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\author{ \作者{
Elizabeth Ho

Citation: Ho, Elizabeth. 2022 Heterotopic Heritage in Hong Kong: Tai Kwun and Neo-Victorian Carceral Space. Humanities 11: 12. https://doi.org/10.3390/h11010012
引用：Ho, Elizabeth.2022 Heterotopic Heritage in Hong Kong: Tai Kwun and Neo-Victorian Carceral Space.Humanities 11: 12.https://doi.org/10.3390/h11010012

Received: 18 January 2021
收到：2021 年 1 月 18 日
Accepted: 19 June 2021 接受：2021 年 6 月 19 日
Published: 13 January 2022
出版日期：2022 年 1 月 13 日
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School of English, University of Hong Kong, 7/F Run Run Shaw Tower, Centennial Campus, Pokfulam, Hong Kong; lizho@hku.hk
香港薄扶林百周年校園邵逸夫大樓7樓香港大學英文學院；lizho@hku.hk
}

Keywords: Tai Kwun; Hong Kong; carceral space; heterotopia; postcolonial; prison museum
关键词大观；香港；监禁空间；异托邦；后殖民；监狱博物馆

The transformation of what is commonly referred to as the Central Police Station compound (CPS) into “Tai Kwun: Center for Heritage and the Arts” marks an important shift in the complexity of neo-Victorian heterotopian spaces in Hong Kong. To be clear, not all the remains of nineteenth-century architecture in the territory (or elsewhere) can be considered neo-Victorian. Rather, to qualify as such, much as Mark Llwellyn and Ann Heilmann have argued of neo-Victorian fiction, a building too needs to be “self-consciously engaged with the art of (re)interpretation, (re)discovery and (re)vision concerning the Victorians” (Llewellyn and Heilmann 2010, p. 4, emphasis in original). Tai Kwun is an exemplar of how creative adaptive reuse ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} can, for example, speak to the present’s appropriation of the nineteenth century past for its own aesthetic and political needs. This article traces Tai Kwun’s development from a prison heterotopia, a panopticon deployed for the purposes of colonial discipline and surveillance, to what I will refer to as entangled heterotopias, where the additions of “JC (Jockey Club) Contemporary”, the newly designed contemporary arts center, and the “JC Cube” auditorium to the former prison site combine to create a new disciplinary exhibitionary complex. The adaptive reuse of the CPS compound, which consists of three Victorian buildings (the Central Police Station, Central Magistracy, and Victoria Prison) into a prison museum and contemporary art gallery surrounded by privatized public space means that the present ordering of aesthetic objects, spaces and experiences are (re-)enforced by the former carceral system. While JC Contemporary
中區警署建築群（CPS）改建為 "大觀文物藝術中心"，標誌著香港新維多利亞式異托邦空間複雜性的重要轉變：文物艺术中心 "的转变标志着香港新维多利亚异托邦空间复杂性的重要转变。明确地说，并非香港（或其他地方）所有的十九世纪建筑遗迹都可被视为新维多利亚式建筑。相反，正如马克-卢埃林（Mark Llwellyn）和安-海尔曼（Ann Heilmann）对新维多利亚式小说的论述一样，一座建筑也需要 "有意识地参与（重新）诠释、（重新）发现和（重新）展望维多利亚时代的艺术"（卢埃林和海尔曼，2010 年，第 4 页，着重号为原文所加）。例如，大观是一个典范，说明了创造性的适应性再利用 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 如何能够说明当下如何为其自身的美学和政治需要而挪用十九世纪的过去。这篇文章追溯了大观从监狱异托邦（为殖民地纪律和监视目的而部署的 "窥视之门"）到我所说的纠结异托邦的发展过程，在这里，新设计的当代艺术中心 "JC（赛马会）当代 "和 "JC立方体 "礼堂结合在监狱旧址上，创造了一个新的学科展览综合体。由三座维多利亚时期的建筑（中央警署、中央裁判司署和维多利亚监狱）组成的中央警署大院被改建为监狱博物馆和当代艺术画廊，周围是私有化的公共空间，这意味着审美对象、空间和体验的现有秩序被前监禁系统（重新）强制执行。JC Contemporary
aestheticizes the former prison, the site, in turn, incarcerates the museum’s dedication to artistic process. Thus, a close reading of Tai Kwun’s spatiality rewrites the conventional attributes of resistance, otherness and difference in the understanding of heterotopias and emphasizes instead how, in certain contexts, heterotopias can reproduce dominant power relations by intensifying and exaggerating their effects through spatial incongruity. Analysis of Tai Kwun as a neo-Victorian heterotopia also reveals what architecture and space can communicate about “the Victorian” to the public. Tai Kwun, or “Big Station”, the Cantonese name colloquially used to refer to the compound, emerges as the largest, most ambitious and, paradoxically, weakest (because it is the most managed or institutionalized) heterotopia in Hong Kong’s neo-Victorian landscape.
将前监狱美学化，反过来，该场所也监禁了博物馆对艺术进程的奉献。因此，对大观空间性的细读改写了异托邦理解中的抵抗、他者和差异等传统属性，转而强调了在某些情况下，异托邦如何通过空间的不协调来强化和夸大其效果，从而再现主流权力关系。对作为新维多利亚异托邦的大观的分析还揭示了建筑和空间可以向公众传达什么是 "维多利亚时代"。大观，或 "大站"，这个广东俗称用来指代大院，是香港新维多利亚景观中规模最大、最雄心勃勃的异托邦，但矛盾的是，它也是最薄弱的（因为它是管理或制度化程度最高的）异托邦。

Neo-Victorian fiction contains many examples of carceral narratives: Margaret Atwood’s Alias Grace (1996) and Sarah Waters’s Affinity (1999) and Fingersmith (2002), for example, function as fictional reconstructions of historical carceral space and position their female protagonists as carceral subjects. Atwood and Waters demonstrate how spatiality in neo-Victorian novels is crucial to examining the mechanisms of control, power and division that persist into the present, especially for women. Physically and metaphorically incarcerated by nineteenth-century ideologies, women like Grace Marks and Margaret Prior enact the kinds of alliances, opportunities and resistances that thrive under prison conditions. The prison becomes a theater for the ways in which women-then and noware limited in agency and, in turn, limit that of others. These novels depict their prison settings as enforcements of uniformity and order, where constant surveillance creates conditions of insecurity and where the veneer of legal justice hides a multitude of often sadistic punishments designed to humiliate and deprive. The texts thus take their literary cues and carceral tropes from Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Foucault [1976] 1995). Like Foucault, Atwood and Waters pinpoint the nineteenth century as the moment when “the age of sobriety in punishment had begun” (Foucault [1976] 1995, p. 14), a time when the spectacle of punishment and torture disappeared in favor of the prison as a “whole new system of truth and a mass of roles hitherto unknown in the exercise of criminal justice” (Foucault [1976] 1995, p. 23).
新维多利亚时代的小说中有许多囚禁叙事的例子：例如，玛格丽特-阿特伍德（Margaret Atwood）的《别名格蕾丝》（Alias Grace，1996 年）和萨拉-沃特斯（Sarah Waters）的《亲和力》（Affinity，1999 年）和《指匠》（Fingersmith，2002 年）都是对历史上的监禁空间进行虚构重建，并将女主人公定位为监禁主体。阿特伍德和沃特斯展示了新维多利亚时代小说中的空间性是如何对现今依然存在的控制、权力和分裂机制进行研究的，尤其是对女性而言。格蕾丝-马克斯（Grace Marks）和玛格丽特-普莱尔（Margaret Prior）等女性被十九世纪的意识形态所监禁，她们的身体和精神都受到了隐喻，在监狱条件下，她们结成了各种联盟，创造了各种机会，并做出了各种反抗。监狱成为一个剧场，展示了当时和现在的女性如何限制自己的能动性，并反过来限制他人的能动性。这些小说将监狱环境描绘成统一和秩序的强制执行场所，持续的监视创造了不安全的条件，法律正义的外衣下隐藏着众多往往是虐待狂式的惩罚，旨在羞辱和剥夺。因此，这些文本从米歇尔-福柯（Michel Foucault）的《规训与惩罚》（Discipline and Punish）中汲取了文学线索和 "监狱"（carceral）主题：监狱的诞生》（福柯 [1976] 1995 年）。与福柯一样，阿特伍德和沃特斯将 19 世纪定位为 "惩罚的清醒时代开始 "的时刻（福柯[1976] 1995，第 14 页），在这一时期，惩罚和酷刑的景象消失了，监狱成为 "全新的真相系统和刑事司法中迄今未知的大量角色"（福柯[1976] 1995，第 23 页）。

In comparison to the prison trope in neo-Victorian literature (cf. Braid 2010; Toron 2011; Hughes-Edwards 2016), relatively little attention has been paid to real, neo-Victorian carceral spaces, their elevation to heritage status and their effect on both a spatial understanding of the neo-Victorian and the definition of heterotopia, a critical blind spot which this article redresses. This study of Tai Kwun also reflects the influence of Foucault’s work on neo-Victorian studies and a shift in the dominance of the repressive hypothesis and the panoptic trope in conceptualizations of heterotopia. In this article, I reflect on multiple visits I made to Tai Kwun in 2019 and analyze my experiences within the context of heterotopic spatiality and carceral narratives. Specifically, I explore how Tai Kwun as a prison museum re-orders or disciplines its visitors to experience their spatial relationship to its contemporary art exhibits via a potentially “incarcerated” gaze. This, I conclude, entangles two heterotopic spaces in a postcolonial urban context, in ways that render heterotopia, as a transgressive concept, even more ambiguous and that have significant implications for considering Hong Kong’s neo-Victorian heterotopic topography.
与新维多利亚文学中的监狱特例（参见Braid 2010；Toron 2011；Hughes-Edwards 2016）相比，人们对真实的新维多利亚监狱空间、它们被提升为遗产的地位以及它们对新维多利亚空间理解和异托邦定义的影响的关注相对较少，本文弥补了这一关键盲点。对大观的研究也反映了福柯的著作对新维多利亚研究的影响，以及压制性假说和泛托邦特例在异托邦概念化中主导地位的转变。在本文中，我回顾了自己在2019年对大观的多次访问，并在异托邦空间性和囚禁叙事的背景下分析了我的经历。具体而言，我探讨了作为监狱博物馆的大观如何通过一种潜在的 "被监禁 "的凝视，重新安排或约束参观者体验他们与当代艺术展品之间的空间关系。我的结论是，这将后殖民城市语境中的两个异托邦空间纠缠在一起，使异托邦作为一个具有超越性的概念变得更加模糊，并对思考香港新维多利亚时代的异托邦地形学产生了重要影响。

