Life Of Addison (1672-1719)
From 'Lives Of The Poets' by Samuel Johnson
艾迪生生平（1672-1719）
摘自塞缪尔·约翰逊（Samuel Johnson）的《诗人的生活》

JOSEPH ADDISON was born on the first of May, 1672, at Milston, of which his father, Lancelot Addison, was then rector, near Ambrosbury in Wiltshire, and appearing weak and unlikely to live, he was christened the same day. After the usual domestic education, which, from the character of his father, may be reasonably supposed to have given him strong impressions of piety, he was committed to the care of Mr. Naish at Ambrosbury, and afterwards of Mr. Taylor at Salisbury.
约瑟夫·艾迪生于 1672 年 5 月 1 日出生在米尔斯顿，他的父亲兰斯洛特·艾迪生当时是威尔特郡安布罗斯伯里附近的校长，他看起来虚弱，不太可能活下去，他在同一天被洗礼。从他父亲的性格来看，这种教育可以合理地认为给他留下了强烈的虔诚印象，在接受过通常的家庭教育之后，他被委身于安布罗斯伯里的奈什先生的照顾下，后来又在索尔兹伯里由泰勒先生照顾。

Not to name the school or the masters of men illustrious for literature is a kind of historical fraud, by which honest fame is injuriously diminished: I would therefore trace him through the whole process of his education. In 1683, in the beginning of his twelfth year, his father being made Dean of Lichfield, naturally carried his family to his new residence, and, I believe, placed him for some time, probably not long, under Mr. Shaw, then master of the school at Lichfield, father of the late Dr. Peter Shaw. Of this interval his biographers have given no account, and I know it only from a story of a barring-out, told me, when I was a boy, by Andrew Corbet of Shropshire, who had heard it from Mr. Pigot his uncle.
不说出那些在文学方面杰出的人家或大师的名字，是一种历史欺诈，通过这种欺诈，诚实的名声被有害地削弱了：因此，我会追溯他接受教育的整个过程。1683年，在他第十二个年头，他的父亲被任命为利奇菲尔德的院长，自然而然地带着他的家人来到了他的新住所，我相信，把他安置了一段时间，可能不久，在肖先生的指导下，当时是利奇菲尔德学校的校长，已故的彼得·肖博士的父亲。关于这段时间，他的传记作者没有给出任何记载，我只从我还是个孩子的时候，什罗普郡的安德鲁·科贝特（Andrew Corbet）告诉我的一个被禁止出狱的故事中知道，他从他的叔叔皮戈特先生那里听到了这个故事。

The practice of barring-out, was a savage license, practised in many schools to the end of the last century, by which the boys, when the periodical vacation drew near, growing petulant at the approach of liberty, some days before the time of regular recess, took possession of the school, of which they barred the doors, and bade their master defiance from the windows. It is not easy to suppose that on such occasions the master would do more than laugh; yet, if tradition may be credited, he often struggled hard to force or surprise the garrison. The master, when Pigot was a school-boy, was barred-out at Lichfield, and the whole operation, as he said, was planned and conducted by Addison.
禁止学生出门的做法是一种野蛮的许可，直到上个世纪末，许多学校都实行这种做法，当定期假期临近时，男孩们在自由的临近时变得任性，在正常休息时间的前几天，占领了学校，他们封锁了学校的门，并禁止他们的主人从窗户上挑衅。不容易想象，在这种场合，主人会做的不仅仅是笑;然而，如果传统可以得到信任的话，他经常努力迫使或突袭驻军。当皮戈特还是个小学生时，主人在利奇菲尔德被禁止进入，正如他所说，整个行动都是由艾迪生策划和进行的。

To judge better of the probability of this story, I have enquired when he was sent to the Chartreux; but, as he was not one of those who enjoyed the founder's benefaction, there is no account preserved of his admission. At the school of the Chartreux, to which he was removed either from that of Salisbury or Lichfield, he pursued his juvenile studies under the care of Dr. Ellis, and contracted that intimacy with Sir Richard Steele which their joint labours have so effectually recorded.
为了更好地判断这个故事的可能性，我询问了他何时被派往沙特勒;但是，由于他不是享受创始人恩惠的人之一，因此没有保存关于他承认的记载。在沙特勒的学校里，他从索尔兹伯里或利奇菲尔德的学校被调离，在埃利斯博士的照顾下继续他的少年学业，并与理查德·斯蒂尔爵士建立了这种亲密关系，他们的共同努力有效地记录了这一点。

Of this memorable friendship the greater praise must be given to Steele. It is not hard to love those from whom nothing can be feared, and Addison never considered Steele as a rival; but Steele lived, as he confesses, under an habitual subjection to the predominating genius of Addison, whom he always mentioned with reverence, and treated with obsequiousness.
在这段难忘的友谊中，必须对斯蒂尔给予更大的赞美。爱那些没有什么可以害怕的人并不难，艾迪生从未将斯蒂尔视为对手;但正如他所承认的那样，斯蒂尔生活在习惯性地服从艾迪生的主要天才之下，他总是以崇敬的眼光提到艾迪生，并以顺从的态度对待他。

Addison, who knew his own dignity, could not always forbear to show it, by playing a little upon his admirer; but he was in no danger of retort: his jests were endured without resistance or resentment.
艾迪生知道自己的尊严，他不能总是忍耐通过对他的崇拜者进行一点戏弄来表现出来。但他没有反驳的危险：他的玩笑被忍受了，没有抵抗或怨恨。

Obdurate Creditor 顽固的债权人
But the sneer of jocularity was not the worst. Steele, whose imprudence of generosity, or vanity of profusion, kept him always incurably necessitous, upon some pressing exigence, in an evil hour borrowed a hundred pounds of his friend, probably without much purpose of repayment; but Addison, who seems to have had other notions of an hundred pounds, grew impatient of delay, and reclaimed his loan by an execution. Steele felt with great sensibility the obduracy of his creditor; but with emotions of sorrow rather than of anger.
但开玩笑的冷笑并不是最糟糕的。斯蒂尔的慷慨鲁莽，或虚荣的挥霍，使他总是无可救药地需要，在某种紧迫的时刻，在一个邪恶的时刻，向他的朋友借了一百英镑，可能没有太多的偿还目的;但是，艾迪生似乎对一百英镑有其他想法，他对拖延变得不耐烦，并通过处决收回了他的贷款。斯蒂尔非常敏感地感受到他的债权人的顽固不化;而是带着悲伤的情绪，而不是愤怒的情绪。

In 1687 he was entered into Queen's College in Oxford, where, in 1689, the accidental perusal of some Latin verses gained him the patronage of Dr. Lancaster, afterwards provost of Queen's College; by whose recommendation he was elected into Magdalen College as a Demy, a term by which that society denominates those which are elsewhere called Scholars; young men, who partake of the founder's benefaction, and succeed in their order to vacant fellowships.
1687 年，他进入牛津女王学院，1689 年，他偶然阅读了一些拉丁文经文，得到了兰开斯特博士的赞助，兰开斯特博士后来成为女王学院的教务长;在他的推荐下，他被选入马格达伦学院（Magdalen College）担任Demy，该协会用这个词来称呼那些在其他地方被称为学者的人;年轻人，他们分享创始人的恩惠，并成功地按照他们的顺序空缺奖学金。

Here he continued to cultivate poetry and criticism, and grew first eminent by his Latin compositions, which are indeed entitled to particular praise. He has not confined himself to the imitation of any ancient author, but has formed his style from the general language, such as a diligent perusal of the productions of different ages happened to supply.
在这里，他继续培养诗歌和批评，并首先以他的拉丁作品而著称，这些作品确实有资格受到特别的赞誉。他并不局限于对任何古代作家的模仿，而是从通用语言中形成了自己的风格，例如勤奋地阅读恰好提供的不同时代的作品。

His Latin compositions seem to have had much of his fondness; for he collected a second volume of the Musae Anglicanae, perhaps for a convenient receptacle, in which all his Latin pieces are inserted, and where his Poem on the Peace has the first place. He afterwards presented the collection to Boileau, who from that time conceived, says Tickell, an opinion of the English genius for poetry. Nothing is better known of Boileau, than that he had an injudicious and peevish contempt of modern Latin, and therefore his profession of regard was probably the effect of his civility rather than approbation.
他的拉丁作品似乎很喜欢他。因为他收集了《英国圣公会博物馆》的第二卷，也许是为了方便存放，其中插入了他所有的拉丁文作品，他的《和平诗》排在第一位。之后，他将这本诗集赠送给了布瓦洛，蒂克尔说，从那时起，布瓦洛就构思了这位英国诗歌天才的观点。关于布瓦洛，最广为人知的莫过于他对现代拉丁语的轻蔑和轻蔑，因此，他的尊重职业可能是他的礼貌而不是赞许的结果。

Three of his Latin poems are upon subjects on which perhaps he would not have ventured to have written in his own language. The Battle of the Pigmies and Cranes; The Barometer; and A Bowlinggreen. When the matter is low or scanty, a dead language, in which nothing is mean because nothing is familiar, affords great coneniences; and by the sonorous magnificence of Roman syllables, the writer conceals penury of thought, and want of novelty, often from the reader, and often from himself.
他的三首拉丁诗是关于他可能不会冒险用自己的语言写作的主题。猪和鹤的战斗;晴雨表;和保龄球果岭。当事情是低级的或稀少的时，一种死气沉沉的语言，在这种语言中，没有什么是有意义的，因为没有什么是熟悉的，提供了很大的共鸣;通过罗马音节的铿锵有力，作家隐藏了思想的贫乏和缺乏新奇感，这往往是对读者的，也是对他自己的。

In his twenty-second year he first showed his power of English poetry by some verses addressed to Dryden; and soon afterwards published a translation of the greater part of the Fourth Georgick upon Bees; after which, says Dryden, my latter swarm is hardly worth the hiving.
在他二十二岁那年，他首先通过写给德莱顿的一些诗句展示了他的英语诗歌的力量;不久之后，他出版了《第四代蜜蜂论》大部分内容的译本;在那之后，德莱顿说，我的后一群几乎不值得蜂巢。

About the same time he composed the arguments prefixed to the several books of Dryden's Virgil; and produced an Essay on the Georgicks, juvenile, superficial, and uninstructive, without much either of the scholar's learning or the critic's penetration.
大约在同一时间，他撰写了以德莱顿的维吉尔（Virgil）的几本书为前缀的论点;并写了一篇关于乔治克的论文，幼稚、肤浅、缺乏指导性，既没有学者的学识，也没有批评家的深入。

His next paper of verses contained a character of the principal English poets, inscribed to Henry Sacheverell, who was then, if not a poet, a writer of verses; as is shown by his version of a small part of Virgil's Georgicks, published in the Miscellanies, and a Latin encomium on Queen Mary, in the Musae Anglicanae. These verses exhibit all the fondness of friendship; but on one side or the other. friendship was afterwards too weak for the malignity of faction.
他的下一篇诗集包含了英国主要诗人的性格，题写了亨利·萨切弗雷尔（Henry Sacheverell），他当时即使不是诗人，也是一位诗歌作家;正如他在《杂记》中发表的维吉尔的《乔治克》的一小部分版本所表明的那样，以及在《圣公会博物馆》中发表的关于玛丽皇后的拉丁文颂歌。这些经文表现出对友谊的所有热爱;但在一边或另一边。此后，友谊对于派系的恶毒来说太弱了。

In this poem is a very confident and discriminative character of Spenser, whose work he had then never read. So little sometimes is criticism the effect of judgment. It is necessary to inform the reader, that about this time he was introduced by Congreve to Montague, then Chancellor of the Exchequer: Addison was then learning the trade of a courtier, and subjoined Montague as a poetical name to those of Cowley and of Dryden.
在这首诗中，斯宾塞是一个非常自信和挑剔的角色，他当时从未读过斯宾塞的作品。有时候，批评很少是判断的结果。有必要告诉读者，大约在这个时候，他被康格里夫介绍给当时的财政大臣蒙塔古：艾迪生当时正在学习朝臣的手艺，并将蒙塔古作为一个诗意的名字与考利和德莱顿的名字相提并论。

By the influence of Mr. Montague, concurring, according to Tickell, with his natural modesty, he was diverted from his original design of entering into holy orders. Montague alleged the corruption of men who engaged in civil employments without liberal education; and declared, that, though he was represented as an enemy to the Church, he would never do it an injury by withholding Addison from it.
根据蒂克尔的说法，在蒙塔古先生的影响下，他同意他天生的谦逊，从而偏离了他最初进入神圣秩序的设计。蒙塔古指控那些在没有受过自由教育的情况下从事民事工作的男子存在腐败行为;并宣称，尽管他被描绘成教会的敌人，但他绝不会因为拒绝艾迪生而对教会造成伤害。

Soon after (in 1695) he wrote a poem to King William, with a rhyming introduction addressed to Lord Somers. King William had no regard to elegance or literature; his study was only war; yet by a choice of ministers, whose disposition was very different from his own, he procured, without intention, a very liberal patronage to poetry. Addison was caressed both by Somers and Montague.
不久之后（1695年），他给威廉国王写了一首诗，并写了一篇押韵的介绍给萨默斯勋爵。威廉国王不顾优雅或文学;他的研究只是战争;然而，通过选择性格与他截然不同的部长，他无意地获得了对诗歌的非常自由的赞助。艾迪生被萨默斯和蒙塔古爱抚着。

In 1697 appeared his Latin verses on the Peace of Ryswick which he dedicated to Montague, and which was afterwards called by Smith the best Latin poem since the Aeneid. Praise must not be too rigorously examined; but the performance cannot be denied to be vigorous and elegant.
1697 年，他出版了关于里斯维克和约的拉丁诗句，他将这首诗献给了蒙塔古，后来被史密斯称为自《埃涅阿斯纪》以来最好的拉丁诗。表扬不能被过于严格地审查;但不可否认的是，演出是生机勃勃、优雅不已的。

Having yet no public employment, he obtained (in 1699) a pension of three hundred pounds a year, that he might be enabled to travel. He staid a year at Blois, probably to learn the French language; and then proceeded in his journey to Italy, which he surveyed with the eyes of a poet.
由于还没有在公共部门工作，他（在1699年）获得了每年三百英镑的养老金，以便他可以旅行。他在布卢瓦呆了一年，可能是为了学习法语;然后继续他的意大利之旅，他用诗人的眼光调查了意大利。

While he was travelling at leisure, he was far from being idle; for he not only collected his observations on the country, but found time to write his Dialogues on Medals, and four Acts of Cato. Such at least is the relation of Tickell. Perhaps he only collected his materials, and formed his plan.
当他闲暇时，他绝非闲着;因为他不仅收集了他对这个国家的观察，而且还抽出时间写了他的《关于奖章的对话》和《加图的四幕》。至少是Tickell的关系。也许他只是收集了他的材料，并制定了他的计划。

Whatever were his other employments in Italy, he there wrote the Letter to Lord Halifax, which is justly considered as the most elegant, if not the most sublime, of his poetical productions. But in about two years he found it necessary to hasten home; being, as Swift informs us, distressed by indigence, and compelled to become the tutor of a travelling Squire, because his pension was not remitted.
无论他在意大利从事什么其他工作，他都在那里写了《给哈利法克斯勋爵的信》，这封信被公正地认为是他诗歌作品中最优雅的，如果不是最崇高的话。但大约两年后，他发现有必要赶紧回家。正如斯威夫特告诉我们的那样，他因贫困而苦恼，被迫成为一位旅行乡绅的家庭教师，因为他的养老金没有被汇出。

At his return he published his Travels, with a dedication to Lord Somers. As his stay in foreign countries was short, his observations are such as might be supplied by a hasty view, and consist chiefly in comparisons of the present face of the country with the descriptions left us by the Roman poets, from whom he made preparatory collections, though he might have spared the trouble had he known that such collections had been made twice before by Italian authors.
回国后，他出版了《游记》，献给萨默斯勋爵。由于他在外国的逗留时间很短，他的观察可能是由一种仓促的观点提供的，主要包括将该国现在的面貌与罗马诗人留给我们的描述进行比较，他从他们那里制作了准备的诗集，尽管如果他知道意大利作家以前曾两次创作过这样的诗集，他可能会免于麻烦。

The most amusing passage of his book, is his account of the minute republick of San Marino; of many parts it is not a very severe censure to say that they might have been written at home. His elegance of language, and variegation of prose and verse, however, gains upon the reader; and the book, though a while neglected, became in time so much the favourite of the public, that before it was reprinted it rose to five times its price.
他书中最有趣的段落是他对圣马力诺微小共和国的描述;在许多部分中，说它们可能是在家里写的并不是一个非常严厉的谴责。然而，他的语言优雅，散文和诗歌的多样性，却赢得了读者的青睐。这本书虽然在一段时间内被忽视了，但随着时间的推移，它成为了公众的最爱，以至于在它重印之前，它的价格已经上涨了五倍。

When he returned to England (in 1702), with a meanness of appearance which gave testimony of the difficulties to which he had been reduced, he found his old patrons out of power, and was therefore for a time at full leisure for the cultivation of his mind, and a mind so cultivated gives reason to believe that little time was lost.
当他回到英国（1702年）时，他以一种卑鄙的外表证明了他所遭受的困难，他发现他的老赞助人失去了权力，因此在一段时间内完全闲暇来培养他的思想，而如此有教养的思想使人有理由相信，几乎没有浪费多少时间。

