Work and Labour in Canada: Critical Issues
加拿大的工作和劳工：关键问题

Third Edition - 2017 第三版 - 2017
Canadian Scholars Publishing
加拿大学者出版社
Andrew Jackson and Mark P. Thomas
安德鲁·杰克逊 （Andrew Jackson） 和马克·托马斯 （Mark P. Tho
Chapter 10 - Workers’ Movements in the New Millennium. pps. 223-224 and 231-2450
第十章 - 新千年的工人运动。pps 的。223-224 和 231-2450

Unions face enormous challenges in many advanced industrial countries. There can be little doubt that the power of unions to influence wages, benefits, and working conditions through collective bargaining has been eroded by corporate mobility in many industries, as well as by the hostility of both employers and neoliberal governments to unions in general. In the 1950s and 1960s, strong industrial unions in North America and Europe were able to take wages and labour conditions out of the competitive equation by ensuring that major employers in a specific sector, such as auto, steel, or rubber, provided the same basic conditions of employment. This ability to shape the economics of whole sectors has been greatly eroded by increased international trade and by the deregulation and privatization of sectors like transportation, communications, and health, which were once insulated to at least some degree from the forces of competition. A traditional key bastion of union strength - male blue-collar workers in manufacturing-has been greatly undercut by the shift to a post-industrial, knowledge-based economy, and the restructuring of global production. More recently, public sector unions have been challenged as governments increasingly seek to contract out and privatize the delivery of public services.
在许多发达工业国家，工会面临着巨大的挑战。毫无疑问，工会通过集体谈判影响工资、福利和工作条件的权力已经被许多行业的企业流动性以及雇主和新自由主义政府对工会的敌意所削弱。在 1950 年代和 1960 年代，北美和欧洲强大的工业工会通过确保特定行业（如汽车、钢铁或橡胶）的主要雇主提供相同的基本就业条件，能够将工资和劳动条件从竞争方程式中排除。这种塑造整个部门经济的能力已经被国际贸易的增加以及运输、通信和卫生等部门的放松管制和私有化大大削弱了，这些部门曾经至少在某种程度上与竞争力量隔绝。工会力量的传统关键堡垒——制造业的男性蓝领工人——已经被向后工业化、知识型经济的转变和全球生产的重组大大削弱了。最近，随着政府越来越多地寻求将公共服务的提供外包和私有化，公共部门工会受到了挑战。

As unions have declined in numbers, their political influence has weakened compared to that of employers, and the legislative climate has become much more hostile. In some countries, notably the U.S., unions have been marginalized to a remarkable degree. American unions now represent only one in nine workers, compared to about one in three in the 1960s, and it has become extremely difficult for them to recruit new members due to strong employer resistance and weak labour laws (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2016). In Britain, union strength has also declined greatly, from about one-half to one-quarter of the workforce (DBIS 2016). Even in continental Europe, where the majority of workers are still covered by collective agreements negotiated by unions and employers, individual trade union membership has tended to decline, including in the very high-union-density Scandinavian countries (see Table 10.1 below). ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} Canada has been a modest exception, with the overall unionization rate declining more gradually than elsewhere, holding firm at around 30 percent through the 1990 and 2000 s.
随着工会人数的减少，与雇主相比，工会的政治影响力已经减弱，立法氛围也变得更加敌对。在一些国家，特别是美国，工会已经在很大程度上被边缘化。美国工会现在只占九分之一的工人，而 1960 年代大约占三分之一，而且由于雇主的强烈抵制和薄弱的劳动法，他们招募新成员变得极其困难（劳工统计局 2016）。在英国，工会的力量也大幅下降，从劳动力的一半左右下降到四分之一（DBIS 2016）。即使在欧洲大陆，大多数工人仍然受到工会和雇主谈判的集体协议的保护，个人工会成员人数也呈下降趋势，包括在工会密度非常高的斯堪的纳维亚国家（见下面的表 10.1）。 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 加拿大是一个适度的例外，整体工会化率的下降速度比其他地方要慢，在 1990 年代和 2000 年代一直稳定在 30% 左右。
Unions have been forced to confront major changes, not just in the economy, but also in the wider society. The emergence of a more diverse and more highly edu-
工会被迫面对重大变化，不仅在经济中，而且在更广泛的社会中。更加多样化和高等教育的出现
cated workforce-which is now almost equally divided between women and men, and includes many racialized workers-challenges labour organizations to become more inclusive and to shed legacies that include institutionalized racism and sexism. Unions were once a powerful expression of tightly knit working-class communities, but old solidarities and forms of class consciousness declined with industrial change, new immigration patterns, and the feminization of the workforce, all of which began even in the early days of postwar prosperity. What workers expect of unions has also changed, with quality of work and work-life balance issues becoming more important than the traditional (and still important) emphasis on wages and benefits.
封闭式劳动力——现在女性和男性几乎平分秋色，包括许多种族化的工人——挑战劳工组织变得更加包容并摆脱包括制度化种族主义和性别歧视在内的遗留问题。工会曾经是紧密联系的工人阶级社区的有力表达，但随着工业变革、新的移民模式和劳动力的女性化，旧的团结和阶级意识形式逐渐衰落，所有这些都始于战后繁荣的早期。工人对工会的期望也发生了变化，工作质量和工作与生活的平衡问题变得比传统上（并且仍然重要）对工资和福利的强调更重要。

Yet, even if employers and governments have become more hostile and the workforce has changed dramatically, unions can and often do adapt to change. Unions change in order to survive and because of pressures from members and activists. The alternative to union decline is union renewal, and there is no shortage of workers in today’s new economy who are still attracted to unions, and no shortage of active and engaged union members who want to build a vital labour movement to address the pressing problems of today’s workplaces. Against the gradual trend of declining union density, innovations are occurring within the labour movement, which might represent and spark a new move forward. In addition to change within unions, there is growing worker organizing and activism outside and alongside trade unions, as the ranks of non-unionized precarious workers undertake campaigns to improve their conditions of work. This kind of organizing may lead to new forms of worker representation in today’s economy.
然而，即使雇主和政府变得更加敌对，劳动力发生了巨大变化，工会也可以而且经常会适应变化。工会为了生存，也因为来自会员和活动家的压力而改变。工会衰落的替代方案是工会的更新，在当今的新经济中，不乏仍然被工会所吸引的工人，也不乏积极和参与的工会成员，他们希望建立一个重要的工人运动来解决当今工作场所的紧迫问题。在工会密度逐渐下降的趋势下，劳工运动内部正在发生创新，这可能代表并激发新的进步。除了工会内部的变化外，随着未加入工会的不稳定工人队伍开展运动以改善他们的工作条件，工会内部和工会之外的工人组织和行动主义也在不断增长。这种组织可能会导致当今经济中出现新形式的工人代表。

This chapter looks at some of the challenges facing Canadian unions as a result of economic restructuring and the changing workforce. It analyzes trends in union coverage, especially between women and men and the public and private sectors, and details the sharp decline of unionization among blue-collar men and the much lower but more stable coverage in private services. It concludes with an overview of the process of union change and renewal in Canada, and also discusses some examples of campaigns undertaken by non-unionized workers and the emergence of new forms of worker organizing. Overall, the aim of the chapter is to assess the forces that are challenging the labour movement and the array of strategies that are emerging through worker organizing to counter the neoliberal push toward precariousness.
本章着眼于加拿大工会因经济结构调整和劳动力变化而面临的一些挑战。它分析了工会覆盖率的趋势，尤其是女性和男性以及公共和私营部门之间的工会覆盖率，并详细说明了蓝领男性工会化程度的急剧下降，以及私营服务覆盖率要低得多但更稳定的情况。最后概述了加拿大工会变革和更新的过程，还讨论了非工会工人开展的运动和新形式的工人组织出现的一些例子。总的来说，本章的目的是评估挑战工人运动的力量，以及通过工人组织出现的一系列策略，以对抗新自由主义对不稳定的推动。

of the workfo since the mid-1990s, union derity has been quite at ay, but at low leyo in private services. This probabl cilects a combinati or stable employm in some traditionally unioni sectors and some ccessful new organ ng more or less matching job, owth. Union organ sis especially diffi. in high-worker-turnover ors, and many unio il private services uch as the United Food and Co nercial Workers U. typically organ quite a high proportion of the otal membership year. Private ser sector organizing has taken $p^{\prime }$$p^{\prime }$p^(')p^{\prime} ee predominantly ong lower-paid more precarioun employed wo rs, especially wo in and recent im orants.
自 1990 年代中期以来，工会的 Derity 一直处于 AY，但在私人服务中处于低位。这很可能意味着在一些传统的工会部门和一些或多或少匹配的工作中，需要新的器官 ng 或多或少匹配的工作。联合器官特别困难。在高工人流动率的 ors 和许多 unio il 私人服务 uch 作为 United Food and Co nercial Workers U. 通常组织相当高比例的 otal 会员年。私营服务部门组织主要关注 $p^{\prime }$$p^{\prime }$p^(')p^{\prime} 低收入、更不稳定的就业人员，尤其是 wo in 和最近的 im orants。