The construction of Victoria Prison, one of the first durable buildings raised in the new colony in 1841, was followed shortly by the erection of the original Central Magistracy (1847) and the Central Police Station (1864) (PMT 2008, p. 11). Together, this complex of juridical and penal buildings covered a 16-hectare space in what is now the city’s Central mid-levels district, bounded by the main thoroughfare of Hollywood Road and the narrow lanes of Arbuthnot Road, Old Bailey Street and Chancery Lane. Occupying what is today a busy mixed residential and commercial neighborhood bordering the Mid-Levels Escalator and the trendy “Soho” area, the CPS originally belonged to a network of colonial administrative and military buildings stretching across the nineteenth-century City of Victoria that formed
维多利亚监狱是 1841 年在新殖民地兴建的第一批耐用建筑之一，随后不久又建造了最初的中央裁判司署（1847 年）和中央警署（1864 年）（PMT，2008 年，第 11 页）。这些司法和刑罚建筑群共占地 16 公顷，位于现在的中环半山区，以荷李活道主干道和亚毕诺道、奥卑利街和赞善里的狭窄小巷为界。如今的中半山自动扶梯和时髦的 "Soho "区毗邻着一个繁忙的住宅和商业混合区。
the landscape of British colonial power. The CPS buildings constitute the foothold of colonial regulation and control, a testament to the vision and effort of William Caine, the colony’s first Chief Magistrate, to curb the “lawlessness” (Tai Kwun 2019) and rampant criminal activity from an influx of Chinese immigrants fleeing imperial law in China [see Figure 1]. ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} Architecturally rather unremarkable, CPS is nonetheless notable for its “one-stop approach for law and order”, the concentration of the penal system to one power-laden site where “a person could be charged, put on trial, and imprisoned in a single location” (Tai Kwun 2019).
英国殖民权力的景观。CPS 建筑是殖民地监管和控制的立足点，见证了殖民地首任首席治安官威廉-凯恩（William Caine）为遏制 "无法无天"（大观，2019 年）和因逃避中国帝国法律而涌入的中国移民猖獗的犯罪活动所提出的愿景和做出的努力[见图 1]。 ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} 尽管建筑风格并不显眼，但中央警署却以其 "一站式治安管理方法 "而著称，它将刑罚系统集中在一个权力密集的场所，"一个人可以在一个地方被起诉、审判和监禁"（戴观，2019 年）。

Victoria Prison underwent multiple rebuildings and renovations between 1841 and 1856 in response to overcrowding, shoddy building materials, and squalid conditions. The Central Police Force was established in 1855 and as the Superintendent of Police struggled to professionalize his men, he decided to also update and increase the number of prison cells and add a Debtor’s Prison. Between 1851 and 1856, the prison was fortified and extended based on penal reforms and ideas transported from Britain. Structures for prison labor, punishment and execution were included in the new designs, and during this same period, the simple two-story Magistracy building was constructed. In 1858, Victoria Prison was rebuilt based on a half-radial design that illustrated the panopticon’s heterotopic potential to order deviance that was significantly different from previous models of criminal ordering and incarceration (PMT 2008, pp. 15-27).
维多利亚监狱在 1841 年至 1856 年间经历了多次重建和翻新，以应对监狱人满为患、建筑材料简陋和环境恶劣等问题。中央警察部队成立于 1855 年，随着警监努力使其警员专业化，他决定更新和增加监狱牢房的数量，并增设债务人监狱。1851 至 1856 年间，根据从英国引进的刑法改革和理念，对监狱进行了加固和扩建。新设计中包括了监狱劳动、惩罚和行刑结构，在同一时期，还建造了简单的两层治安官大楼。1858 年，维多利亚监狱在半径向设计的基础上进行了重建，该设计展示了泛视听系统的异位潜能，即有别于以往的犯罪秩序和监禁模式的异位潜能（PMT，2008 年，第 15-27 页）。

Early records of the prison’s design describe what Jane Jacobs has called the “racialized politics of differentiation” (Jacobs 1996, p. 3), played out in the spatial inequalities and sanitary conditions in cells designated for Chinese versus European prisoners. Colonial administrators even believed that Chinese prisoners would be incited to reoffend if they were “more comfortable [in cells] than they would be in common houses of the middling classes of the Chinese” (PMT 2008, p. 15). Similar racial segregation was seen in the plans of the Police Headquarters and the Barracks Block; built in 1864, these buildings were an investment in the rule of law and order in the colony. As Sikh officers and “well conducted” (PMT 2008, p. 27) Chinese locals were recruited to join the Police Force, new dormitories, eating, and worship spaces were required. This racial divide was also writ large across the territorialization of the colony in zoning and property laws that segregated Chinese from Europeans: the history of urban development in Hong Kong is also one of discrimination. Architecturally, these buildings showed the adaptation of European design to the local climate with added verandahs, corridors, and roofing that added to its hybrid style. Whether these buildings held any collective memories for local Hong Kong people beyond architects and participants in the legal system became part of the debate over the direction of Tai Kwun’s more recent development.
监狱设计的早期记录描述了简-雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs）所说的 "种族化的区分政治"（雅各布斯，1996 年，第 3 页），表现在指定关押中国囚犯和欧洲囚犯的牢房的空间不平等和卫生条件上。殖民时期的管理者甚至认为，如果中国囚犯 "在[牢房]中比在中国中产阶级的普通房屋中更舒适"，他们就会被煽动重新犯罪（PMT，2008 年，第 15 页）。类似的种族隔离还体现在警察总部和兵营大楼的规划中；这些建筑建于 1864 年，是对殖民地法治和秩序的投资。随着锡克教官员和 "行为良好"（PMT，2008 年，第 27 页）的华裔当地人被招募加入警察部队，需要建造新的宿舍、餐厅和礼拜场所。在殖民地的领土化过程中，华人与欧洲人之间的分区和财产法也体现了这一种族鸿沟：香港的城市发展史也是一部歧视史。在建筑上，这些建筑显示了欧洲设计对当地气候的适应，增加了阳台、走廊和屋顶，使其混合风格更加突出。除了建筑师和法律制度的参与者之外，这些建筑是否对当地香港人有任何集体记忆，成为有关大观近期发展方向的争论的一部分。

The entire CPS complex was refurbished over the course of the early twentieth century. The current Central Magistracy, for example, hails from 1913 and was raised on the site of the original Victorian foundations. Many CPS buildings and the prison were partially demolished after the Japanese occupation and bombing of Hong Kong, which reflects the tendency of neo-Victorian texts and archi-texts in Asia to house the double memory of European and Japanese colonialism (Ho 2019, p. 1 and passim). In subsequent decades, CPS was expanded to cope with the colony’s growth and the changing needs of the police force and prisoners, and in the 1950s, the site was largely redeveloped into a remand prison for immigration purposes. In the 1970s and 80s, Victoria Prison became an over-crowded custodial center for Vietnamese asylum seekers and illegal immigrants in transit or facing repatriation (PMT 2008, p. 48). As detention numbers grew, more attention was paid to physically and discursively separating asylum seekers escaping economic hardship from those fleeing political persecution. In 1995, CPS was declared a Grade 1 historical monument, the highest in the territory’s rather toothless conservation system, ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3} and, as the CPS buildings gradually degraded over time, discussions began in the early 2000s to convert the CPS compound into a commercial tourist site as part of the area’s cultural economic revitalization. Victoria Prison was not decommissioned until 2006 when the
整个中央警署建筑群是在二十世纪初翻修的。例如，现在的中央裁判司署建于 1913 年，是在原维多利亚时期的地基上建造的。在日本占领和轰炸香港之后，许多中央警署建筑和监狱被部分拆除，这反映了亚洲的新维多利亚文本和建筑文本倾向于容纳欧洲和日本殖民主义的双重记忆（Ho，2019 年，第 1 页及以下各页）。在随后的几十年中，中央警署不断扩大，以应对殖民地的发展以及警察部队和囚犯不断变化的需求，在 20 世纪 50 年代，该场所在很大程度上被重建为用于移民目的的还押监狱。在 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代，维多利亚监狱成为关押越南寻求庇护者和过境或面临遣返的非法移民的过度拥挤的拘留中心（PMT，2008 年，第 48 页）。随着拘留人数的增加，人们更加关注如何将逃避经济困难的寻求庇护者与逃避政治迫害的寻求庇护者从身体上和话语上分开。1995 年，维多利亚监狱被宣布为一级历史古迹，这在该地区相当不完善的保护体系中是最高级别的， ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3} 随着时间的推移，维多利亚监狱的建筑逐渐退化，2000 年代初开始讨论将维多利亚监狱大院改造成商业旅游景点，作为该地区文化经济振兴的一部分。维多利亚监狱直到 2006 年才退役。
general public was finally allowed behind its doors into an area of Hong Kong that was simultaneously symbolic to and estranged from daily life.
公众终于可以走进这个既象征着日常生活，又与日常生活格格不入的香港区域。

Figure 1. Chinese criminals under British “law and order” on display at Tai Kwun. Image author’s own.
图 1.大观展示的英国 "法律与秩序 "下的中国罪犯。图片作者自制。