Helped By Halifax 帮助者 哈利法克斯
But he remained not long neglected or useless. The victory at Blenheim (1704) spread triumph and confidence over the nation; and Lord Godolphin lamenting to Lord Halifax, that it had not been celebrated in a manner equal to the subject, desired him to propose it to some better poet. Halifax told him that there was no encouragement for genius; that worthless men were unprofitably enriched with public money, without any care to find or employ those whose appearance might do honour to their country. To this Godolphin replied, that such abuses should in time be rectified; and that if a man could be found capable of the task then proposed, he should not want an ample recompense. Halifax then named Addison; but required that the Treasurer should apply to him in his own person. Godolphin sent the message by Mr. Boyle, afterwards Lord Carleton; and Addison having undertaken the work, communicated it to the Treasurer, while it was yet advanced no further than the simile of the Angel, and was immediately rewarded by succeeding Mr. Locke in the place of Commissioner of Appeals.
但他并没有长期被忽视或无用。布伦海姆（1704 年）的胜利为国家传播了胜利和信心;戈多芬勋爵向哈利法克斯勋爵哀叹，它没有以与主题平等的方式庆祝，希望他向更好的诗人提出它。哈利法克斯告诉他，对天才没有鼓励;那些一文不值的人用公共资金无利可图地致富，却毫不关心地寻找或雇用那些外表可能为他们的国家带来荣耀的人。对此，戈多芬回答说，这种滥用行为应该及时得到纠正;如果发现一个人有能力完成当时提出的任务，他不应该想要足够的报酬。哈利法克斯（Halifax）随后命名为艾迪生（Addison）;但要求财务主管应亲自向他提出申请。戈多芬由博伊尔先生（后来是卡尔顿勋爵）发送了信息;艾迪生承担了这项工作，将其传达给财务主管，而它还没有进一步推进到天使的比喻，并立即得到了接替洛克先生担任上诉专员的奖励。

In the following year he was at Hanover with Lord Halifax; and the year after was made under-secretary of state, first to Sir Charles Hedges, and in a few months more to the Earl of Sunderland.
第二年，他与哈利法克斯勋爵一起在汉诺威;第二年，他被任命为副国务卿，首先是查尔斯·赫奇斯爵士，几个月后又被任命为桑德兰伯爵。

About this time the prevalent taste for Italian operas inclined him to try what would be the effect of a musical Drama in our own language. He therefore wrote the opera of Rosamond, which, when exhibited on the stage, was either hissed or neglected; but trusting that the readers would do him more justice, he published it, with an inscription to the Duchess of Marlborough; a woman without skill, or pretensions to skill, in poetry or literature. His dedication was therefore an instance of servile absurdity, to be exceeded only by Joshua Barnes's dedication of a Greek Anacreon to the Duke.
大约在这个时候，对意大利歌剧的普遍品味使他倾向于尝试用我们自己的语言制作音乐剧的效果。因此，他写了罗莎蒙德的歌剧，当在舞台上展出时，要么嘶嘶作响，要么被忽视。但他相信读者会为他伸张正义，于是出版了这本书，并给马尔堡公爵夫人题了字。一个在诗歌或文学方面没有技巧，或自命不凡的女人。因此，他的献身精神是一种奴性荒谬的例子，只有约书亚·巴恩斯（Joshua Barnes）向公爵献上希腊的阿纳克瑞翁（Anacreon）才能超越。

His reputation had been somewhat advanced by The Tender Husband, a comedy which Steele dedicated to him, with a confession that he owed to him several of the most successful scenes. To this play Addison supplied a prologue.
斯蒂尔献给他的喜剧《温柔的丈夫》在一定程度上提升了他的声誉，并承认他欠他几个最成功的场景。艾迪生为这部剧提供了一个序幕。

When the Marquis of Wharton was appointed Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, Addison attended him as his secretary; and was made keeper of the records in Birmingham's Tower, with a salary of three hundred pounds a year. The office was little more than nominal, and the salary was augmented for his accommodation.
当沃顿侯爵被任命为爱尔兰中尉时，艾迪生作为他的秘书侍候他;并被任命为伯明翰塔的记录守护者，年薪三百英镑。这个办公室只不过是名义上的，他的住宿工资也增加了。

Employed By Wharton 受雇于沃顿商学院
Interest and faction allow little to the operation of particular dispositions, or private opinions. Two men of personal characters more opposite than those of Wharton and Addison could not easily be brought together. Wharton was impious, profligate, and shameless, without regard, or appearance of regard, to right and wrong: whatever is contrary to this, may be said of Addison; but as agents of a party they were connected, and how they adjusted their other sentiments we cannot know.
利益和派别几乎不允许特定性格或私人意见的运作。两个与沃顿和艾迪生相比，个人性格更相反的男人不容易走到一起。沃顿是无耻的、挥霍无度的、无耻的，不计较，也不计较是非：凡与此相悖的，都可以说艾迪生;但作为一方的代理人，他们是有联系的，他们是如何调整其他情绪的，我们无法知道。

Addison must, however, not be too hastily condemned. It is not necessary to refuse benefits from a bad man, when the acceptance implies no approbation of his crime; nor has the subordinate officer any obligation to examine the opinions or conduct of those under whom he acts, except that he may not be made the instrument of wickedness. It is reasonable to suppose that Addison counteracted, as far as he was able, the malignant and blasting influence of the Lieutenant, and that at least by his intervention some good was done, and some mischief prevented.
然而，艾迪生不能被过于草率地谴责。没有必要拒绝一个坏人的利益，如果接受并不意味着承认他的罪行;下属官员也没有义务审查他所领导的那些人的意见或行为，只是不能使他成为邪恶的工具。可以合理地假设，艾迪生尽其所能抵消了中尉的恶毒和爆炸性影响，至少通过他的干预，做了一些好事，防止了一些恶作剧。

When he was in office, he made a law to himself, as Swift has recorded, never to remit his regular fees in civility to his friends: "For," said he, "I may have a hundred friends; and, if my fee be two guineas, I shall, by relinquishing my right lose two hundred guineas, and no friend gain more than two; there is therefore no proportion between the good imparted and the evil suffered."
正如斯威夫特所记录的那样，当他在任时，他给自己制定了一条法律，永远不要把他的日常礼仪费用汇给他的朋友：“因为，”他说，“我可能有一百个朋友;如果我的费用是两几内亚，我放弃我的权利将损失二百几内亚，任何朋友都不应获得超过两几内亚;因此，所赐的善与所受的恶之间没有比例。

He was in Ireland when Steele, without any communication of his design, began the publication of the Tatler; but he was not long concealed: by inserting a remark on Virgil, which Addison had given him, he discovered himself. It is indeed not easy for any man to write upon literature, or common life, so as not to make himself known to those with whom he familiarly converses, and who are acquainted with his track of study, his favourite topicks, his peculiar notions, and his habitual phrases.
当斯蒂尔（Steele）在没有任何关于他的设计的交流的情况下，他开始出版《Tatler》时，他正在爱尔兰。但他并没有隐瞒多久：通过插入艾迪生给他的关于维吉尔的一句话，他发现了自己。对于任何人来说，写文学作品或普通生活，确实不容易不让那些他熟悉的人知道自己，那些熟悉他的学习轨迹、他最喜欢的话题、他奇特的观念和他的习惯性短语的人。

The Tatler 《Tatler》杂志
If Steele desired to write in secret, he was not lucky; a single month detected him. His first Tatler was published April 22 (1709), and Addison's contribution appeared May 26. Tickell observes, that the Tatler began and was concluded without his concurrence. This is doubtless literally true; but the work did not suffer much by his unconsciousness of its commencement, or his absence at its cessation; for he continued his assistance to December 23, and the paper stopped on January 2. He did not distinguish his pieces by any signature; and I know not whether his name was not kept secret, till the papers were collected into volumes.
如果斯蒂尔想秘密写作，他并不幸运;一个月就发现了他。他的第一篇《Tatler》于 4 月 22 日（1709 年）出版，艾迪生的文章于 5 月 26 日出版。蒂克尔观察到，《Tatler》是在未经他同意的情况下开始和结束的。毫无疑问，这是字面上正确的;但是，由于他对工作的开始不知不觉，或者在工作停止时缺席，这项工作并没有受到太大的影响。因为他继续他的援助到 12 月 23 日，报纸于 1 月 2 日停刊。他没有通过任何签名来区分他的作品;我不知道他的名字是否没有被保密，直到这些文件被收集成册。

To the Tatler, in about two months, succeeded the Spectator; a series of essays of the same kind, but written with less levity, upon a more regular plan, and published daily. Such an undertaking showed the writers not to distrust their own copiousness of materials or facility of composition, and their performance justified their confidence. They found, however, in their progress, many auxiliaries. To attempt a single paper was no terrifying labour: many pieces were offered, and many were received.
对Tatler来说，在大约两个月的时间里，接替了Spectator;一系列同类文章，但写得不那么轻浮，有规律的计划，每天出版。这样的努力表明，作家们不要不相信他们自己的丰富材料或构图设施，他们的表现证明了他们的信心。然而，在他们的进步中，他们发现了许多辅助工具。尝试一篇论文并不是一件可怕的工作：提供了许多作品，也收到了许多作品。

Addison had enough of the zeal of party, but Steele had at that time almost nothing else. The Spectator, in one of the first papers, showed the political tenets of its authors; but a resolution was soon taken, of courting general approbation by general topicks, and subjects on which faction had produced no diversity of sentiments; such as literature, morality, and familiar life. To this practice they adhered with very few deviations. The ardour of Steele once broke out in praise of Marlborough; and when Dr. Fleetwood prefixed to some sermons a preface, overflowing with whiggish opinions, that it might be read by the Queen it was reprinted in the Spectator.
艾迪生受够了派对的热情，但斯蒂尔当时几乎没有其他任何东西。《旁观者》在最早的一篇论文中展示了其作者的政治信条;但很快就通过了一项决议，即争取一般的议题和派别之间没有产生任何不同情绪的主题的普遍认可;比如文学、道德、熟悉的生活。对于这种做法，他们坚持的偏差很小。斯蒂尔的热情曾经在赞美马尔堡时爆发出来;当弗利特伍德博士在一些讲道的序言前加上序言，其中充满了辉格的观点，以便女王可以阅读它时，它被转载在《旁观者》上。

To teach the minuter decencies and inferior duties, to regulate the practice of daily conversation, to correct those depravities which are rather ridiculous than criminal, and remove those grievances which, if they produce no lasting calamities, impress hourly vexation, was first attempted by Casa in his book of Manners, and Castiglione in his Courtier; two books yet celebrated in Italy for purity and elegance, and which, if they are now less read, are neglected only because they have effected that reformation which their authors intended, and their precepts now are no longer wanted. Their usefulness to the age in which they were written is sufficiently attested by the translations which almost all the nations of Europe were in haste to obtain.
教导人们细致的礼仪和低级的职责，规范日常谈话的实践，纠正那些比犯罪更荒谬的堕落行为，消除那些如果它们不会产生持久的灾难，就会给人留下深刻印象的烦恼，这是卡萨在他的《礼仪》一书中首次尝试的，卡斯蒂廖内在他的《朝臣》中首次尝试过;这两本书在意大利仍然以纯洁和优雅而著称，如果现在读得较少，那么它们之所以被忽视，只是因为它们实现了作者所希望的改革，而他们的训诫现在已经不再被需要了。它们对它们写作的时代有用性，几乎欧洲所有国家都急于获得这些译本，这充分证明了它们。

This species of instruction was continued, and perhaps advanced, by the French; among whom La Bruyere's Manners of the Age, though, as Boileau remarked, it is written without connection, certainly deserves great praise, for liveliness of description and justness of observation.
这种教学方式由法国人延续，也许是向前推进的;其中，拉布鲁耶尔的《时代礼仪》虽然正如布瓦洛所说，是毫无联系地写成的，但肯定值得高度赞扬，因为它描述生动活泼，观察公正。

Before the Tatler and Spectator, if the writers for the theatre are excepted, England had no masters of common life. No writers had yet undertaken to reform either the savageness of neglect, or the impertinence of civility; to show when to speak, or to be silent; how to refuse, or how to comply. We had many books to teach us our more important duties, and to settle opinions in philosophy or politicks; but an Arbiter elegantiarum, a judge of propriety, was yet wanting, who should survey the track of daily conversation, and free it from thorns and prickles, which tease the passer, though they do not wound him.
在《Tatler》和《Spectator》之前，如果把剧院的编剧排除在外，英国就没有普通生活的大师。还没有任何作家着手改革忽视的野蛮或文明的无礼;表明何时发言，或保持沉默;如何拒绝，或如何遵守。我们有许多书来教导我们更重要的职责，并在哲学或政治学中解决意见;但是，仍然缺乏一位优雅的仲裁者，一位礼仪的法官，他应该检查日常谈话的轨迹，并摆脱荆棘和刺痛，这些刺和刺会戏弄过路人，尽管它们不会伤害他。

For this purpose nothing is so proper as the frequent publication of short papers, which we read not as study but amusement. If the subject be slight, the treatise likewise is short. The busy may find time, and the idle may find patience.
就此而言，没有什么比经常发表短篇论文更恰当的了，我们读短文不是为了学习，而是为了娱乐。如果主题是轻微的，那么论文同样很短。忙碌的人可能会找到时间，无所事事的人可能会找到耐心。

This mode of conveying cheap and easy knowledge began among us in the Civil War, when it was much the interest of either party to raise and fix the prejudices of the people. At that time appeared Mercurius Aulicus, Mercurius Rusticus, and Mercurius Civicus. It is said, that when any title grew popular, it was stolen by the antagonist, who by this stratagem conveyed his notions to those who would not have received him had he not worn the appearance of a friend. The tumult of those unhappy days left scarcely any man leisure to treasure up occasional compositions; and so much were they neglected, that a complete collection is no where to be found.
这种传递廉价和简单知识的方式始于我们之间的内战，当时任何一方的利益都是提高和纠正人民的偏见。当时出现了 Mercurius aulicus、Mercurius rusticus 和 Mercurius Civicus。据说，当任何头衔流行起来时，它就会被对手偷走，他通过这种策略向那些如果他没有穿着朋友的外表就不会接受他的人传达了他的观念。那些不愉快的日子的喧嚣几乎没有人有闲暇去珍藏偶尔的作品;它们被忽视了太多，以至于无法找到完整的收藏。

These Mercuries were succeeded by L'Estrange's Observator, and that by Lesley's Rehearsal, and perhaps by others; but hitherto nothing had been conveyed to the people, in this commodious manner, but controversy relating to the Church or State; of which they taught many to talk, whom they could not teach to judge.
这些Mercuries被L'Estrange的Observator接替，Lesley的Rehearsal接替，也许还有其他的。但迄今为止，没有以这种宽泛的方式向人民传达任何东西，而是与教会或国家有关的争议;他们教会了许多人说话，他们无法教他们判断。

It has been suggested that the Royal Society was instituted soon after the Restoration, to divert the attention of the people from public discontent. The Tatler and the Spectator had the same tendency; they were published at a time when two parties, loud, restless, and violent, each with plausible declarations, and each perhaps without any distinct termination of its views, were agitating the nation; to minds heated with political contest, they supplied cooler and more inoffensive reflections; and it is said by Addison, in a subsequent work, that they had a perceptible influence upon the conversation of that time, and taught the frolick and the gay to unite merriment with decency; an effect which they can never wholly lose, while they continue to be among the first books by which both sexes are initiated in the elegances of knowledge.
有人认为，皇家学会是在复辟后不久成立的，目的是转移人们对公众不满的注意力。《Tatler》和《旁观者》有相同的倾向;它们发表时，两个党派，喧嚣、不安和暴力，每个党派都有似是而非的声明，而且每个党派可能都没有明确终止自己的观点，正在煽动民族;对于因政治竞争而激烈的思想，他们提供了更冷静、更无礼的反思;艾迪生在随后的著作中说，他们对当时的谈话产生了明显的影响，并教会了嬉戏者和同性恋者将欢乐与体面结合起来;这种影响是他们永远无法完全丧失的，而他们仍然是最早的书之一，通过这些书，两性都在知识的优雅中开始。

The Tatler and Spectator adjusted, like Casa, the unsettled practice of daily intercourse by propriety and politeness; and, like La Bruyere, exhibited the Characters and Manners of the Age. The persons introduced in these papers were not merely ideal; they were then known and conspicuous in various stations. Of the Tatler this is told by Steele in his last paper, and of the Spectator by Budgell in the Preface to Theophrastus; a book which Addison has recommended, and which he was suspected to have revised, if he did not write it. Of those portraits, which may be supposed to be sometimes embellished, and sometimes aggravated, the originals are now partly known, and partly forgotten.
《喋喋不休》和《旁观者》像卡萨一样，通过礼仪和礼貌调整了日常交往的不稳定做法;并且像拉布鲁耶尔一样，展示了那个时代的性格和举止。这些论文中介绍的人不仅是理想的人，而且是理想的人。然后，他们在各个车站都广为人知并显眼。斯蒂尔在他的最后一篇论文中讲述了《Tatler》这一点，而巴格尔在《Theophrastus》的序言中谈到了《旁观者》;这是艾迪生推荐的一本书，如果他不写的话，他被怀疑已经修改过了。在这些肖像中，有时可能被认为被修饰，有时被加重，现在原件部分为人所知，部分被遗忘。

But to say that they united the plans of two or three eminent writers, is to give them but a small part of their due praise; they superadded literature and criticism, and sometimes towered far above their predecessors; and taught, with great justness of argument and dignity of language, the most important duties and sublime truths.
但是，如果说他们联合了两三位杰出作家的计划，那只是对他们应有的赞美的一小部分;他们增加了文学和批评，有时远远高于他们的前辈;并以极其公正的论证和尊严的语言教导最重要的职责和崇高的真理。