Turnin geographical tr is in union cove o, Ontario and $A^{11}$$A^{11}$A^(11)A^{11} ra, where nation, ,ob growth was atively concentr aver the past de experienced larger-than-averaon reclines in densit fom already well ow-average ler. Traditionally con density has be now in the Mari provinces. In 0, the highest-r on-density provinceswere Quebec (39.3 percent), Newfo cland and Labr or (37.8 percent), Manitoba (35.4 percent), Saskatchewrer (33.3 percent),
Turnin 地理 tr 位于安大略省和 $A^{11}$$A^{11}$A^(11)A^{11} ra 的联合湾，那里的国家，ob 增长是综合集中的，过去 de 经历了比 averaon 更大的倾斜，在密集的 fom 已经很平均了。传统上，人口密度现在在马里省。在 0 中，最高 r 密度的省份是魁北克 （39.3%）、Newfo 氏族和 Labr or （37.8%）、曼尼托巴省 （35.4%）、萨斯喀彻温省 （33.3%）、

Canadian union representation is usually achieved through a labour board’s certification of a union to represent workers in a particular workplace. Almost always, unionization is a collective rather than an individual choice, and it continues unless and until there is a vote to decertify the union. Most union members become members by being hired into a job in an already unionized workplace rather than by actively joining or supporting a union campaign to organize a nonunion workplace. Changing union density is a function of three things: changes in employment in already certified workplaces as a result of establishment closures, layoffs, and new hiring; changes in employment in non-union workplaces; and the rate at which non-union workplaces are organized into unions. Unfortunately, it is impossible to fully separate out these factors.
加拿大工会代表通常是通过劳工委员会认证工会代表特定工作场所的工人来实现的。几乎总是，工会组织是集体的选择，而不是个人的选择，除非投票取消工会的资格，否则它会继续存在。大多数工会成员是通过在已经加入工会的工作场所工作而被雇用成为会员的，而不是通过积极加入或支持组织非工会工作场所的工会运动。工会密度的变化是三因素的函数：由于企业关闭、裁员和新招聘，已经获得认证的工作场所的就业发生变化;非工会工作场所的就业变化;以及非工会工作场所组织成工会的速度。不幸的是，不可能完全分离出这些因素。

At a broader level, the growth of union membership will be strongly influenced by structural change in the economy, which influences the relative growth of employment by industrial sector, by occupation, by firm or establishment size, and by form of employment. This is especially true in Canada given that union density varies a lot along all of these dimensions. Union membership is still concentrated among full-time workers in larger private-sector firms in resources, manufacturing, transportation, and utilities, as well as in the public sector. Union density will also be influenced by the changing composition of the workforce, especially by age, gender, and race, which is overlaid upon the changing industrial and occupational mix.
在更广泛的层面上，工会会员的增长将受到经济结构变化的强烈影响，而经济结构变化会影响按工业部门、职业、公司或机构规模以及就业形式划分的就业相对增长。在加拿大尤其如此，因为联合密度在所有这些维度上都变化很大。工会成员仍然集中在资源、制造、运输和公用事业等大型私营企业以及公共部门的全职工人中。工会密度还将受到劳动力构成变化的影响，尤其是年龄、性别和种族，这叠加在不断变化的工业和职业组合上。

Declining unionization has often been associated with the shift to a post-industrial economy, with a shrinking share of blue-collar jobs, and a rising share of private
工会化程度的下降通常与向后工业经济的转变有关，蓝领工作的份额不断缩小，而私人工作的份额不断上升
services jobs, especially for women, in growing but low-union-density sectors like business and consumer services. Structural change has brought into question the continued relevance of the kinds of labour laws and unions that emerged in the postwar era, when a high proportion of the workforce could be found in large industrial workplaces like steel mills and auto assembly plants. The system of labour relations and the form of trade unionism that developed in this context were conducive to organizing industrial workers in large workplaces, but do not easily support organizing workers in small workplaces or in very precarious forms of employment. Industrial unionism also often wins little support from well-educated professionals in the private sector. In the contemporary context, unions thus face the risk of being squeezed by two of the fastest-growing areas of employment.
服务业工作，尤其是女性，在商业和消费者服务等增长但工会密度低的行业。结构性变化使人们质疑战后时代出现的各种劳动法和工会的持续相关性，当时很大一部分劳动力可以在钢铁厂和汽车装配厂等大型工业工作场所找到。在这种背景下发展起来的劳动关系制度和工会主义的形式有利于在大型工作场所组织产业工人，但不容易支持在小型工作场所或以非常不稳定的就业形式组织工人。产业工会主义也经常很少得到私营部门受过良好教育的专业人士的支持。因此，在当代背景下，工会面临着被两个增长最快的就业领域挤压的风险。

Other forces of change working against unions include the shifting balance of power between labour and employers in workplaces and the labour market as a result of globalization, as well as the neoliberal restructuring of public and social services through privatization and contracting out. Density is also influenced by the attitudes of individual workers toward unions, and by the capacity of unions and the labour movement to attract and mobilize the unorganized, as well as to retain the loyalties and commitment of the already organized. At a broad, cultural level, collective organizing is undermined by the shift to individualism engendered through decades of neoliberalism.
其他反对工会的变革力量包括全球化导致工作场所和劳动力市场中劳工和雇主之间的权力平衡发生变化，以及通过私有化和外包对公共和社会服务进行的新自由主义重组。密度还受到工人个体对工会的态度、工会和工人运动吸引和动员无组织者以及保持已经有组织的人的忠诚度和承诺的能力的影响。在广泛的文化层面上，几十年的新自由主义导致的向个人主义的转变破坏了集体组织。

The idea that declining union density is strongly associated with the changing industrial and occupational composition of employment has some elements of truth, given the extent to which deindustrialization, privatization, and the growth of knowledge-based work have eroded former bastions of union strength. However, as was shown earlier in this book, the total employment share of bluecollar men who traditionally supported unions has not fallen dramatically since the late 1980s. Employment in high-union-density public and social services has been growing as a share of all jobs, and will continue to do so. Looking at sectors of traditional union weakness, it is true that sales and service jobs are a big share of employment, but this has been the case for a long time. One big change that has indeed taken place, however, has been the shift of jobs to business services, partly in professional, scientific, and technical services, which employ mainly white-collar, very infrequently unionized workers. That said, business services include many lower-wage occupations, such as building cleaners and security guards, who have joined unions.
考虑到去工业化、私有化和知识型工作的增长在多大程度上侵蚀了工会力量的前堡垒，工会密度的下降与就业的工业和职业构成变化密切相关的观点具有一定的道理。然而，正如本书前面所展示的那样，自 1980 年代后期以来，传统上支持工会的蓝领男性的总就业份额并没有急剧下降。工会密度高的公共和社会服务行业的就业人数占所有就业岗位的比重一直在增长，并将继续保持这种增长势头。从传统工会薄弱的行业来看，销售和服务工作确实在就业中占很大份额，但这种情况已经持续了很长时间。然而，确实发生的一个重大变化是工作岗位转向商业服务，部分是专业、科学和技术服务，主要雇用白领，很少加入工会。也就是说，商业服务包括许多低薪职业，例如已加入工会的建筑清洁工和保安。

Without denying the long-term trend toward higher-skilled jobs (at least as measured by education) or the emergence of new economy information technology occupations, it is hard to see why occupational and industrial shifts should have had a big negative impact on overall union density. A technically sophisticated analysis of the decline in union density from 1984 to 1998 indeed finds that shifts of employment by industry and by occupation, taken together, have had only a modest impact on the unionization rate, and that the decline is explained more by downward shifts within industries and occupations (Riddell and Riddell 1998). For example, the decline of unions within formerly strong union sectors like
如果不否认高技能工作的长期趋势（至少以教育来衡量）或新经济信息技术职业的出现，就很难看出为什么职业和工业转移会对整体工会密度产生很大的负面影响。对 1984 年至 1998 年工会密度下降的技术复杂分析确实发现，按行业和职业划分的就业转移加在一起，对工会化率的影响不大，而这种下降更多地是由行业和职业内部的向下转移来解释的（Riddell 和 Riddell 1998）。例如，以前强大的工会部门中工会的衰落，如
manufacturing and blue-collar jobs explains more of the fall in union density than a shift of jobs away from manufacturing and blue-collar jobs. That said, unions will obviously have to reach out to more highly skilled new economy workers, as well as to low-paid private services workers, if continued private-sector decline is to be halted. A few public-sector unions have attempted to organize privatesector professionals, but with limited success to date.
制造业和蓝领工作更多地解释了工会密度的下降，而不是工作岗位从制造业和蓝领工作岗位转移。也就是说，如果要阻止私营部门的持续衰退，工会显然必须接触更多高技能的新经济工人，以及低薪的私人服务工人。一些公共部门工会试图组织私营部门的专业人士，但迄今为止收效甚微。
It is often also believed that unions have become weaker because of the decline of large private-sector workplaces and the rise of small business. It is indeed true that the rate of unionization in the private sector is much higher in large than small establishments. About 40 percent of workers in firms with more than 500 workers are unionized, and very large industrial operations are still highly likely to be unionized. It is very difficult to organize and represent workers in smaller businesses under the labour relations practices that generally apply in North America. One problem is that union dues from small workplaces provide less incentive for unions to organize the workers in them. Another is that small- and medium-sized employers tend to be especially hostile to unions. Most importantly, it is very difficult for unions to improve wages, benefits, and working conditions in very competitive sectors dominated by smaller firms, particularly for occupations with potentially large labour pools. High union density in private services in some Northern European countries is made possible mainly by sector-wide agreements, at least at the community or regional level, rather than by North American-style decentralized certification and bargaining. For example, many Scandinavian and German hotel workers are covered by contracts that are bargained centrally and cover almost all hotel workers, placing no single hotel at a competitive advantage, and extending union conditions and protections to workers who are dispersed across many workplaces. Where unions in Canada have gained a foothold among smaller employers, as in the housing construction industry in Toronto or the child care sector in Quebec, it has often been by developing sector-wide rather than employer-by-employer collective agreements and bargaining structures.
人们通常还认为，由于大型私营部门工作场所的衰落和小企业的崛起，工会变得更加虚弱。确实，大型机构在私营部门的工会化率远高于小型机构。在拥有 500 名以上工人的公司中，大约 40% 的工人加入了工会，而非常大的工业企业仍然极有可能加入工会。根据通常适用于北美的劳动关系惯例，组织和代表小型企业的工人是非常困难的。一个问题是，小型工作场所的工会会费为工会组织工人提供了较少的动力。另一个原因是中小型雇主往往特别敌视工会。最重要的是，工会很难在由小公司主导的竞争非常激烈的行业中改善工资、福利和工作条件，特别是对于可能拥有大量劳动力的职业。在一些北欧国家，私营服务业的高工会密度主要是通过全行业协议实现的，至少在社区或区域层面是这样，而不是通过北美式的分散认证和讨价还价。例如，许多斯堪的纳维亚和德国的酒店员工都受到集中谈判的合同的保护，几乎涵盖了所有酒店员工，没有一家酒店处于竞争优势，并将工会条件和保护扩展到分散在许多工作场所的工人。 在加拿大，工会在较小的雇主中站稳了脚跟，如多伦多的住房建筑行业或魁北克省的托儿部门，通常是通过在整个行业范围内发展，而不是通过雇主之间的集体协议和谈判结构。

