农民起义实际上对欧洲来说并不新鲜。13 世纪的法国、14 世纪的英格兰和 15 世纪的波希米亚都发生了农民起义。但没有一个注定会成功。同样的命运也等待着德国农民的起义。到 1525 年 4 月,德国至少有 800,000 名农民处于武装之下。他们仰望路德的支持。此时的路德是新社会秩序的象征。他已经与伪君子斗争多年了sy and exploitation. Luther too thought that a new society was being ushered in by the peasants. Hence he thundered to the princes: "The sword is at your neck, though you think that you are firmly on the saddle. This conceit will break your necks . . . not the peasants but God himself is set against you."13 But Luther was mistaken. Germany was not ready for such a radical change, not for at least another few hundred years. This time the princes and the knights were united and marched against the peasants. Luther quickly changed his stance and told the princes that anyone who smote, choked or stabbed the peasants was doing an act that was pleasing to God.13 Erasmus, who was a Catholic but had supported Luther, was shocked at this diplomacy and told Luther to his face that it was not a good thing to work up the peasants into a fury and then betray them. Anyway, the revolt was crushed and about 30,000 peasants were murdered in cold blood
y 和剥削。路德也认为农民正在迎来一个新社会。因此他对王子们大声吼道:“剑在你的脖子上,尽管你认为你牢牢地坐在马鞍上。这种自负会折断你的脖子......不是农民,而是上帝自己与你们作对。13 但路德错了。德国至少在几百年后才准备好迎接如此彻底的变化。这一次,王子和骑士们联合起来,向农民进军。路德很快改变立场,告诉王子们,任何打农民、掐住农民脖子或刺伤农民的人都是在做一件讨上帝喜悦的事情。伊拉斯谟是天主教徒,但曾支持路德,他对这种外交方式感到震惊,并当面告诉路德,让农民大发雷霆,然后背叛他们,这不是一件好事。无论如何,起义被镇压了,大约 30,000 名农民被冷血杀害.
Now the Reformation had either to marry the princes or perish. Luther preached openly that the subjects of the princes had no right to insurrection even if their lords were evil and unjust. In one word, the Bible and the rules of Christian morality were placed at the service of the temporal authority.14 Thus the union between the church and the empire was broken. The new church decided to serve minor lords and local interests. International church became national, an important step towards a bourgeois church. It is not at all implied here that Luther wanted a national church. He wanted only a better church. But the
现在,宗教改革要么嫁给王子,要么灭亡。路德公开宣讲,即使他们的领主是邪恶和不公正的,诸侯的臣民也无权起义。一句话,圣经和基督教道德规则被置于世俗权威的服侍之下,14 因此,教会和帝国之间的联合被打破了。新教会决定为小领主和地方利益服务。国际教会成为国家教会,这是迈向资产阶级教会的重要一步。这里一点也不暗示路德想要一个全国性的教会。他只想得到一个更好的教会。但是 latent
潜在effect or the unanticipated consequence of his wish was a territorial church. Later the nation would become a union between the king (or the parliament) and the burgher. The reformed church was in the front
他的愿望的效果或意想不到的后果是建立领土教会。后来,这个国家将成为国王(或议会)和市民之间的联盟。归正教会在前面 line to bless that union. Thus Luther laid the foundation unknowingly and probably unwillingly for the triple alliance between religion, nation state and the capitalist.
行来祝福那个联盟。因此,路德在不知不觉中,也可能是不情愿地为宗教、民族国家和资本家之间的三重联盟奠定了基础。
Luther was the first heretic in Western Europe to defy the pope and escape the Holy Inquisition. It must not be forgotten that a king with wider responsibilities than Fredrick the Wise, may not have supported Luther. Anyhow, test-driving was over, and the Reformation was on the roads. Here is how it started. "His defiance at Worms and his survival had given his followers a new elation, At Erfurt, students, artisans, peasants, etc., attacked and demolished forty parish houses, destroyed libraries, and rent rolls and killed a humanist (June 1521). In the fall of that exciting year, the Augustinian friars of Erfurt abandoned their monastery, preached the Lutheran creed and denounced the Catholic church as mother of dogma, pride, avarice, luxury, faithlessness and
路德是西欧第一个违抗教皇并逃脱神圣宗教裁判所的异端分子。我们不能忘记,一个比智者弗雷德里克责任更广的国王,可能没有支持路德。无论如何,试驾已经结束,宗教改革已经开始上路。这是它是如何开始的。“他在沃尔姆斯的反抗和他的生存给了他的追随者带来了新的喜悦,在埃尔福特,学生、工匠、农民等袭击并拆除了 40 座教区房屋,摧毁了图书馆,并杀死了一名人文主义者(1521 年 6 月)。在那个激动人心的一年的秋天,埃尔福特的奥古斯丁修士放弃了他们的修道院,宣扬路德教的信条,并谴责天主教会是教条、骄傲、贪婪、奢侈、不信仰和 hypocr
伪君子is
是y."15 Carlstadt, the archdeacon of Wittenberg, inaugurated clerical marriage by taking a 15 year old girl as his spouse. Luther himself married much late
y."15 维滕贝格大执事卡尔施塔特娶了一个 15 岁的女孩为妻,开启了神职人员的婚姻。路德本人结婚的时间很晚r.
