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To cite this article: Ashley Pullman (2015) Emancipation, marketisation, and social protection: the female subject within vocational training policy in Canada, 1960-1990, Gender and Education, 27:7, 759-775, DOI: 10.1080/09540253.2015.1103840
引用本文：Ashley Pullman (2015) Emancipation, marketisation, and social protection: the female subject within vocational training policy in Canada, 1960-1990, Gender and Education, 27:7, 759-775, DOI: 10.1080/09540253.2015.1103840

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2015.1103840
链接到本文：https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2015.1103840

Published online: 29 Oct 2015.
在线发表：2015 年 10 月 29 日。

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(Received 4 March 2015; accepted 18 August 2015)
(2015年3月4日收到；2015年8月18日接受）

Keywords: vocational education and training; Canada; education policy; historical sociology; institutional analysis; gender; welfare; workfare
关键词：职业教育与培训；加拿大；教育政策；历史社会学；制度分析；性别；福利；工作福利

Although the relationship women forge with education and training is constantly evolving, it is necessary to take stock of how present experiences are historically constituted both discursively and practically. In Canada and elsewhere, the development of postsecondary education and training marks an integral shift in the organisational structure of the welfare state, one that recasts the relationship between education and the labour market in gendered ways (Wilson 1977). As feminist and historian Linda Gordon wrote 25 years ago, ‘educational institutions and programs, job formation and training programs, and laws protecting collective bargaining and regulating the conditions of labor provide at minimum the “flanking subsystems” of the more readily acknowledged welfare policies’ (1990, 127). In order to take stock of how education has become a multifaceted cornerstone of the welfare state, it is necessary to examine policy development and change. In a period marked by Keynesian ideology, the 1960s is understood to be a critical moment characterised by public spending that supported a free-enterprise economy under the notion of a progressive welfare state. The development and expansion of education served in many ways as the thin edge of the wedge between marketisation and social protection. However, as the following paper will
尽管妇女与教育和培训之间的关系在不断演变，但我们有必要总结一下目前的经验是如何在话语上和实践中历史性地构成的。在加拿大和其他地方，中学后教育和培训的发展标志着福利国家组织结构的整体转变，这种转变以性别化的方式重塑了教育与劳动力市场之间的关系（Wilson，1977 年）。正如女权主义者和历史学家琳达-戈登（Linda Gordon）在 25 年前写道的那样，"教育机构和计划、就业形成和培训计划以及保护集体谈判和规范劳动条件的法律，至少提供了更容易得到认可的福利政策的'侧翼子系统'"（1990，127）。为了总结教育如何成为福利国家的多方面基石，有必要研究政策的发展和变化。在以凯恩斯主义意识形态为标志的时期，20 世纪 60 年代被认为是一个关键时刻，其特点是公共开支在进步福利国家的概念下支持自由企业经济。教育的发展和扩张在很多方面都是市场化和社会保护之间的楔子。然而，正如以下论文将

demonstrate, newly forming institutional arrangements between education and the labour market had deep implications for understandings of emancipation, orientating discourses of gender equity and civic and social rights in specific ways.
这表明，教育与劳动力市场之间新形成的制度安排对解放的理解有着深刻的影响，以特定的方式引导着关于性别平等以及公民和社会权利的讨论。

The following paper considers how the contemporary vocational education and training (VET) systems in Canada were established during the 1960s and later shifted during the 1980s, examining the institutional arrangements between the state, the labour market, and social movements. The changing relationship between women and the labour market will be shown to be part of the critical moment in which training provisions for women came to be problematised by state policy and feminist groups alike. Although the meritocratic university sector was also expanding during this period, the more accessible and inchoate vocational sector was shaped by its ability to provide short-term social provisions and channel governmental support through occupational training - a training solution that would come to be problematised and uprooted during later periods. Not only was vocational education policy reform at the state level understood as a necessary way in which labour market integration could be facilitated by the state, but gender equity policies also stressed tackling gender segregation in both the public and private spheres through the creation of labour market and educational opportunities. VET was understood to be the vehicle through which economic imperatives for women and the state alike could be realised.
以下论文探讨了加拿大当代职业教育与培训（VET）体系是如何在 20 世纪 60 年代建立起来的，以及后来在 20 世纪 80 年代发生的变化，并研究了国家、劳动力市场和社会运动之间的制度安排。妇女与劳动力市场之间关系的变化将被证明是国家政策和女权主义团体对妇女培训规定提出质疑的关键时刻的一部分。尽管在这一时期，任人唯贤的大学教育也在不断扩大，但由于职业教育能够提供短期的社会福利，并通过职业培训来引导政府的支持，因此形成了更容易获得、更不成熟的职业教育--这种培训解决方案在后来的时期中受到了质疑，并被连根拔起。国家层面的职业教育政策改革不仅被理解为国家促进劳动力市场一体化的必要途径，而且性别平等政策也强调通过创造劳动力市场和教育机会来解决公共和私人领域的性别隔离问题。职业教育与培训被认为是实现妇女和国家经济需要的工具。