All that said, a shift from large to small workplaces does not explain why Canadian union density has declined. In the late 1990s, about 40 percent of private-sector workers were employed in very small workplaces with fewer than 20 workers, and about 30 percent were employed in establishments of more than 100 workers, but this was also the case in the mid-1980s (Drolet and Morrissette 1998). Employment has actually shifted somewhat away from small workplaces. In retailing, for example, there has been a shift from small stores to superstores. In financial services, large call centres have replaced local bank branches. In food services, a lot of food preparation has been contracted out from restaurants to large food processors. If anything, recent union organizing successes have been relatively concentrated in small rather than large establishments, and union density has risen from low levels in small workplaces while falling in larger workplaces.
综上所述，从大型工作场所转向小型工作场所并不能解释加拿大工会密度下降的原因。在 1990 年代后期，大约 40% 的私营部门工人受雇于工人少于 20 人的非常小的工作场所，大约 30% 受雇于工人超过 100 人的机构，但 1980 年代中期也是如此（Drolet 和 Morrissette 1998）。就业实际上已经从小型工作场所转移了出去。例如，在零售业，已经从小商店转向超市。在金融服务领域，大型呼叫中心已经取代了当地银行分行。在食品服务中，许多食品准备工作已从餐馆外包给大型食品加工商。如果有的话，最近的工会组织成功相对集中在小型而不是大型机构，工会密度从小型工作场所的低水平上升，而大型工作场所的工会密度则下降。

Changes in the form of employment have also probably had little impact on union density. Self-employment and part-time employment have become
就业形式的变化也可能对工会密度影响不大。自雇和兼职工作已成为
more common, but union density has also increased among part-time workers, even in the private sector, since the mid-1990s. The incidence of very low-tenure jobs has not increased since the mid-1980s, and average job tenure has increased. None of this is to deny that many Canadian workers, particularly women, youth, and racialized workers, are employed in precarious and insecure jobs in smaller workplaces, which makes union organization extremely difficult under prevailing labour laws. However, putting all of the emphasis on structural change as a source of union decline, without recognizing the centrality of the changing power dynamics of the workplace through globalization and neoliberalism, can greatly exaggerate its impact.
更常见，但自 1990 年代中期以来，兼职工人的工会密度也有所增加，甚至在私营部门也是如此。自 1980 年代中期以来，极低任期工作的发生率没有增加，平均工作任期有所增加。这并不是要否认许多加拿大工人，尤其是妇女、青年和种族化工人，在较小的工作场所从事不稳定和不安全的工作，这使得在现行劳动法下组织工会变得极其困难。然而，将所有重点都放在结构性变革上作为工会衰落的根源，而不认识到全球化和新自由主义导致工作场所权力动态变化的核心地位，可能会大大夸大其影响。
Variation in labour laws also contributes to union-density rates. As noted above, there is significant provincial variation in union coverage, and this is not unrelated to variability in the legislative climate within each province. Unions generally benefit if labour law requires employers to recognize a union on the basis of a majority of workers in a proposed bargaining unit signing cards, or on the basis of a genuinely free vote, and operate at a significant disadvantage if the law allows employers to fight an active anti-union campaign before a vote. A lot also hinges on whether a first contract can be won through arbitration, and whether employers can replace workers who go on strike for a first or later contract. It is not uncommon for a group of workers to win union certification, but to fail to get a first collective agreement because of employer resistance. Moreover, neoliberal labour law reforms have intensified the challenges faced by workers seeking to organize (Panitch and Swartz 2008). For example, it was more difficult for employers to resist worker support for unionization in Quebec than in the rest of Canada, and was harder for unions to mount successful organizing campaigns in Ontario, Alberta, and much of Atlantic Canada through much of the 1990s, in part due to neoliberal governments in those regions of the country. In Ontario, almost immediately following its election in 1995, the neoliberal Mike Harris government made it more difficult to certify a union and easier to decertify, and lifted the ban on replacement workers. Similarly, one of the first acts of the newly elected Saskatchewan Party government in that province, in 2008, was to change the law to shift from card check certification of unions to votes.
劳动法的变化也有助于工会密度率。如上所述，工会覆盖率存在显着的省级差异，这与每个省内立法环境的差异不无关系。如果劳动法要求雇主在拟议的谈判单位中拥有大多数工人签署卡或基于真正的自由投票来承认工会，那么工会通常会受益，如果法律允许雇主在投票前进行积极的反工会运动，则工会处于明显的劣势。很大程度上还取决于第一份合同是否可以通过仲裁赢得，以及雇主是否可以用第一份或更晚的合同取代罢工的工人。一群工人赢得工会认证，但由于雇主的抵制而未能获得第一份集体协议的情况并不少见。此外，新自由主义劳动法改革加剧了寻求组织起来的工人面临的挑战（Panitch 和 Swartz 2008）。例如，魁北克省的雇主比加拿大其他地区更难抵制工人对工会组织的支持，并且在 1990 年代的大部分时间里，工会更难在安大略省、阿尔伯塔省和加拿大大西洋沿岸的大部分地区成功组织运动，部分原因是该国这些地区的新自由主义政府。在安大略省，新自由主义的迈克·哈里斯（Mike Harris）政府几乎在1995年当选后不久就使工会的认证变得更加困难，也更容易被取消认证，并取消了对替代工人的禁令。同样，2008 年该省新当选的萨斯喀彻温省党政府的首批行动之一是修改法律，从工会的卡检查认证转变为投票。

Government attitudes toward unions also matter a lot in terms of representing social services workers. Contracting out services to low-bid, often private-sector providers, as is the case with home care services in Ontario, works against union representation, as opposed to service delivery through the public or non-profit sector. One reason for the strength of Quebec unions has been that recognition was given to unions as the broader public sector expanded into areas like child care services.
政府对工会的态度在代表社会服务工作者方面也很重要。将服务外包给低价的、通常是私营部门的提供者，就像安大略省的家庭护理服务一样，与通过公共或非营利部门提供服务相反，这与工会代表背道而驰。魁北克工会实力雄厚的一个原因是，随着更广泛的公共部门扩展到儿童保育服务等领域，工会得到了认可。

Every year, some non-unionized workers join unions and gain a collective bargaining relationship with their employer through a labour board certification.
每年，一些未加入工会的工人加入工会，并通过劳工委员会认证与雇主建立集体谈判关系。