All these topicks were happily varied with elegant fictions and refined allegories, and illuminated with different changes of style and felicities of invention.
所有这些作品都以优雅的小说和精致的寓言而令人愉快地变化，并以不同的风格变化和发明的乐趣来照亮。

It is recorded by Budgell, that of the characters feigned or exhibited in the Spectator, the favourite of Addison was Sir Roger de Coverley, of whom he had formed a very delicate and discriminated idea, which he would not suffer to be violated; and therefore when Steele had shown him innocently picking up a girl in the Temple and taking her to a tavern, he drew upon himself so much of his friend's indignation, that he was forced to appease him by a promise of forbearing Sir Roger for the time to come.
据布杰尔记录，在《旁观者》中假装或展示的角色中，艾迪生最喜欢的是罗杰·德·科弗利爵士，他对他形成了一个非常微妙和有辨别力的想法，他不会忍受被侵犯;因此，当斯蒂尔看到他无辜地在圣殿里捡到一个女孩，并把她带到酒馆时，他引起了他朋友的极大愤慨，以至于他被迫通过承诺在未来暂时原谅罗杰爵士来安抚他。

The reason which induced Cervantes to bring his hero to the grave, para mi solo nacio Don Quixote, y yo para el, made Addison declare, with an undue vehemence of expression, that he would kill Sir Roger; being of opinion that they were born for one another, and that any other hand would do him wrong.
诱使塞万提斯将他的英雄带入坟墓的原因，para mi solo nacio Don Quixote， y yo para el，使艾迪生以过分激烈的表情宣布他将杀死罗杰爵士;认为他们是为彼此而生的，任何其他人都会对他不利。

It may be doubted whether Addison ever filled up his original delineation. He describes his Knight as having his imagination somewhat warped; but of this perversion he has made very little use. The irregularities in Sir Roger's conduct seem not so much the effects of a mind deviating from the beaten track of life, by the perpetual pressure of some overwhelming idea, as of habitual rusticity, and that negligence which solitary grandeur naturally generates.
人们可能会怀疑艾迪生是否曾经填补过他最初的描述。他形容他的骑士的想象力有些扭曲;但是对于这种，他几乎没有用过。罗杰爵士的不正常行为似乎与其说是思想偏离了生活的人迹罕至的道路，不如说是由于某种压倒性的想法的永恒压力，以及习惯性的质朴，以及孤独的宏伟自然产生的疏忽。

The variable weather of the mind, the flying vapours of incipient madness, which from time to time cloud reason, without eclipsing it, it requires so much nicety to exhibit, that Addison seems to have been deterred from prosecuting his own design.
心灵的多变天气，初期疯狂的飞扬蒸汽，时不时地笼罩着理性，但又不掩盖它，它需要如此多的美好才能表现出来，以至于艾迪生似乎被阻止了，不敢起诉他自己的设计。

To Sir Roger, who, as a country gentleman, appears to be a Tory, or, as it is gently expressed, an adherent to the landed interest, is opposed Sir Andrew Freeport, a new man, a wealthy merchant, zealous for the moneyed interest, and a Whig Of this contrariety of opinions, it is probable more consequences were at first intended, than could be produced when the resolution was taken to exclude party from the paper. Sir Andrew does but little, and that little seems not to have pleased Addison, who, when he dismissed him from the club, changed his opinions. Steele had made him, in the true spirit of unfeeling commerce, declare that he would not build an hospital for idle people; but at last he buys land, settles in the country, and builds not a manufactory, but an hospital for twelve old husbandmen, for men with whom a merchant has little acquaintance, and whom he commonly considers with little kindness.
对于罗杰爵士来说，作为一个乡村绅士，他似乎是一个托利党人，或者，正如它所表达的那样，是一个土地利益的拥护者，反对安德鲁·弗里波特爵士，一个新人，一个富有的商人，热衷于金钱利益，以及辉格党人 在这种矛盾的观点中，最初可能打算产生更多的后果， 比在作出将缔约方排除在文件之外的决议时所能产生的。安德鲁爵士做的很少，而这一点似乎并没有让艾迪生感到高兴，当他将他从俱乐部解雇时，他改变了看法。斯蒂尔让他本着冷酷无情的商业精神，宣布他不会为无所事事的人建造医院;但最后，他买了土地，在乡下定居，建造的不是工厂，而是为十二个老牧民建造了一家医院，这些老牧夫是商人很少认识的人，他通常对他们不怀好意。

Of essays thus elegant, thus instructive, and thus commodiously distributed, it is natural to suppose the approbation general and the sale numerous. I once heard it observed, that the sale may be calculated by the product of the tax, related in the last number to produce more than twenty pounds a week, and therefore stated at one and twenty pounds, or three pounds ten shillings a day: this, at a halfpenny a paper, will give sixteen hundred and eighty for the daily number.
在如此优雅、如此具有启发性、如此大宗的文章中，人们很自然地认为，得到普遍的认可和众多的销售。我曾经听说过，销售可以用税的乘积来计算，在最后一个数字中，每周产生二十多英镑，因此说是一二十英镑，或每天三英镑十先令：这个，每张纸半便士，每天的数字将得到一千六百八十。

This sale is not great; yet this, if Swift be credited, was likely to grow less; for he declares that the Spectator, whom he ridicules for his endless mention of the fair sex, had before his recess wearied his readers.
这次销售不是很好;然而，如果斯威夫特被记入其中，这个数字可能会增长得更少;因为他宣称，他因无休止地提及公平的性而嘲笑的旁观者，在他休息之前已经使他的读者感到疲惫。

Cato 卡托
The next year (1713), in which Cato came upon the stage, was the grand climacterick of Addison's reputation. Upon the death of Cato, he had, as is said, planned a tragedy in the time of his travels, and had for several years the four first acts finished, which were shown to such as were likely to spread their admiration. They were seen by Pope, and by Cibber; who relates that Steele, when he took back the copy, told him, in the despicable cant of literary modesty, that, whatever spirit his friend had shown in the composition, he doubted whether he would have courage sufficient to expose it to the censure of a British audience.
第二年（1713年），加图登上舞台，是艾迪生声誉的高潮。如前所述，加图死后，他在旅行期间策划了一场悲剧，并且花了几年时间完成了前四幕，这些幕被展示出来，可能会引起他们的钦佩。他们被教皇和西伯看到了;他提到，当斯蒂尔收回副本时，他以文学谦虚的卑鄙态度告诉他，无论他的朋友在作品中表现出什么精神，他都怀疑自己是否有足够的勇气将其暴露在英国观众的谴责之下。

The time however was now come, when those who affected to think liberty in danger, affected likewise to think that a stage-play might preserve it: and Addison was importuned, in the name of the tutelary deities of Britain, to show his courage and his zeal by finishing his design.
然而，现在时机已经到来，当那些影响到自由处于危险之中的人，也同样影响了他们认为舞台剧可以保护自由的人：艾迪生被邀请以英国守护神的名义，通过完成他的设计来显示他的勇气和热情。

To resume his work he seemed perversely and unaccountably unwilling; and by a request, which perhaps he wished to be denied, desired Mr. Hughes to add a fifth act. Hughes supposed him serious; and, undertaking the supplement, brought in a few days some scenes for his examination; but he had in the mean time gone to work himself, and produced half an act, which he afterward completed, but with brevity irregularly disproportionate to the foregoing parts; like a task performed with reluctance, and hurried to its conclusion.
为了恢复他的工作，他似乎乖张地、不负责任地不愿意;通过一项请求，也许他希望得到拒绝，希望休斯先生增加第五幕。休斯认为他是认真的;并且，承接了补充工作，几天后带来了一些现场供他检查;但与此同时，他自己去工作，并创作了半个行为，后来他完成了，但简短与上述部分不相称;就像一项不情愿地完成的任务，匆匆忙忙地结束了。

It may yet be doubted whether Cato was made public by any change of the author's purpose; for Dennis charged him with raising prejudices in his own favour by false positions of preparatory criticism, and with poisoning the town by contradicting in the Spectator the established rule of poetical justice, because his own hero, with all his virtues, was to fall before a tyrant. The fact is certain; -the motives we must guess.
加图是否因作者目的的任何改变而公开，可能还有待怀疑;因为丹尼斯指责他通过错误的预备性批评立场来提升对自己有利的偏见，并通过在旁观者中与既定的诗意正义规则相抵触来毒害这座城市，因为他自己的英雄，尽管他所有的美德，都要倒在暴君面前。事实是肯定的;-我们必须猜测的动机。

Addison was, I believe, sufficiently disposed to bar all avenues against all danger. When Pope brought him the prologue, which is properly accommodated to the play, there were these words, Britons, arise, be worth like this approved; meaning nothing more than, Britons, erect and exalt yourselves to the approbation of public virtue. Addison was frighted lest he should be thought a promoter of insurrection, and the line was liquidated to Britons, attend.
我相信，艾迪生有足够的能力阻止所有途径对抗所有危险。当教皇给他带来序幕时，序言与戏剧相得益彰，其中有这样一句话，英国人，起来，值得这样批准;无非是，英国人，为公共美德的认可而竖立和高举自己。艾迪生很害怕，唯恐他应该被认为是叛乱的推动者，这条线被清算给英国人，参加。

Now, heavily in clouds came on the day, the great, the important day, when Addison was to stand the hazard of the theatre. That there might, however, be left as little to hazard as was possible, on the first night Steele, as himself relates, undertook to pack an audience. This, says Pope, had been tried for the first time in favour of the Distrest Mother; and was now, with more efficacy, practised for Cato.
现在，乌云密布的那一天来了，伟大的，重要的日子，艾迪生要承受剧院的危险。然而，为了尽可能少地留下危险，正如他自己所说，在斯蒂尔承诺的第一个晚上，他就要挤满观众。教宗说，这是第一次尝试支持Distrest母亲;现在，以更有效的方式为卡托练习。

The danger was soon over. The whole nation was at that time on fire with faction. The Whigs applauded every line in which Liberty was mentioned, as a satire on the Tories; and the Tories echoed every clap, to show that the satire was unfelt. The story of Bolingbroke is well known. He called Booth to his box, and gave him fifty guineas for defending the cause of Liberty so well against a perpetual dictator. The Whigs, says Pope, design a second present, when they can accompany it with as good a sentence.
危险很快就过去了。当时整个国家都充满了派系。辉格党人为提到自由的每一句话鼓掌，作为对托利党的讽刺;保守党人回应了每一次鼓掌，以表明讽刺是没有感觉到的。博林布罗克的故事是众所周知的。他把布斯叫到他的箱子里，给了他五十几内亚，以表彰他很好地捍卫了自由事业，反对了一个永远的独裁者。教皇说，辉格党人设计了第二份礼物，当他们可以用同样好的句子来陪伴它时。

The play, supported thus by the emulation of factious praise, was acted night after night for a longer time than, I believe, the public had allowed to any drama before; and the author, as Mrs. Potter long afterwards related, wandered through the whole exhibition behind the scenes with restless and unappeasable solicitude.
因此，这部戏剧得到了对事实赞美的模仿的支持，它夜以继日地上演，时间比我相信，公众以前允许的任何戏剧都要长;而作者，正如波特夫人很久以后所说的那样，在幕后以焦躁不安和无法满足的关怀徘徊在整个展览中。

When it was printed, notice was given that the Queen would be pleased if it was dedicated to her; but as he had designed that compliment elsewhere, he found himself obliged, says Tickell, by his duty on the one hand, and his honour on the other, to send it into the world without any dedication.
当它被印刷出来时，人们注意到，如果它是献给她的，女王会很高兴;但是，正如他在其他地方设计了这种赞美一样，他发现自己，蒂克尔说，一方面出于他的责任，另一方面出于他的荣誉，他不得不不加任何奉献地将其送入世界。

Human happiness has always its abatements; the brightest sunshine of success is not without a cloud. No sooner was Cato offered to the reader, than it was attacked by the acute malignity of Dennis, with all the violence of angry criticism. Dennis, though equally zealous, and probably by his temper more furious than Addison, for what they called Liberty, and though a flatterer of the Whig ministry, could not sit quiet at a successful play; but was eager to tell friends and enemies, that they had misplaced their admirations. The world was too stubborn for instruction; with the fate of the censurer of Corneille's Cid, his animadversions shewed his anger without effect, and Cato continued to be praised.
人类的幸福总是有其减少的;成功最明媚的阳光并非没有云彩。《加图》刚呈现给读者，就遭到了丹尼斯的尖锐恶毒的攻击，以及所有愤怒的批评的暴力。丹尼斯虽然同样热心，而且他的脾气可能比艾迪生更愤怒，因为他们称之为自由，尽管他是辉格党事工的奉承者，但他不能在一场成功的戏剧中坐以待毙;但他急于告诉朋友和敌人，他们放错了他们的钦佩。这个世界太固执了，无法接受指导;随着科奈尔的熙德的谴责者的命运，他的生气无果而终，加图继续受到称赞。

Pope had now an opportunity of courting the friendship of Addison, by vilifying his old enemy, and could give resentment its full play without appearing to revenge himself. He therefore published A Narrative of the Madness of John Dennis; a performance which left the objections to the play in their full force, and therefore discovered more desire of vexing the critic than of defending the poet.
教皇现在有机会通过诽谤他的宿敌来讨好艾迪生的友谊，并且可以在不表现出报复自己的情况下充分发挥怨恨。因此，他出版了《约翰·丹尼斯的疯狂叙事》;这种表演使对戏剧的反对意见充分发挥了作用，因此，与其说是为诗人辩护，不如说是让批评家感到烦恼。

Addison, who was no stranger to the world, probably saw the selfishness of Pope's friendship; and, resolving that he should have the consequences of his officiousness to himself, informed Dennis by Steele, that he was sorry for the insult; and that whenever he should think fit to answer his remarks, he would do it in a manner to which nothing could be objected.
艾迪生对这个世界并不陌生，他可能看到了教皇友谊的自私;并且，他决心自己应该承担自己的过激后果，斯蒂尔告诉丹尼斯，他对这种侮辱感到抱歉;而且，每当他认为适合回答他的言论时，他都会以一种没有人可以反对的方式进行。

The greatest weakness of the play is in the scenes of love, which are said by Pope to have been added to the original plan upon a subsequent review, in compliance with the popular practice of the stage. Such an authority it is hard to reject; yet the love is so intimately mingled with the whole action that it cannot easily be thought extrinsick and adventitious; for if it were taken away, what would be left? or how were the four acts filled in the first draught?
该剧最大的弱点在于爱情的场景，教皇说，这些场景是在随后的审查中添加到原始计划中的，符合舞台的流行做法。这样的权威，让人难以拒绝;然而，这种爱与整个行动如此紧密地混合在一起，以至于它不能轻易地被认为是外在的和偶然的;因为如果它被拿走，还剩下什么？或者说，这四幕是如何在第一次草稿中被填充的？

At the publication the Wits seemed proud to pay their attendance with encomiastick verses. The best are from an unknown hand, which will perhaps lose somewhat of their praise when the author is known to be Jeffreys.
在出版物上，Wits 似乎很自豪地用 encomiastick 诗句来支付他们的出席率。最好的出自一个不知名的手，当知道作者是杰弗里斯时，它可能会失去一些赞誉。

Cato had yet other honours. It was censured as a party-play by a Scholar of Oxford, and defended in a favourable examination by Dr. Sewel. It was translated by Salvini into Italian, and acted at Florence; and by the Jesuits of St. Omer's into Latin, and played by their pupils. Of this version a copy was sent to Mr. Addison: it is to be wished that it could be found, for the sake of comparing their version of the soliloquy with that of Bland.
卡托还有其他荣誉。它被牛津大学的一位学者谴责为派对游戏，并在Sewel博士的有利审查中进行了辩护。它被萨尔维尼翻译成意大利语，并在佛罗伦萨演出;并由圣奥梅尔的耶稣会士翻译成拉丁语，并由他们的学生演奏。这个版本的副本被寄给了艾迪生先生：希望能找到它，以便将他们的独白版本与布兰德的独白版本进行比较。

A tragedy was written on the same subject by Des Champs, a French poet, which was translated, with a criticism on the English play. But the translator and the critic are now forgotten.
法国诗人德斯·香榭丽舍（Des Champs）就同一主题写了一部悲剧，并被翻译出来，并对英国戏剧进行了批评。但是翻译家和批评家现在被遗忘了。

Dennis lived on unanswered, and therefore little read: Addison knew the policy of literature too well to make his enemy important, by drawing the attention of the public upon a criticism, which, though sometimes intemperate, was often irrefragable.
丹尼斯一直生活在无人解答的生活中，因此很少阅读：艾迪生非常了解文学的政策，以至于无法使他的敌人变得重要，他通过吸引公众对批评的注意力，尽管批评有时是无节制的，但往往是无可辩驳的。

While Cato was upon the stage, another daily paper, called The Guardian, was published by Steele. To this Addison gave great assistance, whether occasionally or by previous engagement is not known.
当卡托登上舞台时，斯蒂尔出版了另一份名为《卫报》的日报。艾迪生对此给予了很大的帮助，无论是偶尔还是以前的参与都不得而知。

The character of Guardian was too narrow and too serious: it might properly enough admit both the duties and the decencies of life, but seemed not to include literary speculations, and was in some degree violated by merriment and burlesque. What had the Guardian of the Lizards to do with clubs of tall or of little men, with nests of ants, or with Strada's prolusions?
《卫报》的性格太狭隘，太严肃了：它可能恰当地承认了生活的职责和体面，但似乎不包括文学上的猜测，并且在某种程度上被欢乐和滑稽所破坏。蜥蜴的守护者与高个子或矮小的棍棒，与蚂蚁的巢穴，或斯特拉达的有什么关系？