Backing of the Princes
王子的支持
These minor movements would have soon died without further reinforcement. Luckily for the Reformation, there were enough princes who hated both the pope and the emperor. The first mighty prince to join was Prussia, a territorial state centred on Berlin which was eventually to dominate the whole of Germany. Prussia at that time was ruled by an order of celeb
如果没有进一步的增援,这些微小的动作很快就会消失。幸运的是,宗教改革有足够多的王子既憎恨教皇又憎恨皇帝。第一个加入的强大王子是普鲁士,这是一个以柏林为中心的领土国家,最终统治了整个德国。当时的普鲁士由一个名人团统治rate monks called the Teutonic Knights. The Grand Master of the Knights, Albert of Hohenzollern, dissolved the order, secularized its lands, and as a vassal of the king of Poland, became the first German Duke of Prussia. Hesse followed suit in 1526, Brandenberg, Ansbach Schleswig Brunswick and Mansfeld in 1528. These were soon joined by important towns such as Nuremberg (1524), Strassburg, Ulm, Augsburg and others, in the years between 1528 and 1531
吃被称为条顿骑士团的僧侣。骑士团最高大师霍亨索伦的阿尔伯特解散了骑士团,将其土地世俗化,作为波兰国王的附庸,成为第一位德国普鲁士公爵。黑森州于 1526 年效仿,布兰登贝格、安斯巴赫、石勒苏益格不伦瑞克和曼斯菲尔德于 1528 年效仿。在 1528 年至 1531 年间,纽伦堡(1524 年)、斯特拉斯堡、乌尔姆、奥格斯堡等重要城镇很快加入了这些城镇.
If the pope was the imperial chaplain, Luther was a territorial chaplain. He never liked it. Neither could he evade the situation. "Luther, though protesting, eventually tolerated the extension of political authority into the religious affairs. The 'territorial church' in which the territorial ruler acted as the highest bishop (summus episcopus) became the normal type of the visible Lutheran church."'7 The new church could still have b
如果教皇是帝国牧师,那么路德就是领土牧师。他从来都不喜欢这样。他也无法逃避这种情况。“路德虽然抗议,但最终容忍了将政治权威扩展到宗教事务。以领土统治者为最高主教的'领土教会'(summus episcopus)成为有形路德教会的正常类型。7 新教会仍然可以有 been demolished. The pope and the emperor had enough resources between them to fight the Reformation. But the pope was in no mood to augment the political power of the emperor. Because the latter killed the natural son of the former, there were personal antagonisms too. Hence at last the Lutherans were left alone and the principle cujus regio ejus religio (the faith of the ruler in the regional religion) was accepted in the Diet of Augsburg in 1555
拆除。教皇和皇帝之间有足够的资源来对抗宗教改革。但教皇没有心情扩大皇帝的政治权力。因为后者杀死了前者的亲生儿子,所以也存在个人对立。因此,路德教徒最终被留下来,1555 年奥格斯堡议会接受了 cujus regio ejus religio(地区宗教统治者的信仰)原则.
Now the new faith could spread far and wide, and it did. Everywhere it served the ruling powers, be they kings, feudal lords or the burghers. The king of Norway, for example, was in need of money and the easiest source to tap was the church properties. Hence the king imposed the Reformation on Norway and Iceland in 1537 and secularized the properties of the clergy.
现在,新的信仰可以传播得很远很广,而且确实如此。它无处不在地为统治者服务,无论是国王、封建领主还是市民。例如,挪威国王需要钱,而最容易利用的来源是教堂财产。因此,国王于 1537 年在挪威和冰岛实施了宗教改革,并将神职人员的财产世俗化。
Henry VIII and the Reformation
亨利八世和宗教改革
The case of England and Henry VIII is famous. In the beginning this king opposed the Reformation, wrote a book against Luther and got the title of "Defender of Faith" from the pope. But then came the victory of Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, over France. Henry could not idly watch the growth of the emperor. England could be the next prey. Hence he approached Francis I of France to find out a way to check the emperor and his "imperial chaplain". One of the means of bringing France and England together was that the daughter of Francis I be married to Henry VIII. Henry was, of course, already married to Catherine of Aragone, the aunt of the emperor. A divorce was actually not a big problem in itself. Henry's brother-in-law, Suffoik, and his sister Margaret were divorced and remarried by the Catholic church.18 But this time there was a political problem. The pope could not humiliate the emperor's aunt
英格兰和亨利八世的案例很有名。起初,这位国王反对宗教改革,写了一本反对路德的书,并从教皇那里获得了 “信仰捍卫者” 的称号。但随后神圣罗马帝国皇帝查理五世战胜了法国。亨利不能袖手旁观皇帝的成长。英格兰可能是下一个猎物。因此,他找到法国的弗朗西斯一世,想办法检查皇帝和他的“帝国牧师”。将法国和英格兰联合起来的方法之一是将弗朗西斯一世的女儿嫁给亨利八世。当然,亨利已经娶了皇帝的姑姑阿拉贡的凯瑟琳。离婚本身其实不是什么大问题。亨利的姐夫苏福克和他的妹妹玛格丽特被天主教会离婚并再婚18。但这一次出现了一个政治问题。教皇不能羞辱皇帝的姑姑.