Much less commonly, some unions are decertified with the consent of the workers involved. Obviously, if union density is to increase, more workers must be persuaded to build and join unions. Indeed, given that many union employers will shrink or go out of business over time and new businesses will be established, union density will inevitably decline if unions are not organizing many new members. The much slower decline of union density in Canada than in the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s almost certainly reflects not just more union-friendly labour legislation, but also a greater union commitment to new organizing and movement building. The absolute number of workers organized into Canadian unions each year was, relative to the size of the workforce, probably some five times higher than in the U.S.
不太常见的是，一些工会在相关工人同意的情况下被取消认证。显然，如果要增加工会密度，就必须说服更多的工人建立和加入工会。事实上，鉴于许多工会雇主会随着时间的推移而萎缩或倒闭，并且会建立新的企业，如果工会没有组织很多新成员，工会密度将不可避免地下降。在 1980 年代和 1990 年代，加拿大工会密度的下降速度比美国慢得多，几乎可以肯定，这不仅反映了对工会更友好的劳工立法，还反映了工会对新组织和运动建设的更大承诺。相对于劳动力规模，每年组织成加拿大工会的工人的绝对数量可能比美国高出五倍左右。
Unfortunately, available data from provincial labour boards provide very incomplete information on how many workers are joining unions, and where the new organizing is taking place. From the mid-1970s to the late 1990s, anywhere between 60,000 and 100,000 workers (or as many as 2 percent of all non-union workers) were organized into unions through new certifications (minus decertifications) each year (Johnson 2002; Katz-Rosene 2003; Martinello 1996). There has been a downward trend since the high point of the mid-1980s, with some ups and downs, and by the late 1990s, just under 1 percent of all non-union paid workers were joining unions each year. The organization rate has been consistently much higher than average in Quebec and, until recently, British Columbia.
不幸的是，来自省级劳工委员会的现有数据提供了非常不完整的信息，关于有多少工人加入了工会，以及新的组织在哪里进行。从 1970 年代中期到 1990 年代后期，每年有 60,000 到 100,000 名工人（或多达所有非工会工人的 2%）通过新的认证（减去取消认证）组织成工会（Johnson 2002;Katz-Rosene 2003 年;Martinello 1996 年）。自 1980 年代中期的高点以来，一直呈下降趋势，有一些起伏，到 1990 年代后期，每年加入工会的非工会工资工人中只有不到 1%。魁北克省的组织率一直远高于平均水平，直到最近，不列颠哥伦比亚省也是如此。
The average size of new bargaining units is small: 50 to 70 members in Ontario since the mid-1990s, and just 30 to 40 members in B.C. There is evidence of relative success among women workers and racialized workers, and more new organizing in services, especially health and welfare services (Yates 2000, 2003). In B.C. (where the data are most complete), more than 50,000 workers were organized into unions from 1997 to 2002, of whom just one in six worked in the resource and manufacturing sectors. Large private-sector industrial unions, like Unifor and the United Steelworkers, have continued to add new members alongside the Canadian Union of Public Employees, the National Union of Public and General Employees, and other public-sector unions, but many of these new members have been in services, especially the broader public sector, rather than in areas of traditional blue-collar industrial jurisdiction. Large unions have also grown through mergers.
新谈判单位的平均规模很小：自 1990 年代中期以来，安大略省有 50 到 70 名成员，而不列颠哥伦比亚省只有 30 到 40 名成员。有证据表明，女性工人和种族化工人相对成功，服务业，特别是健康和福利服务领域有更多新的组织（Yates 2000,2003）。在不列颠哥伦比亚省（数据最完整的地方），从1997年到2002年，有超过50,000名工人组织了工会，其中只有六分之一的人在资源和制造业工作。大型私营部门工业工会，如 Unifor 和 United Steelworkers，与加拿大公共雇员工会、全国公共和一般雇员工会以及其他公共部门工会一起继续增加新成员，但其中许多新成员来自服务业，尤其是更广泛的公共部门，而不是传统的蓝领工业管辖领域。大型工会也通过合并发展壮大。

In most years, from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s, union growth from new certifications offset stagnant or declining union membership in already unionized workplaces, accounting for almost all absolute membership growth. Since the mid-1990s, union membership in already unionized workplaces seems to have grown as well. New organizing in Canada has been far from negligible and has made an important difference to union density, but it has been a case of rowing against the tide of forces working against unions in the job market as a whole.
在大多数年份，从 1980 年代中期到 1990 年代中期，新认证带来的工会增长抵消了已经加入工会的工作场所中工会成员人数停滞或下降的影响，几乎占了会员总数的绝对增长。自 1990 年代中期以来，已经加入工会的工作场所的工会成员似乎也有所增加。加拿大的新组织远非微不足道，并且对工会密度产生了重要影响，但这是与整个就业市场中反对工会的力量逆流而上的一个例子。
Observers have often drawn a contrast between an organizing as opposed to servicing model of trade unionism, which is related to a social movement (as opposed to a business union) model of what unions are about (Moody
观察家经常将工会主义的组织模式与服务模式进行对比，这与工会的社会运动（与商业工会相反）模式有关（穆迪

Jerry Dias hopes to use his new position as president of Canada’s newest-and largest-private sector union to turn the tide for Canada’s labour movement.
Jerry Dias 希望利用他作为加拿大最新和最大的私营部门工会主席的新职位来扭转加拿大劳工运动的潮流。

The Canadian Auto Workers union and the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers Union of Canada have merged to form a new group called Unifor.
加拿大汽车工人工会和加拿大通信、能源和造纸工人工会已合并，成立了一个名为 Unifor 的新组织。

Dias was elected with about 87 per cent support at the new union’s founding convention in Toronto on Saturday.
迪亚斯周六在多伦多举行的新工会成立大会上以约 87% 的支持率当选。

“Today is about challenging the status quo and making sure the governments have a formidable foe if in fact they decide to take on the trade union movement.”
“今天是关于挑战现状并确保政府有一个强大的敌人，如果他们真的决定参加工会运动的话。”

One early battle between the government and the new union could be brewing in the telecommunications industry. Dias said that he is strongly opposed to Verizon’s possible entry into the Canadian market, saying it would put many communication workers’ jobs at risk.
政府和新工会之间的一场早期战斗可能正在电信行业酝酿。迪亚斯表示，他强烈反对 Verizon 可能进入加拿大市场，称这将使许多通信工作者的工作面临风险。

Dias, who is from Burlington, Ont., said he would uphold Unifor’s promise to dedicate 10 per cent of its revenues to organizing workplaces and adding new members.
来自安大略省伯灵顿的 Dias 表示，他将信守 Unifor 的承诺，将其收入的 10% 用于组织工作场所和增加新成员。

He also said that Unifor would welcome workers traditionally excluded from collective bargaining and would seek other ambitious and creative ways to expand membership.
他还表示，Unifor 将欢迎传统上被排除在集体谈判之外的工人，并将寻求其他雄心勃勃和创造性的方法来扩大会员人数。
“It is about changing the discussion about workers and how they have to somehow accept less,” said Dias.
“这是关于改变关于工人的讨论，以及他们如何必须以某种方式接受更少，”迪亚斯说。

A major part of this strategy, according to Dias, will have to do with harnessing discontent among unemployed youth.
根据迪亚斯的说法，这一战略的主要部分将与利用失业青年的不满有关。

The union will initially represent more than 300,000 workers across roughly 20 sectors of the economy, primarily in manufacturing, communications and transportation.
该工会最初将代表大约 20 个经济部门的 300,000 多名工人，主要是制造业、通信和运输业。

It will also represent some public sector employees in the health, education and transit sectors.
它还将代表卫生、教育和交通部门的一些公共部门雇员。

Dias touched on many current topics in Canada including the Senate scandal, which he views as a serious mismanagement of taxpayers’ dollars in which senators found guilty should be kicked from office.
迪亚斯谈到了加拿大的许多当前话题，包括参议院丑闻，他认为这是对纳税人资金的严重管理不善，被判有罪的参议员应该被赶下台。

Internationally, Dias supported the movement to organize by fast food workers in the U.S. and condemned harsh new laws regarding gay rights demonstrations in Russia.
在国际上，迪亚斯支持美国快餐工人组织起来的运动，并谴责俄罗斯关于同性恋权利示威的严厉新法律。

The CEP and CAW voted last year to join forces, a move they hope will boost the national labour movement.
CEP 和 CAW 去年投票决定联手，他们希望此举能促进全国劳工运动。

Officials have said the switch to a non-traditional name-one that goes beyond simply listing occupations or industries-signals the union is looking to branch out.
官员们表示，改用非传统名称——不仅仅是列出职业或行业的名称——表明该工会正在寻求扩展。