Reinforcing arrangements among the state, firms, interest groups, and individuals is understood to support institutional strategies that form regulatory regimes of state formation, influencing understandings of gender equity in specific ways (Estevez-Abe 2005, 2006, 2012; Estevez-Abe, Iversen and Soskice 2001). A vital component of such regimes is skill and labour formation (Busemeyer and Trampusch 2012; Thelen 2004). However, in this vein, the study of institutional formation and change often looks to activity within the public sphere, employment within the labour market, and the ‘rational’ behaviour of individuals, obfuscating the effects of what is less visible. Such ‘underlying assumptions’ - while appearing to be gender-neutral - are ‘predicated on a man’s world’ (Mandel and Shalev 2009, 163). A historical sensibility which constructively and critically examines the past offers an alternative perspective to examine historical policy change, one that acknowledges feminist intellectual heritages and social movements (Tinkler and Jackson 2014).
国家、企业、利益集团和个人之间的强化安排被理解为支持形成国家形成监管制度的体制战略，以特定方式影响着对性别平等的理解（Estevez-Abe，2005 年、2006 年、2012 年；Estevez-Abe、Iversen 和 Soskice，2001 年）。这种制度的一个重要组成部分是技能和劳动力的形成（Busemeyer 和 Trampusch，2012 年；Thelen，2004 年）。然而，在这一思路下，对制度形成和变革的研究往往着眼于公共领域的活动、劳动力市场的就业以及个人的 "理性 "行为，从而掩盖了不那么明显的影响。这些 "基本假设 "看似不分性别，实则 "以男人的世界为前提"（Mandel and Shalev 2009, 163）。以建设性和批判性的眼光审视过去的历史感为研究历史政策变化提供了另一种视角，这种视角承认女权主义的思想遗产和社会运动（Tinkler 和 Jackson，2014 年）。

In order to expand the way in which institutional and policy analysis takes gender into account - not simply as a variable of analysis but as a social force in itself - it is vital to consider the work of Fraser (2013a, 2013b). Building upon the prior scholarship of Polanyi (1944), Fraser provides a framework to analyse how civic and social movements impact welfare provisions and mandates. Of concern is how feminist movements during the 1960s revealed the oppressive nature inherent in the organising structure of the welfare state and the economic relations it supported. As Fraser argues, forms of social protection and support were seen by some feminist groups as preventing access to the labour market and critique levied at this state-level institutional arrangement led to specific reform. This paper will illustrate that VET development from the 1960s onwards is exemplary of the response to these critiques, characterised by ‘an ascendancy of active labour market inclusion over passive labour market exclusion’ (Peck 2001, 12). Indeed, pressure by feminist advocates to secure access to training for women during the 1960s came to influence later government policy that framed training as the primary way social equity could be achieved.
为了拓展机构和政策分析考虑性别因素的方式--不仅仅是将其作为一个分析变量，而是将其本身作为一种社会力量--考虑弗雷泽（2013a, 2013b）的工作至关重要。在波兰尼（Polanyi，1944 年）之前的学术研究基础上，弗雷泽提供了一个分析公民和社会运动如何影响福利规定和任务的框架。其中值得关注的是，20 世纪 60 年代的女权运动如何揭示了福利国家的组织结构及其所支持的经济关系中固有的压迫性。正如弗雷泽所言，一些女权团体认为社会保护和支持的形式阻碍了进入劳动力市场的机会，对这种国家级制度安排的批评导致了具体的改革。本文将说明，从 20 世纪 60 年代起，职业教育与培训的发展就是对这些批评做出回应的典范，其特点是 "积极的劳动力市场包容取代了消极的劳动力市场排斥"（Peck 2001, 12）。事实上，20 世纪 60 年代女权主义倡导者为确保妇女获得培训机会而施加的压力影响了后来的政府政策，使培训成为实现社会公平的主要途径。

Fraser’s framework extends Polanyi’s (1944) thesis that a ‘double movement’ concerning conflict between the expanding market economy and the increasing social
弗雷泽的框架延伸了波兰尼（Polanyi，1944 年）的论述，即市场经济的不断扩大与社会经济的不断发展之间存在冲突的 "双重运动"。
protection provided by the nation state prevails within modern capitalist economies. Broadening this classical perspective, Fraser (2013b) argues that ‘partisans of emancipation’ add a third dimension to what she terms a ‘triple movement’. This analytical device captures the changing relations among three arenas of political force - marketisation, social protection, and emancipation - each aspect having ‘a telos of its own and a potential for ambivalence which unfolds through its interaction with the other two terms’ (Fraser 2013b, 129). Each political force can be analytically understood as allying or distancing itself with another pole, an injunction that enables Fraser to craft an important account of neo-liberalism:
民族国家提供的保护在现代资本主义经济中占主导地位。弗雷泽（2013b）拓宽了这一经典视角，认为 "解放党人 "为她所称的 "三重运动 "增添了第三个维度。这一分析工具捕捉了市场化、社会保护和解放这三个政治力量领域之间不断变化的关系，每个方面都有 "自身的目的，以及通过与其他两个方面的互动而展开的矛盾潜力"（Fraser 2013b, 129）。每一种政治力量都可以被分析理解为与另一极结盟或保持距离，这使弗雷泽能够对新自由主义进行重要的阐释：
emancipation’s ambivalence has been resolved in recent years in favour of marketization. Insufficiently attuned to the rise of free-market forces, the hegemonic currents of emancipatory struggle have formed a ‘dangerous liaison’ with neoliberalism, supplying a portion of the ‘new spirit’ or charismatic rationale for a new mode of capital accumulation. (2013b, 130)
近年来，解放的矛盾性得到了解决，有利于市场化。由于对自由市场力量的崛起认识不足，解放斗争的霸权潮流与新自由主义形成了 "危险的联系"，为新的资本积累模式提供了部分 "新精神 "或魅力理由。(2013b, 130)