The "Defender of Faith" now proceeded step by step to demolsh that faith. First of all he had the "submission of the clergy" voted by the convocation of Canterbury. This act sub- ordinated the ecclesiastical legislation to the king. Then the parlia- ment, in 1532, reduced the prerogatives of the church, Next the king suppressed the papal right for the first fruits. Finally he married Anne Boleyn. In 1534, the parliament passed the Act of Supremacy. The king now was proclaimed the pope of England.
“信仰的捍卫者”现在一步一步地去摧毁这种信仰。首先,他得到了坎特伯雷议会投票通过的“神职人员的屈服”。该法案将教会立法从属于国王。然后,在 1532 年,议会减少了教会的特权,接下来国王压制了教皇获得初熟果实的权利。最后,他娶了安妮·博林 (Anne Boleyn)。1534 年,议会通过了《至高无上法案》。国王现在被宣布为英格兰教皇。
The reform in Switzerland was welcomed by Zwingli, a military chaplain. He came to power in 1529. He was against the papal authority, image worship and the veneration of the saints. But he was most opposed to mercenary work abroad. From the day the Swiss trade was impoverished by the sea routes, t
瑞士的改革受到了军事牧师茨温利 (Zwingli) 的欢迎。他于 1529 年上台。他反对教皇的权威、偶像崇拜和对圣徒的崇拜。但他最反对在国外从事雇佣兵工作。从瑞士贸易因海上航线而贫困的那一天起,thousands
侯桑兹of citizen of Switzerland were searching work abroad as mercenaries. When Zwingli came to power, there were 20,000 serving in France and 60,000 in other countries. Together these men earned four million livers, a sum equivalent to the annual export of the Netherlands to France.19 But Zwingli found this degrading and demoralizing. The cities too agreed with him. The countryside, however, was poor and needed service abroad. Hence there erupted a civil war between the cities and the villages. Zwingli was killed in the fight. Berne, Basic, and Zurich stood for the new order. Lucerne stood for the old order under the aristocracy who made huge profits from the traffic in mercenaries. A civil war or any disorder in Zwitzerland was a problem for its neighbour, France. Hence France intervened and the Catholics and the Protestants agreed on a truce in Switzerla
的瑞士公民作为雇佣兵在国外寻找工作。当茨温利上台时,法国有 20,000 人,其他国家有 60,000 人。这些人总共赚了 400 万个肝脏,相当于荷兰每年向法国出口的钱19。但茨温利认为这有辱人格,令人沮丧。城市也同意他的看法。然而,农村很贫穷,需要到国外去服役。因此,城市和村庄之间爆发了一场内战。茨温利在战斗中丧生。伯尔尼、Basic 和苏黎世代表了新秩序。卢塞恩代表着贵族统治下的旧秩序,他们从雇佣兵的贸易中赚取了巨额利润。兹维策兰的内战或任何混乱对其邻国法国来说都是一个问题。因此,法国进行了干预,天主教徒和新教徒同意在瑞士休战nd.
The intervention of political and economic interests in accepting or rejecting the Reformation was apparent in every country of Europe. There were even instances when the Catholics and the Protestants together fought more radical reformation to the finish. Such, for example, was the case of the "communism" inaugurated by one Mathys in February 1534 in Muenster in Germany. This ex-actor went about in splendid robes with attendant court, armed guards and a new nobility. The poor prophet, however, was defeated in a joint attack by the Catholics and the Lutherans. Eventually he was tortured to death. Every man and woman who belonged to his republic was butchered in cold blood.20 Leaving such minor incidents aside, let us turn to the next important figure after Luther
政治和经济利益对接受或拒绝宗教改革的干预在欧洲每个国家都是显而易见的。甚至在某些情况下,天主教徒和新教徒一起为更激进的改革而战到底。例如,1534 年 2 月由马蒂斯 (Mathys) 在德国明斯特开创的“共产主义”就是这种情况。这位前演员穿着华丽的长袍,与侍从的宫廷、武装警卫和新的贵族一起四处走动。然而,这位可怜的先知在天主教徒和路德教徒的联合攻击中被击败。最终,他被折磨致死。属于他的共和国的每一个男人和女人都被冷血地屠杀了。20 撇开这些小事件不谈,让我们转向路德之后的下一个重要人物.