Of this paper nothing is necessary to be said, but that it found many contributors, and that it was a continuation of the Spectator with the same elegance, and the same variety, till some unlucky sparkle from a Tory paper set Steele's politics on fire, and wit at once blazed into faction. He was soon too hot for neutral topicks and quitted the Guardian to write the Englishman.
关于这篇论文，没有什么必要说的，但它找到了许多贡献者，它是《旁观者》的延续，具有同样的优雅和多样性，直到保守党报纸上的一些不幸的闪光点燃了斯蒂尔的政治，机智立即爆发成派系。他很快就太热了，无法接受中立的挑剔，于是退出了《卫报》，去写《英国人》。

The papers of Addison are marked in the Spectator by one of the Letters in the name of Clio, and in the Guardian by a hand; whether it was, as Tickell pretends to think, that he was. unwilling to usurp the praise of others, or as Steele, with far greater likelihood, insinuates, that he could not without discontent impart to others any of his own. I have heard that his avidity did not satisfy itself with the air of renown, but that with great eagerness he laid hold on his proportion of the profits.
艾迪生的论文在《旁观者》中用克里奥的名字写的一封信标记，在《卫报》上用一只手标记;是否像蒂克尔假装认为的那样，他是。他不愿意篡夺别人的赞美，或者像斯蒂尔那样，更有可能地暗示，他不能不不满地把自己的任何东西传授给别人。我听说，他的狂热并不是为了名声而满足，而是以极大的热切占有他的利润份额。

Many of these papers were written with powers truly comic, with nice discrimination of characters, and accurate observation of natural or accidental deviations from propriety; but it was not supposed that he had tried a comedy on the stage, till Steele, after his death, declared him the author of The Drummer; this, however, Steele did not know to be true by any direct testimony; for when Addison put the play into his hands, he only told him, it was the work of a Gentleman in the Company; and when it was received, as is confessed, with cold approbation, he was probably less willing to claim it. Tickell omitted it in his collection; but the testimony of Steele, and the total silence of any other claimant, has determined the public to assign it to Addison, and it is now printed with his other poetry. Steele carried The Drummer to the playhouse, and afterwards to the press, and sold the copy for fifty guineas.
这些论文中有许多是用真正滑稽的力量写成的，对人物有很好的辨别力，并准确观察自然或偶然的偏离礼仪;但人们并不认为他在舞台上尝试过喜剧，直到斯蒂尔在他死后宣布他为《鼓手》的作者;然而，斯蒂尔并不知道任何直接证词都是真的。因为当艾迪生把这出戏交到他手里时，他只告诉他，这是公司里一位绅士的作品;正如他所承认的那样，当它被冷淡地接受时，他可能不太愿意声称它。Tickell 在他的收藏中省略了它;但是斯蒂尔的证词，以及任何其他索赔人的完全沉默，决定了公众将其归于艾迪生，现在它与他的其他诗歌一起印刷。斯蒂尔把《鼓手》带到了剧院，然后又带到了出版社，并以五十几内亚的价格卖掉了这部作品。

To the opinion of Steele may be added the proof supplied by the play itself, of which the characters are such as Addison would have delineated, and the tendency such as Addison would have promoted. That it should have been ill received would raise wonder, did we not daily see the capricious distribution of theatrical praise.
在斯蒂尔看来，可以加上戏剧本身提供的证据，其中的角色就像艾迪生会描绘的那样，并且像艾迪生会促进这样的趋势。它本来应该受到不欢迎，这会引起人们的好奇，我们不是每天都看到戏剧赞美的反复无常的分配吗？

He was not all this time an indifferent Spectator of public affairs. He wrote, as different exigencies required (in 1707), The Present State of the War, and the Necessity of an Augmentation; which, however judicious, being written on temporary topicks, and exhibiting no peculiar powers, laid hold on no attention, and has naturally sunk by its own weight into neglect. This cannot be said of the few papers entitled The Whig Examiner, in which is employed all the force of gay malevolence and humorous satire. Of this paper, which just appeared and expired, Swift remarks, with exultation, that it is now down among the dead men. He might well rejoice at the death of that which he could not have killed. Every reader of every party, since personal malice is past, and the papers which once inflamed the nation are read only as effusions of wit, must wish for more of the Whig Examiners; for on no occasion was the genius of Addison more vigorously exerted, and on none did the superiority of his powers more evidently appear. His Trial of Count Tariff, written to expose the Treaty of Commerce with France, lived no longer than the question that produced it.
在这段时间里，他并不是一个冷漠的旁观者。根据不同的紧急情况（1707 年），他写了《战争的现状和增强的必要性》;无论多么明智，它都是在临时的话题上写成的，并且没有表现出任何特殊的力量，没有引起人们的注意，并且自然而然地因其自身的重量而被忽视。这在几篇题为《辉格考官》的论文中是不能说的，其中使用了同性恋恶意和幽默讽刺的所有力量。关于这篇刚刚出版和过期的报纸，斯威夫特欣喜若狂地说，它现在已经在死人中掉了下来。他很可能会为他无法杀死的人的死亡而欢欣鼓舞。由于个人的恶意已经过去，而那些曾经激怒了民族的论文只是被看作是机智的流露，所以每个党派的每一个读者都应该希望有更多的辉格党审查员;因为艾迪生的天才没有像现在这样得到充分的发挥，也没有一次像现在这样明显地显现出他的力量优势。他为揭露与法国的《通商条约》而写的《关税伯爵审判》并没有比产生它的问题活得更久。

Not long afterwards an attempt was made to revive the Spectator, at a time indeed by no means favourable to literature, when the succession of a new family to the throne filled the nation with anxiety, discord, and confusion; and either the turbulence of the times, or the satiety of the readers, put a stop to the publication, after an experiment of eighty numbers, which were afterwards collected into an eighth volume, perhaps more valuable than any one of those that went before it. Addison produced more than a fourth part, and the other contributors are by no means unworthy of appearing as his associates. The time that had passed during the suspension of the Spectator, though it had not lessened his power of humour, seems to have increased his disposition to seriousness: the proportion of his religious to his comic, papers is greater than in the former series.
不久之后，人们试图重振《旁观者》，但在那个确实对文学绝非有利的时候，当一个新家族继承王位时，这个国家充满了焦虑、不和谐和困惑;不知是时代的动荡，还是读者的满足感，在对八十个数字的实验之后，该书停止了出版，这些数字后来被收集成第八卷，也许比它之前的任何一卷都更有价值。艾迪生制作了超过四分之一的部分，其他贡献者绝不配作为他的伙伴出现。在《旁观者》停职期间所经过的时间，虽然没有削弱他的幽默感，但似乎使他的性格变得更加严肃：他的宗教论文与喜剧论文的比例比前一个系列更大。

The Spectator, from its recommencement, was published only three times a week; and no discriminative marks were added to the papers. To Addison, Tickell has ascribed twenty-three.
《旁观者》自重新开始以来，每周只出版三期;并且没有在论文中添加歧视性标记。对于艾迪生，蒂克尔认为有二十三个。

The Spectator had many contributors; and Steele, whose negligence kept him always in a hurry, when it was his turn to furnish a paper, called loudly for the Letters, of which Addison, whose materials were more, made little use; having recourse to sketches and hints, the product of his former studies, which he now reviewed and completed: among these are named by Tickell the Essays on Wit, those on the Pleasures of the Imagination, and the Criticism on Milton.
《旁观者》有很多贡献者;还有斯蒂尔，他的疏忽使他总是匆匆忙忙，当轮到他提供一份文件时，他大声要求写信，而材料更多的艾迪生几乎没有用到这些信件;他求助于草图和暗示，这是他以前研究的产物，现在他回顾并完成了这些研究：其中蒂克尔命名了《关于机智的论文集》、《关于想象力的乐趣》和《关于弥尔顿的批评》。

When the House of Hanover took possession of the throne, it was reasonable to expect that the zeal of Addison would be suitably rewarded. Before the arrival of King George, he was made secretary to the regency, and was required by his office to send notice to Hanover that the Queen was dead, and that the throne was vacant. To do this would not have been difficult to any man but Addison, who was so overwhelmed with the greatness of the event, and so distracted by choice of expression, that the Lords, who could not wait for the niceties of criticism, called Mr. Southwell, a clerk in the house, and ordered him to dispatch the message. Southwell readily told what was necessary, in the common style of business, and valued himself upon having done what was too hard for Addison.
当汉诺威家族夺取王位时，有理由期待艾迪生的热情会得到适当的回报。在乔治国王到来之前，他被任命为摄政王的秘书，他的办公室要求他向汉诺威发出通知，说女王已经去世，王位空缺。除了艾迪生之外，对任何人来说，做到这一点都不是一件难事，艾迪生对这一事件的重大性感到不知所措，并且因表达方式的选择而分心，以至于上议院等人等不及批评的细节，打电话给房子里的一名办事员索斯韦尔先生，命令他传达信息。索斯韦尔以通常的商业风格欣然告诉什么是必要的，并重视自己做了对艾迪生来说太困难的事情。

He was better qualified for the Freeholder, a paper which he published twice a week, from Dec. 23, 1715, to the middle of the next year. This was undertaken in defence of the established government, sometimes with argument, sometimes with mirth. In argument he had many equals; but his humour was singular and matchless. Bigotry itself must be delighted with the Tory-Fox-hunter.
从1715年12月23日到次年年中，他每周出版两次报纸《自由持有人》。这样做是为了捍卫已建立的政府，有时是争论，有时是欢笑。在争论中，他有很多平等的人;但他的幽默是独特而无与伦比的。偏执本身必须对保守党狐狸猎人感到高兴。

There are, however, some strokes less elegant, and less decent; such as the Pretender's Journal, in which one topic of ridicule is his poverty. This mode of abuse had been employed by Milton against King Charles II.
然而，有些笔触不那么优雅，也不那么体面;比如《伪装者日记》，其中一个被嘲笑的话题是他的贫穷。弥尔顿曾对国王查理二世采用这种虐待方式。

" - - - - - Jacobaei.
“ - - - - - 雅各布。
Centum éxulantis viscera Marsupii regis."
Centum éxulantis viscera Marsupii regis.”

And Oldmixon delights to tell of some alderman of London, that he had more money than the exiled princes; but that which might be expected from Milton's savageness, or Oldmixon's meanness, was not suitable to the delicacy of Addison.
奥德米克森很高兴地讲述伦敦的某个市议员，他比流亡的王子有更多的钱;但是，从弥尔顿的野蛮或奥德米森的卑鄙中可以预料到的东西，并不适合艾迪生的精致。

Unhappy Marriage 不幸福的婚姻
Steele thought the humour of the Freeholder too nice and gentle for such noisy times; and is reported to have said that the ministry made use of a lute, when they should have called for a trumpet. This year (1716) he married the Countess Dowager of Warwick, whom he had solicited by a very long and anxious courtship, perhaps with behaviour not very unlike that of Sir Roger to his disdainful widow: and who, I am afraid, diverted herself often by playing with his passion. He is said to have first known her by becoming tutor to her son.
斯蒂尔认为，在这种嘈杂的时代，自由持有人的幽默太好了，太温柔了;据报道，该部曾说过，当他们应该要求小号时，该部使用了琵琶。这一年（1716年），他娶了沃里克伯爵夫人，他通过漫长而焦急的求爱来追求她，也许她的行为与罗杰爵士对他轻蔑的寡妇的态度并无太大不同：而且，恐怕她经常通过玩弄他的激情来转移自己的注意力。据说他第一次认识她是因为她成为她儿子的家庭教师。

"He formed," said Tonson, "the design of getting that lady, from the time when he was first recommended into the family."
“他形成了，”汤森说，“从他第一次被推荐到这个家庭的时候起，就形成了得到那位女士的设计。

In what part of his life he obtained the recommendation, or how long, and in what manner he lived in the family, I know not. His advances at first were certainly timorous, but grew bolder as his reputation and influence increased; till at last the lady was persuaded to marry him, on terms much like those on which a Turkish princess is espoused, to whom the Sultan is reported to pronounce, "Daughter, I give thee this man for thy slave:" The marriage, if uncontradicted report can be credited, made no addition to his happiness; it neither found them nor made them equal. She always remembered her own rank, and thought herself entitled to treat with very little ceremony the tutor of her son. Rowe's ballad of the Despairing Shepherd is said to have been written, either before or after marriage, upon this memorable pair; and it is certain that Addison has left behind him no encouragement for ambitious love.
他在生命的哪个阶段得到了推荐，或者他多久了，以何种方式生活在家庭中，我不知道。起初，他的进步当然是胆怯的，但随着他的声誉和影响力的增加，他变得更加大胆。直到最后，这位女士被说服嫁给他，条件很像土耳其公主所拥护的条件，据报道，苏丹对她说：“女儿，我把这个人给你做你的奴隶：”这桩婚事，如果可以得到反驳的报道，就不会给他的幸福增加任何好处;它既没有找到他们，也没有使他们平等。她始终记得自己的地位，并认为自己有资格以很少的礼节对待儿子的家庭教师。据说罗的绝望牧羊人的歌谣是在婚前或婚后写给这对难忘的夫妇的。可以肯定的是，艾迪生没有给他留下任何雄心勃勃的爱情的鼓励。

Secretary Of State 国务卿
The year after (1717) he rose to his highest elevation, being made secretary of state. For this employment he might be justly supposed qualified by long practice of business, and by his regular ascent through other offices; but expectation is often disappointed; it is universally confessed that he was unequal to the duties of his place. In the House of Commons he could not speak, and therefore was useless to the defence of the Government. In the office, says Pope, he could not issue an order without losing his time in quest of fine expressions. What he gained in rank, he lost in credit; and, finding by experience his own inability, was forced to solicit his dismission, with a pension of fifteen hundred pounds a year. His friends palliated this relinquishment, of which both friends and enemies knew the true reason, with an account of declining health, and the necessity of recess and quiet.
次年（1717年），他升至最高职位，被任命为国务卿。对于这份工作，他可能被公正地认为是合格的，因为他长期从事商业活动，并且通过他经常在其他职位上晋升;但期望往往落空;人们普遍承认，他与他所在位置的职责不平等。在下议院，他不能说话，因此对政府辩护毫无用处。教宗说，在办公室里，他不能在不浪费时间寻求优美表达的情况下发布命令。他在等级上获得了什么，他在信用上失去了什么;并且，根据经验发现自己的无能为力，被迫要求解雇，每年领取一千五百英镑的养老金。他的朋友们缓和了这种放弃，朋友和敌人都知道其中的真正原因，并解释了健康状况的下降，以及休息和安静的必要性。

He now returned to his vocation, and began to plan literary occupations for his future life. He purposed a tragedy on the death of Socrates; a story of which, as Tickell remarks, the basis is narrow, and to which I know not how love could have been appended. There would, however, have been no want either of virtue in the sentiments, or elegance in the language.
现在，他又回到了自己的职业中，开始为自己的未来生活规划文学职业。他故意在苏格拉底之死上制造悲剧;正如蒂克尔所说，这个故事的基础是狭隘的，我不知道如何可以将爱附加到这个故事中。然而，在情感中既不缺乏美德，也不在语言中缺乏优雅。

He engaged in a nobler work, a defence of the Christian Religion, of which part was published after his death; and he designed to have made a new poetical version of the Psalms.
他从事了一项更崇高的工作，为基督教辩护，其中一部分在他死后出版;他设计了诗篇的新诗意版本。

These pious compositions Pope imputed to a selfish motive, upon the credit, as he owns, of Tonson; who having quarrelled with Addison, and not loving him, said, that, when he laid down the secretary's office, he intended to take orders, and obtain a bishoprick; for, said he, I always thought him a priest in his heart.
这些虔诚的作品被教皇归咎于自私的动机，因为他拥有汤森的功劳;他与艾迪生争吵，不爱他，说，当他放下秘书办公室时，他打算接受命令，并获得一个主教职位;因为，他说，我心里一直认为他是个牧师。

That Pope should have thought this conjecture of Tonson worth remembrance is a proof, but indeed so far as I have found, the only proof, that he retained some malignity from their ancient rivalry. Tonson pretended but to guess it; no other mortal ever suspected it; and Pope might have reflected, that a man who had been secretary of state, in the ministry of Sunderland, knew a nearer way to a bishoprick than by defending Religion, or translating the Psalms.
教皇应该认为唐森的这个猜想值得纪念，这是一个证据，但事实上，就我所发现的，唯一的证据是，他从他们古老的竞争中保留了一些恶毒。汤森假装只是猜到了;没有其他凡人怀疑过;教皇可能会反思，一个曾在桑德兰事工担任国务卿的人，比捍卫宗教或翻译诗篇更接近主教的方法。

Plan For A Dictionary 规划字典
It is related that he had once a design to make an English Dictionary, and that he considered Dr. Tillotson as the writer of highest authority. There was formerly sent to me by Mr. Locker, clerk of the Leathersellers' Company, who was eminent for curiosity and literature, a collection of examples selected from Tillotson's works, as Locker said, by Addison. It came too late to be of use, so I inspected it but slightly, and remember it indistinctly. I thought the passages too short.
与他有关的是，他曾经设计过制作一本英语词典，并且他认为蒂洛森博士是最高权威的作家。以前，皮商公司的职员洛克先生寄给我的，他以好奇心和文学而闻名，这是艾迪生从蒂洛森的作品中选出的一个例子集，正如洛克所说。它来得太晚了，没有用，所以我稍微检查了一下，模糊地记得它。我觉得这些段落太短了。