Fraser’s critical injunction into researching institutional relations lies in considering not only the political forces that undergird institutional relations of a given period, but also the way in which critique once levied from a position seemingly outside these arrangements can come to form ‘dangerous liaisons’ with these same organising structures.
弗雷泽对制度关系研究的批判性启示在于，不仅要考虑支撑特定时期制度关系的政治力量，还要考虑从看似不属于这些安排的立场出发的批判如何与这些组织结构形成 "危险的联系"。

Through a historical-sociological account, the following paper provides an illustration of Fraser’s triple movement, showing how training provisions as a form of social protection necessary to amend unemployment in Canada impacted not only the formation of the contemporary vocational training sector in Canada, but also the way in which education for women came to be understood as holding the potential for emancipation. As scholars in numerous contexts have highlighted, it is necessary to critically examine how discourses of female emancipation function through education (Evans 1990; Graham 1978; Purvis 1991; Schedler 1993). Thus, the conceptual approach of this paper traces longitudinally how the changing patterns, processes, and trajectories of institutional arrangements led to social change and present social formations. The strength of this methodology is found in its ability to dispel the ‘illusions of false necessity’ through attention to both historical specificity and comparison that consider underlying conditions and causes (Calhoun 2003, 384). Further, critical and reflexive accounts seek to avoid Whig interpretations and broad generalisations, considering change as particular within time and space (Charrad 2006).
下文通过历史-社会学的论述，对弗雷泽的三重运动进行了说明，展示了培训规定作为解决加拿大失业问题所必需的一种社会保护形式，不仅对加拿大当代职业培训部门的形成产生了影响，而且还影响了妇女教育被理解为具有解放潜力的方式。正如许多背景下的学者所强调的，有必要批判性地研究女性解放的论述是如何通过教育发挥作用的（埃文斯，1990 年；格雷厄姆，1978 年；珀维斯，1991 年；斯查勒，1993 年）。因此，本文的概念方法是纵向追踪制度安排的变化模式、过程和轨迹如何导致社会变革和当前的社会形态。这种方法的优势在于它能够通过关注历史的特殊性和考虑潜在条件和原因的比较来消除 "虚假必然性的幻想"（Calhoun 2003, 384）。此外，批判性和反思性论述力图避免辉格解释和笼统概括，将变化视为时间和空间中的特殊现象（Charrad，2006 年）。

This study takes Canadian federal and cross-provincial higher education policy from 1960 to 1990 as the main data source. Beginning with the 1960 Technical and Vocational Training Assistance (TVTA) Act, this study historically charts several important policy documents concerning vocational education, including the Adult Occupational Training (AOT) Act of 1967 and the National Training (NT) Act of 1982. Related documents that centre on gender equity movements through the training and labour market integration of women are also examined, including policy documents formed by the federal Status of Women Minister and advocacy groups such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women. The accounts provided within these policy documents are examined with reference to other historical data sources, including media and newspaper accounts and other primary and secondary source documents. Although Canada is used as a case study, prior research examining the relationship between social movements and educational policy in different contexts, from Zimbabwe (Gordon 1996) to Taiwan (Lee 2011), highlights how both state
本研究以1960年至1990年的加拿大联邦和跨省高等教育政策为主要数据来源。从1960年的《技术和职业培训援助法》（TVTA）开始，本研究对有关职业教育的几份重要政策文件进行了历史性梳理，包括1967年的《成人职业培训法》（AOT）和1982年的《国家培训法》（NT）。本研究还审查了以通过妇女培训和劳动力市场融入实现性别平等运动为中心的相关文件，包括由联邦妇女地位部长和国家妇女地位行动委员会等倡导团体制定的政策文件。在研究这些政策文件中的描述时，还参考了其他历史数据来源，包括媒体和报纸的描述以及其他一手和二手来源文件。尽管加拿大被用作案例研究，但之前在津巴布韦（Gordon，1996 年）和台湾（Lee，2011 年）等不同背景下对社会运动和教育政策之间关系的研究，都强调了国家和社会运动之间的关系。
reproduced patriarchy and the activity of feminist advocates must be understood as an integral component undergirding the relationship between women and education.
重现父权制和女权倡导者的活动必须被理解为支撑妇女与教育关系的一个不可或缺的组成部分。

The institutional shift that took place during the 1960s within Canadian VET is connected to extensive debates prior to this period concerning the role of education within society, and the ‘evolution of school systems from a democratic to a vocational ideal’ (Jackson and Gaskell 1987, 177), leading scholars to claim that a ‘triumph of vocationalism’ (Hogan 1985, 193) marked every level of schooling during the early twentieth century. However, expansion of the university sector during the 1960s marked an important change in Canadian public perception concerning the necessity of comprehensive access to adult education. Increasing and projected demand for education and training, technical and scientific change, and an escalating focus on ‘human capital’ amalgamated into political, social, and economic focuses that supported the expansion of technical and vocational education (Dennison and Gallagher 1986). As C.R. Ford, director of the Canadian Vocational Training Branch of the Federal Department of Labour, told reporters during the early 1960s, ‘if Canada is to remain competitive in foreign trade in industrial products, it must have a large and flexible pool of skilled manpower’ (St. John 1962, 7). As will be shown next, the perceived solution for such a need was VET.
20 世纪 60 年代加拿大职业教育与培训中发生的体制转变，与这一时期之前关于教育在社会中的作用的广泛辩论，以及 "学校制度从民主理想到职业理想的演变"（Jackson and Gaskell 1987, 177）有关，导致学者们声称，"职业主义的胜利"（Hogan 1985, 193）标志着 20 世纪早期各级学校教育的发展。然而，20 世纪 60 年代大学部门的扩张标志着加拿大公众对全面接受成人教育必要性的认识发生了重大变化。对教育和培训需求的不断增长和预测、技术和科学的变革以及对 "人力资本 "的日益重视，这些都汇聚成支持技术和职业教育发展的政治、社会和经济焦点（Dennison 和 Gallagher，1986 年）。正如联邦劳工部加拿大职业培训处处长 C.R. Ford 在 20 世纪 60 年代初告诉记者的那样，"如果加拿大要在工业产品的对外贸易中保持竞争力，就必须拥有大量灵活的技术人才"（St. John 1962, 7）。正如下文所述，人们认为职业教育与培训是满足这一需求的解决方案。