John Calvin and His Church
约翰·加尔文和他的教会
The most important factor that brought victory to Calvin (1509-1564) was the victory of Luther before him. If there were no Luther, there would have been no Calvin too as he is known today. Calvin was a graduate in law and was immersed in the study of classics when the waves of the Reformation reached the university of Paris. The Reformation was being tolerated or persecuted according to the day-to-day needs of the French government. The rector of the university of Paris, Nicholas Cop, made his inaugural address at a wrong moment. The government offered 300 crowns for his head because he advocated tolerance of the new faith. Calvin too opted for the new order. Hence he was in and out of French jails for some time. Ultimately he left Paris in December 1534 and joined his rector in Basle. "There, a lad of twenty-six, he completed the most eloquent, fervent, lucid, lo
加尔文(1509-1564)带来胜利的最重要因素是路德在他之前的胜利。如果没有路德,就不会有今天所知道的加尔文。加尔文毕业于法学专业,当宗教改革的浪潮传到巴黎大学时,他正沉浸在古典文学的研究中。宗教改革根据法国政府的日常需要被容忍或迫害。巴黎大学校长尼古拉斯·科普 (Nicholas Cop) 在错误的时机发表了他的就职演说。政府为他的头提供 300 克朗,因为他倡导对新信仰的宽容。卡尔文也选择了新订单。因此,他在法国监狱里进进出出了一段时间。最终,他于 1534 年 12 月离开巴黎,与他在巴塞尔的校长会合。“在那里,一个 26 岁的小伙子完成了最雄辩、最热情、最清晰的gical influential and terrible work in all literature of the religious revolution."21 When the book, The Principles
在所有宗教革命文学中都有影响力和可怕的作品。21 当《原则》一书问世时of Christian Religion, was sold out in one year, he published the new edition in French and Latin. After several editions and enlargements, the book attained the bulk of 1,118 pages. Among other things, the book emphasized the incapacity of man to do any good. The salvation of man was therefore a free gift of God, predestined from eternity. Man could do nothing about it
f 基督教,一年内售罄,他用法语和拉丁语出版了新版本。经过几次版本和扩充,这本书达到了 1,118 页的大部分篇幅。除其他外,这本书强调了人类无能为力。因此,人的救赎是上帝白白的礼物,是从永恒中预定的。人类对此无能为力.
Conditions of Geneva during Calvin's Visit
加尔文访问期间日内瓦的情况
It was after this much intellectual attainment that Calvin happened to pass through Geneva, an illustrious town on the ancient trade routes. But the city had fallen on evil days. Bern had taken over economic leadership and the Duke of Savoy had imposed his political domination over Geneva. This duke had little concern for morality. Hence the poverty and unemployment were covered up by drinking, prostitution and clerical concubinage. The burghers of the city, however, hated both the duke and his corrupt church. They made an alliance with the Catholics of Freibourg and the Protestants of Bern to bring the bourgeois rule back to Geneva. Though in a declining stage, Geneva was still a meeting place of the Italian, the French and the Swiss traders. Those who pledged themselves to liberate the city were called Eidegenossen in German and Huguenots in French. In English they may be called confederates
正是在如此多的智力成就之后,加尔文碰巧经过日内瓦,这是古代贸易路线上的一个杰出小镇。但这座城市在邪恶的日子里沦陷了。伯尔尼接管了经济领导权,萨沃伊公爵将他的政治统治强加于日内瓦。这位公爵对道德漠不关心。因此,贫穷和失业被酗酒、卖淫和神职人员的纳妾所掩盖。然而,这座城市的市民既憎恨公爵,也憎恨他那腐败的教会。他们与弗莱堡的天主教徒和伯尔尼的新教徒结盟,将资产阶级统治带回日内瓦。虽然处于衰落阶段,但日内瓦仍然是意大利、法国和瑞士商人的聚会场所。那些发誓解放这座城市的人在德语中被称为 Eidegenossen,在法语中被称为胡格诺派。在英语中,他们可以被称为 confederates.