Heritage has become a fraught business since the return of Hong Kong to China by Britain in 1997, and the development of CPS into Tai Kwun is no exception. As the growing pangs of “one country, two systems” began to be felt, urban development projects, gentrification, and heritage conservation began increasingly to be associated with the decolonization process of so-called “mainlandization”, where top-down attempts to change the socio-cultural landscape were perceived as attacks on the value of the local. Discussions of CPS’s adaptive reuse, for example, took place at the same time as the closure and demolition of Queen’s Pier and the adjacent Star Ferry pier for land reclamation in Central in 2006. Often considered to be the moment when collective memory became politicized in Hong Kong’s recent history, the closure of these two piers sparked months-long protests, sitins, and a new form of localist activism (Chun 2013). After a few years of consultation and debate, the Hong Kong government set up private tender procedures for the commercial development of the CPS site with a significant portion of space to be reserved for cultural and public use. Following expressions of vehement public sentiment against the pier demolitions and the over-commercialization of nineteenth-century sites such as the Former Marine Police Headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui, the discussion around the preservation of CPS remained divided between commercial interests and preservationist groups.
自 1997 年英国将香港回归中国以来，文物保护已成为一个充满争议的问题，中区 警署在大观的发展也不例外。随着 "一国两制 "的影响越来越大，城市发展项目、城市化和文物保护开始越来越多地与所谓 "大陆化 "的非殖民化进程联系在一起，自上而下试图改变社会文化景观的努力被视为对本地价值的攻击。例如，在讨论中环警署的活化再利用时，正值 2006 年皇后码头和邻近的天星码头因中环填海而关闭和拆卸。这两个码头的关闭引发了长达数月的抗议、静坐和新形式的本土主义活动（Chun，2013 年）。经过几年的咨询和辩论，香港政府为中环警署用地的商业开发制定了私人招标程序，并预留了很大一部分空间作为文化和公共用途。公众对拆卸码头和尖沙咀前水警总部等十九世纪遗址过度商业化表达了强烈的反对情绪，此后，围绕保护中区警署的讨论仍在商业利益和保护主义团体之间展开。

Unable to evoke enough strong or “authentic” memories of the site from the public, Agnes Ku has argued that CPS’s cultural meaning and significance were produced, ad hoc, during the tender process as different stakeholders attempted to imbue the site with value in order to sway public or official opinion in a particular direction ( Ku 2010, p. 383). Perhaps realizing this lack, the first Tai Kwun exhibition in 2018, “100 Faces of Tai Kwun”, attempted to introduce and humanize the site with an interactive immersion into one hundred stories collected from “kai fongs” (neighbors) of CPS (Retail Design Blog 2018). In her extensive analysis of the tender process as a battleground between commercial and non-commercial uses that heritage can be put to, Ku describes the various narratives that dominated the revitalization of CPS. Given that access to the prison compound was dependent on one’s status as a criminal, a detainee or an agent of the state, the “rule of law” emerged as the de facto narrative without opposition from more local or personal stories of the site (Ku 2010, pp. 390-91). The story of the “rule of law” that dominated discussions of CPS merely reiterated the typical Hong Kong success story of colonialism as the originator of the city’s progress, modernization and the foundation of an urban civilization without addressing the role of local agency, racial biases, corruption, and legal injustices, not to mention human rights. When the non-profit Hong Kong Jockey Club, the city’s largest charitable organization, was named to head the revitalization project in 2007, a happy medium was reached between the public’s resistance towards commercialization and business interests in the conversion of some parts of the site for high-end retail and entertainment ( Ku 2010, p. 398). Taking advantage of allowances in the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance, the stunning addition of what is now the JC Cube auditorium and the JC Contemporary gallery and museum, designed jointly by renowned architects Jacques Herzog and Pierre de Meuron, complemented the heritage buildings and completed the design. After significant delays due to a building collapse during the renovation process, Tai Kwun: Center for Heritage and Arts finally opened its doors in 2017, heralded as a “place of inspiration, stimulation, and enjoyment for all Hong Kong people” (Tai Kwun 2019).
由于无法唤起公众对该遗址足够强烈或 "真实 "的记忆，Agnes Ku 认为，在投标过程中，不同的利益相关者试图赋予该遗址以价值，以动摇公众或官方舆论的特定方向，从而临时产生了中区警署的文化内涵和意义（Ku，2010 年，第 383 页）。也许是意识到了这一不足，2018 年的首个大观展览 "大观百面 "试图通过互动沉浸式的方式，介绍并人性化地展现从 CPS 的 "街坊"（邻居）那里收集到的一百个故事（零售设计博客，2018 年）。在她对招标过程作为遗产商业和非商业用途之间战场的广泛分析中，Ku 描述了主导 CPS 活化的各种叙事。鉴于进入监狱大院取决于一个人的身份是罪犯、被拘留者还是国家工作人员，"法治 "成为事实上的叙事，而没有受到关于该遗址的更多地方或个人故事的反对（Ku，2010 年，第 390-91 页）。法治 "的故事主导了对郊野公园的讨论，它只是重申了殖民主义作为城市进步、现代化和城市文明基础的始作俑者这一典型的香港成功故事，而没有涉及地方机构的作用、种族偏见、腐败和法律不公，更不用说人权了。2007 年，非营利性的香港赛马会（香港最大的慈善组织）被任命为活化项目的负责人，在公众对商业化的抵制和将部分场地改建为高端零售和娱乐场所的商业利益之间，达成了一个和谐的平衡点（Ku，2010 年，第 3 页）。 398).著名建筑师雅克-赫尔佐格和皮埃尔-德梅隆（Jacques Herzog and Pierre de Meuron）联合设计的 "JC Cube "礼堂和 "JC Contemporary "画廊及博物馆，利用《古物及古蹟条例》的允许范围，使现在的 "JC Cube "礼堂和 "JC Contemporary "画廊及博物馆与文物建筑相得益彰，完成了设计。由于在翻新过程中发生了塌楼事故，大观的翻新工程出现了重大延误：文物艺术中心终于在 2017 年开门迎客，被誉为 "为所有香港人带来灵感、刺激和享受的地方"（大观，2019 年）。

With multiple entrances from the Mid-levels Escalator, Hollywood Road, Old Bailey Street and Arbuthnot Road, visitors enter Tai Kwun using the same gates as past prisoners, police officers, and citizens reporting crimes. Labyrinthine in layout, the site sits on two levels joined by access routes to two open spaces, the former parade ground and the prison yard. Although surrounded by al fresco dining, cafes and bars punctuated by art installations made from the materials of the prison itself, prompting visitors to praise Tai Kwun as an oasis in the city center, the two large expanses of concrete maintain the original feel of utility and regulation. Exhibition and ‘edutainment’ spaces are set aside in the Central Police Station, the Barrack Block, Central Magistracy and Victoria Prison,
大观有多个入口，分别位于半山自动扶梯、荷里活道、奥卑利街和亚毕士打道，游客与过去的囚犯、警察和报案市民一样，通过相同的大门进入大观。大观的布局如迷宫一般，分上下两层，分别通往两个开放空间--前阅兵场和监狱操场。虽然周围有露天餐厅、咖啡馆和酒吧，还有用监狱本身的材料制作的艺术装置，让游客称赞大观区是市中心的一片绿洲，但这两块大面积的混凝土仍保持着原有的实用性和规范性。中区警署、营房大楼、中央裁判司署和域多利监狱均设有展览和 "寓教于乐 "的空间、
detailing historical timelines, displaying artefacts and educational material. Preserved areas across all buildings such as the courtroom, holding cells, morgue, and other interior spaces are accompanied by “Tai Kwun Tales” or “Hidden Stories” that give information about legends, quirky facts, conservation details, and historical notes. Free performances, talks, workshops, and film showings are held regularly, often at the “Laundry Steps”, a semi-outdoor theater on the site of the former Ablutions building, under the JC Cube auditorium. Guided heritage tours in English and Cantonese are offered daily and selfguided walks are encouraged, so that depending on whether one visits the former armory, magistracy or jail block, a visitor’s adopted vicarious identity may shift radically from government official to prosecuted criminal to the privileged position of the tourist class.
在所有建筑的保存区域，如法庭、拘留室、停尸房和内部空间，都配有 "大观故事 "或 "隐藏的故事"，介绍传说、趣事和教育材料。所有建筑的保留区域，如法庭、拘留室、停尸房和其他内部空间，都附有 "大观故事 "或 "隐藏的故事"，介绍有关传说、奇闻异事、保护细节和历史说明。此外，还定期举办免费表演、讲座、工作坊和电影放映活动，这些活动通常在 "洗衣台阶 "举行。"洗衣台阶 "是一个半露天剧场，位于前洗礼堂旧址、JC Cube 大礼堂下方。这里每天都提供英语和粤语的文物导游服务，并鼓励游客自助漫步，因此，根据游客参观的是前军械库、裁判司署还是监狱大楼，游客所采用的替代身份可能会从政府官员到被起诉的罪犯，再到游客阶层的特权地位发生根本性的转变。