Addison, however, did not conclude his life in peaceful studies; but relapsed, when he was near his end, to a political dispute.
然而，艾迪生并没有在和平的学习中结束他的生活。但当他快要走到尽头时，他又陷入了一场政治争端。

Dispute With Steele 与斯蒂尔的纠纷
It so happened that (1718-1719) a controversy was agitated, with great vehemence, between those friends of long continuance, Addison and Steele. It may be asked, in the language of Homer, what power or what cause could set them at variance. The subject of their dispute was of great importance. The Earl of Sunderland proposed an act called the Peerage Bill, by which the number of peers should be fixed, and the King restrained from any new creation of nobility, unless when an old family should be extinct. To this the Lords would naturally agree; and the King, who was yet little acquainted with his own prerogative, and, as is now well known, almost indifferent to the possession of the Crown, had been persuaded to consent. The only difficulty was found among the Commons, who were not likely to approve the perpetual exclusion of themselves and their posterity. The bill therefore was eagerly opposed, and among others by Sir Robert Walpole, whose speech was published.
碰巧的是（1718-1719年），在那些长期存在的朋友艾迪生和斯蒂尔之间激起了激烈的争论。用荷马的语言来说，也许有人会问，是什么力量或什么原因使他们产生分歧。他们争论的主题非常重要。桑德兰伯爵（Earl of Sunderland）提出了一项名为“贵族法案”（Peerage Bill）的法案，该法案应确定贵族的数量，并且国王不得产生任何新的贵族，除非旧家族应该灭绝。对此，上议院自然会同意;而国王，他对自己的特权知之甚少，而且，正如现在所知，他对拥有王冠几乎无动于衷，他被说服同意了。唯一的困难是在下议院中发现的，他们不太可能赞成永远排除他们自己和他们的后代。因此，该法案遭到强烈反对，其中包括罗伯特·沃波尔爵士（Sir Robert Walpole），他的演讲发表。

The Lords might think their dignity diminished by improper advancements, and particularly by the introduction of twelve new peers at once, to produce a majority of Tories in the last reign; an act of authority violent enough, yet certainly legal, and by no means to be compared with that contempt of national right, with which some time afterwards, by the instigation of Whiggism, the Commons, chosen by the people for three years, chose themselves for seven. But, whatever might be the disposition of the Lords, the people had no wish to increase their power. The tendency of the bill, as Steele observed in a letter to the Earl of Oxford, was to introduce an Aristocracy; for a majority in the House of Lords, so limited, would have been despotic and irresistible.
上议院可能会认为，由于不适当的进步，特别是同时引入十二个新的同侪，以在上一届统治中产生大多数保守党，他们的尊严被削弱了;一种足够暴力的权威行为，但肯定是合法的，绝不能与那种对民族权利的蔑视相提并论，在这种蔑视之后的一段时间里，在辉格主义的煽动下，由人民选出了三年的下议院，选择了自己七年。但是，无论上议院的性情如何，人民都不希望增加他们的权力。正如斯蒂尔在给牛津伯爵的一封信中所观察到的那样，该法案的倾向是引入贵族制;因为在上议院中，如此有限的多数人将是专制的和不可抗拒的。

To prevent this subversion of the ancient establishment, Steele, whose pen readily seconded his political passions, endeavoured to alarm the nation by a pamphlet called The Plebeian; to this an answer was published by Addison, under the title of The Old Whig, in which it is not discovered that Steele was then known to be the advocate for the Commons. Steele replied by a second Plebeian; and, whether by ignorance or by courtesy, confined himself to his question, without any personal notice of his opponent. Nothing hitherto was committed against the laws of friendship, or proprieties of decency; but controvertists cannot long retain their kindness for each other. The Old Whig answered the Plebeian, and could not forbear some contempt of "little Dicky, whose trade it was to write pamphlets:" Dicky, however, did not lose his settled veneration for his friend; but contented himself with quoting some lines of Cato, which were at once detection and reproof. The bill was laid aside during that session, and Addison died before the next, in which its commitment was rejected by two hundred and sixty-five to one hundred and seventy-seven.
为了防止这种对古老体制的颠覆，斯蒂尔的笔很容易支持他的政治热情，他试图通过一本名为《平民》的小册子来警告全国;对此，艾迪生以《老辉格党》为标题发表了一个答案，其中没有发现斯蒂尔当时被认为是下议院的倡导者。斯蒂尔由第二个平民回答;而且，无论是出于无知还是出于礼貌，他都把自己限制在他的问题上，而没有注意到他的对手的任何个人。迄今为止，没有发生任何违反友谊法则或礼仪的行为;但是，争论者不能长期保持对彼此的善意。老辉格党人回答了平民，他无法忍受对“小迪基的蔑视，他的职业是写小册子”：然而，迪基并没有失去他对朋友的坚定的崇敬;但他满足于引用加图的几句话，这些台词既是发现又是责备。该法案在那届会议期间被搁置，艾迪生在下一次会议之前去世，其中二百六十五票对一百七十七票否决了其承诺。

Every reader surely must regret that these two illustrious friends, after so many years past in confidence and endearment, in unity of interest, conformity of opinion, and fellowship of study, should finally part in acrimonious opposition. Such a controversy was Bellum plusquam civile, as Lucan expresses it. Why could not faction find other advocates? But, among the uncertainties of the human state, we are doomed to number the instability of friendship.
每个读者都必定感到遗憾的是，这两位杰出的朋友，在这么多年后，在自信和爱戴、兴趣一致、观点一致和学习友谊方面，终于在激烈的对立中分道扬镳。正如 Lucan 所表达的那样，这样的争议是 Bellum plusquam civile。为什么派系找不到其他倡导者？但是，在人类状态的不确定性中，我们注定要计算友谊的不稳定性。

Of this dispute I have little knowledge but from the Biographia Britannica. The Old Whig is not inserted in Addison's works, nor is it mentioned by Tickell in his Life; why it was omitted the biographers doubtless give the true reason; the fact was too recent, and those who had been heated in the contention were not yet cool.
关于这场争论，我知之甚少，只能从《大英百科全书》中了解到。老辉格党没有插入到艾迪生的作品中，蒂克尔在他的《生活》中也没有提到它;为什么省略了，传记作者无疑给出了真正的原因;事实是最近才发生的，那些在争吵中被激怒的人还没有冷静下来。

The necessity of complying with times, and of sparing persons, is the great impediment of biography. History may be formed from permanent monuments and records; but Lives can only be written from personal knowledge, which is growing every day less, and in a short time is lost for ever. What is known can seldom be immediately told; and when it might be told, it is no longer known. The delicate features of the mind, the nice discriminations of character, and the minute peculiarities of conduct, are soon obliterated; and it is surely better that caprice, obstinacy, frolick, and folly, however they might delight in the description, should be silently forgotten, than that, by wanton merriment and unseasonable detection, a pang should be given to a widow, a daughter, a brother or a friend. As the process of these narratives is now bringing me among my contemporaries, I begin to feel myself walking upon ashes under which the fire is not extinguished, and coming to the time of which it will be proper rather to say nothing that is false, than all that is true.
顺应时代、不留人亡的必要性，是传记的最大障碍。历史可以由永久性纪念碑和记录形成;但生命只能从个人的知识中写出来，而个人的知识每天都在减少，并且在很短的时间内永远消失了。已知的东西很少能立即被告知;当它可能被告知时，它不再是已知的。心灵的微妙特征，性格的良好辨别力，以及行为的微小特性，很快就被抹去了;当然，任性、顽固、嬉戏和愚蠢，无论他们对描述如何感到高兴，都应该被默默地遗忘，而不是通过肆无忌惮的欢乐和不合时宜的发现，给寡妇、女儿、兄弟或朋友带来痛苦。随着这些叙述的过程现在将我带入我的同时代人之中，我开始感到自己走在火未熄灭的灰烬上，并且来到了一个恰当的时刻，而不是说任何虚假的东西，而不是所有真实的东西。

The end of this useful life was now approaching.—Addison had for some time been oppressed by shortness of breath, which was now aggravated by a dropsy; and, finding his danger pressing, he prepared to die conformably to his own precepts and professions.
现在，这种有益生命的终结已经接近尾声了——艾迪生曾有一段时间被呼吸急促所压迫，现在又因水肿而加剧了这种窒息;而且，他发现自己的危险迫在眉睫，于是他准备按照自己的戒律和职业死去。

Apology To Gay 向同性恋道歉
During this lingering decay, he sent, as Pope relates, a message by the Earl of Warwick to Mr. Gay, desiring to see him: Gay, who had not visited him for some time before, obeyed the summons, and found himself received with great kindness. The purpose for which the interview had been solicited was then discovered; Addison told him that he had injured him; but that, if he recovered, he would recompense him. What the injury was he did not explain, nor did Gay ever know; but supposed that some preferment designed for him, had, by Addison's intervention, been withheld.
正如教皇所说，在这种挥之不去的衰败中，他给盖伊先生送来了一封信，希望能见到他：盖伊以前有一段时间没有去看望过他了，他服从了召唤，并发现自己受到了极大的善意接待。然后，人们发现了征求面谈的目的;艾迪生告诉他，他伤害了他;但是，如果他康复了，他会补偿他。他没有解释受伤的原因，盖伊也不知道;但以为一些为他设计的偏好，在艾迪生的干预下被扣留了。

Lord Warwick was a young man of very irregular life, and perhaps of loose opinions. Addison, for whom he did not want respect, had very diligently endeavoured to reclaim him; but his arguments and expostulations had no effect. One experiment, however, remained to be tried: when he found his life near its end, he directed the young Lord to be called; and when he desired, with great tenderness, to hear his last injunctions, told him, I have sent for you that you may see how a Christian can die. What effect this awful scene had on the Earl I know not; he likewise died himself in a short time.
沃里克勋爵是一个生活非常不规律的年轻人，也许还有一种松散的观点。艾迪生，他不想得到尊重，他非常勤奋地努力找回他;但他的论点和辩解没有效果。然而，有一个实验仍有待尝试：当他发现自己的生命接近尾声时，他指示召唤年轻的主;当他怀着极大的温柔，渴望听到他最后的吩咐时，他告诉他，我已经派人来找你，让你看看一个基督徒是如何死去的。这可怕的一幕对伯爵有什么影响，我不知道;他同样在短时间内自己死了。

In Tickell's excellent Elegy on his friend are these lines:
在蒂克尔关于他的朋友的优秀挽歌中，有这样几句话：

He taught us how to live; and oh! too high
他教我们如何生活;哦！太高
The price of knowledge, taught us how to die.
知识的代价，教会了我们如何死亡。

In which he alludes, as he told Dr. Young, to this moving interview.
正如他告诉杨博士的那样，他在其中暗示了这次感人的采访。

Having given directions to Mr. Tickell for the publication of his works, and dedicated them on his death-bed to his friend Mr. Craggs, he died June 17, 1719, at Holland-house, leaving no child but a daughter.
1719 年 6 月 17 日，他向蒂克尔先生下达了出版其作品的指示，并在临终前将其献给了他的朋友克拉格斯先生，在荷兰之家去世，除了一个女儿外，没有留下任何孩子。

Of his virtue it is a sufficient testimony, that the resentment of party has transmitted no charge of any crime. He was not one of those who are praised only after death; for his merit was so generally acknowledged, that Swift, having observed that his election passed without a contest, adds, that if he had proposed himself for king, he would hardly have been refused.
关于他的美德，这足以证明，党的怨恨没有提出任何犯罪的指控。他不是那种死后才受到赞美的人;因为他的功绩得到了如此普遍的承认，以至于斯威夫特在观察到他的选举没有竞争的情况下通过后，补充说，如果他提名自己为国王，他几乎不会被拒绝。

His zeal for his party did not extinguish his kindness for the merit of his opponents: when he was secretary in Ireland, he refused to intermit his acquaintance with Swift.
他对党的热情并没有熄灭他对对手的优点的善意：当他在爱尔兰担任秘书时，他拒绝中断与斯威夫特的相识。

Timorous or Sullen 胆怯或闷闷不乐
Of his habits, or external manners, nothing is so often mentioned as that timorous or sullen taciturnity, which his friends called modesty by too mild a name. Steele mentions with great tenderness "that remarkable bashfulness, which is a cloak that hides and muffles merit;" and tells us, that "his abilities were covered only by modesty, which doubles the beauties which are seen, and gives credit and esteem to all that are concealed." Chesterfield affirms, that "Addison was the most timorous and awkward man that he ever saw:" And Addison, speaking of his own deficiency in conversation, used to say of himself, that, with respect to intellectual wealth, "he could draw bills for a thousand pounds, though he had not a guinea in his pocket."
在他的习惯或外在举止中，没有什么比那种胆怯或闷闷不乐的沉默寡言更经常被提及的了，他的朋友们用太温和的名字称他为谦虚。斯蒂尔非常温柔地提到“那种非凡的羞怯，这是一种隐藏和掩盖功绩的斗篷”，并告诉我们，“他的能力只是被谦虚所掩盖，这种谦虚使人们看到的美丽加倍，并给予所有被隐藏的人以荣誉和尊重。切斯特菲尔德断言，“艾迪生是他见过的最胆小、最笨拙的人”，艾迪生在谈到他自己在谈话方面的缺陷时，曾经说过，就智力财富而言，“他可以开一千英镑的钞票，尽管他口袋里没有一只几内亚。

That he wanted current coin for ready payment, and by that want was often obstructed and distressed; that he was oppressed by an improper and ungraceful timidity, every testimony concurs to prove; but Chesterfield's representation is doubtless hyperbolical. That man cannot be supposed very unexpert in the arts of conversation and practice of life, who, without fortune or alliance, by his usefulness and dexterity became secretary of state; and who died at forty-seven, after having not only stood long in the highest rank of wit and literature, but filled one of the most important offices of state.
他想要现成的硬币来支付，而这种愿望经常受到阻碍和困扰;他被一种不正当和不优雅的胆怯所压迫，每一个证词都证明了这一点;但切斯特菲尔德的表现无疑是夸张的。这个人不能被认为是在谈话艺术和生活实践方面非常不专家的人，他没有财富或联盟，凭借他的有用性和灵巧成为了国务卿;他在四十七岁时去世，不仅长期站在智慧和文学的最高级别，而且担任了最重要的国家职务之一。

The time in which he lived had reason to lament his obstinacy of silence; "for he was," says Steele, "above all men in that talent called humour, and enjoyed it in such perfection, that I have often reflected, after a night spent with him apart from all the world, that I had had the pleasure of conversing with an intimate acquaintance of Terence and Catullus, who had all their wit and nature, heightened with humour more exquisite and delightful than any other man ever possessed:" This is the fondness of a friend; let us hear what is told us by a rival. "Addison's conversation," says Pope, "had something in it more charming than I have found in any other man. But this was only when familiar: before strangers or perhaps a single stranger, he preserved his dignity by a stiff silence."
他生活的那个时代有理由为他顽固的沉默感到遗憾;斯蒂尔说：“因为他比所有的人都更擅长幽默，而且享受幽默的乐趣，以至于我经常在与他共度一夜之后，与世隔绝，我有幸与特伦斯和卡图卢斯的一位亲密朋友交谈，他们拥有所有的智慧和本性， 幽默感比任何其他人都更精致、更令人愉快：“这是朋友的喜爱;让我们听听竞争对手告诉我们什么。“艾迪生的谈话，”教皇说，“其中有一种比我在任何其他男人身上发现的都更迷人的东西。但这只是在熟悉的时候：在陌生人面前，或者也许是一个陌生人面前，他通过僵硬的沉默来维护自己的尊严。

This modesty was by no means inconsistent with a very high opinion of his own merit. He demanded to be the first name in modern wit; and, with Steele to echo him, used to depreciate Dryden, whom Pope and Congreve defended against them. There is no reason to doubt that he suffered too much pain from the prevalence of Pope's poetical reputation; nor is it without strong reason suspected, that by some disingenuous acts he endeavoured to obstruct it; Pope was not the only man whom he insidiously injured, though the only man of whom he could be afraid.
这种谦虚绝不是与对他自身优点的高度评价相抵触的。他要求成为现代机智中的第一个名字;并且，在斯蒂尔的呼应下，用来贬低德莱顿，教皇和康格里夫为他们辩护。没有理由怀疑，他因教皇的诗歌声誉的盛行而遭受了太多的痛苦;也没有充分的理由怀疑，他通过一些虚伪的行为试图阻挠它;教皇不是唯一一个被他阴险伤害的人，尽管他是唯一一个可以害怕的人。

His own powers were such as might have satisfied him with conscious excellence. Of very extensive learning he has indeed given no proofs. He seems to have had small acquaintance with the sciences, and to have read little except Latin and French; but of the Latin poets his Dialogues on Medals show that he had perused the works with great diligence and skill. The abundance of his own mind left him little need of adventitious sentiments; his wit always could suggest what the occasion demanded. He had read with critical eyes the important volume of human life, and knew the heart of man from the depths of stratagem to the surface of affectation.
他自己的能力足以使他有意识地满足自己。在非常广泛的学习中，他确实没有给出任何证据。他似乎对科学知之甚少，除了拉丁文和法文外，他几乎不识书;但在拉丁诗人中，他的《勋章对话》表明，他以极大的勤奋和技巧仔细阅读了这些作品。他自己的丰富思想使他几乎不需要偶然的情绪;他的机智总是能暗示出这个场合的要求。他以批判的眼光阅读了人类生活的重要篇幅，从阴谋诡计的深处到情感的表面，都了解人的内心。