1997). While overdrawn, the servicing and business union model stands for the bureaucratic, top-down structures, member passivity, and lack of activism and interest in organizing that were often the results of stable industrial relations in long-unionized firms and sectors in the 1960s and 1970s. Some unions were not particularly concerned about an overall fall in union density or about building links to the wider community so long as their own membership was stable and members were making gains at the bargaining table. However, falling overall union strength tends to reach a tipping point, at which time even long-unionized employers will take a much harder line in bargaining or will seek to decertify because of increased competition from lower-cost, non-union employers. In the U.S., the central labour body, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations, was quite complacent about union density decline through much of the 1970s and into the 1980s. This turned to alarm as the absolute number of union members began to fall, however, and as slipping density began to turn into a downward spiral. By the mid-1990s, almost all American unions recognized that new organizing was absolutely key to survival.
1997 年）。虽然透支了，但服务和商业工会模式代表了官僚主义、自上而下的结构、成员的被动性以及缺乏积极性和组织兴趣，这通常是 1960 年代和 1970 年代长期工会化的公司和部门稳定劳资关系的结果。一些工会并不特别担心工会密度的整体下降，也不特别担心与更广泛的社区建立联系，只要他们自己的成员是稳定的，并且成员在谈判桌上有所收获。然而，整体工会实力的下降往往会达到一个临界点，届时即使是长期加入工会的雇主也会在谈判中采取更强硬的路线，或者由于来自低成本、非工会雇主的竞争加剧而寻求取消认证。在美国，中央劳工机构美国劳工联合会-工业组织大会（American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations）对1970年代和1980年代大部分时间工会密度的下降相当自满。然而，随着工会成员的绝对数量开始下降，以及随着密度的下滑开始变成螺旋式下降，这变得令人担忧。到 1990 年代中期，几乎所有美国工会都认识到，新的组织绝对是生存的关键。
The commitment of unions to organizing new members will be strongly influenced not just by threats to union security in already unionized sectors, but also by whether leaders, activists, and members see themselves as part of a broader labour movement linked to a wider movement for social and economic change (Fletcher and Gapasin 2009). At their best, unions have been concerned with improving conditions for all workers, not just the narrow union elite. Historically, union expansion has come in big waves as a growing labour movement has rapidly expanded into many workplaces over a very short period. In Canada in the 20th century, there were several big waves of union growth (Heron 2012). The first was in the early years of the 20th century, as growing numbers of industrial workers formed new industrial unions such as the auto workers and the steelworkers, taking a more militant approach toward employers than the already established (and often highly exclusionary) craft unions of the 19th century, who mainly represented skilled tradesmen. Indeed, for some years, there were two rival labour central bodies, divided between older craft unions (the American Federation of Labour) and the new industrial unions (the Congress of Industrial Organizations), before they merged in 1955. The ranks of the industrial unions swelled during and just after World War II, when hundreds of thousands of blue-collar workers joined these unions. A third big wave came in the 1960s and into the 1970s, when public services unions grew very rapidly, bringing many women and professional workers, such as teachers and nurses, into the labour movement. One of the big questions today is whether unions are fated to experience a slow and steady decline, or if there will be another big wave of union organizing, this time in the private service sector, perhaps on a very different organizational basis than in the past. The upsurge in activism among non-unionized workers-for example, through campaigns such as the Fight for $15 and Fairness, OUR Walmart, and the fast food workers’ strikes - certainly points toward the latter possibility (see Box 10.2).
工会组织新成员的承诺将受到强烈影响，不仅受到已经加入工会的部门对工会安全的威胁，还受到领导人、活动家和成员是否将自己视为与更广泛的社会和经济变革运动相关的更广泛工人运动的一部分（Fletcher 和 Gapasin 2009）。在最好的情况下，工会一直关心改善所有工人的条件，而不仅仅是狭隘的工会精英。从历史上看，随着不断增长的工人运动在很短的时间内迅速扩展到许多工作场所，工会的扩张是一波又一波的。在 20 世纪的加拿大，出现了几波工会增长的大浪潮（Heron 2012）。第一次是在 20 世纪初，随着越来越多的产业工人成立了新的工业工会，例如汽车工人和钢铁工人，与已经建立的（通常是高度排斥的）手工业工会相比，他们对雇主采取了更激进的态度，这些工会主要代表熟练的商人。事实上，在 1955 年合并之前，有几年存在两个相互竞争的劳工中央机构，分为较旧的手工业工会（美国劳工联合会）和新的工业工会（工业组织大会）。产业工会的队伍在二战期间和之后迅速膨胀，当时有数十万蓝领工人加入了这些工会。第三次大浪潮出现在 1960 年代和 1970 年代，当时公共服务工会发展非常迅速，将许多女性和专业工人（如教师和护士）带入了工人运动。 今天的一个大问题是，工会是否注定会经历缓慢而稳定的衰落，或者是否会有另一波工会组织浪潮，这次是在私营服务部门，也许在与过去截然不同的组织基础上。非工会工人中激进主义的兴起——例如，通过诸如 Fight for 15 和 Fairness、OUR Walmart 和快餐工人罢工等运动——无疑指向了后一种可能性（见框注 10.2）。

Since at least the 1980s, there has been a gradual process of union renewal in Canada (Kumar and Murray 2003; Yates 2002; Kumar and Schenk 2006). The process of renewal is about much more than just organizing new members, and is much more complex than just turning from servicing current members to organizing new members. Organizing is important, but unions abandon servicing of current members at their peril, since active and mobilized members are a necessary base for a growing movement. At one level, renewal has been about making unions more democratic internally, as well as more responsive to changes in the workplace, and to the changing needs and interests of workers. This has included an emphasis on making union staff and elected officers more representative of a changing workforce through the inclusion of more women, racialized workers, and younger workers. While the shift has been partial, more women in particular have moved into top leadership and key staff positions.
至少从 1980 年代开始，加拿大就出现了一个逐步的工会更新过程（Kumar 和 Murray 2003;耶茨 2002 年;Kumar 和 Schenk 2006 年）。更新的过程不仅仅是组织新成员，也不仅仅是从为现有成员服务转变为组织新成员。组织起来很重要，但工会放弃为现有成员服务是有风险的，因为积极和动员的成员是不断发展的运动的必要基础。在某种程度上，更新是为了使工会在内部更加民主，以及对工作场所的变化以及工人不断变化的需求和利益做出更敏感的反应。这包括强调通过纳入更多女性、种族化工人和年轻工人，使工会工作人员和民选官员更能代表不断变化的劳动力。虽然这种转变是局部的，但尤其是更多的女性已经进入了最高领导层和关键员工职位。

Though unions themselves are hierarchical and bureaucratic organizations, and this has served to dampen rank-and-file activity (Camfield 2011; Moody 1988), there have also been some changes in structures to make unions more accountable to more active and engaged members. There has been a greater emphasis on internal education and on rank-and-file member involvement in union activities, including bargaining, representing members at the workplace, and sometimes organizing. There has also been at least a limited shift in bargaining priorities and in workplace activities to issues of interest to the new workforce, including training and work-family balance (Kumar and Murray 2003). There has also been a revival of some of the social movement dimensions of unions, which had atrophied to some degree due to the postwar system of labour relations, as discussed. Unions have led major campaigns on issues of interest to all workers - such as the need to protect public health care and public services, pensions, employment and pay equity, and human rights-and have worked to build stronger links with community organizations and other social movements (see Chapter 9, Box 9.2).
尽管工会本身是等级森严和官僚主义的组织，这抑制了基层活动（Camfield 2011;Moody 1988），结构也发生了一些变化，使工会对更积极和参与的成员更加负责。人们更加重视内部教育和基层成员参与工会活动，包括讨价还价、在工作场所代表成员，有时还组织起来。至少在讨价还价的优先事项和工作场所活动上，也存在着对新劳动力感兴趣的问题的有限转移，包括培训和工作与家庭的平衡（Kumar 和 Murray，2003 年）。正如所讨论的，工会的一些社会运动层面也得到了复兴，由于战后劳动关系制度，这些层面在某种程度上已经萎缩了。工会领导了关于所有工人关心的问题的重大运动--如需要保护公共医疗保健和公共服务、养老金、就业和薪酬公平以及人权--并努力与社区组织和其他社会运动建立更牢固的联系（见第9章，框注9.2）。

Many unions have changed rather dramatically as a result of declining membership in some sectors, offset by mergers with other unions and expansion into other sectors. The former big blue-collar industrial unions, such as the auto workers and steelworkers, have become much more like general worker unions, representing a very broad range of workers, including more women, while the main public-sector unions have expanded from an original base of direct government employees into the much broader social services sector. Many unions now devote significant resources to new organizing within and outside their traditional areas of jurisdiction, though this may still be a relatively small fraction of the total (Kumar and Murray 2003). There is also often intense union rivalry in organizing and bargaining, which can be counterproductive in terms of building a stronger movement. Organizing practices continue to vary a great deal, with some unions relying on rank-and-file members and activists much more than others. While there is no magic formula for success, the evidence shows that successful organizing campaigns tend to be those in which there is a great deal of rank-and-file
由于某些行业的会员人数减少，许多工会发生了相当大的变化，但与其他工会的合并和向其他行业的扩张抵消了这些变化。以前的大型蓝领工业工会，如汽车工人和钢铁工人，已经变得更像普通工人工会，代表着非常广泛的工人，包括更多的女性，而主要的公共部门工会已经从最初的直接政府雇员基础扩展到更广泛的社会服务部门。许多工会现在将大量资源投入到其传统管辖区域内外的新组织，尽管这可能仍然占总数的相对较小部分（Kumar 和 Murray 2003）。在组织和讨价还价方面也经常存在激烈的工会竞争，这可能会适得其反，不利于建立更强大的运动。组织做法仍然有很大差异，一些工会比其他工会更依赖基层成员和活动家。虽然没有成功的神奇公式，但证据表明，成功的组织活动往往是那些有大量普通员工的活动