Tai Kwun’s spatiality continues to link the “Victorian” with properties of exclusion and power asymmetry: the complex remains exclusive rather than inclusive, because its status as an urban arts hub means that the grounds are primarily used by the well-to-do such as expat businessmen, workers from Central who rest or eat lunch in the few seats and shade available, and tourists. One visitor from Australia commented that “Once the old police headquarters, it has been transformed into an ex-pat heaven for afternoon drinks. It does have the slight smell of British Colonialism, I did expect to see people dressed completely in khaki, but thankfully times have changed” (Wongstays 2019). While “times have changed”, the Victorian setting nonetheless evokes memories of colonialism linked to whiteness and class. Many visitors leave comments remarking on the number of “non-Chinese” (SL Y 2019) patrons and the “mostly expat crowd” (Vagabondshoes 2019) frequenting restaurants, with “not within my budget” (RossOntario 2018) being a recurring phrase. Retail and restaurant spaces are high-end, matching the East/West heritage feel of the site, but discourage casual dining and reinforce economic segregation to the detriment of cultural diversity. Tai Kwun’s heterotopic power lies in increasing the capitalist logic of retail, entertainment, and heritage as binding social forces: one reviewer on Tripadvisor compared his visit to “a refurbished Disney experience” (SL Y 2019). The sanitized penal and legal heritage that Tai Kwun produces evokes little nostalgia or affective practices on behalf of most visitors. Similarly, its sterility as a carceral heritage site illustrates Tai Kwun’s success in neutralizing affect, so that it emerges as a support system for an already hegemonic power structure and cements the association of the nineteenth century in Hong Kong with punishment and crime within the city’s cultural memory. In 2019, the CPS revitalization project was recognized by UNESCO with an Award of Excellence in the Asia-Pacific Awards for Cultural Heritage Conservation. From a heritage space, which celebrates a historical “one-stop shop” penal system as a particular vision of order that underpins Hong Kong’s much vaunted “rule of law”, to the cultural agenda of promoting Hong Kong as a modern cultural and artistic hub worthy of its “World City” agenda, Tai Kwun amply demonstrates how “the Victorian” can be harnessed to political aims.
大观的空间性继续将 "维多利亚 "与排斥和权力不对称的特性联系在一起：该建筑群仍然是排他性的，而不是包容性的，因为其作为城市艺术中心的地位意味着场地主要由富裕阶层使用，如外籍商人、在为数不多的座位和树荫下休息或吃午餐的中环工人以及游客。一位来自澳大利亚的游客评论说："这里曾经是旧警察总部，如今已变成了外籍人士下午饮酒的天堂。这里确实有一点英国殖民主义的味道，我还以为人们会完全穿着卡其色的衣服，但幸好时代不同了"（Wongstays，2019 年）。虽然 "时代变了"，但维多利亚时代的环境还是唤起了人们对与白人和阶级相关的殖民主义的记忆。许多游客在留言中提到 "非中国人"（SL Y，2019 年）食客的数量和 "大多是外籍人士"（Vagabondshoes，2019 年）经常光顾的餐厅，"不在我的预算之内"（RossOntario，2018 年）是经常出现的一句话。零售和餐饮空间都很高端，与该场所的东西方遗产感相匹配，但却不鼓励休闲餐饮，强化了经济隔离，不利于文化多样性。大观的异质力量在于增加了零售、娱乐和遗产作为约束社会力量的资本主义逻辑：Tripadvisor 上的一位评论者将他的参观比作 "翻新的迪斯尼体验"（SL Y 2019）。大观所生产的经过净化的刑法和法律遗产几乎不会唤起大多数游客的怀旧情绪或情感实践。 同样，大观作为囚禁遗址的无菌性也说明了大观在中和情感方面的成功，使其成为已经霸权化的权力结构的支持系统，并在城市的文化记忆中巩固了十九世纪香港与惩罚和犯罪的联系。2019 年，中區警署活化計劃獲聯合國教科文組織頒發「亞太區文化遺產保育卓越獎」。从弘扬历史上的 "一站式 "刑罚制度，将其视为支撑香港备受推崇的 "法治 "的特殊秩序愿景的遗产空间，到促进香港成为无愧于 "世界城市 "议程的现代文化艺术中心的文化议程，大观充分展示了如何利用 "维多利亚时代 "来实现政治目标。

Each iteration of the complex from the 1840s onwards rewrote the spatial organization of the site while reinforcing the architectural and colonial narratives of law and order in colonial Hong Kong. As a whole, Tai Kwun encapsulates almost all of Foucault’s six principles of heterotopia as outlined in his essay “On Other Spaces” (1967). As a former prison, CPS functions as a “heterotopia of deviation” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 25); however, as carceral spaces began to be pushed out of the urban environment to locations of even more separation and isolation such as Hong Kong’s outlying islands, the history of the CPS compound illustrated a change in the centrality and spectacle of punishment in the metropolis, even while strategies of surveillance and control, such as CCTV and smart lamp posts, became part of the perceived carceral fabric of daily life. Tai Kwun brings together the supposedly incompatible spaces of the prison and the museum, and its heterochronic nature can be celebrated in its neo-Victorian adaptive reuse: while heritage involves the freezing of time, the temporal nature of Tai Kwun’s art exhibitions and events are “fleeting [and] transitory” in the same manner as festivals (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 26). As privatized
从 19 世纪 40 年代起，大观建筑群的每一次改建都改写了该地的空间结构，同时强化了殖民地时期香港法律和秩序的建筑和殖民叙事。作为一个整体，大观几乎囊括了福柯在其《论异度空间》（1967 年）一文中概述的异托邦六大原则。然而，随着监禁空间开始被挤出城市环境，转移到香港离岛等更加隔离和与世隔绝的地方，监狱大院的历史说明了大都市中惩罚的中心地位和奇观的变化，而闭路电视和智能灯柱等监视和控制策略也成为日常生活中被认为是监禁结构的一部分。大观将监狱和博物馆这两个本应互不相容的空间结合在一起，其新维多利亚式的适应性再利用体现了它的异时性：遗产涉及时间的凝固，而大观艺术展览和活动的时间性则与节日一样 "转瞬即逝[和]短暂"（福柯[1967]，1986 年，第 26 页）。作为私有化的
public space, Tai Kwun has regular hours of entry and, as a museum space, requires “certain gestures” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 26) and rites from its visitors, while at the same time creating a juxtaposition against the previous constraint of mobility that the prison site offered. As well as this, as a former colonial site, Tai Kwun holds memories of when it functioned as a “heterotopia of compensation” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 27) as colonial administrators hoped to enact a plan of law and order, “perfect[ . . . ]meticulous and wellarranged” in a colonial space to compensate for the “messy, ill constructed, and jumbled” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 27) space at the imperial center. Finally, as a prison museum, Tai Kwun emerges as a “space of illusion” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 27) that reveals Hong Kong, especially during anti-extradition law protests, to be a “carceral city”, defined by Edward Soja in the context of Los Angeles, as a place where “police has become an insistent substitute for polis” (Soja 1996, p. 448). Tai Kwun also fits into the geography of regulation that has come to dominate Hong Kong’s political landscape; the geography of the “Big Station” has extended throughout the city and governance of public space, othering the street as a space for protest and carnivalesque disorder.
作为一个公共空间，大观有固定的开放时间，作为一个博物馆空间，它要求参观者有 "特定的姿态"（福柯[1967]，1986 年，第 26 页）和仪式。此外，作为殖民地的旧址，大观还保留着当年作为 "补偿的异托邦"（福柯 [1967] 1986，第 27 页）的记忆，因为殖民地管理者希望在殖民地空间制定一项法律和秩序计划，"完美[......]、一丝不苟、井井有条"，以补偿帝国中心 "杂乱无章、构造不合理、错综复杂"（福柯 [1967] 1986，第 27 页）的空间。最后，作为一个监狱博物馆，大观作为一个 "幻觉空间"（福柯[1967] 1986, 第 27 页）出现，它揭示了香港，尤其是在反引渡法抗议期间，是一个 "监狱城市"，爱德华-索贾在洛杉矶的语境中将其定义为一个 "警察已成为一个坚持不懈地替代政治体制的地方"（索贾 1996, 第 448 页）。大观也符合主导香港政治版图的监管地理学；"大站 "的地理学已延伸至整个城市和公共空间的治理，使街道成为抗议和狂欢混乱的空间。

Simply applying Foucault’s concepts to Tai Kwun demonstrates its richness as a heterotopic site but misses an opportunity to critique the tendency to define heterotopia as only a place of otherness or as a subversive space. For example, another nearby neoVictorian site, Graham Street Market, one of oldest operating “wet” markets in Hong Kong that sells fresh produce and meat, and is about to be demolished for gentrification, functions more like a transgressive heterotopia. The market’s local character, disruptive chaos, and exposure of the pre-packaged nature of food processing certainly de-zones the artificial context and imposed logic of Tai Kwun’s heterotopic potential. The careful manufacturing of neo-Victorian spaces such as Tai Kwun demands a more comprehensive study of heterotopic spatiality, focused on how heterotopias are manufactured as real spatial incongruities that expose space-making agendas of normalcy and dominance. Instead of transgressive freedom, Tai Kwun suggests that neo-Victorian heterotopias offer alternate, rather than alternative, ways of managing normative disciplining.
简单地将福柯的概念应用于大观，展示了大观作为异托邦的丰富内涵，但却错失了批判将异托邦仅仅定义为异类之地或颠覆性空间的机会。例如，附近的另一个新维多利亚式建筑遗址嘉咸街街市，是香港历史最悠久的 "湿 "街市之一，出售新鲜农产品和肉类，即将因城市化而拆除。该市场的本地特色、破坏性的混乱以及食品加工预包装性质的暴露，无疑去除了大观异托邦潜在的人为背景和强加逻辑。大观等新维多利亚空间的精心制造要求我们对异托邦空间性进行更全面的研究，重点关注异托邦如何被制造成真实的空间不协调，从而暴露出正常性和主导性的空间制造议程。大观》表明，新维多利亚时代的异托邦提供的不是越轨自由，而是管理规范约束的替代方式。

To expand on this idea, I draw on the work of Peter Johnson and others (cf. Hetherington 1997; Palladino and Miller 2016; Rankin and Collins 2017) who interpret Foucault’s notoriously “sketchy, open-ended and ambiguous” (Johnson 2013, p. 790) definition of heterotopia as a system of disrupting and organizing space that is emergent, contingent, and embedded rather than a closed or static space that designates difference. While heterotopias “mirror” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 24) reality and thus provide other ways of conceiving of a spatial field, the concept of “other spaces” has been almost universally been deemed transgressive. A more nuanced understanding of heterotopia, Johnson argues, lies in resisting heterotopia being “tied to a space that promotes any promise, any hope, or any primary form of resistance and liberation” (Johnson 2006, p. 84). In urban, “post-civil” (Dehaene and De Cauter 2008, p. 4), neo-liberal capitalist societies like Hong Kong, where traditional divisions of space, such as clear boundaries between the public and private, have broken down, heterotopia can help explore how remaining spaces of otherness are ordered and compromised. In my reading, Tai Kwun assembles various agents, actors, and architectural designs to form a heterotopic device that produces new social and spatial demarcations. As a unique combination of heritage, museum, art gallery, commercial, and public space with multiple investors and users, Tai Kwun implicitly asks who such reorderings of space work for and why. Shot through with the interplay of power relations and positions, Tai Kwun functions as part of what Tom Bristow has called “late capitalist power geometry” (Bristow 2015, p. 47) and reveals how, under the conditions of commodification and globalization, heterotopias shift into homogeneity, where difference and meaningful connections to others disappear or become difficult to experience.
为了扩展这一观点，我借鉴了彼得-约翰逊等人的研究成果（参见：Hetherington 1997；Palladino and Miller 2016；Rankin and Collins 2017），他们将福柯臭名昭著的 "粗略、开放和模糊"（约翰逊，2013 年，第 790 页）的异托邦定义解释为一种破坏和组织空间的系统，这种系统具有突发性、偶然性和嵌入性，而不是一个封闭或静态的空间，它指定了差异。虽然异托邦 "反映"（福柯 [1967] 1986 年，第 24 页）现实，从而提供了构想空间领域的其他方式，但 "其他空间 "的概念几乎普遍被视为具有越轨性。约翰逊（Johnson）认为，对异托邦更细致的理解在于抵制将异托邦 "与促进任何承诺、任何希望或任何主要抵抗和解放形式的空间相联系"（约翰逊，2006 年，第 84 页）。在香港这样的城市、"后文明"（Dehaene 和 De Cauter，2008 年，第 4 页）、新自由主义资本主义社会中，传统的空间划分（如公共和私人之间的明确界限）已被打破，异托邦有助于探索剩余的他者空间是如何被排序和妥协的。在我的解读中，大观集合了各种媒介、参与者和建筑设计，形成了一个异托邦装置，产生了新的社会和空间划分。作为文物、博物馆、艺术馆、商业和公共空间的独特组合，大观拥有多个投资者和使用者，它隐含地提出了这样的空间重新排序为谁服务以及为什么的问题。通过权力关系和地位的相互作用，大观成为汤姆-布里斯托（Tom Bristow）所说的 "晚期资本主义权力几何 "的一部分（布里斯托，2015 年，第 3 页）。 47），并揭示了在商品化和全球化的条件下，异托邦如何转变为同质化，差异和与他人有意义的联系如何消失或变得难以体验。