The Huguenots set up a Great Council of Two Hundred (in 1526) which selected a small Council of Twenty
胡格诺派教徒成立了一个 200 人的大议会(1526 年),选出了一个 20 人的小型议会 five, This organization pitted itself against the Duke of Savoy. The Catholic church, however, was still feudal and defended the duke. Hence the Huguenots overthrew the prince and the bishop and established the rule of the burghers two months before the arrival of Calvin. The leader of the new church, William Farel, was modest enough to concede the spiritual leadership to Calvin. Calvin cleaned the city of prostitutes and closed the wine shops. He opened new shops with fixed quota of wine and introduced evangelical preaching and religious songs into these shops. But Calvin was forced very soon to close his new shops and open the old ones. But the story was not over.
第五,这个组织与萨沃伊公爵对峙。然而,天主教会仍然是封建的,并为公爵辩护。因此,胡格诺派推翻了王子和主教,并在加尔文到来前两个月建立了市民的统治。新教会的领袖威廉·法雷尔(William Farel)谦虚地将属灵的领导权让给了加尔文。加尔文清理了城里的,关闭了葡萄酒店。他开设了具有固定葡萄酒配额的新商店,并将福音派布道和宗教歌曲引入这些商店。但加尔文很快就被迫关闭了他的新店,开了旧店。但故事还没有结束。
Calvin knew theology, law, and classics. But he was new to administration and social psychology. He prescribed detailed rules of conduct for the Genevans. Anyone who violated the rules was liable to be banished. The net result was the banishment of Calvin and Farel. The council of the city announced on.23 April 1536 that Calvin and Farel had three days' leave to quit. Farel left for Neuchatel and Calvin reached Strassburg. The exit of these spiritual leaders was celebrated in Geneva with public rejoiniings.
加尔文懂神学、法律和古典文学。但他对行政和社会心理学不熟悉。他为日内瓦人制定了详细的行为准则。任何违反规则的人都可能被驱逐。最终的结果是加尔文和法勒尔被放逐。1536 年 4 月 23 日,该市议会宣布,加尔文和法雷尔有三天的休假时间。法雷尔前往纳沙泰尔,加尔文到达斯特拉斯堡。这些杰出的领导人在日内瓦庆祝了他们的退出,并举行了重新加入会议。
Geneva was immediately threatened by the coming back of the Catholic bishop. As a preliminary step, the bishop had an "Epistle to the Genevans." written by Cardinal Sodelot and sent to the city and its governing body. Calvin could not sit idle before this Catholic offensive, though he had no personal ambition to go back to Geneva. Hence Calvin too had an epistle printed and circulated. This piece of writing was a masterpiece. The Genevans liked it, printed and circulated it at their own cost. Meanwhile, anarchy was spreading in Geneva. The people had not yet learned to live without a religion. "Gambling, drunkennes, street-brawls, adultery flourished, lewd songs were publicly sung, persons romped naked through the streets. Of the four syndics who had led the movement to expel Farel and Calvin, one had to be condemned to death for murder, another for forgery, a third for treason and the fourth died while trying to escape ar
日内瓦立即受到天主教主教回归的威胁。作为初步步骤,主教有一封由红衣主教索德洛撰写的“致日内瓦人的书信”,并寄给了该市及其管理机构。加尔文不能在天主教的这次攻势面前坐以待毙,尽管他个人并没有回到日内瓦的野心。因此,加尔文也印制和分发了一封书信。这篇文章是一部杰作。日内瓦人喜欢它,自费印刷和发行。与此同时,无政府状态在日内瓦蔓延。人们还没有学会没有宗教的生活。“赌博、酗酒、街头斗殴、通奸盛行,公开唱淫秽歌曲,人们赤身裸体地在街上嬉戏。在领导驱逐法雷尔和加尔文运动的四个辛迪克中,一个因谋杀而被判处死刑,另一个因伪造而被判处死刑,第三个因叛国罪被判处死刑,第四个因试图逃跑而被判处死刑。rest.
休息。
Calvin Brought Back
加尔文被带回来
Geneva was left with two alternatives: the old order with the duke, the excommunication, drunkennes and so on or the severe rule of Calvin. The citizens preferred Calvin. He was brought back with incessant persuasion. An unwilling Calvin was showered with honors, apologies and cordiality on his entry back on 13 September 1541.
日内瓦有两个选择:公爵的旧秩序、逐出教会、醉酒等等,或者加尔文的严厉统治。市民更喜欢加尔文。他被不断的劝说带回来。1541 年 9 月 13 日,不情愿的加尔文在他入学时受到了荣誉、道歉和亲切的欢迎。
Both the bourgeoisie and the leader (Calvin) were careful this time. Calvin was after all a disinterested, though rigorous, ruler. He was not corrupt. He wanted only the good of society. This time he was careful to do good to the bourgeoisie too. He followed the line of Socrates and accepted class divisions as natural. "Every person was expected to accept his place in society and to perform his duties without envy of his better or complaint of his lot .... Calvinism gave to hard work, sobriety, diligence, frugality and thrift a religious sanction and laurel that may have shared in developing the industrious temper of the modern protestant businessman; but the relationship has been overstressed.