If you find yourself in front of a Walmart or Starbucks in British Columbia on the 15 th of any month this year, you just might find yourself amid a new and growing campaign to raise the minimum wage. Activists across B.C. are hitting the streets in the Fight for 15 campaign, endorsed by the B.C. Federation of Labour and supported by individuals and community groups throughout the province. Organizers are planning events for the 15 th of every month until the provincial minimum wage is increased to $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 an hour.
如果你发现自己在今年任何一个月的 15 日出现在不列颠哥伦比亚省的沃尔玛或星巴克前，你可能会发现自己身处一场新的、不断增长的提高最低工资的运动中。卑诗省各地的活动人士正在走上街头，参加“为 15 人而战”运动，该运动得到了不列颠哥伦比亚省劳工联合会的支持，并得到了全省个人和社区团体的支持。组织者计划在每个月的 15 日举办活动，直到省级最低工资提高到 $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 一个小时。
B.C. currently has the ninth lowest minimum wage in Canada, at $\mathrm{\$}10.25$$\mathrm{\$}10.25$$10.25\$ 10.25 per hour. This is below the $13-an-hour poverty level and only half the living wage in the mid-size and large cities, which ranges from $\mathrm{\$}18$$\mathrm{\$}18$$18\$ 18 to $\mathrm{\$}20$$\mathrm{\$}20$$20\$ 20 per hour. Like elsewhere in Canada, the U.S. and across Europe, stagnating wages, increasing job precarity and low-wage work are endemic. It is no wonder then, that movements to increase the minimum wage are increasingly popular. B.C.'s campaign joins those in Ontario, and Nova Scotia, and of course the myriad campaigns across the U.S.
卑诗省目前的最低工资在加拿大排名第九，为 $\mathrm{\$}10.25$$\mathrm{\$}10.25$$10.25\$ 10.25 每小时。这低于每小时 13 美元的贫困线，仅为中大城市生活工资的一半，每小时不等 $\mathrm{\$}18$$\mathrm{\$}18$$18\$ 18 $\mathrm{\$}20$$\mathrm{\$}20$$20\$ 20 。与加拿大、美国和整个欧洲的其他地方一样，工资停滞不前、工作不稳定性增加和低工资工作是普遍现象。因此，提高最低工资的运动越来越受欢迎也就不足为奇了。卑诗省的竞选活动加入了安大略省和新斯科舍省的竞选活动，当然还有美国各地的无数竞选活动。

The struggles in the U.S. provide inspiration for us north of the border. In B.C., we look south to SeaTac, Wa., a small municipality and the first to vote for an immediate raise to $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15. This was followed by another successful campaign in Seattle and in over a dozen municipalities across the states. The American campaigns are becoming so successful that the right-wing lobby group ALEC-the American Legislative Exchange Council-has taken aim at ending the ability of municipalities to set minimum-wage rates. Despite this, the movement keeps growing. Oregon must change its minimum wage at the state level, but this hasn’t deterred " 15 Now," the vibrant activist coalition of community and labour.
美国的斗争为边境以北的我们提供了灵感。在不列颠哥伦比亚省，我们向南看向华盛顿州的 SeaTac，这是一个小市镇，也是第一个投票支持立即提高到 $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 的市镇。随后，在西雅图和各州的十几个城市开展了另一次成功的活动。美国的运动变得如此成功，以至于右翼游说团体 ALEC（美国立法交流委员会）的目标是结束市政当局设定最低工资率的能力。尽管如此，该运动仍在继续发展。俄勒冈州必须在州一级改变其最低工资，但这并没有阻止“15 Now”，这是一个充满活力的社区和劳工活动联盟。

The minimum-wage campaigns have been closely tied to the struggle to unionize in low-wage workplaces. Across North America, early attempts at unionization in large retail workplaces such as Walmart and Starbucks have met with draconian corporate responses. Notoriously, the successful organizing drive at a Walmart outlet in Quebec met with the shutdown of the entire store, putting all its employees out of work. Although workers were successful at getting some compensation in court, this type of action deterred new organizing drives.
最低工资运动与在低工资工作场所组建工会的斗争密切相关。在整个北美，沃尔玛和星巴克等大型零售工作场所的早期工会组织尝试遭到了企业严厉的回应。臭名昭著的是，在魁北克省一家沃尔玛门店的成功组织活动导致整个商店关闭，所有员工都失业了。尽管工人们成功地在法庭上获得了一些赔偿，但这种类型的行动阻止了新的组织活动。

In response, some unions turned to alternative methods of organizing low-wage workplaces. Unions such as the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) and the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) have put considerable resources into a variety of organizations and campaigns aimed at countering these vulnerabilities. The OUR Walmart campaign attempts to address the vulnerability both of individual workers and also individual worksites by funding
作为回应，一些工会转向了组织低工资工作场所的替代方法。服务业雇员国际工会 （SEIU） 和食品和商业工人联合会 （UFCW） 等工会已向旨在应对这些脆弱性的各种组织和运动投入了大量资源。OUR Walmart 活动试图通过资金来解决个体工人和个人工作场所的脆弱性
campaigns that cross employer and state boundaries. OUR Walmart focuses on direct workplace actions and solidarity actions directed at Walmart stores across the U.S. Jobs with Justice fights for bargaining rights in particular sectors but with multiple employers. The Fight for 15 focuses on a minimum-wage increase, which will affect all low-wage workers in a single jurisdiction. Worker centres provide advocacy and organizational hubs for non-unionized workers. In the best campaigns, the demands are combined, exemplified, for instance, in the slogan “Fifteen and a Union.”
跨越雇主和州界限的活动。我们的沃尔玛专注于针对美国各地沃尔玛商店的直接工作场所行动和团结行动。Jobs with Justice 在特定行业与多个雇主争夺谈判权。Fight for 15 的重点是提高最低工资，这将影响单个司法管辖区的所有低工资工人。工人中心为未加入工会的工人提供宣传和组织中心。在最好的竞选活动中，这些要求被结合起来，例如，在“十五和一个联盟”的口号中得到了体现。

In the past year, the growth and interplay between these campaigns, and the number of outright successes, has demonstrated the ability of workers to reframe the debate on wages, unions and politics. This is in stark contrast to the “right” to work" propaganda, and the false divisions sown by neoliberal politicians between private- and public-sector workers, and union and non-union workers. For too long, and in too many places, the dominant dialogue has been to blame public-sector workers - the last highly unionized sector in both Canada and the U.S.-as the source of debt, deficit, economic woes and cuts to social programs. The new solidarity expressed in campaigns like Fight for 15 is finally breaking down divisions and creating the space amid genuine struggle to revive the labour movement and to push politics left.
在过去的一年里，这些运动的增长和相互作用，以及彻底成功的数量，都表明了工人有能力重新构建关于工资、工会和政治的辩论。这与“工作权”的宣传以及新自由主义政客在私营和公共部门工人以及工会和非工会工人之间播下的虚假分歧形成鲜明对比。长期以来，在太多地方，占主导地位的对话一直将责任归咎于公共部门工人——加拿大和美国最后一个高度工会化的部门——是债务、赤字、经济困境和社会项目削减的根源。在“为 15 人而战”等运动中表达的新团结终于打破了分歧，并在真正的斗争中创造了空间，以重振工人运动和推动政治左转。

While the Fight for 15 campaigns may be most visible in retail and fast food, they involve a wide range of workers in a variety of industries. Care aides, housekeepers, receptionists and cashiers span a range of worksites from hospitals to hotels to grocery stores. Not unexpectedly, workers in equity-seeking groups, such as racialized and women workers, tend to be overrepresented statistically in low-wage jobs. Low-wage workers are no longer just the young or poorly educated. They span the age range to include the elderly unable to retire and university grads unable to work in their field. Low-wage work is often accompanied by poor working conditions and unfair employment practices, and this can affect different groups of workers in different ways. The horrific scheduling practices of many low-wage employers, for example, are particularly intolerable for single women workers with children. Working conditions in low-wage jobs are a women’s equality issue.
虽然 Fight for 15 活动可能在零售和快餐中最为明显，但它们涉及各个行业的广泛工人。护理助理、管家、接待员和收银员遍布从医院到酒店再到杂货店的一系列工作场所。毫不奇怪，在统计上，寻求公平的群体中的工人，如种族化工人和女性工人，在低工资工作中的比例往往过高。低薪工人不再只是年轻人或受教育程度低的人。他们跨越了各个年龄段，包括无法退休的老年人和无法在各自领域工作的大学毕业生。低工资工作通常伴随着恶劣的工作条件和不公平的就业做法，这会以不同的方式影响不同的工人群体。例如，许多低薪雇主的可怕排班做法，对于有孩子的单身女工来说尤其无法容忍。低薪工作的工作条件是一个女性平等问题。

There is a tremendous opportunity to build solidarity through the synergy between minimum-wage campaigns, electoral campaigns, the traditional labour movement and anti-oppression activism. We need this solidarity now more than ever. Like elsewhere in Canada, the labour movement in B.C. is plagued by division and trapped in a cycle of bargaining to minimize concessions. The private sector has followed the same decline in unionization rates that we’ve
通过最低工资运动、选举运动、传统工人运动和反压迫运动之间的协同作用，存在着建立团结的巨大机会。我们现在比以往任何时候都更需要这种团结。与加拿大其他地方一样，不列颠哥伦比亚省的劳工运动受到分裂的困扰，并陷入了讨价还价的循环中，以尽量减少让步。私营部门也跟着我们一样，工会化率也出现了下降
seen across the globe. In the public sector, neoliberal attacks from government continue to erode wages and working conditions. In response, the public sector has fragmented.
在全球范围内看到。在公共部门，政府的新自由主义攻击继续侵蚀工资和工作条件。作为回应，公共部门已经分散。