My spatial analysis of Tai Kwun is based on multiple field visits, both following the map for the self-guided tour and participating in a guided tour. I took note of how,
我对大观的空间分析是在多次实地考察的基础上进行的，既按照地图进行了自助游，也参加了导游活动。我注意到
as a visitor, my gaze was directed and controlled by the arrangement of exhibits and the careful blending of historical and artistic artefacts as “edutainment”. Jennifer Turner describes carceral edutainment as a dissonant parallel between spaces and their uses: the “repackaging of the prison space into a luxury commodity significantly lightens the ‘dark’ aspect of dark tourism, through the spectacularisation or santisation (as appropriate for each venue) stretching a boundary” (Turner 2016, p. 127). At Tai Kwun, the exhibits depicting penal history are simplistically but effectively divided into edutainment experiences of the police and guards versus those of the prisoners, or between order and the (im-)possibility of freedom. But, perhaps the most illustrative of this “stretching” of boundaries is Tai Kwun’s signature bar, “Behind Bars”, where one can indulge in cocktails in a “series of former interlinked jail cells within E-Hall, [ . . . ] both literally and figuratively a space to connect with others” (Behind Bars 2021). Via the site’s entangling of heterotopic spaces such as the prison and the museum (CPS and JC Contemporary), the visitor’s gaze is also entangled by attempts to circumvent transgression in favor of sanitization. This entanglement enhances the ambiguity of heterotopian space but often by stripping it of the potential to disrupt the power system it is related to and hence occlude, rather than expose, the status quo produced via spatial dominance.
作为参观者，我的视线被展品的布置以及历史和艺术品的精心融合所引导和控制，这就是 "寓教于乐"。珍妮弗-特纳（Jennifer Turner）将 "寓教于乐 "描述为空间与其用途之间不和谐的平行关系："将监狱空间重新包装成奢侈品，通过壮观化或神圣化（根据每个场所的具体情况）延伸边界，极大地淡化了黑暗旅游的'黑暗'方面"（特纳，2016 年，第 127 页）。在大观，描述刑罚历史的展品被简单但有效地划分为警察和看守与囚犯的寓教于乐体验，或秩序与（不）自由的可能性之间的体验。不过，最能体现这种边界 "延伸 "的可能是大观的招牌酒吧 "囹圄"，人们可以在 "E-Hall 内一系列相互连接的旧牢房中尽情享用鸡尾酒，[......]既是字面意义上的，也是形象意义上的与他人交流的空间"（《囹圄 2021》）。通过该场地与监狱和博物馆（CPS 和 JC Contemporary）等异空间的纠缠，游客的视线也被试图绕过越轨行为而进行消毒的做法所纠缠。这种纠缠增强了异托邦空间的模糊性，但往往剥夺了其破坏与之相关的权力系统的潜力，从而遮蔽而非揭露通过空间统治产生的现状。

Although Tai Kwun’s exhibits are divided spatially so that the Police Headquarters, the Central Magistracy, and Victoria Prison each have their own historical gallery space, Tai Kwun’s main narrative, in my experience, juxtaposes prisoners’ experiences against those of agents of the state (the police officers, wardens, and other prison workers), thus highlighting the unequal positions of both groups and their representation within a shared space of isolation and exception. In the Police Headquarters, murals are painted on the walls depicting police officers waiting for their promotion interviews and maps of the constable’s beat in the area over time. Visitors are invited to see if they would “meet these past era’s requirements” (Tai Kwun 2019) to enroll as police officers: height, fitness goals and eyesight tests for men and women are placed on the wall for visitors to try out. In the halls of Victoria Prison, visitors can enter designated prison cells and learn about the daily life of prisoners. Silhouettes of prisoners are projected along the back walls of former prison cells depicting faceless, anonymous, male shadows participating in a range of activities from composing letters, meeting with family members, and even prison escape [see Figure 2]. Compared to the videos, interviews and anecdotes from former guards and retired officers, personal prisoner stories are missing, relegated to a few instances of preserved, often untranslated, Chinese and Vietnamese graffiti on the cell walls in detention blocks. While the shadowy figures seem designed to bridge the gap between visitor and prisoner, past and present, the distancing effect of the shadow also does not reveal the extent of the precarity of the prisoners’ position as outside of civil society. In the prison cell tableau describing infamous prison escapes, an interactive panel allows visitors to play a game to find escapees and alert prison authorities. Euphemistically described as “challenging prison security” (Tai Kwun 2019), there exists no narrative as to why these prisoners might have attempted escape, an elaboration of their crime, or the conditions under which they were held [see Figure 3]. These examples illustrate the multiple positioning of visitors as spectators, state employees, and prisoners but also reveal how the simulacrum of the prison’s past provides physical and imaginative access to become a police officer while preventing visitors from envisaging prisoners as fully-fledged individuals rather than merely as “participants in unlawful activities for which they should be punished” (Turner 2016, p. 108).
虽然大观的展品在空间上进行了划分，使警察总部、中央裁判司署和域多利监狱都有各自的历史展厅空间，但根据我的经验，大观的主要叙事是将囚犯的经历与国家代理人（警官、典狱长和其他监狱工作人员）的经历并列，从而突出了这两个群体的不平等地位，以及他们在隔离和例外的共享空间中的代表性。在警察总部，墙壁上的壁画描绘了等待晋升面试的警察，以及该地区警察长期以来的巡逻地图。参观者被邀请看看自己是否 "符合这些过去时代的要求"（大观，2019 年），以报名成为警察：墙上贴着男性和女性的身高、体能目标和视力测试，供参观者尝试。在维多利亚监狱的大厅里，游客可以进入指定的牢房，了解囚犯的日常生活。囚犯的剪影沿着前牢房的后墙投射出来，描绘了无脸、无名的男性影子参与写信、与家人会面甚至越狱等一系列活动的场景[见图 2]。与前狱警和退役军官的视频、访谈和轶事相比，囚犯的个人故事却不见踪影，只在拘留区的牢房墙壁上有几处保留下来的、通常未经翻译的中文和越南语涂鸦。虽然朦胧的人物形象似乎旨在弥合参观者与囚犯、过去与现在之间的差距，但阴影的疏离效果也无法揭示囚犯作为公民社会之外的人所处地位的不稳定程度。 在描述臭名昭著的越狱事件的牢房桌面上，有一个互动面板，参观者可以通过玩游戏找到越狱者并向监狱当局报警。这些游戏被委婉地描述为 "挑战监狱安全"（大观，2019 年），但并没有叙述这些囚犯为何试图越狱、他们的罪行以及他们的关押条件[见图 3]。这些例子说明了探视者作为旁观者、国家工作人员和囚犯的多重定位，同时也揭示了监狱过去的模拟场景如何提供了成为一名警察的物理和想象通道，同时阻止探视者将囚犯想象为完全成熟的个人，而不仅仅是 "应受惩罚的非法活动参与者"（Turner，2016 年，第 108 页）。

Figure 2. Silhouettes of prisoners projected onto walls of prison cells. Image author’s own.
图 2.投影在牢房墙壁上的囚犯剪影。图片作者自制。

Figure 3. Interactive panel: roleplay as the British Superintendent to punish prisoners. Image author’s own.
图 3.互动面板：扮演英国警司惩罚囚犯。图片作者自制。

Even where visitors are encouraged to “walk in the footsteps of the convicted” (Tai Kwun 2019), such as in F Hall, the former Prisoners Admission Building, the line between voyeur and participant is never really crossed. This is one of the few locations where the visitor is hailed in the present as a prisoner: plaques declare that “you are now going to be searched” and “your prisoner number is your identity” (Tai Kwun 2019). In one interactive area, standing on a line painted on the ground activates an exhibit illuminating the daily necessities that prisoners would receive prior to entering their cells and a replica of a shower stall for “body check” (Tai Kwun 2019). Once you have “toed the line”, so to speak, and “followed the rules” (Tai Kwun 2019) of admission, you are “allowed” to take a mugshot as a souvenir photograph [see Figure 4]. While the intent of the exhibit is, to some extent, to show how the prisoner is dehumanized, especially in the nineteenth century and the 1970s when racial tensions in Hong Kong were pronounced, the visitor’s experience exemplifies what Allie Terry, in the context of the Bargello in Florence, has called “civic cleansing”, where the manipulation of sight serves to “cleanse” or redeem both the prison and the “populace” who pass through the museum (Terry 2010, p. 852). By encountering the “duality of beautiful form and violent context” (Terry 2010, p. 852), visitors can glimpse the connections “between the historical institutional control of the criminal body and the new cultural agenda of the museum as a representation of the nation” (Terry 2010, p. 849). Underscored by the shower stall in the Tai Kwun Admissions exhibit, museum visitors actively perform the same procedures as criminals that enfold them into the body of the state.
即使在鼓励参观者 "追随罪犯的脚步"（戴观，2019 年）的地方，如前囚犯收容大楼 F 厅，窥视者和参与者之间的界限也从未被真正跨越。这里是为数不多的参观者被当做囚犯的地方：牌匾上写着 "你现在将被搜身"，"你的囚犯编号就是你的身份"（戴观，2019 年）。在一个互动区，站在画在地面上的一条线上，就会激活一个展品，照亮囚犯在进入牢房前所需的日常用品，以及一个用于 "身体检查 "的淋浴间复制品（大观，2019 年）。一旦你 "守规矩"，可以说是 "遵守规则"（大观，2019 年），你就 "被允许 "拍一张照片作为纪念照[见图 4]。虽然展览的目的在某种程度上是为了展示囚犯是如何被非人化的，尤其是在十九世纪和二十世纪七十年代，当时香港的种族关系十分紧张，但参观者的体验也体现了艾莉-特里（Allie Terry）在佛罗伦萨巴杰罗博物馆（Bargello）中所说的 "公民净化"（civic cleansing），即通过对视觉的操纵来 "净化 "或救赎监狱和经过博物馆的 "民众"（特里，2010 年，第 852 页）。通过接触 "美丽形式与暴力背景的双重性"（Terry，2010 年，第 852 页），参观者可以窥见 "历史上对罪犯身体的机构控制与博物馆作为国家代表的新文化议程之间的联系"（Terry，2010 年，第 849 页）。在大观入馆展览的淋浴间中，博物馆参观者积极地执行着与罪犯相同的程序，将他们包裹在国家的身体中。