What he knew he could easily communicate. "This," says Steele, "was particular in this writer, that when he had taken his resolution, or made his plan for what he designed to write, he would walk about a room, and dictate it into language with as much freedom and ease as any one could write it down, and attend to the coherence and grammar of what he dictated."
他知道什么，他可以很容易地传达。“这一点，”斯蒂尔说，“在这位作家身上是特别的，当他下定决心，或者为他所设计的书写出计划时，他会在一个房间里走来走去，以任何人能写下来的自由和轻松的方式，把它口述成语言，并注意他所口述的内容的连贯性和语法。

Slow and Scrupulous 缓慢而谨慎
Pope, who can be less suspected of favouring his memory, declares that he wrote very fluently, but was slow and scrupulous in correcting; that many of his Spectators were written very fast, and sent immediately to the press; and that it seemed to be for his advantage not to have time for much revisal.
教皇不那么怀疑他偏爱他的记忆力，他宣称他写得非常流利，但在纠正方面缓慢而谨慎;他的许多《旁观者》写得非常快，并立即送到出版社;而且似乎对他有利，没有时间进行太多的修改。

"He would alter," says Pope, "any thing to please his friends, before publication; but would not retouch his pieces afterwards: and I believe not one word in Cato, to which I made an objection, was suffered to stand."
“他会改变，”教皇说，“任何让他的朋友满意的事情，在出版之前;但后来他不愿修饰他的作品：我相信，在我提出反对意见的加图中，没有一个字是站不住脚的。

The last line of Cato is Pope's, having been originally written
加图的最后一行是教皇的，最初是写成的

And, oh! 'twas this that ended Cato's life.
而且，哦！“这就是结束加图生命的原因。

Pope might have made more objections to the six concluding lines. In the first couplet the words from hence are improper; and the second line is taken from Dryden's Virgil. Of the next couplet, the first verse being included in the second, is therefore useless; and in the third Discord is made to produce Strife.
教皇可能会对六条结论线提出更多的反对意见。在第一副对联中，“因此”一词不恰当;第二行取自德莱顿的维吉尔。因此，在下一副对联中，第一节包含在第二节中是无用的;在第三个 Discord 中，它是为了产生 Strife 而制作的。

Of the course of Addison's familiar day, before his marriage, Pope has given a detail. He had in the house with him Budgell, and perhaps Philips. His chief companions were Steele, Budgell, Philips, Carey, Davenant, and Colonel Brett. With one or other of these he always breakfasted. He studied all morning; then dined at a tavern, and went afterwards to Button's.
关于艾迪生熟悉的一天，在他结婚之前，教皇已经给出了一个细节。他和他一起在房子里的是布杰尔，也许还有菲利普斯。他的主要同伴是斯蒂尔、布杰尔、菲利普斯、凯里、达文南特和布雷特上校。他总是带着其中的一个或另一个吃早餐。他整个上午都在学习;然后在一家小酒馆吃饭，然后去了巴顿。

Button had been a servant in the Countess of Warwick's family, who, under the patronage of Addison, kept a coffee-house on the south side of Russell-street, about two doors from Covent-garden. Here it was that the wits of that time used to assemble. It is said, that when Addison had suffered any vexation from the countess, he withdrew the company from Button's house.
巴顿曾是沃里克伯爵夫人家族的一名仆人，在艾迪生的赞助下，沃里克伯爵夫人在罗素街南侧经营着一家咖啡馆，距离考文特花园大约两扇门。这就是那个时代的智慧用来聚集的地方。据说，当艾迪生受到伯爵夫人的任何烦恼时，他从巴顿的家里撤回了公司。

From the coffee-house he went again to a tavern, where he often sat late, and drank too much wine. In the bottle, discontent seeks for comfort, cowardice for courage, and bashfulness for confidence. It is not unlikely that Addison was first seduced to excess by the manumission which he obtained from the servile timidity of his sober hours. He that feels oppression from the presence of those to whom he knows himself superior, will desire to set loose his powers of conversation; and who, that ever asked succor from Bacchus, was able to preserve himself from being enslaved by his auxiliary?
从咖啡馆出来，他又去了一家小酒馆，他经常在那里坐到很晚，喝了太多的酒。在瓶子里，不满寻求安慰，怯懦寻求勇气，羞怯寻求自信。艾迪生首先被他从清醒的奴性胆怯中获得的无知所诱惑，这并非不可能。如果一个人在那些他知道自己比自己优越的人面前感到压迫，他会渴望释放他谈话的权力;谁，曾经向巴克斯请求救助，能够保护自己不被他的助手奴役？

A Parson in a Tye-Wig
戴着假发的帕森
Among those friends it was that Addison displayed the elegance of his colloquial accomplishments, which may easily be supposed such as Pope represents them. The remark of Mandeville, who, when he had passed an evening in his company, declared that he was a parson in a tye-wig, can detract little from his character; he was always reserved to strangers, and was not incited to uncommon freedom by a character like that of Mandeville.
在这些朋友中，艾迪生展示了他口语成就的优雅，这很容易被认为是教皇所代表的。曼德维尔（Mandeville）在公司度过了一个晚上时，宣称自己是戴假发的牧师，这句话对他的性格几乎没有影响;他总是对陌生人有所保留，并没有被像曼德维尔这样的角色煽动到非同寻常的自由。

From any minute knowledge of his familiar manners, the intervention of sixty years has now debarred us. Steele once promised Congreve and the public a complete description of his character; but the promises of authors are like the vows of lovers. Steele thought no more on his design, or thought on it with anxiety that at last disgusted him, and left his friend in the hands of Tickell.
从对他熟悉的举止的任何微小了解来看，六十年的干预现在已经使我们失去了资格。斯蒂尔曾向康格里夫和公众承诺对他的性格进行完整的描述;但作者的承诺，就像恋人的誓言。斯蒂尔不再思考他的设计，或者带着焦虑思考，最终使他感到厌恶，并将他的朋友留在了蒂克尔的手中。

One slight lineament of his character Swift has preserved. It was his practice when he found any man invincibly wrong, to flatter his opinions by acquiescence, and sink him yet deeper in absurdity. This artifice of mischief was admired by Stella; and Swift seems to approve her admiration.
斯威夫特保留了他的性格的一小段线。当他发现任何人都犯了不可战胜的错误时，他的做法就是通过默许来奉承他的观点，使他在荒谬的境地更深。这种恶作剧的诡计受到斯黛拉的钦佩。斯威夫特似乎赞同她的钦佩。

His works will supply some information. It appears from his various pictures of the world, that, with all his bashfulness, he had conversed with many distinct classes of men, had surveyed their ways with very diligent observation, and marked with great acuteness the effects of different modes of life. He was a man in whose presence nothing reprehensible was out of danger; quick in discerning whatever was wrong or ridiculous, and not unwilling to expose it. There are, says Steele, in his writings many oblique strokes upon some of the wittiest men of the age. His delight was more to excite merriment than detestation, and he detects follies rather than crimes.
他的作品将提供一些信息。从他对世界的各种描绘中可以看出，尽管他非常害羞，但他与许多不同阶层的人交谈，以非常勤奋的观察观察来观察他们的道路，并以非常敏锐的方式标记出不同生活方式的影响。他是一个在他没有面前，任何应受谴责的事情都不能脱离危险的人;能迅速辨别出任何错误或荒谬的地方，并且不愿意揭露它。斯蒂尔说，在他的著作中，有许多对那个时代一些最诙谐的人的斜描。他的喜悦与其说是憎恶，不如说是激起快乐，他发现的是愚蠢而不是犯罪。

If any judgment be made, from his books, of his moral character, nothing will be found but purity and excellence. Knowledge of mankind indeed, less extensive than that of Addison, will show, that to write, and to live, are very different. Many who praise virtue, do not more than praise it. Yet it is reasonable to believe that Addison's professions and practice were at no great variance, since, amidst that storm of faction in which most of his life was passed, though his station made him conspicuous, and his activity made him formid-, able, the character given him by his friends was never contradicted by his enemies: of those with whom interest or opinion united him, he had not only the esteem, but the kindness; and of others whom the violence of opposition drove against him, though he might lose the love, he retained the reverence.
如果从他的书中对他的道德品质做出任何判断，除了纯洁和卓越之外，什么也找不到。事实上，对人类的了解不如艾迪生那么广泛，它将表明，写作和生活是非常不同的。许多赞美美德的人，只不过是赞美美德而已。然而，我们有理由相信，艾迪生的职业和实践并没有太大的差异，因为在那场他一生中大部分时间都在经历的派系风暴中，尽管他的地位使他引人注目，他的活动使他变得强大，但他的兄弟们赋予他的性格从未与他的敌人相矛盾： 在那些与他有利益或意见的人中，他不仅受到尊重，而且受到仁慈;对于那些因反对的暴力而反对他的人，尽管他可能会失去爱，但他仍然保持着敬畏。

It is justly observed by Tickell, that he employed wit on the side of virtue and religion. He not only made the proper use of wit himself, but taught it to others; and from his time it has been generally subservient to the cause of reason and of truth. He has dissipated the prejudice that had long connected gaiety with vice, and easiness of manners with laxity of principles. He has restored virtue to its dignity, and taught innocence not to be ashamed. This is an elevation of literary character, above all Greek, above all Roman fame. No greater felicity can genius attain than that of having purified intellectual pleasure, separated mirth from indecency, and wit from licentiousness; of having taught a succession of writers to bring elegance and gaiety to the aid of goodness; and, if I may use expressions yet more awful, of having turned many to righteousness.
蒂克尔公正地观察到，他在美德和宗教方面运用了智慧。他不仅自己正确地运用了智慧，而且将其传授给他人;从他那个时代开始，它就普遍服从于理性和真理的事业。他消除了长期以来将快乐与恶习、举止的轻松与原则的松懈联系在一起的偏见。他恢复了美德的尊严，并教导纯真不要感到羞耻。这是对文学品格的提升，高于所有希腊人，高于所有罗马人的名声。天才所能获得的最大幸福莫过于净化了智力的快乐，将欢乐与淫秽分开，将智慧与放荡分开;教导了一连串的作家，将优雅和欢乐带入善良的帮助;而且，如果我可以使用更可怕的表达方式，那就是使许多人归向正义。

Addison's Works 艾迪生的作品
Addison, in his life, and for some time afterwards, was considered by the greater part of readers as supremely excelling both in poetry and criticism. Part of his reputation may be probably ascribed to the advancement of his fortune: when, as Swift observes, he became a statesman, and saw poets waiting at his levee, it is no wonder that praise was accumulated upon him. Much likewise may be more honourably ascribed to his personal character: he who, if he had claimed it, might have obtained the diadem, was not likely to be denied the laurel.
艾迪生在他的一生中，以及之后的一段时间里，被大多数读者认为在诗歌和批评方面都非常出色。他的名声可能部分归因于他的财富增长：正如斯威夫特所观察到的那样，当他成为一名政治家，看到诗人在他的堤坝旁等候时，难怪人们对他赞不绝口。同样，更能体面地归因于他的个人品格：如果他声称拥有王冠，他可能会获得王冠，但不太可能被剥夺桂冠。

But time quickly puts an end to artificial and accidental fame; and Addison is to pass through futurity protected only by his genius. Every name which kindness of interest once raised too high, is in danger, lest the next age should, by the vengeance of criticism, sink it in the same proportion. A great writer has lately styled him an indifferent poet, and a worse critic.
但时间很快就结束了人为和意外的名声;而艾迪生将穿越只有他的天才才能保护的未来。每一个曾经被仁慈抬高过高的名字，都处于危险之中，唯恐下一个时代因批评的报复而将其以同样的比例沉沦。一位伟大的作家最近给他塑造了一个冷漠的诗人，一个更糟糕的批评家。

His poetry is first to be considered; of which it must be confessed that it has not often those felicities of diction which give lustre to sentiments, or that vigour of sentiment that animates diction: there is little of ardour, vehemence, or transport; there is very rarely the awfulness of grandeur, and not very often the splendour of elegance. He thinks justly; but he thinks faintly. This is his general character; to which, doubtless, many single passages will furnish exceptions.
他的诗歌首先要被考虑;必须承认的是，它并不经常具有那些使情感增添光彩的措辞，或者使措辞充满活力的情感活力：几乎没有热情、激烈或运输;很少有宏伟的可怕，也不经常有优雅的辉煌。他思考得公正;但他隐隐约约地想着。这是他的一般性格;毫无疑问，许多单一的段落会提供例外。

Yet, if he seldom reaches supreme excellence, he rarely sinks into dulness, and is still more rarely entangled in absurdity. He did not trust his powers enough to be negligent. There is in most of his compositions a calmness and equability, deliberate and cautious, sometimes with little that delights, but seldom with any thing that offends.
然而，如果他很少达到无上的完美，他就很少陷入沉闷，更很少陷入荒谬的纠缠。他对自己的能力不够信任，以至于疏忽大意。在他的大部分作品中，都有一种冷静和平等，深思熟虑和谨慎，有时几乎没有什么令人愉快的东西，但很少有任何冒犯的东西。

Of this kind seem to be his poems to Dryden, to Somers, and to the King. His ode on St. Cecilia has been imitated by Pope, and has something in it of Dryden's vigour. Of his Account of the English Poets, he used to speak as a poor thing; but it is not worse than his usual strain. He has said, not very judiciously, in his character of Waller:
他写给德莱顿、写给萨默斯和国王的诗似乎就是这种。他对圣塞西莉亚的颂歌被教皇模仿，其中有一些德莱顿的活力。在《英国诗人记述》中，他常常说得像个可怜的东西;但并不比他平时的劳损差。他在扮演沃勒这个角色时说过，但不是很明智：

Thy verse could show even Cromwell's innocence,
你的诗句甚至可以显示克伦威尔的清白，
And compliment the storms that bore him hence.
并赞美因此而使他感到烦躁的暴风雨。
O! had thy Muse not come an age too soon,
O!如果你的缪斯女神没有过早地到来，
But seen great Nassau on the British throne,
但看到伟大的拿骚登上了英国王位，
How had his triumph glittered in thy page! —
祂的胜利是如何在你的书页上闪闪发光的！—

What is this but to say that he who could compliment Cromwell had been the proper poet for King William? Addison, however, never printed the piece.
这除了说那个能赞美克伦威尔的人就是威廉国王的合适诗人之外，还有什么呢？然而，艾迪生从未印刷过这篇文章。

The Letter from Italy has been always praised, but has never been praised beyond its merit. It is more correct, with less appearance of labour, and more elegant, with less ambition of ornament, than any other of his poems. There is, however, one broken metaphor, of which notice may properly be taken:
《意大利来信》一直受到称赞，但从未得到过超越其优点的称赞。比起他的任何其他诗歌，它更正确，看起来不那么劳累，更优雅，更少装饰的野心。然而，有一个破碎的比喻，可以适当地注意到这一点：

Fired with that name —
用这个名字被解雇——
I bridle in my struggling Muse with pain,
我痛苦地束缚着挣扎的缪斯女神，
That longs to launch into a nobler strain.
它渴望发射成一种更高贵的菌株。

To bridle a goddess is no very delicate idea; but why must she be bridled? because she longs to launch? an act which was never hindered by a bridle: and whither will she launch? into a nobler strain. She is in the first line a horse, in the second a boat; and the care of the poet is to keep his horse or his boat from singing.
给女神系上缰绳并不是一个很微妙的想法;但为什么必须对她进行束缚呢？因为她渴望发射？这一行为从未受到缰绳的阻碍：她将向何方发射？变成一种更高贵的菌株。她在第一行是一匹马，在第二行是一艘船;诗人的注意是防止他的马或他的船唱歌。

The next composition is the far-famed Campaign, which Dr. Warton has termed a Gazette in Rhyme, with harshness not often used by the good-nature of his criticism. Before a censure so severe is admitted, let us consider that War is a frequent subject of Poetry, and then enquire who has described it with more justness and force. Many of our own writers tried their powers upon this year of victory, yet Addison's is confessedly the best performance; his poem is the work of a man not blinded by the dust of learning: his images are not borrowed merely from books. The superiority which he confers upon his hero is not personal prowess, and mighty bone, but deliberate intrepidity, a calm command of his passions, and the power of consulting his own mind in the midst of danger. The rejection and contempt of fiction is rational and manly.
下一部作品是远近闻名的《运动》，沃顿博士将其称为“押韵公报”，他的批评的善良本质并不经常使用严厉。在承认如此严厉的谴责之前，让我们考虑一下战争是诗歌中常见的主题，然后询问谁更公正和有力地描述了它。我们自己的许多作家都在这个胜利的年份尝试了他们的力量，但艾迪生的表演无疑是最好的;他的诗是一个没有被学习的尘埃蒙蔽的人的作品：他的意象不仅仅是从书本上借来的。他赋予他的英雄的优越感不是个人的实力和强大的骨骼，而是深思熟虑的勇气，冷静地控制自己的激情，以及在危险中咨询自己思想的力量。对小说的拒绝和蔑视，是理性的，也是男子气概的。

It may be observed that the last line is imitated by Pope:
可以看出，最后一句话是教皇模仿的：

Marlborough's exploits appear divinely bright—
马尔堡的功绩似乎是神圣的光明——
Raised of themselves, their genuine charms they boast,
他们自己长大，他们吹嘘自己的真正魅力，
And those that paint them truest, praise them most.
那些把它们描绘得最真实的人，最赞美它们。

This Pope had in his thoughts; but, not knowing how to use what was not his own, he spoiled the thought when he had borrowed it.
这位教皇在他心中的想法;但是，由于不知道如何使用不属于他自己的东西，当他借用它时，他就破坏了这个想法。