The 1960 TVTA Act formed an advisory council under the minister of labour, firmly establishing vocational training as a federal apparatus for economic prosperity. A particular definition of education began to take shape, typecast as distinct from university training and specific to certain occupations:
1960 年的《TVTA 法案》成立了一个隶属于劳动部长的咨询委员会，牢固确立了职业培训作为促进经济繁荣的联邦机构的地位。一种特殊的教育定义开始形成，它有别于大学培训，专门针对某些职业：
any form of instruction, the purpose of which is to prepare a person for gainful employment in any primary or secondary industry or in any service occupation or to increase his [sic] skill or proficiency therein, and, without restricting the generality of the foregoing, includes instruction for that purpose in relation to any of the following industries or occupations: (i) agriculture, (ii) fishing, (iii) forestry, (iv) mining, (v) commerce, (vi) construction, (vii) manufacturing, (viii) transportation or communications, or (ix) generally, any primary or secondary industry or service occupation requiring an understanding of the principles of science or technology and the application thereof, except where such instruction is designed for university credit. (Canada 1960, 37-38)
任何形式的教学，其目的是培养一个人在任何第一或第二产业或任何服务行业中从事有报酬的工作，或提高他[原文如此]在其中的技能或熟练程度，在不限制上述规定的一般性的前提下，包括为此目的而进行的与下列任何行业或职业有关的教学：(i) 农业，(ii) 渔业，(iii) 林业，(iv) 采矿，(v) 商业，(vi) 建筑业，(vii) 制造业，(viii) 运输或通信业，或 (ix) 一般而言，任何需要了解科学或技术原理及其应用的第一或第二产业或服务职业，但为大学学分而设计的教学除外。(加拿大，1960 年，第 37-38 页）

Firmly grounding itself as an economic measure, this policy was intended to establish programmes of technical and vocational training within each province through partnership with the Federal Minister of Labour. Yet measures written into the TVTA Act focused on the intention of the federal government to establish VET programmes specifically for the unemployed. The policy stipulates that contributions from the federal government would be unequally distributed across training programmes formed for specific groups; capital costs for VET for the unemployed would be granted $75\mathrm{\%}$$75\mathrm{\%}$75%75 \% federal funding, while programmes targeting other populations would be allotted $50\mathrm{\%}$$50\mathrm{\%}$50%50 \%. Understood as a means to alleviate unemployment, the TVTA Act framed vocational training as holding the potential to provide employment in order to secure the economic success of Canada.
这项政策以经济措施为坚实基础，旨在通过与联邦劳工部长合作，在各省制定技术和职业培训计划。然而，写入《技术和职业培训法》的措施侧重于联邦政府专门为失业者设立职业教育与培训计划的意图。该政策规定，联邦政府的捐助将在为特定群体制定的培训计划中进行不平等分配；为失业者提供的职业教育与培训的资本成本将获得 $75\mathrm{\%}$$75\mathrm{\%}$75%75 \% 联邦资助，而针对其他人群的计划将获得 $50\mathrm{\%}$$50\mathrm{\%}$50%50 \% 联邦资助。作为缓解失业的一种手段，《技术和职业培训法》将职业培训定义为具有提供就业的潜力，以确保加拿大经济的成功。

The TVTA Act cost-sharing strategy between the federal and provincial governments resulted in a federal expenditure of over 800 million dollars over the 1960s (Dennison and Gallagher 1986). Given the provincial autonomy within this funding
联邦政府和省政府之间的 TVTA 法案费用分担战略导致联邦政府在 20 世纪 60 年代支出超过 8 亿美元（Dennison 和 Gallagher，1986 年）。鉴于各省在这一资金分配中的自主权
partnership, each province took up the agreement in vastly different ways, leading to the quick but uneven expansion of VET programmes. Although the intent was to differentiate VET for unemployed adults, this federal goal was not always shared by provincial governments that used funding to expand both secondary and post-secondary systems. For example, by 1962 Ontario proposed to open 200-300 new technical and vocational schools nearly exclusively at the secondary level (St. John 1962), and shifted Ryerson Polytechnic from a recruitment centre for the Second World War veterans to a technical degree and credit granting education institute (Ford 1965). Indeed, the loose coordination exposes the lack of public and political consensus on training: in some sectors, VET was understood as a form of higher education, while in others it was part of welfare provision for the unemployed.
虽然联邦与各省建立了伙伴关系，但各省执行协议的方式却大相径庭，导致职业教育与培训计划迅速但不均衡地扩展。虽然联邦的目的是为失业的成年人提供不同的职业教育与培训，但各省政府并不总是赞同这一目标，而是利用资金来扩大中等教育和中等后教育系统。例如，到 1962 年，安大略省提议开办 200-300 所新的技术和职业学校，几乎全部设在中学（圣约翰，1962 年），并将瑞尔森理工学院从二战退伍军人招募中心转变为技术学位和学分授予教育学院（福特，1965 年）。事实上，这种松散的协调暴露了公众和政界对培训缺乏共识：在某些部门，职业教育与培训被理解为高等教育的一种形式，而在另一些部门，职业教育与培训则是为失业者提供福利的一部分。