Figure 4. Visitors becoming prisoners in the former Prisoners Admission Building. Image author’s own.
图 4.参观者在前囚犯收容楼内变成囚犯。图片作者自制。

A more complex positionality to manipulate and “train” the visitor’s gaze within heterotopic space can be seen in the gallery for “The Story of Central Police Station” where one can view the history of “Central Police Station Through Time” as per a frieze along the perimeter of the room. In the middle of the room, three exhibits document the insignia of police summer uniforms from the 1970s. Here, visitors are introduced to the position of a “hau sang” (Tai Kwun 2019), a term for a young boy hired to help with minor chores around the police station. “Hau sang” has just brought the different uniforms and accoutrements to the station, and viewers are invited to learn about the significance of badges, belts, and insignia as related to rank. Perhaps to complement the diminutive position of the “hau sang”, miniature dioramas of the prison barber, doctor’s office, officers’ mess, and the report room and its adjacent holding cells are displayed under glass. Fictionalizing rather than representing the past, one of the pedagogical effects of miniatures is to “reinforce normative social behaviours through active interaction, especially with children” (Davy and Dixon 2019, p. 9). Furthermore, miniatures can “manipulate their audience into supporting a violent or prejudicial social phenomena by making it appear harmless and mundane” (Davy and Dixon 2019, p. 9). A medium commonly used by adults, the miniature is deployed to educate children in “socially useful forms of interaction” (Davy and Dixon 2019, p. 9). In the “Hau sang” display, the miniature produces a specific kind of gaze that redefines heterotopia’s transgressive potential as viewers are positioned in ways that reinforce rather than destabilize the status quo. The plaque for the Report Room diorama, for instance, states that “the Duty Officer’s desk was raised to eye level for a person of average height to underline the officer’s authority” (Tai Kwun), but the small scale and simplified representation empties the space of its authority [see Figure 5]. This miniaturized reproduction also infantilizes the viewer who, while mimicking the raised position of the Duty Officer over the display, is nonetheless positioned as a child, learning that punishment and power might be “socially useful forms of interaction” (Davy and Dixon 2019, p. 9). The reduction of no longer existing spaces to toys or art object throws into sharp relief the equally “miniature” size of the prison cells I describe below.
在 "中区警署的故事 "展厅中，参观者可以通过展厅四周的楣板了解 "中区警署的历史"。在展厅中央，三件展品记录了上世纪 70 年代夏季警服的徽章。在这里，参观者会了解到 "豪生"（2019 年大观）的职位，"豪生 "是一个年轻男孩的专有名词，他受雇在警察局周围帮助做一些琐碎的杂务。"侯生 "刚刚把不同的制服和服饰带到警察局，观众被邀请了解徽章、腰带和徽章与等级相关的意义。也许是为了衬托 "豪桑 "的渺小，在玻璃下还展示了监狱理发室、医生办公室、军官餐厅、报告室及其毗邻的拘留室的微型透视模型。微缩模型虚构而非再现过去，其教学效果之一是 "通过积极互动，尤其是与儿童的互动，强化规范的社会行为"（Davy 和 Dixon，2019 年，第 9 页）。此外，微缩模型还可以 "通过使暴力或偏见的社会现象看起来无害和平凡，操纵受众支持这种现象"（Davy and Dixon 2019, p.9）。作为成人常用的媒介，微缩模型被用来教育儿童 "有益于社会的互动形式"（Davy and Dixon 2019, p.9）。在 "侯生 "的展示中，微缩模型产生了一种特殊的凝视方式，重新定义了异托邦的越轨潜能，因为观众的定位是强化而非颠覆现状。 例如，报告厅透视模型的牌匾上写道："值日官的办公桌被抬高到与普通身高的人的视线平齐，以彰显值日官的权威"（《大观》），但小比例和简化的表现形式却使空间失去了权威性[见图 5]。这种小型化的再现也使观众变得幼稚，他们在模仿值日官在显示屏上的升高位置时，仍被定位为儿童，学习惩罚和权力可能是 "对社会有用的互动形式"（Davy and Dixon 2019, p.9）。将不再存在的空间还原为玩具或艺术品，使我在下文中描述的监狱牢房同样 "微型 "的大小变得更加突出。

Tai Kwun’s prison cell exhibits beg the questions: what is the penal gaze? On what should viewers focus? In the prison cell exhibits, daily life is scripted as mundane while the history surrounding it is punctuated with violence and volatility. Food and bodily functions fit the narrative of sanitization and hygiene and cater to the gratuitous side of “dark tourism”: the prison provides multiple opportunities to view and photograph the squat toilet and holes for solid waste as well as buckets for night soil allotted to prisoners. The viewer may be guided to consider hygiene, but issues of privacy and the humiliation of performing bodily functions in public are merely implied [see Figure 6]. In the cells, the emphasis lies on a series of displays of prisoner life in the nineteenth century; specifically, Chinese and Western prisoners’ dietary needs were catalogued extensively and highlighted cultural differences and attitudes towards nutrition. Racial prejudices are also addressed in the display: Indian and Chinese food portions were reduced in 1878, because colonial administrators believed that life on the “inside” (PMT 2008, p. 73) was too indulgent, encouraging local prisoners to reoffend. Replicas of daily food items, such as rice, bread, fruit, and fish, are on display as well as examples of special diets for illness and holidays. A similar display of different meals available to officers of different ethnicities (curry for Indian officers, dumplings for Waihaiwei officers, chicken and rice for local employees, and French fries and a fried cutlet for Europeans) can be viewed in the Central Police Station. The overall narrative is one of progressive reform as the colonial system responded to developments in nutritional science and the needs of prisoners, in particular those engaged in heavy labor. Food, however, was also used as nutritional punishment: in one cell which is “locked” to visitors, a single column is spotlighted in the middle of the cell upon which sits a bowl of rice [see Figure 7]. In the late-nineteenth century, prisoners who violated prison rules were limited to one bowl of rice and one glass of water per day-the so-called “water rice” punishment. This transformation of a fake bowl of rice into an object worthy of exhibit continues the prison museum’s curious circumvention of heterotopia’s heightened
大观的牢房展览引出了这样的问题：什么是刑罚凝视？观众应该关注什么？在牢房展品中，日常生活被编排得平淡无奇，而与之相关的历史则充满了暴力和动荡。食物和身体机能符合卫生和清洁的叙事，也迎合了 "黑暗旅游 "无偿的一面：监狱提供了多种机会来观看和拍摄分配给囚犯的蹲厕和固体垃圾孔以及夜用泥土桶。观看者可能会被引导考虑卫生问题，但隐私问题和在公共场合进行身体活动的羞辱感只是隐含的[见图 6]。在牢房中，重点是一系列关于 19 世纪囚犯生活的展示；特别是，中西方囚犯的饮食需求被广泛编目，突出了文化差异和对营养的态度。展示还涉及种族偏见：1878 年，印度人和中国人的食物分量被减少，因为殖民地管理者认为 "内部"（PMT，2008 年，第 73 页）的生活过于放纵，会鼓励当地囚犯重新犯罪。这里展示了米饭、面包、水果和鱼等日常食物的复制品，以及疾病和节假日特殊饮食的例子。在中区警署也有类似的展览，展示了不同种族的警官可以享用的不同膳食（印度警官的咖喱饭、威海卫警官的饺子、本地雇员的鸡肉饭，以及欧洲人的炸薯条和炸肉排）。 总的来说，殖民制度是随着营养科学的发展和囚犯，尤其是从事繁重劳动的囚犯的需要而逐步改革的。然而，食物也被用作营养惩罚：在一间对探访者 "上锁 "的牢房中，牢房中央有一根柱子，上面放着一碗米饭（见图 7）。19 世纪末，违反监狱规定的囚犯每天只能吃一碗米饭和一杯水，即所谓的 "水饭 "惩罚。将一碗假米饭变成一件值得展出的物品，延续了监狱博物馆对异托邦高度化的奇特规避。
ability to reveal. By removing food from one system of classification (the carceral) and placing it into another (aesthetics), heterotopic dissonance is created which blurs, rather than makes clear, the boundaries between suffering and succor. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}
揭示的能力。通过将食物从一个分类系统（殡葬）中移除，并将其置于另一个分类系统（美学）中，产生了异位的不和谐，模糊了痛苦与救助之间的界限，而不是使之清晰。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}

Figure 5. Miniature diorama of the Report Room. Image author’s own.
图 5.报告厅微缩模型。图片作者自制。

Figure 6. Prison hygiene and the lack of privacy on display. Image author’s own.
图 6.监狱卫生和缺乏隐私的展示。图片作者自制。