Historically, we know that the last union upsurge of the 1960s and '70s did not take place in a vacuum, it was presaged by the civil rights movement, the anti-Vietnam war movement and the generalized upturn in struggle. The upturn of that era shows us that the success of workers in making gains depends on not just the militancy of their own union, but the overall climate of worker and social movements. Employers get scared when strike rates are high, unionization levels are increasing, workers are fighting for racial and gender equity and particularly when there is broad solidarity of workers in action. It is with this context in mind that we should approach the Fight for 15. It is an opportunity not only to right the wrongs of poverty wages, but also to build new movements across old divisions.
从历史上看，我们知道 1960 年代和 70 年代的上一次工会高潮并不是在真空中发生的，它是由民权运动、反越南战争运动和斗争的普遍好转所预示的。那个时代的好转告诉我们，工人们能否成功获得收益，不仅取决于他们自己工会的战斗性，还取决于工人和社会运动的整体氛围。当罢工率高、工会组织水平提高、工人为种族和性别平等而战时，尤其是当工人在行动中广泛团结时，雇主会感到害怕。正是考虑到这种背景，我们应该处理 Fight for 15。这不仅是一个纠正贫困工资错误的机会，也是一个跨越旧分歧建立新运动的机会。

Source: Ehrcke, Tara. 2015. “The Fight for $15 Wage in B.C. and Beyond.” Canadian Dimension, 49, issue 3 (May/June). https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/the-fight-for-15-wage-in-b.c.-and-beyond.
资料来源：Ehrcke， Tara。2015. “卑诗省及其他地区的 15 美元工资之战。”加拿大维度，49，第 3 期（5 月/6 月）。https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/the-fight-for-15-wage-in-b.c.-and-beyond。
member involvement, and also where there are close ties to community groups (Bronfenbrenner and Friedman 1998; McAlevey 2014).
成员参与，以及与社区团体有密切联系的地方（Bronfenbrenner 和 Friedman 1998;McAlevey 2014 年）。

A renewal of activism and renewed emphasis on organizing new members help explain some recent successes, particularly among workers in services who would otherwise be in relatively low-paid and precarious jobs. In recent years, there have been notable successes in organizing security guards, hotel workers, workers in long-term care homes, teaching assistants in universities, and even some workers in retail trade and restaurants. Unions have thus had some success in organizing precarious workers, though much more needs to be accomplished.
激进主义的更新和对组织新成员的重新强调有助于解释最近的一些成功，特别是在服务业工人中，否则他们将从事相对低薪和不稳定的工作。近年来，在组织保安、酒店工作人员、长期护理院工作人员、大学助教，甚至零售业和餐馆的一些工作人员方面都取得了显著的成功。因此，工会在组织不稳定的工人方面取得了一些成功，尽管还有更多的工作要做。

Union density has fallen slowly in the private sector, particularly in the traditional stronghold of male blue-collar industrial workers. It has held up much better among women than among men, mainly because of union strength in public and social services combined with the impact of organizing efforts among lower-paid workers. Unions are weak in some important parts of the knowledgebased economy, but are not doomed to extinction because of structural change or the emergence of a new workforce. There is still substantial worker support for unions as a vehicle for improving pay and benefits and, even more important, for collective representation in the workplace.
私营部门的工会密度缓慢下降，尤其是在男性蓝领产业工人的传统大本营。女性的工会支持率远高于男性，这主要是因为工会在公共和社会服务方面的力量，以及低薪工人的组织努力的影响。工会在知识型经济的一些重要部分很薄弱，但不会因为结构性变化或新劳动力的出现而注定要灭绝。工人们仍然大力支持工会作为提高工资和福利的工具，更重要的是，它支持工作场所的集体代表。

A factor in union weakness in terms of recruiting new members has likely been the fact that unions have had great difficulty making major gains at the bargaining table for their current members, and have been forced on the defensive by extensive restructuring and employer hostility in both the private and public sectors. This suggests that if unions are to grow, organizing strategies must be linked to finding a new economic role, and to revitalizing rank-and-file activism. Organizing individual workplaces in low-density sectors is very hard given strong employer resistance, however. Organizing sectorally, across an economically relevant labour market, may result in greater gains and, beyond a certain threshold, less employer resistance. Bargaining of master agreements with groups of employers also makes union representation in small workplaces more viable. Examples in Canada include a handful of master agreements in hotels, restaurants, and the retail sector (Tufts 2007). In community social services in British Columbia and Quebec, organizing success has been achieved in part by promoting sector-wide bargaining between all employers and unions.
工会在招募新成员方面薄弱的一个因素可能是，工会在现有成员的谈判桌上很难取得重大进展，并且由于私营和公共部门的广泛重组和雇主敌意而被迫处于守势。这表明，如果工会要发展壮大，组织战略必须与寻找新的经济角色和振兴基层行动主义联系起来。然而，鉴于雇主的强烈抵制，在低密度部门组织单独的工作场所非常困难。在与经济相关的劳动力市场中，按部门组织可能会带来更大的收益，并且在超过一定阈值后，雇主的阻力会更小。与雇主团体谈判主协议也使工会代表在小型工作场所更加可行。加拿大的例子包括酒店、餐馆和零售业的一些主协议（Tufts 2007）。在不列颠哥伦比亚省和魁北克省的社区社会服务中，组织成功部分是通过促进所有雇主和工会之间的全行业谈判而取得的。

Broader-based organizing and bargaining can also be based on unions working with community organizations. In recent years, notable broader-based organizing and bargaining successes in the U.S. have included large groups of low-paid, predominantly racialized workers. For example, the Service Employees International Union has organized downtown office cleaning services in several cities through community-based Justice for Janitors campaigns. The hotel workforce in Las Vegas is highly unionized as a result of union renewal and new organizing across the sector, and wages and benefits are now well above the industrial average (Meyerson 2004). Broader-based organizing and bargaining are generally hindered rather than facilitated by current labour laws based on the norm of workplace-by-workplace certification and bargaining, but successful union organizing can make change happen in any case.
更广泛的组织和谈判也可以基于工会与社区组织合作。近年来，美国在更广泛的组织和谈判方面取得了显著的成功，其中包括一大群低薪、以种族化为主的工人。例如，服务业雇员国际工会（Service Employees International Union）通过以社区为基础的“为清洁工伸张正义”（Justice for Janitors）活动，在几个城市组织了市中心的办公室清洁服务。由于整个行业的工会更新和新组织，拉斯维加斯的酒店员工高度工会化，工资和福利现在远高于行业平均水平（Meyerson 2004）。基于逐个工作场所认证和谈判规范的现行劳动法通常会阻碍而不是促进更广泛的组织和谈判，但成功的工会组织在任何情况下都可以带来改变。

Another possible path forward is community-based activism and organizing. Associations of workers, such as an organization known as ACORN in the U.S., have come into existence to fight for workers’ rights and interests outside of collective bargaining. Workers can and do unite to fight for their legal rights under minimum wage and employment standards legislation, and some of these efforts have been supported by unions that also engage in collective bargaining. The Canadian Union of Postal Workers, for example, has supported collective action by bicycle couriers in Winnipeg. In the United States, a wide range of “alt-labour” organizations are growing, as non-unionized workers in sectors with overall low levels of unionization engage in alternative forms of collective organizing and activism, including coalitions and the formation of workers’ centres (Eidelson 2013; Fine 2006; Tattersall 2010). In Canada, to date, there have been a small number of experiments along these lines, such as the Community Chapter initiative of Unifor, which offers some of the benefits of unionization to workers who are not certified as a bargaining unit. The Fight for $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 and Fairness campaign, which, as discussed in Box 10.2, is focused on improving the wages of non-unionized, precarious workers, has gained widespread attention through its
另一种可能的前进道路是基于社区的行动主义和组织。工人协会，例如美国一个名为 ACORN 的组织，已经成立，目的是在集体谈判之外为工人的权利和利益而战。工人们可以而且确实团结起来，根据最低工资和就业标准立法为他们的合法权利而战，其中一些努力得到了同样参与集体谈判的工会的支持。例如，加拿大邮政工人工会（Canadian Union of Postal Workers）支持温尼伯的自行车快递员采取集体行动。在美国，广泛的“替代劳工”组织正在增长，因为在总体工会化水平较低的部门中，非工会化工人参与替代形式的集体组织和行动主义，包括联盟和工人中心的形成（Eidelson 2013;Fine 2006 年;Tattersall 2010 年）。在加拿大，迄今为止，已经有少量的此类实验，例如 Unifor 的社区分会倡议，该倡议为未获得谈判单位认证的工人提供了工会组织的一些好处。如插文 10.2 所述，“为 $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 公平而战”运动的重点是提高未加入工会、不稳定工人的工资，通过其

It was an afternoon of samba drums, churros and solidarity at Toronto’s Pearson International Airport yesterday.
昨天，在多伦多皮尔逊国际机场（Pearson International Airport）度过了一个充满桑巴鼓、油条和团结的下午。

The May Day celebrations, which attracted about 300 workers and labour activists, kicked off around 1:00 p.m. outside the departures block at terminal one.
五一节庆祝活动吸引了大约 300 名工人和劳工活动家，于下午 1：00 左右在一号航站楼的出发区外拉开帷幕。

The crowd marched in support of the Fight for $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 and Fairness along the closed roadway as part of this year’s International Workers’ Day actions in Canada.
人群沿着封闭的道路游行，支持为 $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 公平而战，这是今年加拿大国际劳动节活动的一部分。

Pearson is the country’s largest workplace and employs about 40,000 people.
Pearson 是美国最大的工作场所，拥有约 40,000 名员工。
Its poor health and safety record, endorsement of precarious work and contract flipping practises marks it as a prime battleground in Canada’s labour struggle.
其糟糕的健康和安全记录、对不稳定工作的认可和翻转合同的做法使其成为加拿大劳工斗争的主要战场。