Although Ontario Welfare Commissioner Robina Morris is cited as proclaiming the TVTA Act a success due to the link between retraining and employment, a report compiled by the Economic Council of Canada questioned the success of the Act (The Globe & Mail 1963, 5). As the report found, training programmes established under the TVTA Act were primarily at the secondary school level, leading reporters to claim that ‘there has not been any significant breakthrough in the training or retraining of existing members of the labor force’ (Anderson 1966, B5). Indeed, the Economic Council report found that only $28.7\mathrm{\%}$$28.7\mathrm{\%}$28.7%28.7 \% of unemployed adult males were in training programmes, and while the average age of individuals receiving unemployment assistance was 38 years, the average age of TVTA trainees was 22 years (Gillan 1967). Dropout rates within training programmes were high, and by the mid-1960s ranged from $55\mathrm{\%}$$55\mathrm{\%}$55%55 \% to $60\mathrm{\%}$$60\mathrm{\%}$60%60 \% of each yearly cohort. Further, $55\mathrm{\%}$$55\mathrm{\%}$55%55 \% of all unemployed adults were found to have less than Grade 9 education, the portion of the Canadian population understood to be in greatest need of training. Clearly, the type of VET the federal government had intended was not being realised, and thus, just seven years after the TVTA Act was released, it would come to be replaced by a policy that attempted to further reform not only an understanding of VET, but also for whom such training was intended.
尽管安大略省福利专员罗宾娜-莫里斯（Robina Morris）宣称，由于再培训与就业之间的联系，《技术和职业培训法》取得了成功，但加拿大经济委员会（Economic Council of Canada）编写的一份报告却对该法案的成功提出了质疑（《环球邮报》1963 年第 5 期）。该报告发现，根据《技术和职业培训法》制定的培训计划主要集中在中学阶段，因此记者声称 "在培训或再培训现有劳动力方面没有任何重大突破"（Anderson 1966, B5）。事实上，经济委员会的报告发现，只有 $28.7\mathrm{\%}$$28.7\mathrm{\%}$28.7%28.7 \% 名失业的成年男性参加了培训计划，而领取失业救济金的人的平均年龄为 38 岁，接受 TVTA 培训的人的平均年龄为 22 岁（Gillan，1967 年）。培训计划的辍学率很高，到 20 世纪 60 年代中期，每年的辍学人数在 $55\mathrm{\%}$$55\mathrm{\%}$55%55 \% 到 $60\mathrm{\%}$$60\mathrm{\%}$60%60 \% 之间。此外，在所有失业的成年人中， $55\mathrm{\%}$$55\mathrm{\%}$55%55 \% 的教育程度低于 9 年级，而这正是加拿大人口中最需要培训的部分。显然，联邦政府所希望的职业教育与培训并未实现，因此，在《职业技术教育与培训法》颁布仅仅七年之后，它就被一项政策所取代，该政策不仅试图进一步改革对职业教育与培训的理解，而且还试图改革这种培训的对象。

From the viewpoint of the Canadian federal government, the possibility of economic and social ruin hinged on training the correct population for whom federal funding was intended. By the mid-1960s, the federal government quickly shifted its approach and sought instead to build ‘manpower’ and ‘occupational’ training that would educate workers multiple times throughout their life course. This shift began to impact understandings of education, a proposed solution to meet the ‘magnitude of technological change, the need for Canada to be competitive internationally and the desire to expand the affluent society’ (Gillan 1967, B5). The 1967 Adult Occupational Training (AOT) Act under the newly formed Department of Manpower and Immigration sought to firmly stipulate what vocational training was and was not through introducing the discourse of occupational training. Like the TVTA Act, occupational training continued to be differentiated from university study, as instruction would not merit university credit. However, unlike the vocational training of the past, occupational training would be of a specific duration, no more than 52 weeks of full-time study, or 1820 hours of part-time instruction. Further, the Act sought to specifically target adults, as individuals would only be eligible for training allowance if they had at least three years of uninterrupted experience within the labour force, and ‘one or
从加拿大联邦政府的角度来看，经济和社会毁灭的可能性取决于对联邦资助的目标人群进行正确的培训。到了 20 世纪 60 年代中期，联邦政府迅速转变了思路，转而寻求建立 "人力 "和 "职业 "培训，对工人的一生进行多次教育。这一转变开始影响人们对教育的理解，并提出了一种解决方案来应对 "技术变革的规模、加拿大在国际上的竞争力需求以及扩大富裕社会的愿望"（Gillan 1967, B5）。新成立的人力和移民部于 1967 年颁布了《成人职业培训法》（AOT），试图通过引入职业培训的论述来明确规定职业培训的内涵和外延。与《成人职业培训法》一样，职业培训继续与大学学习区分开来，因为职业培训不授予大学学分。不过，与过去的职业培训不同，职业培训有明确的期限，全日制学习不超过 52 周，非全日制学习不超过 1820 小时。此外，该法案还特别针对成年人，因为只有在劳动力队伍中拥有至少三年不间断的工作经验，并且 "有一个或一个以上的工作经验"，才有资格领取培训津贴。
more persons wholly or substantially dependent upon him [sic] for support’ (Canada 1967, 1206). Intended to support a male breadwinner family model, the policy targeted adult males with work experience rather than students transitioning from secondary school.
更多完全或实质上依赖他[原文如此]供养的人"（Canada 1967, 1206）。该政策旨在支持男性养家糊口的家庭模式，针对的是有工作经验的成年男性，而不是中学毕业的学生。