资产阶级和领袖(加尔文)这次都很小心。加尔文毕竟是一个无私但严厉的统治者。他没有腐败。他只想为社会谋福利。这一次,他也小心翼翼地对资产阶级做好事。他遵循苏格拉底的路线,接受阶级划分是自然的。“每个人都被期望接受他在社会中的地位,履行他的职责,而不是嫉妒他的好人或抱怨他的命运......加尔文主义给勤奋工作、清醒、勤奋、节俭和节俭带来了宗教的认可和桂冠,这可能与培养现代新教商人的勤奋脾气有关;但这种关系一直被过度强调。
The precise point of this paper is that there was an over- stress regarding the influence of Calvinism on capitalism and on the modern world in general. As pointed out in the beginning of this paper, one has to stress both the lines of influence as Marx did. According to Marx, as according to Weber, the Reformation stood at the cradle of modern man. But Protestantism was much
本文的确切观点是,人们过分强调加尔文主义对资本主义和整个现代世界的影响。正如本文开头所指出的,我们必须像马克思一样强调两条影响线。根据马克思的说法,就像根据韦伯的说法,宗教改革站在现代人的摇篮上。但新教的意义远大 cradled by the modern man as he was by the former. The burgher accepted the Reformation because it suited him. In the words of Marx: "The money cult implies its own asceticism; its own self- denial, its own self-sacrifice, parsimony and frugality, a contempt for worldly temporal and transient satisfactions. It implies the striving for an everlasting treasure. Hence the connection between English Puritanism, but also of Dutch Protestantism, with money making."
被现代人抱在怀里,就像他被前者抱在怀里一样。市民接受了宗教改革,因为它适合他。用马克思的话来说:“金钱崇拜意味着它自己的禁欲主义;它自己的自我否定,自己的自我牺牲,吝啬和节俭,对世俗的短暂和短暂的满足的蔑视。它意味着对永恒宝藏的追求。因此,英国清教徒以及荷兰新教与赚钱之间存在联系。
Economic Factors
经济因素
Weber elaborated the above casual remarks of Marx into a full book, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, where- in he tried to show that Calvinism was the independent variable and that Marx was one-sided. It is also well known that Weber had ultimately to abandon his project and leave his thesis as a research design. The point we want to make is that there is enough data in history to show that Calvinism or the Reformation in general cannot be understood without the economic factors which influenced its birth and its growth. Historians have amply testified in favour of this point though not many sociologists. Thus Will Durant, who has written over a thousand pages on Reformation, states: "Calvin could no longer have kept his leadership had he obstructed the commercial development of a city whose commerce was its life. He adjusted himself to the situation, allowed interest charges upto ten percent, and recommended state loans to finance the introduction or expansion of private industry, as in the manufacture of clothing or the production of silk. Commercial cent
韦伯将马克思的上述随意评论详细阐述成一整本书,《新教伦理与资本主义精神》,其中他试图表明加尔文主义是自变量,而马克思是片面的。众所周知,韦伯最终不得不放弃他的项目,并将他的论文作为研究设计留下来。我们想说的是,历史上有足够的数据表明,如果没有影响加尔文主义诞生和发展的经济因素,就无法理解加尔文主义或一般的宗教改革。历史学家已经充分证明了这一点,尽管没有多少社会学家支持这一点。因此,威尔·杜兰特(Will Durant)写了一千多页关于宗教改革的文章,他说:“如果加尔文阻挠一个以商业为生命的城市的商业发展,他就不可能再保持他的领导地位。他根据形势调整了自己,允许收取高达 10% 的利息,并建议国家贷款为私营工业的引入或扩张提供资金,例如服装制造或丝绸生产。商业美分er
的s like Antwerp, Amsterdam and London took readily to the first modern religion that accepted the modern economy."26 RW Tawney comments on the spread of Calvinism: "In all countries alike, in Holland, in America, in Scotland, in Geneva itself, the social theory of Calvinism went through the same process of development. It had begun by being the very soul of authoritarian regimentation. It ended by being the vehicle of an almost utilitarian individualism."
像安特卫普、阿姆斯特丹和伦敦一样,欣然接受了第一个接受现代经济的现代宗教。26 RW Tawney 评论加尔文主义的传播说:“在所有国家,荷兰、美国、苏格兰、日内瓦本身,加尔文主义的社会理论都经历了同样的发展过程。它始于专制军团的灵魂。它最终成为一种近乎功利主义的个人主义的工具。
The contention of Max Weber, the most prominent sociologist to deal with the Reformation, however, is that we must free ourselves from the idea that it is possible to deduce Reformation as a historically necessary result from certain economic changes. Countless historical circumstances, which cannot be reduced to any economic law and are not susceptible to economic explanation of any sort, especially purely political processes, had to concur in order that the newly created churches should survive
然而,研究宗教改革的最杰出社会学家马克斯·韦伯(Max Weber)的论点是,我们必须摆脱这样一种观念,即有可能将宗教改革推导出为某些经济变化的历史必然结果。无数的历史情况,不能被简化为任何经济规律,也不容易受到任何形式的经济解释,特别是纯粹的政治过程,必须同意,这样新创建的教会才能生存下来 at all.