Just last week, airport workers said goodbye to 24-year-old ramp worker Ian Henrey-Pervez who was, killed when the baggage cart he was driving rolled on April 22.
就在上周，机场工作人员告别了 24 岁的停机坪工人伊恩·亨利-佩尔韦兹 （Ian Henrey-Pervez），他在 4 月 22 日驾驶的行李车翻滚时丧生。

Sean Smith of the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council-a cross-union organization representing workers in dealings with the Greater Toronto Airport Authority (GTAA) - said while the week had been tough on the airport community, yesterday’s rally showed the support workers had for gaining change and fairness in their workplace.
多伦多机场工人委员会（Toronto Airport Workers' Council）的肖恩·史密斯（Sean Smith）表示，虽然这一周对机场社区来说是艰难的，但昨天的集会表明，工人在工作场所获得改变和公平方面得到了支持。
“You don’t think of the most expensive piece of property in Canada as the bastion of minimum wage precarious work, but it is,” Smith said of Pearson.
“你不会认为加拿大最昂贵的房产是最低工资不稳定工作的堡垒，但它确实如此，”史密斯谈到皮尔森时说。
“These are workers working minimum wage jobs, on-call, no guaranteed hours, and if their wages go above $\mathrm{\$}13$$\mathrm{\$}13$$13\$ 13 an hour, the next day the company they work for is losing their contract because somebody else is doing it cheaper.”
“这些工人从事最低工资工作，随叫随到，没有保证的时间，如果他们的工资超过 $\mathrm{\$}13$$\mathrm{\$}13$$13\$ 13 一个小时，第二天他们工作的公司就会失去合同，因为别人的合同更便宜。”

A series of contract changes last year resulted in hundreds of workers in the airport’s refuelling, wheelchair assistance and de-icing services being laid off and forced to reapply for jobs at much lower pay rates. According to the involved unions, at least 200 workers were never rehired. Parking attendants were targeted the previous year when the airport’s contract providers changed.
去年的一系列合同变更导致机场加油、轮椅协助和除冰服务的数百名工人被解雇，并被迫以低得多的工资率重新申请工作。据涉事工会称，至少有 200 名工人从未被重新雇用。前一年，当机场的合同提供商发生变化时，停车服务员成为目标。
“In a completely, deregulated privatised scenario, this is what happens,” Smith said.
“在完全不受管制的私有化情况下，这就是会发生的事情，”史密斯说。
“You end up with workers competing with each other for fewer and fewer well-paying jobs.”
“你最终会让工人们相互竞争，争夺越来越少的高薪工作。”

Something has to give eventually, he warned.
他警告说，最终还是要做出一些让步。
"To give an example, at the bottom of the scale you’ve got minimum wage workers who work two to six in the morning for $\mathrm{\$}40$$\mathrm{\$}40$$40\$ 40.
“举个例子，在天平的底部，你有最低工资的工人，他们早上 2 点到 6 点工作。 $\mathrm{\$}40$$\mathrm{\$}40$$40\$ 40
"Obviously, the turnover’s through the roof, and on the ramp it’s even worse because it’s physical work.
“显然，人员流动率是最高的，在坡道上，情况更糟，因为这是体力活。
“The precarious model, it’s worse for seniors [experienced workers] too. The seniors are getting burnt out because they’ve got to do more work to carry the load which leads to worker-on-worker conflict.”
“不稳定的模式，对老年人 [有经验的工人] 来说也更糟。老年人越来越筋疲力尽，因为他们必须做更多的工作来承担导致工人与工人冲突的负担。

One of the key issues at stake is the lack of accountability for oversight of the airport, Smith said.
史密斯说，关键问题之一是缺乏对机场监督的问责制。
“Many of the workers here are federally and provincially regulated in the same building - so which government do we turn to when you’ve got two jurisdictions in the same building and a common issue?”
“这里的许多工人都在同一栋大楼里受到联邦和省级监管——那么，当你在同一栋大楼里有两个司法管辖区和一个共同的问题时，我们应该求助于哪个政府？”

The workers’ council believe the GTAA should implement a sustainable community-orientated model for the airport that prohibits contract flipping and issuing operating licenses to companies willing to provide cheap rates at any cost to workers and their safety. This is what has led to the current “race to the bottom” that workers are trapped in, he said. The GTAA also needs to enforce and regulate proper health and safety standards.
工人委员会认为，GTAA 应该为机场实施一种可持续的、以社区为导向的模式，禁止向愿意不惜一切代价为工人及其安全提供廉价价格的公司翻转合同和颁发运营许可证。他说，这就是导致工人陷入当前“逐底竞争”的原因。GTAA 还需要执行和监管适当的健康和安全标准。

A list of demands for workers at Pearson is due to be presented to the GTAA at its annual general meeting next week. Thousands of signatures in support of the demands, which include a $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 hourly minimum wage and an end to contract flipping, have been collected, Smith said.
对 Pearson 工人的要求清单将于下周的 GTAA 年度股东大会上提交给 GTAA。史密斯说，已经收集了数千个支持这些要求的签名，其中包括每小时 $\mathrm{\$}15$$\mathrm{\$}15$$15\$ 15 最低工资和结束翻转合同。

Workers’ demands at YYZ: YYZ 的工人要求：

Recalling the discussion in Chapter 6 about the growth of the temporary foreign worker program in Canada, the organizing efforts among migrant agricultural workers and their allies provide another example of worker organizing that is taking place both outside the organization boundaries of trade unions, and at times, with the support of unions (Choudry and Hlatshwayo 2015; Choudry and Thomas 2013). In Ontario, farmworkers, including migrant farmworkers employed in the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, have historically been exempt from labour relations legislation that facilitates freedom of association and collective bargaining. However, this exclusion has been contested (though unsuccessfully) through a campaign led by the UFCW to win the legal right
回顾第 6 章中关于加拿大临时外国工人计划发展的讨论，移民农业工人及其盟友之间的组织努力提供了工人组织的另一个例子，这种组织既发生在工会的组织边界之外，有时也在工会的支持下发生（Choudry 和 Hlatshwayo 2015;Choudry 和 Thomas 2013 年）。在安大略省，农场工人，包括受雇于季节性农业工人计划的移民农场工人，历来不受促进结社自由和集体谈判的劳动关系立法的约束。然而，通过 UFCW 领导的赢得合法权利的运动，对这种排除提出了质疑（尽管没有成功）
to organize and bargain collectively for agricultural workers in Ontario. While migrant farmworkers in Ontario continue to lack collective bargaining rights, the UFCW has established community centres to provide services to migrant workers in communities where they are present. Moreover, the UFCW has undertaken organizing campaigns on farms in Quebec, Manitoba, and British Columbia, leading to collective agreements for farmworkers in those provinces (UFCW 2011). In addition, a number of migrant worker justice initiatives have emerged, including the work of both Justicia for Migrant Workers, a grassroots activist collective that promotes the rights of migrant farmworkers, and the Immigrant Workers Centre in Montreal, which provides education on labour rights for migrant and immigrant workers and engages in organizing campaigns (Choudry and Thomas 2013). These initiatives, both those that involve unions and those that do not, illustrate the dynamic nature of worker organizing in the context of the changing labour market.
为安大略省的农业工人组织和集体谈判。虽然安大略省的移民农场工人仍然缺乏集体谈判权，但 UFCW 已经建立了社区中心，为他们所在社区的移民工人提供服务。此外，UFCW 还在魁北克省、曼尼托巴省和不列颠哥伦比亚省的农场开展了组织活动，促成了这些省份的农场工人的集体协议 （UFCW 2011）。此外，还出现了一些移民工人正义倡议，包括 Justicia for Migrant Workers（一个促进移民农场工人权利的草根活动团体）和蒙特利尔的移民工人中心的工作，该中心为移民和移民工人提供劳工权利教育并参与组织运动（Choudry 和 Thomas 2013）。这些倡议，无论是涉及工会的还是不涉及工会的，都说明了在不断变化的劳动力市场背景下工人组织的动态性质。

While business leaders and neoliberal policy-makers sometimes claim that unions are no longer needed in a post-industrial economy, the ongoing social problems of work and the power dynamics of the capitalist workplace make workers’ organizations imperative. Historically, as capitalism changed over time, workers developed new organizations (for example, industrial unions, public-sector unions) to represent themselves and engaged in new forms of struggle in response to the changing economic context. In the present day, the strategies, practices, and forms of struggle undertaken by workers and unions may look quite different than in the past, due to changing economic, political, and social conditions. But so long as the conditions of alienation and exploitation that gave rise to unions in the early years of capitalism remain, so too does the need for collective workers’ organizations to contest those conditions.
虽然商界领袖和新自由主义政策制定者有时声称后工业经济不再需要工会，但持续的工作社会问题和资本主义工作场所的权力动态使工人组织势在必行。从历史上看，随着资本主义随着时间的推移而变化，工人们发展了新的组织（例如，工业工会、公共部门工会）来代表自己，并参与新形式的斗争以应对不断变化的经济环境。在今天，由于经济、政治和社会条件的变化，工人和工会所采取的策略、实践和斗争形式可能看起来与过去大不相同。但是，只要在资本主义早期催生工会的异化和剥削条件仍然存在，集体工人组织对抗这些条件的需求就仍然存在。

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