Not only did the AOT Act establish tighter control concerning which portion of the Canadian population received training, but also training programmes themselves would be formed under the watchful eye of the federal government. Although occupational programmes would still be under the jurisdiction of provincial governments, a joint committee that included the Department of Manpower and Immigration and each province would first assess if training programmes held the potential to increase the earning capacities of individuals. However, other measures circumvented the federal reliance on provincial training programmes. Firstly, unlike the TVTA Act, firmbased training became supported by the federal government in an attempt to strengthen the coordination between education and industry. Section six of the AOT Act stipulated that relationships may be formed among the Department of Manpower and Immigration and ‘any employer operating or undertaking to operate an occupational training course for the training of adults employed by the employer’ (Canada 1967, 1207). The policy further stipulated that firm/employer-based training costs would be funded by the federal government as long as the skills developed were transferable within the labour market. Secondly, funding also circumvented provincial control through providing subsidies directly to trainees through ‘exploratory’ and ‘mobility’ grants to relocate workers and their families. The AOT Act authorised training allowances for those undertaking occupational training programmes based upon their family circumstances and living costs, ranging from $\mathrm{\$}35$$\mathrm{\$}35$$35\$ 35 to $\mathrm{\$}90$$\mathrm{\$}90$$90\$ 90 dollars a week. Importantly, in accepting these provisions, an individual was no longer entitled to unemployment insurance, coupling AOT with the restructuring of welfare and unemployment provisions taking place during this time.
AOT 法案不仅对加拿大人口中的哪些人接受培训进行了更严格的控制，而且培训计划本身也将在联邦政府的监督下制定。尽管职业培训计划仍由各省政府管辖，但一个由人力和移民部以及各省组成的联合委员会将首先评估培训计划是否具有提高个人收入能力的潜力。然而，其他措施规避了联邦对省级培训计划的依赖。首先，与《技术和职业培训法》不同，联邦政府开始支持以企业为基础的培训，以加强教育与产业之间的协调。AOT 法案》第 6 条规定，人力和移民部与 "为培训雇主雇用的成年人而开办或承诺开办职业培训课程的任何雇主 "之间可以建立关系（Canada 1967, 1207）。该政策进一步规定，只要所培养的技能可以在劳动力市场上转移，联邦政府就会资助以公司/雇主为基础的培训费用。其次，资助还规避了省级控制，通过 "探索 "和 "流动 "补助金直接向受训者提供补贴，以重新安置工人及其家庭。根据家庭情况和生活费用，《AOT 法》授权向参加职业培训计划的人员提供培训津贴，从每周 $\mathrm{\$}35$$\mathrm{\$}35$$35\$ 35 美元到 $\mathrm{\$}90$$\mathrm{\$}90$$90\$ 90 美元不等。 重要的是，在接受这些规定后，个人不再有权享受失业保险，从而将 AOT 与这一时期福利和失业规定的重组结合起来。

The AOT Act marks an integral moment in which occupational training came to be understood as a form of social revitalisation, a discourse that attempted to accommodate multiple relations among state, industry, and individuals. The Act transformed what was commonly understood as welfare provisions or education funding, framing ‘manpower’ as an economic stimulus directly supporting firms. As the Deputy Manpower Minister told the Canadian Manufacturing Association in 1967:
AOT 法案》标志着一个不可或缺的时刻，在这一时刻，职业培训开始被理解为一种社会振兴形式，一种试图容纳国家、行业和个人之间多重关系的话语。该法案改变了人们通常理解的福利规定或教育经费，将 "人力 "视为直接支持企业的经济刺激因素。正如人力部副部长在1967年对加拿大制造业协会所说的那样
whether we succeed is going to depend very largely on whether our efforts earn your sympathy and cooperation. If we do have that, I believe you will find that the new Manpower policies will give massive assistance to the economic growth, the welfare and the unity of our Canadian society. (Gillan 1967, B5)
我们能否成功，在很大程度上取决于我们的努力能否赢得你们的同情与合作。如果我们能做到这一点，我相信你们会发现，新的人力政策将为加拿大社会的经济增长、福利和团结提供巨大的帮助。(吉兰，1967 年，B5 页）

Not only was a link between VET and firms established, but also simultaneously the federal government had shifted power in moving the type of training programmes away from local control, an action which did not escape critique.
不仅在职业教育与培训和企业之间建立了联系，联邦政府还同时转移了权力，将培训计划的类型从地方控制中转移出来，这一行动也没有逃脱批评。