完全。Weber has discussed six religions and written three books to make his point. But he could not win h
韦伯讨论了六种宗教,并写了三本书来表达他的观点。但他没能赢is case.
是情况。
We too agree with Weber that countless little incidents have helped the origin and growth of the Reformation. But it appears that one need not get lost in those little incidents. Even according to Weber himself, the fate of a sociologist depends on whether he is ready to choose one prominent factor and see its influence on the course of history.27 This is again the methodology he chose for himself. He has refused himself to be lost in the details. He was continuing with his discussion on the origins of modern capitalism in 1918. Now we take it for granted that Weber would have admitted the influence of "innumerable little incidents" in the case of capitalism too. But he singles out the religious factor. For "...the germ of modern capitalism must be sought in a region where efficaciously a theory was dominant which was distinct from that of the East and of classical antiquity...."28 By extending Weber's own logic to our case we conclude that if there was one factor which was more important than others in bringing about the Reformation, it was the economic factor. The economic factor was working at both the ends. On the one side it created an opposition to the Catholic church through papal taxes and on the other end it encouraged resistance by bringing up a new economic force: the mercantile capitalism and the upcoming bourgeoisie.
我们也同意韦伯的观点,即无数的小事件帮助了宗教改革的起源和发展。但看来,人们不必迷失在这些小事件中。即使根据韦伯本人的说法,社会学家的命运也取决于他是否准备好选择一个突出的因素,并看到它对历史进程的影响27。这又是他为自己选择的方法。他拒绝让自己迷失在细节中。1918 年,他继续讨论现代资本主义的起源。现在我们理所当然地认为,韦伯也会承认“无数小事件”对资本主义的影响。但他特别提到了宗教因素。对于 “...现代资本主义的萌芽必须在一个理论有效占主导地位的地区寻找,这种理论与东方和古典古代的理论截然不同......“28 通过将韦伯自己的逻辑扩展到我们的案例中,我们得出结论,如果有一个因素在带来宗教改革方面比其他因素更重要, 而是经济因素。经济因素在两端都起作用。一方面,它通过教皇税收制造了对天主教会的反对,另一方面,它通过提出一种新的经济力量来鼓励抵抗:商业资本主义和即将到来的资产阶级。
1 Especially relevant are the three books of Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, The Religion of India and The Religion of China. The first book, in which he shows that Calvinism supplied the psychological prerequisites for modern capitalism, is the most famous and the most controversial. The second book asserts that India could not produce capitalism because Hinduism was otherworldly. The third book says that Confusian ethics was teaching an accommodation with the world and hence it did not provide a positive inspiration for rational economic enterprise as did Calvinism.
1 韦伯的三本书《新教伦理与资本主义精神》、《印度宗教》和《中国宗教》等三本书尤其相关。第一本书,他在书中表明加尔文主义为现代资本主义提供了心理先决条件,这是最著名也是最具争议的一本书。第二本书断言,印度无法产生资本主义,因为印度教是超凡脱俗的。第三本书说,儒家伦理学教导与世界相处融洽,因此它没有像加尔文主义那样为理性的经济事业提供积极的启发。
2 "Even historically theoretical emancipation has special significance for Germany. For Germany's revolutionary past is theoretical; it is the Reformation. . . the revo. lution then started in the brain of a monk . . . But if Protestantism was not the true solution of the problem, it was at least the true setting for it", Marx and Engels, On Religion, Moscow, 1954, p 50.