The well-sung woes shall soothe my ghost;
歌颂的祸患，必抚慰我的鬼魂;
He best can paint them who shall feel them most.
他最能画出谁能最能感受到他们。

Martial exploits may be painted; perhaps woes may be painted; but they are surely not painted by being well-sung: it is not easy to paint in song, or to sing in colours.
可以画出军事功绩;也许可以描绘出灾难;但是，它们肯定不是通过唱得好而画出来的：在歌声中作画，或用色彩歌唱，都不容易。

No passage in the Campaign has been more often mentioned than the simile of the Angel, which is said in the Tatler to be one of the noblest thoughts that ever entered into the heart of man, and is therefore worthy of attentive consideration. Let it be first enquired whether it be a simile. A poetical simile is the discovery of likeness between two actions in their general nature dissimilar, or of causes terminating by different operations in some resemblance of effect. But the mention of another like consequence from a like cause, or of a like performance by a like agency, is not a simile, but an exemplification. It is not a simile to say that the Thames waters fields, as the Po waters fields; or that as Hecla vomits flames in Iceland, so AEtna vomits flames in Sicily. When Horace says of Pindar, that he pours his violence and rapidity of verse, as a river swollen with rain rushes from the mountain; or of himself, that his genius wanders in quest of poetical decorations, as the bee wanders to collect honey; he, in either case, produces a simile; the mind is impressed with the resemblance of things generally unlike, as unlike as intellect and body. But if Pindar had been described as writing with the copiousness and grandeur of Homer, or Horace had told that he reviewed and finished his own poetry with the same care as Isocrates polished his orations, instead of similitude he would have exhibited almost identity; he would have given the same portraits with different names. In the poem now examined, when the English are represented as gaining a fortified pass, by repetition of attack and perseverance of resolution; their obstinacy of courage, and vigour of onset, is well illustrated by the sea that breaks, with incessant battery, the dikes of Holland. This is a simile: but when Addison, having celebrated the beauty of Marlborough's person, tells us that Achilles thus was formed with every grace, here is no simile, but a mere exemplification. A simile may be compared to lines converging at a point, and is more excellent as the lines approach from greater distance: an exemplification may be considered as two parallel lines which run on together without approximation, never far separated, and never joined.
在这场运动中，没有比天使的比喻更常被提及的段落了，在《Tatler》中，天使的比喻被认为是有史以来最崇高的思想之一，因此值得仔细考虑。让我们首先询问它是否是一个明喻。诗意的明喻是发现两个动作在其一般性质上不同的相似性，或者发现因不同的操作而终止的原因在某种程度上是相似的。但是，从相似的原因中提到另一个相似的后果，或者提到一个相似的机构做出类似的表现，这不是一个明喻，而是一个例子。说泰晤士河给田地浇水，就像波河给田地浇水一样，这不是一个比喻;或者就像 Hecla 在冰岛吐出火焰一样，AEtna 也在西西里岛吐出火焰。当贺拉斯谈到品达时，他倾注了他的暴力和急促的诗句，就像一条被雨水淹没的河流从山上涌出;或者是他自己，他的天才在寻求诗意的装饰中徘徊，就像蜜蜂在收集蜂蜜一样;无论哪种情况，他都会产生一个明喻;心灵对事物的相似性印象深刻，这些事物通常与智力和身体不同。但是，如果品达被描述为以荷马的丰富和宏伟的写作方式写作，或者贺拉斯告诉他，他以与伊索克拉底打磨他的演说一样的谨慎来评论和完成自己的诗歌，那么他就会表现出几乎相同的身份;他会给出相同的肖像，但名字不同。 在现在所研究的这首诗中，当英国人被描绘成通过重复的攻击和坚韧不拔的决心获得一个坚固的通行证时;他们顽强的勇气和起步的活力，从海浪中清楚地说明了这一点，海水以无休止的炮台冲破了荷兰的堤坝。这是一个比喻：但是，当艾迪生在赞美了马尔堡人的美丽之后，告诉我们阿喀琉斯是以各种优雅而形成的，这里不是明喻，而只是一个例子。明喻可以比作在一点汇合的线，并且随着线从更远的距离接近而更加出色：示例可以被认为是两条平行线，它们在没有近似的情况下一起运行，永远不会相距很远，也永远不会连接。

Marlborough is so like the angel in the poem, that the action of both is almost the same, and performed by both in the same manner. Marlborough teaches the battle to rage; the angel directs the storm: Marlborough is unmoved in peaceful thought; the angel is calm and serene: Marlborough stands unmoved amidst the shock of hosts; the angel rides calm in the whirlwind. The lines on Marlborough are just and noble; but the simile gives almost the same images a second time.
马尔堡就像诗中的天使一样，两者的动作几乎相同，并且由两者以相同的方式进行。马尔堡教导战斗要愤怒;天使指挥风暴：马尔堡在平静的思想中不为所动;天使是平静而安详的：马尔堡在主人的震惊中无动于衷;天使在旋风中平静地骑行。马尔堡的线路公正而高贵;但是这个比喻第二次给出了几乎相同的图像。

But perhaps this thought, though hardly a simile, was remote from vulgar conceptions, and required great labour of research, or dexterity of application. Of this, Dr. Madden, a name which Ireland ought to honour, once gave me his opinion.
但也许这种思想虽然算不上一个比喻，却与庸俗的观念相去甚远，需要大量的研究工作或应用的灵巧性。关于这一点，马登博士，一个爱尔兰应该尊重的名字，曾经给了我他的看法。

"If I had set, said he, ten school-boys to write on the battle of Blenheim, and eight had brought me the Angel, I should not have been surprised."
“他说，如果我安排十个小学生来写关于布伦海姆战役的文章，其中八个给我带来了天使，我就不会感到惊讶了。

The Opera Rosamond 罗莎蒙德歌剧院
The opera of Rosamond, though it is seldom mentioned, is one of the first of Addison's compositions. The subject is well-chosen, the fiction is pleasing, and the praise of Marlborough, for which the scene gives an opportunity, is, what perhaps every human excellence must be, the product of good-luck improved by genius. The thoughts are sometimes great, and sometimes tender; the versification is easy and gay. There is doubtless some advantage in the shortness of the lines, which there is little temptation to load with expletive epithets. The dialogue seems commonly better than the songs. The two comick characters of Sir Trusty and Grideline, though of no great value, are yet such as the poet intended. Sir Trusty's account of the death of Rosamond is, I think, too grossly absurd. The whole drama is airy and elegant; engaging in its process, and pleasing in its conclusion. If Addison had cultivated the lighter parts of poetry, he would probably have excelled.
罗莎蒙德的歌剧虽然很少被提及，但它是艾迪生的第一部作品之一。题材选得好，小说赏心悦目，对马尔堡的赞美，这个场景给了一个机会，也许是每个人的卓越都必须具备的，是天才改善的好运的产物。这些想法有时是伟大的，有时是温柔的;诗句简单而同性恋。毫无疑问，这些台词的短小精悍有一些优势，几乎没有诱惑去加载脏话的绰号。对话似乎通常比歌曲更好。特拉斯蒂爵士和格里德琳这两个喜剧人物虽然价值不大，但还是如诗人所希望的那样。我认为，托斯蒂爵士对罗莎蒙德之死的叙述太荒谬了。整部剧轻盈典雅;参与其过程，并令人高兴地得出结论。如果艾迪生培养了诗歌中较轻的部分，他可能会表现出色。

The tragedy of Cato, which, contrary to the rule observed in selecting the works of other poets, has by the weight of its character forced its way into the late collection, is unquestionably the noblest production of Addison's genius. Of a work so much read, it is difficult to say any thing new. About things on which the public thinks long, it commonly attains to think right; and of Cato it has been not unjustly determined, that it is rather a poem in dialogue than a drama, rather a succession of just sentiments in elegant language, than a representation of natural affections, or of any state probable or possible in human life. Nothing here excites or assuages emotion; here is no magical power of raising phantastick terror or wild anxiety. The events are expected without solicitude, and are remembered without joy or sorrow. Of the agents we have no care; we consider not what they are doing, or what they are suffering; we wish only to know what they have to say. Cato is a being above our solicitude; a man of whom the gods take care, and whom we leave to their care with heedless confidence. To the rest, neither gods nor men can have much attention; for there is not one amongst them that strongly attracts either affection or esteem. But they are made the vehicles of such sentiments and such expression, that there is scarcely a scene in the play which the reader does not wish to impress upon his memory.
加图的悲剧，与选择其他诗人作品时所遵循的规则相反，因其性格的重量而被迫进入晚期诗集，无疑是艾迪生天才的最崇高的作品。对于一部阅读量如此之大的作品，很难说出任何新的东西。对于公众思考很久的事情，通常都会想得对;关于加图，这并不是不公正地确定的，它更像是一首对话诗，而不是戏剧，而是优雅语言中一连串的正义情感，而不是自然情感的表现，或人类生活中可能或可能的任何状态的表现。这里没有任何东西可以激发或缓解情绪;这里没有引起幻影恐惧或疯狂焦虑的神奇力量。这些事件是没有关怀地预期的，并且在没有喜悦或悲伤的情况下被记住。在代理人中，我们毫不关心;我们不考虑他们在做什么，或者他们正在遭受什么;我们只想知道他们要说什么。加图是一个超越我们关怀的存在;一个众神照顾的人，我们毫不留情地让他们照顾他。对其他人来说，神和人都不能受到太多关注;因为在他们中间，没有一个能强烈地吸引人的爱戴或尊重。但是，它们被塑造成这种情感和表达的载体，以至于剧中几乎没有一个场景是读者不希望在他的记忆中留下深刻印象的。

When Cato was shown to Pope, he advised the author to print it, without any theatrical exhibition; supposing that it would be read more favourably than heard. Addison declared himself of the same opinion; but urged the importunity of his friends for its appearance on the stage. The emulation of parties made it successful beyond expectation, and its success has introduced or confirmed among us the use of dialogue too declamatory, of unaffecting elegance, and chill philosophy.
当加图被展示给教皇时，他建议作者印刷它，没有任何戏剧展览;假设它被解读比听到更有利。艾迪生宣称自己持同样的观点;但他的朋友们却因为其在舞台上的出现而大呼过瘾。各方的效仿使它取得了超出预期的成功，它的成功在我们中间引入或证实了对对话的使用过于煽动性、冷静的优雅和冷酷的哲学。

The universality of applause, however it might quell the censure of common mortals, had no other effect than to harden Dennis in fixed dislike; but his dislike was not merely capricious. He found and showed many faults: he showed them indeed with anger, but he found them with acuteness, such as ought to rescue his criticism from oblivion; though, at last, it will have no other life than it derives from the work which it endeavours to oppress.
掌声的普遍性，无论它可能平息普通人的谴责，除了使丹尼斯在固定的厌恶中变得坚硬之外，没有其他效果;但他的厌恶不仅仅是反复无常。他发现并展示了许多缺点：他确实是愤怒地表现出来的，但他尖锐地发现了它们，例如应该把他的批评从遗忘中拯救出来;然而，到最后，它除了从它试图压迫的工作中得到之外，将没有其他生命。

Why he pays no regard to the opinion of the audience, he gives his reason, by remarking, that
为什么他不考虑观众的意见，他给出了他的理由，通过评论说：

"A deference is to be paid to a general applause, when it appears that that applause is natural and spontaneous; but that little regard is to be had to it, when it is affected and artificial. Of all the tragedies which in his memory have had vast and violent runs, not one has been excellent, few have been tolerable, most have been scandalous. When a poet writes a tragedy, who knows he has judgement, and who feels he has genius, that poet presumes upon his own merit, and scorns to make a cabal. That people come coolly to the representation of such a tragedy, without any violent expectation, or delusive imagination, or invincible prepossession; that such an audience is liable to receive the impressions which the poem shall naturally make in them, and to judge by their own reason, and their own judgements, and that reason and judgement are calm and serene, not formed by nature to make proselytes, and to controul and lord it over the imaginations of others. But that when an author writes a tragedy, who knows he has neither genius nor judgement, he has recourse to the making a party, and he endeavours to make up in industry what is wanting in talent, and to supply by poetical craft the absence of poetical art; that such an author is humbly contented to raise men's passions by a plot without doors, since he despairs of doing it by that which he brings upon the stage. That party, and passion, and prepossession, are clamorous and tumultuous things, and so much the more clamorous and tumultuous by how much the more erroneous: that they domineer and tyrannize over the imaginations of persons who want judgement, and sometimes too of those who have it; and, like a fierce and outrageous torrent, bear down all opposition before them."
“当普遍的掌声似乎是自然的和自发的时，应尊重这种掌声;但是，当它受到影响和人为地影响时，就不应该对它给予很少的重视。在他记忆中发生过大规模和暴力的所有悲剧中，没有一个是好的，很少有是可以容忍的，大多数是可耻的。当一个诗人写一个悲剧，他知道自己有判断力，他觉得自己有天才，那么这个诗人就假定了自己的优点，并蔑视制造阴谋集团。人们冷静地呈现这样的悲剧，没有任何暴力的期望，或妄想的想象，或不可战胜的占有;这样的听众很容易接受诗歌自然而然地在他们身上留下的印象，并根据他们自己的理性和自己的判断来判断，而理性和判断是平静和安详的，不是天生形成的，是为了使人信奉教，并争夺和支配他人的想象。但是，当一个作家写悲剧时，他知道自己既没有天才，也没有判断力，他就不得不求助于制造一个派对，他努力在工业中弥补天赋的不足，并通过诗歌的手艺来弥补诗歌艺术的缺失;这样的作家谦卑地满足于通过一个没有门的情节来激发人们的激情，因为他对通过他带到舞台上的东西来做到这一点感到绝望。那个党派，激情和占有欲，是喧嚣和喧嚣的东西，而且更加喧嚣和喧嚣，因为错误也就越多：它们专横和专横地支配着那些想要评判的人的想象力，有时也支配着那些拥有评判的人的想象力;并且，像一股凶猛而令人发指的洪流，在他们面前压倒一切反对派。

He then condemns the neglect of poetical justice; which is always one of his favourite principles.
然后，他谴责对诗意正义的忽视;这始终是他最喜欢的原则之一。

"It is certainly the duty of every tragick poet, by the exact distribution of poetical justice, to imitate the Divine Dispensation, and to inculcate a particular Providence. It is true, indeed, upon the stage of the world, the wicked sometimes prosper, and the guiltless suffer. But that is permitted by the Governor of the world, to show, from the attribute of his infinite justice, that there is a compensation in futurity, to prove the immortality of the human soul, and the certainty of future rewards and punishments. But the poetical persons in tragedy exist no longer than the reading, or the representation; the whole extent of their entity is circumscribed by those; and therefore, during that reading or representation, according to their merits or demerits, they must be punished or rewarded. If this is not done, there is no impartial distribution of poetical justice, no instructive lecture of a particular Providence, and no imitation of the Divine Dispensation. And yet the author of this tragedy does not only run counter to this, in the fate of his principal character; but every where, throughout it, makes virtue suffer, and vice triumph: for not only Cato is vanquished by Caesar, but the treachery and perfidiousness of Syphax prevails over the honest simplicity and the credulity of Juba; and the sly subtlety and dissimulation of Portius over the generous frankness and open-hearted ness of Marcus."
“当然，每个悲剧诗人都有责任，通过诗歌正义的精确分配，模仿神圣的时代，并灌输特定的天意。的确，在世界的舞台上，恶人有时会繁荣，而无罪的人会受苦。但是，这是世界的统治者所允许的，从他无限的正义属性中表明，在未来存在着一种补偿，以证明人类灵魂的不朽，以及未来奖赏和惩罚的确定性。但是，悲剧中的诗人人物的存在时间并不比阅读或表现更长;他们实体的整个范围都受到这些限制;因此，在阅读或陈述过程中，根据他们的优点或缺点，他们必须受到惩罚或奖励。如果不这样做，就没有公正的诗意正义分配，就没有对特定天意的指导性讲课，也没有对神圣福音期的模仿。然而，这部悲剧的始作俑者不仅与他的主角的命运背道而驰;但是，在整处，都使美德受苦，使罪恶得胜：因为不仅加图被凯撒打败，而且西法克斯的背信弃义压倒了朱巴的诚实朴素和轻信;以及波蒂乌斯的狡猾狡猾和不善于伪装，而不是马库斯的慷慨坦率和心胸开阔。

Whatever pleasure there may be in seeing crimes punished and virtue rewarded, yet, since wickedness often prospers in real life, the poet is certainly at liberty to give it prosperity on the stage. For if poetry has an imitation of reality, how are its laws broken by exhibiting the world in its true form? The stage may sometimes gratify our wishes; but, if it be truly the mirror of life, it ought to show us sometimes what we are to expect.
无论看到罪行受到惩罚和美德得到奖赏会带来怎样的乐趣，然而，由于邪恶在现实生活中经常盛行，诗人当然可以自由地在舞台上赋予它繁荣。因为如果诗歌是对现实的模仿，那么它是如何通过以真实的形式展示世界而打破它的法则的呢？舞台有时可以满足我们的愿望;但是，如果它真的是生活的镜子，它有时应该向我们展示我们所期待的。

Dennis objects to the characters that they are not natural, or reasonable; but as heroes and heroines are not beings that are seen every day, it is hard to find upon what principles their conduct shall be tried. It is, however, not useless to consider what he says of the manner in which Cato receives the account of his son's death.
丹尼斯反对这些角色，认为他们不自然，也不合理;但是，由于英雄和女英雄不是每天都能看到的生物，因此很难找到他们的行为应该受到什么原则的审判。然而，考虑一下他对加图如何接受他儿子死亡的叙述的看法，这并非毫无用处。