Several aspects of the AOT Act were instantly controversial. Firstly, training allowances would be granted to only those who had three years of continuous job experience, excluding ‘drifters, married women picking up training allowances in their spare time and school-aged youths’ (Gillan 1967, B5). Intending to primarily retrain those already in the labour market, especially Canadian male workers supporting a family, the AOT Act’s absence of provisions for marginalised groups was quickly noted. Such groups included newly landed immigrants who experienced difficulty demonstrating prior
AOT 法案》的几个方面立即引起了争议。首先，培训津贴只发放给有三年连续工作经验的人，将 "漂泊者、业余时间领取培训津贴的已婚妇女和学龄青年 "排除在外（Gillan 1967, B5）。AOT 法案的主要目的是对那些已经进入劳动力市场的人进行再培训，尤其是那些养家糊口的加拿大男性工人，但该法案没有对边缘化群体做出规定，这一点很快引起了人们的注意。这些群体包括新登陆的移民，他们很难证明自己曾在加拿大工作过。
experience outside of the Canadian labour market and who were provided language training only if it was demonstrated necessary for employment. First Nations were also notably excluded and although training programmes were established under the TVTA Act for indigenous peoples, these programmes were now required to provide proof of how training would result in labour market integration. The AOT Act affected groups of women differently: although married women were directly excluded from receiving training provisions, widows with dependents were included. Significantly, for women the expectation of prior paid work experience stood as a barrier to taking up publically provided occupational training. As this paper will examine next, a particular female subject in need of training for labour market integration began to emerge.
加拿大劳动力市场之外的经验，而且只有在证明语言培训是就业所必需的情况下才向他们提供语言培训。原住民也明显被排除在外，尽管根据《技术和职业培训法》为原住民制定了培训方案，但现在要求这些方案提供证据，证明培训将如何导致劳动力市场的融合。AOT 法》对妇女群体的影响有所不同：尽管已婚妇女直接被排除在接受培训的范围之外，但有受抚养人的寡妇却被包括在内。值得注意的是，对妇女来说，期望事先获得有偿工作经验是参加政府提供的职业培训的一个障碍。正如本文接下来要探讨的那样，一个需要培训以融入劳动力市场的特殊女性群体开始出现。

With mounting criticism concerning unequal access to training under the AOT Act, the demands for reform quickly followed its 1967 release. The National Council of Women sought special aid for sole-parent families, including childcare allowances and flexible study schedules (The Globe & Mail 1968a). ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} Chairperson of the Commons Manpower Committee, Liberal Party MP Charles Caccia, demanded in 1968 to broaden the eligibility for migrants and widows (The Globe & Mail 1968b). Oppositional New Democratic Party MP Grace MacInnis sponsored a bill that would recognise unpaid domestic labour as work experience in order to provide access to training provisions. Indeed, a major issue for second-wave feminists in Canada was the widespread recognition of unpaid work (Fine-Meyer 2013). As MacInnis told the press, the AOT Act ‘continues to handicap women without income who want to take up a position that pays’, and that it was unfair ‘to penalize a woman who has been tied down in home maintenance and whose husband may only be present in the legal definition’ (The Globe & Mail 1970, W13). The political and social climate within which the AOT Act had been released framed equal access to VET as a social right - a significant shift in discourse from prior periods where access to formal adult education and training was understood to be restricted and inaccessible for the majority of the Canadian population.
1967 年《AOT 法案》发布后，有关培训机会不平等的批评日益增多，改革要求也随之迅速提出。全国妇女理事会要求为单亲家庭提供特别援助，包括育儿津贴和灵活的学习时间安排（《环球邮报》，1968 年 a 期）。 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 下议院人力委员会主席、自由党议员查尔斯-卡西亚（Charles Caccia）在 1968 年要求扩大移民和寡妇的申请资格（《环球邮报》，1968 年 b 版）。反对党新民主党议员格蕾丝-麦金尼斯（Grace MacInnis）提出了一项法案，承认无偿家务劳动为工作经验，以便提供培训机会。事实上，加拿大第二波女权主义者的一个主要问题是广泛承认无偿劳动（Fine-Meyer，2013 年）。正如麦金尼斯（MacInnis）对媒体所说的那样，《无偿家务劳动法》"继续阻碍了想要从事有报酬工作的无收入妇女"，而且 "惩罚一直被束缚在家庭维护中的妇女是不公平的，因为她们的丈夫可能只是在法律定义上存在"（《环球邮报》，1970 年，W13）。AOT 法案》出台时的政治和社会氛围将平等接受职业教育与培训的机会视为一种社会权利--这与之前的论述相比发生了重大转变，在之前的论述中，接受正规成人教育与培训的机会被认为是受到限制的，大多数加拿大人都无法接受。

In response to the criticism, a 1972 amendment to the AOT Act redefined the definition of ‘adult’ to include ‘a person who is engaged in domestic service at home whether or not such person has at any time been a member of the labour force’ (Canada 1972, 157). Although aiming to appease criticism, this definition of an ‘adult’ became ineffectual given that the amendment also eradicated the prior stipulation that demanded at least three years of continuous job experience. What Manpower and Immigration Minster Bryce Mackasey called ‘unintentional discrimination’ was now replaced with ‘more flexibility’ (Russell 1972, 45). Curiously, Mackasey also claimed that the original AOT Act discriminated against youth, precisely the group the TVTA Act was accused of privileging. Although the political and social climate concerning equity previously provided critique directed at the government, such discourses were now becoming ingrained within their own rhetoric, albeit in a particular fashion.
作为对批评的回应，1972 年对《AOT 法》的一项修正案重新定义了 "成年人 "的定义，使其包括 "在家中从事家政服务的人，无论此人是否曾在任何时候成为劳动力的一员"（Canada 1972, 157）。尽管这一 "成人 "定义的目的是为了平息批评，但由于修正案还取消了之前要求至少有三年连续工作经验的规定，因此这一定义变得无效。被人力和移民部长布莱斯-麦凯西（Bryce Mackasey）称为 "无意的歧视"，现在被 "更多的灵活性 "所取代（Russell 1972, 45）。奇怪的是，Mackasey 还声称最初的《AOT 法案》歧视年轻人，而这正是《TVTA 法案》被指责为优待的群体。尽管有关公平的政治和社会氛围曾对政府提出过批评，但这些论述现在正以一种特殊的方式在政府的言论中根深蒂固。