2 “即使是历史上理论上的解放,对德国也有特殊的意义。因为德国的革命历史是理论上的;而是宗教改革......Revo 的。然后,lution 开始出现在一个僧侣的大脑中......但是,如果新教不是问题的真正解决方案,它至少是问题的真正背景“,马克思和恩格斯,《论宗教》,莫斯科,1954年,第50页。
3 To explain this statement fully one has to make a perusal of the Marxist theory of religion. The scope of this paper, however, does not allow such a venture. Hence we take it here for granted that there is no absolutely independent existence nor influence for religion and ideology. Nor is religion (nor the superstructure in general) a passive element. Religion exists partly to console the individual at such miserable moment as death, sickness and so on, and partly to defend, justify and to reinforce the infrastructure and its relations of production. As far as Calvinism and capitalism were concerned, Marx did not analyse their relation as elaborately as Weber did. Yet the casual remarks of Marx make it clear that Calvinism was bound up with the new mode of production. One suc
3 要充分解释这句话,就必须细读一下马克思主义的宗教理论。然而,本文的范围不允许这样的冒险。因此,我们在这里理所当然地认为,宗教和意识形态没有绝对独立的存在或影响。宗教(或一般的上层建筑)也不是被动的元素。宗教的存在部分是为了在死亡、疾病等悲惨时刻安慰个人,部分是为了捍卫、证明和加强基础设施及其生产关系。就加尔文主义和资本主义而言,马克思并没有像韦伯那样详细地分析它们之间的关系。然而,马克思的随意评论清楚地表明,加尔文主义与新的生产方式是紧密相连的。一次h casual
H 休闲remark of Marx is: "The money cult implies its own asceticism, its own self-denial, its own self-secrifice, parsimony and transcient satisfactions. It implies the striving for an everlasting treasure. Hence the connection between English Puritanlism, but also of Dutch Protestantism with, money making", quoted in Paul A Baran, The Political Economy of Growth, New York, 1957, p 48.
马克思的评论是:“金钱崇拜意味着它自己的禁欲主义、自己的自我否定、自己的自我封闭、吝啬和超然的满足。它意味着对永恒宝藏的追求。因此,英国清教徒主义以及荷兰新教与赚钱之间存在联系“,引自 Paul A Baran,The Political Economy of Growth,纽约,1957 年,第 48 页。
4 H Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, London, 1965, p 91. I Will Durant, The Reformation, New York, 1957, p 338. 6 Ibid, p 340, 7 R H Brinton, Christiandom, New York, 1959, p 59. 8 Durant, op cit, p 347. 9 Holborn, op cit, p 137. Durant, op cit, p 363. Holborn, op cit, p 39. 12 Ibid, p 174. 13 Ibid, p 176. 14 Jackques Pirenne, Tides of History, London, 1963, Vol II, P 493. 15 Durant, op cit, p 364. 16 G R Elton, Reformation Europe, London, 1963, p 63. '7 Holborn, op cit, p 187. 18 A L Fisher, A History of Europe, London, 1957, p 460. 19 Pirenne, op cit, p 503. 20 Elton, op cit, pp 100f. 21 Durant, op cit, p 460. 22 Elton, op cit, p 22. It gives details of the reactions of the Genevans against Calvin. 23 Durant, op cit, p 460. 24 Ibid, p 475. 25 See Note 3 above. 26 Durant, op cit, p 475. 27 Weber states, for example, "Whoever lacks the capacity to put on blinkers, so to speak, and to come up with the idea that the fate of his soul depends upon whether or not he makes the correct conjecture . . . may as well stay away from science". See JET Eldridge, Max Weber, London, 1971, p 9. Actually Weber himself put on blinkers on a number of instances. When he interpreted the fall of Rome (Eldridge, pp 254-274) he used only the economic factor as a key. When he interprets the origins of modern capitalism, however, he takes only the ideal factor. 28 Max Weber, General Economic History, 1923, p
H Holborn,《现代德国史》,伦敦,1965 年,第 91 页。I Will Durant,《宗教改革》,纽约,1957 年,第 338 页。6 同上,第 340 页,7 R H Brinton,《基督教》,纽约,1959 年,第 59 页。8 杜兰特,同上,第 347 页。9 霍尔本,同上,第 137 页。杜兰特,同上,第 363 页。霍尔本,同上,第 39 页。12 同上,第 174 页。13 同上,第 176 页。14 杰克·皮雷纳,《历史的潮汐》,伦敦,1963 年,第 2 卷,第 493 页。15 杜兰特,同上,第 364 页。16 G R Elton,《欧洲宗教改革》,伦敦,1963 年,第 63 页。'7 霍尔本,同上,第 187 页。18 A L Fisher,《欧洲史》,伦敦,1957 年,第 460 页。19 皮雷纳,同上,第 503 页。20 埃尔顿,同上,第 100f 页。21 杜兰特,同上,第 460 页。22 埃尔顿,同上,第 22 页。它详细描述了日内瓦派对加尔文的反应。23 杜兰特,同上,第460页。24 同上,第 475 页。25 见上文注 3。26 杜兰特,同上,第475页。27 例如,韦伯说:“谁缺乏能力戴上眼罩,可以这么说,并提出他灵魂的命运取决于他是否做出正确的猜想......还不如远离科学”。参见 JET Eldridge,Max Weber,伦敦,1971 年,第 9 页。事实上,Weber 本人在很多情况下都戴上了眼罩。当他解释罗马的沦陷时(埃尔德里奇,第 254-274 页),他只使用经济因素作为关键。然而,当他解释现代资本主义的起源时,他只考虑了理想的因素。28 马克斯·韦伯,《通论经济史》,1923 年,第