Figure 7. A bowl of rice on display to illustrate “water rice” diet as punishment. Image author’s own.
图 7.展示一碗米饭，说明 "水饭 "饮食是一种惩罚。图片作者自制。
Like prisoners, visitors’ bodies are also cultivated or “fashioned” to enhance an aesthetic experience through engagement with spaces of incarceration and violence aestheticized by the estrangement of objects into art or decoration. Such objects as the bowl of rice
与囚犯一样，参观者的身体也被 "塑造 "成艺术品或装饰品，通过与监禁和暴力空间的接触来增强审美体验。这些物品如饭碗
or the nineteenth-century handcuffs that sit in their own glass case “symbolize the series of events from arrest to imprisonment” (Tai Kwun 2019) but not the realities of punishment. These exhibits redirect the viewer from empathy, or “what it feels like” to receive and consume a sparse prison meal, to being physically and emotionally distanced from the subject of punishment. At such a distance, Michelle Brown suggests, “interrogation of punishment rarely materializes in the everyday life of the spectator. Rather, punishment circulates as a cultural distraction or social oddity” (Brown 2009, p. 193). Visitors are thus encouraged to downplay or even erase the role of colonial punishment in the city. For example, after passing through the “Main Heritage Gallery” in the Barrack Block, the visitor is directed into the former Armoury Room [sic] which chronicles “Operation Central”, providing a brief history of the “responsibilities and the major emergencies handled over the years” (Tai Kwun 2019). Not surprisingly, the timeline covers events such as natural disasters, the Japanese occupation, and the 1967 riots, but stops short of the 2014 Umbrella Movement. Jarring to visitors in 2019, in the context of anti-Extradition and anti-government protests that escalated into almost weekly violence, glass cases also showcase the development of anti-riot weaponry, shields, and uniforms, and a plaque from the 1967 riots reminds officers that “brains better [sic] than bullets and brute force” (Tai Kwun 2019) [see Figure 8]. Amongst rampant accusations of police brutality against protesters dominating the news, “brute force” is erased by the aestheticization of carceral space. Tai Kwun’s first anniversary coincided with the 175th anniversary of the Hong Kong Police Force, and a large-scale exhibition, “Tai Kwun: 101”, marked the occasion, replete with simulation scenes of immigration proceedings, replicas of cells and visiting areas in primary colors, with prohibitory signs displayed out of context as collages. Beautifully presented and curated by the creative team, One Bite Design, objects were not recalibrated to “mimic an old scenario, but in an abstract and re-interpreted journey that encourages communications and encounters” (Onebite Design 2019). In the context of the site’s carceral history, however, the goal to “abstract and reinterpret” suggests that in this neo-Victorian heterotopia the spectatorial gaze would be reformed to see art and not punishment.
或者放在玻璃柜中的十九世纪手铐，"象征着从逮捕到监禁的一系列事件"（戴观，2019 年），而不是惩罚的现实。这些展品将观众从感同身受，或接受和食用稀少的监狱膳食的 "感觉"，转为在身体和情感上与惩罚对象保持距离。米歇尔-布朗（Michelle Brown）认为，在这样的距离中，"对惩罚的质疑很少在观众的日常生活中出现。相反，惩罚作为一种文化干扰或社会怪现象而流传"（Brown，2009 年，第 193 页）。因此，参观者被鼓励淡化甚至抹杀殖民惩罚在城市中的作用。例如，参观者穿过军营大楼的 "主要遗产展厅 "后，会被引导进入记录 "中环行动 "的前军械室，这里简要介绍了 "多年来的职责和处理的重大突发事件"（大观，2019 年）。毫不奇怪，时间轴涵盖了自然灾害、日本占领和 1967 年暴乱等事件，但对 2014 年的雨伞运动却只字未提。玻璃柜还展示了防暴武器、盾牌和制服的发展，1967 年骚乱中的一块牌匾提醒警察 "头脑[原文如此]胜过子弹和蛮力"（大观，2019 年）[见图 8]。在肆意指责警察对抗议者施暴的新闻中，"蛮力 "被囚禁空间的美学化所抹杀。 Tai Kwun 成立一周年之际，恰逢香港警队成立 175 周年，因此举办了名为 "大观.101 "的大型展览：101 "大型展览的主题是 "大观：101"，其中包括出入境程序的模拟场景、原色牢房和探访区的复制品，以及断章取义的拼贴画形式的禁令标志。在创意团队 One Bite Design 的精心展示和策划下，这些物品并不是为了 "模仿旧场景，而是在一个抽象和重新诠释的旅程中鼓励交流和相遇"（Onebite Design 2019）而重新调整的。然而，在该遗址的囚禁历史背景下，"抽象和重新诠释 "的目标表明，在这个新维多利亚时代的异托邦中，观众的目光将被改造为看到艺术而非惩罚。

This same gaze might be carried from the prison museum through to JC Contemporary as the heterotopic system that regulates the gaze and reinforces the specific relationships of power between visitor and objects on display moves transversally between spaces. The prison museum forms a violent frame as it architecturally enfolds the art in JC Contemporary. On its own, JC Contemporary would also function as a heterotopia, a heterochronic space, “indefinitely accumulating time” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 26) or, as a gallery space of rotating collections and exhibitions, mimicking the “festival” or “fairground” (Foucault [1967] 1986, p. 26), which certainly captures the atmosphere of the recent Takashi Murakami extravaganza held to celebrate Tai Kwun’s one-year anniversary. Encircled by Tai Kwun’s grounds, the experience of visiting JC Contemporary articulates even more clearly Tony Bennett’s influential argument that the prison and the museum share similar qualities:
同样的凝视可以从监狱博物馆延伸到 JC Contemporary，因为异位系统调节着凝视，并强化着参观者与展示物品之间的特定权力关系。监狱博物馆形成了一个暴力框架，从建筑学角度将 JC Contemporary 中的艺术作品包裹其中。JC Contemporary 本身也是一个异托邦，一个异时空，"无限地积累时间"（福柯 [1967] 1986，第 26 页），或者，作为一个轮流收藏和展览的画廊空间，模仿 "节日 "或 "游乐场"（福柯 [1967] 1986，第 26 页）。参观 JC Contemporary 的经历被大观的场地所环绕，更加清晰地表达了托尼-班尼特（Tony Bennett）关于监狱和博物馆具有相似特质的影响深远的论点：
the functioning of museums as civic institutions has operated through specific regimes of vision which, informing both the manner in which things are arranged to be seen and the broader visual environment conditioning practices of looking, give rise to particular forms of ‘civic seeing’ in which the civic lessons embodied in those arrangements are to be seen, understood, and performed by the museum’s visitors. (Bennett 2006, p. 121)
博物馆作为公民机构的运作是通过特定的视觉制度来实现的，这些视觉制度既影响着事物被安排观看的方式，也影响着影响观看实践的更广泛的视觉环境，从而产生了特定形式的 "公民观看"，博物馆的参观者可以通过这些安排来观看、理解和执行这些安排中所体现的公民课程（Bennett 2006, p.121）。(班尼特，2006 年，第 121 页）
The scopic regime of the prison museum conditions the viewer’s gaze, tempering encounters with otherness that JC Contemporary, at least visually, offers. The content of JC Contemporary’s exhibits reflects some of the most innovative and exciting contemporary art. From its inaugural exhibition, “Dismantling the Scaffold” to “The Violence of Gender” to the work of Chinese artist, Cao Fei, and “Murakami vs. Murakami”, JC Contemporary offers a riot of visual narratives and perspectives. However, the contemporary art space’s entanglement with the carceral context of Tai Kwun significantly weakens, if not threatens, its heterotopic potential as a place of creativity and space to think through the status of
监狱博物馆的规模限制了观众的视线，缓和了 JC Contemporary 至少在视觉上提供的与他者的接触。JC Contemporary 的展览内容反映了一些最具创新性、最令人兴奋的当代艺术。从首展 "拆除脚手架 "到 "性别暴力"，再到中国艺术家曹斐的作品和 "村上与村上"，JC Contemporary 提供了丰富的视觉叙事和视角。然而，当代艺术空间与大观的监禁环境之间的纠葛极大地削弱（如果不是威胁）了它作为一个创造性场所和思考 "人 "的地位的空间的异质潜力。
innovation and creative freedom in the city, with the cultural agenda of CPS dominating visitors’ ways of seeing.
城市中的创新和创作自由，CPS 的文化议程主导着游客的观赏方式。

暇㭘。

Nation 国家

The Emergency Unit Armoury was a high security area within Central Police Station. Special munitions racks held arms and emergency equipment, with the issue and return of firearms strictly controlled by an Armoury Officer. As you can see, this room has many security features, including a thick steel door which remains closed all the time, and the caged double gate on your left to prevent outsiders from entering. The metal gun windows on your right were used to issue weapons:
应急部队军械库是中央警察局内的一个高度戒备区。特殊的弹药架上存放着武器和应急设备，枪械的发放和归还由军械库官员严格控制。正如您所看到的，这个房间有许多安全设施，包括一扇始终紧闭的厚重钢门，以及您左侧用于防止外人进入的笼式双开门。右侧的金属枪窗用于发放武器：

Exhibat abow: During the 1967 Riots, thit Hogat abow is said to have beres displigred is mast police stations, as a remindec for
展览馆：在 1967 年的骚乱中，据说桅杆派出所的 "霍加特鲍"（Hogat abow）被迁移，以提醒人们注意。

Figure 8. Problematizing force: a plaque from the 1967 riots. Image author’s own.
图 8.武力问题化：1967 年骚乱中的一块牌匾。图片作者自制。