"Nor is the grief of Cato, in the Fourth Act, one jot more in nature than that of his son and Lucia in the third. Cato receives the news of his son's death not only with dry eyes, but with a sort of satisfaction; and in the same page sheds tears for the calamity of his country, and does the same thing in the next page upon the bare apprehension of the danger of his friends. Now, since the love of one's country is the love of one's countrymen, as I have shown upon another occasion, I desire to ask these questions: Of all our countrymen, which do we love most, those whom we know, or those whom we know not? And of those whom we know, which do we cherish most, our friends or our enemies? And of our friends, which are the dearest to us? those who are related to us, or those who are not? And of all our relations, for which have we most tenderness, for those who are near to us, or for those who are remote? And of our near relations, which are the nearest, and consequently the dearest to us, our offspring or others? Our offspring, most certainly; as nature, or in other words Providence, has wisely contrived for the preservation of mankind. Now, does it not follow, from what has been said, that for a man to receive the news of his son's death with dry eyes, and to weep at the same time for the calamities of his country, is a wretched affectation, and a miserable inconsistency? Is not that, in plain English, to receive with dry eyes the news of the deaths of those for whose sake our country is a name so dear to us, and at the same time to shed tears for those for whose sakes our country is not a name so dear to us?"
“在第四幕中，加图的悲痛在本质上也不比他的儿子和第三幕中的露西亚的悲痛多一点。加图收到儿子去世的消息时，不仅眼神干涩，而且心满意足。在同一页中，他为他的国家的灾难流下了眼泪，在下一页中，他赤裸裸地意识到他的朋友的危险，做了同样的事情。现在，正如我在另一个场合所表明的那样，既然对一个国家的热爱就是对一个同胞的爱，我想问这些问题：在我们所有的同胞中，我们最爱谁，我们认识的人，还是我们不认识的人？在我们认识的人中，我们最珍惜的是哪个，我们的朋友还是我们的敌人？而我们的朋友，哪些是我们最亲爱的？那些与我们有关的人，还是那些没有关系的人？在我们所有的关系中，我们对那些离我们近的人或那些遥远的人最温柔？而我们的近亲，哪些是最亲近的，因此对我们、我们的后代或其他人来说是最亲爱的？我们的后代，最肯定;因为大自然，或者换句话说，普罗维登斯，明智地为保护人类而努力。现在，从上述情况来看，一个人在收到儿子死亡的消息时眼干舌燥，同时为国家的灾难而哭泣，这难道不是一种可悲的感情和可悲的矛盾吗？用通俗易懂的英语来说，这难道不是在以干涩的眼睛接收那些我们的国家对我们来说如此珍贵的人的死亡消息，同时为那些我们的国家对我们来说不是如此珍贵的名字的人流泪吗？

But this formidable assailant is least resistible when he attacks the probability of the action, and the reasonableness of the plan. Every critical reader must remark, that Addison has, with a scrupulosity almost unexampled on the English stage, confined himself in time to a single day, and in place to rigorous unity. The scene never changes and the whole action of the play passes in the great hall of Cato's house at Utica. Much therefore is done in the hall, for which any other place had been more fit; and this impropriety affords Dennis many hints of merriment, and opportunities of triumph. The passage is long; but as such disquisitions are not common, and the objections are skilfully formed and vigorously urged, those who delight in critical controversy will not think it tedious.
但是，当这个强大的攻击者攻击行动的可能性和计划的合理性时，他是最不可抗拒的。每个挑剔的读者都必须指出，艾迪生在英国舞台上几乎无所例的谨慎态度，将自己的时间限制在一天之内，并严格统一。场景从未改变，戏剧的整个动作都在尤蒂卡的卡托家的大厅里经过。因此，在大厅里做了很多工作，任何其他地方都更适合这样做;这种不当行为为丹尼斯提供了许多欢乐的暗示和胜利的机会。通道很长;但是，由于这种争论并不常见，而且反对意见的形成巧妙且积极敦促，那些喜欢批评性争论的人不会认为它乏味。

Such is the censure of Dennis. There is, as Dryden expresses it, perhaps too much horse play in his raillery; but if his jests are coarse, his arguments are strong. Yet as we love better to be pleased than to be taught, Cato is read, and the critic is neglected.
这就是对丹尼斯的谴责。正如德莱顿所表达的那样，也许他的栏杆上有太多的马戏;但是，如果他的玩笑是粗俗的，他的论点就很有力。然而，正如我们更喜欢高兴而不是被教导一样，加图被阅读，批评家被忽视。

Flushed with consciousness of these detections of absurdity in the conduct, he afterwards attacked the sentiments of Cato; but he then amused himself with petty cavils, and minute objections.
他意识到这些行为中的荒谬性，随后他攻击了加图的情绪。但随后他用琐碎的嘲讽和微小的反对意见来娱乐自己。

Of Addison's smaller poems, no particular mention is necessary; they have little that can employ or require a critic. The parallel of the Princes and Gods, in his verses to Kneller, is often happy, but is too well known to be quoted.
在艾迪生的小诗中，没有必要特别提及;他们几乎没有什么可以雇用或需要批评家的东西。在他对克内勒的诗句中，王子和众神的相似之处常常令人高兴，但太广为人知而无法引用。

His translations, so far as I have compared them, want the exactness of a scholar. That he understood his authors cannot be doubted; but his versions will not teach others to understand them, being too licentiously paraphrastical. They are, however, for the most part, smooth and easy; and, what is the first excellence of a translator, such as may be read with pleasure by those who do not know the originals.
就我所比较的而言，他的翻译希望具有学者的精确性。他理解他的作者是毋庸置疑的;但他的版本不会教别人理解它们，过于放荡地释义。然而，在大多数情况下，它们既顺畅又简单;而且，翻译者的第一个优点是什么，例如那些不了解原文的人可能会愉快地阅读。

His poetry is polished and pure; the product of a mind too judicious to commit faults, but not sufficiently vigorous to attain excellence. He has sometimes a striking line, or a shining paragraph; but in the whole he is warm rather than fervid, and shows more dexterity than strength. He was, however, one of our earliest examples of correctness.
他的诗歌优美而纯粹;这是一个头脑过于明智而不会犯错误，但又不够精力而无法达到卓越的产物。他有时有一句引人注目的台词，或一段闪亮的段落;但总的来说，他是温暖的而不是狂热的，并且表现出更多的灵巧而不是力量。然而，他是我们最早的正确例子之一。

The versification which he had learned from Dryden, he debased rather than refined. His rhymes are often dissonant; in his Georgick he admits broken lines. He uses both triplets and alexandrines, but triplets more frequently in his translations than his other works. The mere structure of verses seems never to have engaged much of his care. But his lines are very smooth in Rosamond, and too smooth in Cato.
他从德莱顿那里学到的诗句，他贬低了而不是提炼了。他的韵律经常不和谐;在他的《乔治克》中，他承认了断线。他同时使用三胞胎和亚历山大猫，但在他的翻译中比他的其他作品更频繁地使用三胞胎。仅仅是诗句的结构似乎从未引起他的太多关注。但他的台词在罗莎蒙德非常流畅，在加图中太流畅了。

Addison is now to be considered as a critic; a name which the present generation is scarcely willing to allow him. His criticism is condemned as tentative or experimental, rather than scientifick, and he is considered as deciding by taste rather than by principles.
艾迪生现在被视为批评家;这个名字是当代人几乎不愿意让他去的。他的批评被谴责为试探性的或实验性的，而不是科学的，他被认为是由品味而不是原则决定的。

It is not uncommon for those who have grown wise by the labour of others, to add a little of their own, and overlook their masters. Addison is now despised by some who perhaps would never have seen his defects, but by the lights which he afforded them. That he always wrote as he would think it necessary to write now, cannot be affirmed; his instructions were such as the character of his readers made proper. That general knowledge which now circulates in common talk, was in his time rarely to be found. Men not professing learning were not ashamed of ignorance; and in the female world, any acquaintance with books was distinguished only to be censured. His purpose was to infuse literary curiosity, by gentle and unsuspected conveyance, into the gay, the idle, and the wealthy; he therefore presented knowledge in the most alluring form, not lofty and austere, but accessible and familiar, When he showed them their defects, he showed them likewise that they might be easily supplied. His attempt succeeded; enquiry was awakened, and comprehension expanded. An emulation of intellectual elegance was excited, and from his time to our own, life has been gradually exalted, and conversation purified and enlarged.
那些通过他人的劳动而变得聪明的人，在自己的劳动中增加了一点自己的东西，而忽视了他们的主人，这种情况并不少见。艾迪生现在被一些人鄙视，这些人可能永远不会看到他的缺点，而是他为他们提供的灯光。他总是按照他认为现在有必要写的方式写作，这是无法肯定的;他的指示就像他的读者的性格一样。现在在普通谈话中流传的那种常识，在他那个时代是很少见的。不自称有学问的人并不以无知为耻;而在女性世界里，任何对书籍的熟人都会被区别对待，只会受到谴责。他的目的是通过温和和而不知情的传达方式，将文学的好奇心注入同性恋、无所事事和富有的人;因此，他以最诱人的形式呈现知识，不是崇高和朴素，而是易于理解和熟悉的，当他向他们展示他们的缺陷时，他同样向他们展示这些缺陷可能很容易得到。他的尝试成功了;探究被唤醒，领悟力扩大了。一种对知识分子优雅的效仿被激发了，从他的时代到我们自己的时代，生活逐渐得到提升，谈话得到了净化和扩大。

Dryden had, not many years before, scattered criticism over his Prefaces with very little parsimony; but though he sometimes condescended to be somewhat familiar, his manner was in general too scholastick for those who had yet their rudiments to learn, and found it not easy to understand their master. His observations were framed rather for those that were learning to write, than for those that read only to talk.
几年前，德莱顿在他的序言中散布了批评，几乎没有什么吝啬。但是，尽管他有时居高临下地显得有些熟悉，但总的来说，他的态度对于那些还没有掌握基本知识的人来说过于刻板，并且发现不容易理解他们的主人。他的观察是为那些正在学习写作的人制定的，而不是为那些只为了交谈而阅读的人制定的。

An instructor like Addison was now wanting, whose remarks being superficial, might be easily understood, and being just, might prepare the mind for more attainments. Had he presented Paradise Lost to the public with all the pomp of system and severity of science, the criticism would perhaps have been admired, and the poem still have been neglected; but by the blandishments of gentleness and facility, he has made Milton an universal favourite, with whom readers of every class think it necessary to be pleased.
像艾迪生这样的导师现在想要，他的言论是肤浅的，可能很容易理解，而公正的，可能会让思想为更多的成就做好准备。如果他以制度的盛况和科学的严谨性向公众展示《失乐园》，批评可能会受到钦佩，而这首诗仍然被忽视;但是，由于温柔和便利的平淡无奇，他使弥尔顿成为普遍的最爱，每个阶层的读者都认为有必要取悦他。

He descended now and then to lower disquisitions; and by a serious display of the beauties of Chevy Chase, exposed himself to the ridicule of Wagstaff, who bestowed a like pompous character on Tom Thumb, and to the contempt of Dennis, who, considering the fundamental position of his criticism, that Chevy Chase pleases, and ought to please, because it is natural, observes, "that there is a way of deviating from nature, by bombast or tumour, which soars above nature, and enlarges images beyond their real bulk; by affectation, which forsakes nature in quest of something unsuitable; and by imbecility, which degrades nature by faintness and diminution, by obscuring its appearances, and weakening its effects:" In Chevy Chase there is not much of either bombast or affectation; but there is chill and lifeless imbecility. The story cannot possibly be told in a manner that shall make less impression on the mind.
他时不时地下山去降低法庭的行政命令;通过严肃地展示雪佛兰·蔡斯的美女，他让自己暴露在瓦格斯塔夫的嘲笑之下，瓦格斯塔夫赋予汤姆·拇指同样浮夸的性格，以及丹尼斯的蔑视，考虑到他批评的基本立场，雪佛兰·蔡斯喜欢，也应该喜欢，因为这是自然的，观察到，“有一种偏离自然的方式， 通过夸张或肿瘤，它翱翔在自然之上，并将图像放大到超出其真实体积的程度;通过情感，它放弃了自然，追求不合适的事物;以及愚蠢，它通过渺小和渺小来降低自然，通过掩盖其表象并削弱其影响来降低自然：“在雪佛兰蔡斯中，既没有太多的夸张，也没有太多的感情;但也有冷酷和死气沉沉的愚蠢。这个故事不可能以一种在头脑中不那么留下深刻印象的方式来讲述。

Before the profound observers of the present race repose too securely on the consciousness of their superiority to Addison, let them consider his Remarks on Ovid, in which may be found specimens of criticism sufficiently subtle and refined; let them peruse likewise his Essays on Wit, and on the Pleasures of Imagination, in which he founds art on the base of nature, and draws the principles of invention from dispositions inherent in the mind of man, with skill and elegance, such as his condemners will not easily attain.
在对当前种族的深刻观察者过于坚定地意识到他们比艾迪生优越之前，让我们考虑一下他对奥维德的评论，在其中可以找到足够微妙和精致的批评样本;让他们同样细读他的《论智慧和想象的乐趣》一文，在这两篇论文中，他将艺术建立在自然的基础上，并从人类固有的性格中汲取发明的原则，具有技巧和优雅，这是他的批评者不容易达到的。

As a describer of life and manners, he must be allowed to stand perhaps the first of the first rank. His humour, which, as Steele observes, is peculiar to himself, is so happily diffused as to give the grace of novelty to domestic scenes and daily occurrences. He never outsteps the modesty of nature, nor raises merriment or wonder by the violation of truth. His figures neither divert by distortion, nor amaze by aggravation. He copies life with so much fidelity, that he can be hardly said to invent; yet his exhibitions have an air so much original, that it is difficult to suppose them not merely the product of imagination.
作为生活和礼仪的描述者，他必须被允许站在也许是第一等级中的第一。正如斯蒂尔所观察到的那样，他的幽默是他自己所特有的，他如此愉快地传播，以至于给家庭场景和日常事件带来了新奇的优雅。他从不超越自然的谦虚，也从不因违反真理而引起欢乐或惊奇。他的人物既不因歪曲而转移注意力，也不因加剧而令人惊奇。他以如此忠实的方式复制生活，以至于很难说是他发明的;然而，他的展览具有如此多的原创性，以至于很难想象它们不仅仅是想象的产物。

As a teacher of wisdom, he may be confidently followed. His religion has nothing in it enthusiastic or superstitious: he appears neither weakly credulous nor wantonly sceptical; his morality is neither dangerously lax, nor impracticably rigid. All the enchantment of fancy, and all the cogency of argument, are employed to recommend to the reader his real interest, the care of pleasing the Author of his being. Truth is shown sometimes as the phantom of a vision, sometimes appears half-veiled in an allegory; sometimes attracts regard in the robes of fancy, and sometimes steps forth in the confidence of reason. She wears a thousand dresses, and in all is pleasing.
作为智慧的导师，他可以自信地追随。他的宗教中没有任何热情或迷信：他既不显得轻信，也不表现出肆无忌惮的怀疑;他的道德既不是危险的松懈，也不是不切实际的僵化。所有幻想的魅力，所有的论点的说服力，都被用来向读者推荐他的真正兴趣，即取悦作者的关心。真理有时表现为异象的幻影，有时在寓言中半遮半掩;有时在花哨的袍子中吸引人尊重，有时在理性的自信中走出来。她穿了一千件衣服，总而言之令人愉悦。

Mille habet ornatus, mille decenter habet.
Mille habet ornatus， mille decenter habet.

His prose is the model of the middle style; on grave subjects not formal, on light occasions not groveling; pure without scrupulosity, and exact without apparent elaboration; always equable, and always easy, without glowing words or pointed sentences. Addison never deviates from his track to snatch a grace; he seeks no ambitious ornaments, and tries no hazardous innovations. His page is always luminous, but never blazes in unexpected splendour.
他的散文是中庸风格的典范;在严肃的问题上不正式，在轻松的场合不卑躬屈膝;纯粹而不一丝不苟，精确而不明显地阐述;总是平等的，总是容易的，没有发光的词或尖锐的句子。艾迪生从不偏离自己的轨道来夺取恩典;他不寻求雄心勃勃的装饰品，也不尝试任何危险的创新。他的书页总是璀璨的，但从不闪耀出意想不到的光彩。

It was apparently his principal endeavour to avoid all harshness and severity of diction; he is therefore sometimes verbose in his transitions and connections, and sometimes descends too much to the language of conversation; yet if his language had been less idiomatical, it might have lost somewhat of its genuine Anglicism. What he attempted, he performed; he is never feeble, and he did not wish to be energetick; he is never rapid, and he never stagnates. His sentences have neither studied amplitude, nor affected brevity: his periods, though not diligently rounded, are voluble and easy. Whoever wishes to attain an English style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not ostentatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison.
显然，他的主要努力是避免措辞的所有严厉和严厉;因此，他的过渡和联系有时很冗长，有时过于深入到谈话语言;然而，如果他的语言不那么惯用，它可能会在某种程度上失去其真正的英国主义。他尝试了什么，他就做了什么;他从不软弱，他不希望精力充沛;他从不急躁，也从不停滞不前。他的句子既没有研究振幅，也没有影响简洁：他的句号虽然没有勤奋地圆润，但丰满而轻松。谁要想达到一种英式风格，熟悉而不粗俗，优雅而不炫耀，就必须把他的日日夜夜献给艾迪生的书。