The partnership between Tai Kwun and JC Contemporary suggests larger tensions in heterotopic geography between carceral space and its encroachment on alternatives to dominant ways of seeing, acting, or ordering. Not long after its opening, Tai Kwun was embroiled in a self-censorship debacle involving author-in-exile, Ma Jian, considered a dissident by Chinese authorities. The Hong Kong Literary International Festival rented Tai Kwun facilities to host its 2018 series, and organizers invited Ma to read from and speak about his controversial novel, China Dream (2018), a critique of modern China and a satirical jab at Xi Jinping’s vision of the great Chinese Dream of the nation’s rejuvenation. Following on the heels of the expulsion from Hong Kong of the Financial Times editor and journalist, Victor Mallet, for hosting a talk by the leader of a banned pro-independence party at the Foreign Correspondents Club, the sudden cancellation of Ma’s events was seen as an act of overly cautious self-censorship. Tai Kwun’s director, Timothy Calnin, justified the cancellation by saying that “we do not want Tai Kwun to become a platform to promote the political interests of any individual” (Grundy 2018). After Ma insisted that he intended to speak at the Festival as a novelist and not an activist, and after local artists staged protest performances on Tai Kwun’s grounds, Calnin, under pressure also from donors, re-invited Ma to attend. Although not specifically related to the status of contemporary art at Tai Kwun, the Ma Jian incident provoked criticism and concern across the political and cultural spectrum, with one lawmaker stating, “The Ma Jian incident has rubbed the veneer of success off the Tai Kwun project and opened people’s eyes to the failures: The new prison it has become … expensive restaurants around the yards . . .” (Batten 2018, ellipses in original). The “new prison”, the quote suggests, links commercialism with censorship, but it also implies the expansion of the carceral gaze-reading practices, in this case-to affect activities within this heterotopic space. Entangled in CPS, JC Contemporary becomes an apt metaphor for the problems faced by the art community and market in Hong Kong and their ability to withstand censorship and self-censorship: in the same manner as Tai Kwun’s aestheticization and popularization of Victorian punishment, art risks becoming a means to enforce the smooth continuation of hegemonic power relations.
大观与 JC Contemporary 之间的合作表明，在异托邦地理学中，监禁空间及其对主流视觉、行为或秩序的替代性侵蚀之间存在着更大的紧张关系。大观开幕后不久，就卷入了流亡作家马建的自我审查风波，马建被中国当局视为持不同政见者。香港国际文学节租用了大观的设施来举办 2018 年的系列活动，主办方邀请马建朗读并讲述他备受争议的小说《中国梦》（2018），这部小说对现代中国进行了批判，并讽刺了习近平关于民族复兴的伟大中国梦的构想。继《金融时报》编辑兼记者维克多-马莱特（Victor Mallet）因在外国记者俱乐部主持一个被禁的亲独立党领导人的谈话而被驱逐出香港之后，马云的活动突然被取消被认为是一种过于谨慎的自我审查行为。大观》的总监蒂莫西-卡尔宁（Timothy Calnin）为取消活动辩解说，"我们不希望《大观》成为宣传任何个人政治利益的平台"（Grundy 2018）。在马云坚称他打算以小说家而非活动家的身份在文学节上发表演讲，以及当地艺术家在太古观的场地上进行抗议表演之后，卡尔宁在捐助者的压力下重新邀请马云出席。 马建事件虽然与大观当代艺术的地位没有具体关系，但却引起了政治和文化界的批评和关注，一位立法者说："马建事件抹去了大观项目成功的外衣，让人们看到了失败的一面：它已成为新的监狱......院子周围昂贵的餐馆......"(Batten 2018，省略号为原文所加）。这句话表明，"新监狱 "将商业主义与审查制度联系在了一起，但同时也意味着 "监禁 "目光的扩展--在这里是指阅读实践--影响到了这一异质空间内的活动。与 "新监狱 "纠缠在一起，"JC Contemporary "成为香港艺术界和艺术市场所面临的问题及其抵御审查和自我审查能力的一个恰当隐喻：正如大观将维多利亚时期的惩罚审美化和大众化一样，艺术也有可能成为一种手段，强制霸权权力关系的顺利延续。

Tai Kwun digresses from heterotopia’s common conception as a transgressive space for otherness, such as the prison in Sarah Waters’s Affinity. Even with the appendage of JC Contemporary, Tai Kwun supports rather than disrupts the hegemonic systems to which it is related; however, the site as a whole encourages us to think about neo-Victorian spatiality as the interplay between panoptic spaces of control and marginal spaces of transgressive freedom. It may prove instructive to rethink heterotopian spaces in terms of networks: linking Tai Kwun to neo-Victorian sites across Hong Kong might disclose larger patterns of inclusion/exclusion, uniformity/difference, order/disorder operating across the city and affecting the management of public space. ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} Almost all heritage sites across Hong Kong are remnants of the Victorian colonial infrastructure, and adaptive reuse has transformed sites such as Heritage: 1881, Murray House, and Flagstaff House into retail or museum sites that affect their heterotopic contributions. At first glance, similar to Tai Kwun, the network of neo-Victorian heritage sites across Hong Kong reflects an official ideology of how to manage rather than support alterity. More conventional neo-Victorian heterotopic sites unsettle and present alternative spatial and social relations, such as Graham Street Market and Victoria Park, the latter the starting point of most protest marches in Hong Kong that occur under the watchful eye of a statue of Queen Victoria, but these have gradually become victims to gentrification and urban renewal or have been regulated and repurposed in such a way that citizens’ ability to produce otherness through their own elected use practices has been curtailed. Neo-Victorian heterotopias contribute to the variety of public spaces in the city as modes to think through the continued reliance on colonial order and its reproduction of asymmetrical relations of power in the name of heritage. A map of neo-Victorian heterotopology in Hong Kong reveals how the ability of heterotopias to provide countersites of resistance or spaces for counter-publics to congregate are being
大观 "偏离了 "异托邦 "的一般概念，即作为异类的越轨空间，如莎拉-沃特斯（Sarah Waters）的《亲和》（Affinity）中的监狱。即使有了 "当代剑桥 "的附加物，大观也只是支持而非破坏与之相关的霸权体系；然而，该遗址作为一个整体，鼓励我们将新维多利亚空间性视为控制的全景空间与超越自由的边缘空间之间的相互作用。从网络的角度重新思考异托邦空间可能会很有启发：将大观与香港各地的新维多利亚时期遗址联系起来，可能会揭示整个城市的包容/排斥、统一/差异、秩序/混乱等影响公共空间管理的更大模式。 ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} 香港几乎所有的文物古迹都是维多利亚时期殖民地基础设施的遗留物，而活化再利用已将 "遗产：1881"、美利楼和旗杆楼等遗址转变为零售或博物馆场所，影响了它们的异质贡献。乍一看，与大观类似，遍布香港的新维多利亚式遗址网络反映了一种官方意识形态，即如何管理而非支持异质性。更多传统的新维多利亚异托邦遗址，如嘉咸街街市和维多利亚公园（后者是香港大多数抗议游行的起点，游行都在维多利亚女王雕像的注视下进行），会扰乱和呈现另类的空间和社会关系，但这些遗址已逐渐成为绅士化和城市更新的牺牲品，或被管制和重新利用，公民通过自己的选举使用实践产生异质性的能力已被削弱。 新维多利亚时代的异托邦为城市公共空间的多样性做出了贡献，成为思考殖民秩序的持续依赖及其以遗产的名义复制不对称权力关系的模式。香港新维多利亚异托邦地图揭示了异托邦提供反抵抗场所或反公众聚集空间的能力是如何被削弱的。
increasingly “Victorianized”, subjugated to the most superficial reading of “the Victorian” as repressive and hegemonic. In a constantly shifting political landscape, it remains to be seen if and how neo-Victorian sites adapt as the preservation of the colonial past gives way to greater and greater forms of authoritarianism.
越来越 "维多利亚化"，屈从于 "维多利亚式 "的压抑和霸权的最肤浅解读。在不断变化的政治格局中，随着殖民地历史的保护让位于越来越多的专制主义形式，新维多利亚遗址是否会适应以及如何适应，我们拭目以待。

Funding: This research received no external funding.
资助：本研究未获得外部资助。
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
利益冲突：作者声明无利益冲突。

1 Adaptive reuse commonly refers to the modification of a heritage building for public access and for uses beyond which it was originally intended. A significant change in the economic value of the site, it is hoped, can conserve aesthetic and historical structures and elements.
1 适应性再利用通常是指对文物建筑进行改建，使其能够供公众使用，并用于其最初意图以 外的用途。人们希望，遗址经济价值的重大改变能够保护美学和历史结构与元素。
2 All quotations cited under “Tai Kwun” come from the site’s informational plaques and signage.
2 "大观 "下的所有引文均来自该遗址的信息牌匾和指示牌。
3 The three-tiered grading system for heritage preservation in Hong Kong, which falls under the auspices of the Antiquities and Monuments Office, protects only buildings and relics rather than entire sites, land or environmental context. Only buildings existing before 1800 are automatically declared Grade 1 monuments, while others are judged on a case-by-case basis with no timeline for decisions to be made. Buildings declared Grade 2 or 3 are not protected from demolition, especially if privately-owned. Critics of the AMO’s ability to handle heritage preservation cite lack of legal reinforcement for preservation, insufficient resources for compensation and education, and the lack of coordination across multiple departments.
3 香港的三级文物保护制度由古物古蹟辦事處負責，只保護建築物和文物，而非整個地點、土地或環境。只有在 1800 年前存在的建筑才会自动被宣布为一级古迹，其他建筑则根据具体情况进行评判，没有作出决定的时限。被宣布为 2 级或 3 级的建筑不会受到免于拆除的保护，尤其是私人拥有的建筑。对于古迹办处理遗产保护的能力，批评者认为缺乏保护方面的法律支持，用于补偿和教育的资源不足，以及多个部门之间缺乏协调。
4 In 2019 when I visited Tai Kwun, a temporary exhibition, “Let’s Do Lunch!” featuring the diversity of Central’s lunch culture, was ongoing. Whimsical and educational, the curators hoped that “everyone would slow down, and be more aware of the quality of their lunch after visiting the exhibition” (Tai Kwun 2019). This was the only explicit direction to viewers to “be more aware” of their surroundings.
4 2019 年，当我访问大观时，一个以中环午餐文化多样性为主题的临时展览 "我们一起吃午餐吧！"正在进行中。策展人希望 "每个人都能放慢脚步，在参观展览后更加注意自己午餐的质量"（大观，2019 年）。这是对观众 "多留意 "周围环境的唯一明确指示。
5 Related to this project would also be a study of global neo-Victorian carceral heritage sites from Reading Gaol in England to Old Melbourne Gaol in Australia, from Eastern State Penitentiary in Philadelphia to Devil’s Island in French Guiana. Such a study might illuminate different understandings and the interconnectivity of (carceral) heterotopias in a global context.
5 与此项目相关的还有对全球新维多利亚时代监禁遗产地的研究，从英国的雷丁监狱到澳大利亚的墨尔本老监狱，从费城的东部州立监狱到法属圭亚那的魔鬼岛。这样的研究可能会揭示全球背景下对（殡葬）异托邦的不同理解和相互联系。

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