The amendment to the AOT Act came during a period of increasing calls for governmental action concerning gender equity. With a focus on the economic marginalisation of women, the 1970 Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW) is often understood to be ‘a benchmark for feminist organizing, a “watershed” in the contemporary women’s movement’ (Sangster 2010, 234). Greatly impacting contemporary
AOT 法案》的修订正值要求政府就性别平等问题采取行动的呼声日益高涨的时期。1970 年皇家妇女地位委员会（RCSW）关注妇女的经济边缘化问题，通常被认为是 "女权组织的基准，是当代妇女运动的'分水岭'"（Sangster，2010 年，234 页）。对当代
feminism in Canada, the RCSW is necessary to examine both for what was evident and for what was overlooked within it. Substantive consideration was not given to issues connected to race and ethnicity, and a discussion of class was only implicitly considered through examination of work and poverty. With a focus on ‘women power’, education, training, and gender discrimination, structural inequalities and the divide between paid and unpaid labour were left largely unaddressed, as the commission was cautious ‘not to antagonize powerful economic interest, or ask “who benefits” from women’s segregated and underpaid labour’ (Sangster 2010, 242). Such oversights were also present within rhetoric surrounding access to occupational training; indeed, it became a political strategy the federal government used to illustrate government action concerning the recommendations made by the RCSW.
作为加拿大女权主义的一个重要组成部分，《加拿大社会福利宪章》有必要对其显而易见的内容和被忽视的内容进行审查。对与种族和民族相关的问题没有给予实质性的考虑，对阶级的讨论只是通过对工作和贫困的研究隐含地加以考虑。委员会关注的重点是 "女性权力"、教育、培训和性别歧视，结构性不平等和有偿劳动与无偿劳动之间的鸿沟在很大程度上没有得到解决，因为委员会很谨慎，"不想与强大的经济利益集团对立，也不想问'谁受益于'妇女被隔离和报酬过低的劳动"（Sangster，2010 年，242）。这种疏忽也存在于围绕获得职业培训的言论中；事实上，这已成为联邦政府用来说明政府就妇女委员会所提建议采取的行动的一种政治策略。

A week after the amendment to the AOT Act was made, Manpower Minister Bryce Mackasey gave the Federal House of Commons a progress report on governmental responses to the RCSW and how demands issued to improve the status of Canadian women were being met. Alongside access to training provisions, many of the changes focused on the labour market integration of women within society, including measures that aimed to remove employment discrimination, maternity leave within the labour standards code, formation of a women’s bureau in the Labour Department, the creation of senior positions for women within the government, and the creation of 90 childcare centres across the country. MP Grace MacInnis responded sharply, telling the House that ‘many MCPs’ (i.e. male chauvinist pigs) were not heeding to the demands of the RCSW report, arguing that over 130,000 childcare placements were still needed, childcare allowances were low, and the federal government skirted issues of family planning. As Quebec Ralliement Créditiste MP René Matte told reporters, Mackasey’s list of federal accomplishments concerning gender equity were deemed to be used as ‘a pre-election vote-seeking device’ (The Globe & Mail 1972, 13). As is evident within MacInnis’s critique, providing support for the labour market integration and economic success of women through measures such as training provisions was limited in addressing the comprehensive needs of women.
AOT 法》修正案通过一周后，人力部长布莱斯-麦凯西（Bryce Mackasey）向联邦下议院提交了一份进展报告，介绍了政府对加拿大妇女地位委员会的回应，以及如何满足为提高加拿大妇女地位而提出的要求。除提供培训机会外，许多变革还侧重于妇女融入社会劳动力市场，包括旨在消除就业歧视的措施、劳动标准法规中的产假、在劳动部成立妇女事务局、在政府内部为妇女设立高级职位，以及在全国各地设立 90 个托儿中心。国会议员格蕾丝-麦金尼斯（Grace MacInnis）作出了尖锐的回应，她告诉众议院，"许多 MCPs"（即大男子主义猪）并没有听从 RCSW 报告的要求，她认为仍然需要超过 13 万个托儿所，托儿津贴很低，联邦政府回避了计划生育问题。正如魁北克共和党国会议员勒内-马特（René Matte）告诉记者的那样，麦肯锡列举的联邦在性别平等方面的成就被认为是 "选举前寻求选票的手段"（《环球邮报》，1972 年，13 页）。正如麦金尼斯的批评所表明的，通过培训等措施为妇女融入劳动力市场和取得经济成功提供支持，在满足妇女的全面需求方面是有限的。

Although what was absent from RCSW policy discussions must be considered, it is also necessary to examine what appears on the surface, from how problems are characterised and constructed, to what is deemed necessary to solve them. Both the RCSW and MP MacInnis understood access to training to be a necessary component of equity, especially given that the original AOT Act discriminated against individuals without prior work experience, left unpaid work unrecognised, and did not take into account circumstances specific to women and marginalised groups. Nevertheless, advocating for increased training provisions exposed a contradiction within early governmental measures concerning equality; that is, addressing economic imperatives as solutions for gender equity would only provide aid to specific groups. For example, as the RCSW commission proclaims, ‘sole-support mothers have a characteristic in common with the elderly: They have a tenuous relationship with the labour market and the question of work incentives for them is of little concern to society’ (Seale 1970, 11). However, occupational training provisions allotted under the AOT Act provided the means by which the government could quickly respond to the RCSW demands by using previously formed economic restructuring measures developed for addressing unemployment and vocational educational expansion. Further, this restructuring, which had been deemed by even the government itself as unequal and disproportionately providing aid and training to those who required it, was now being used as a tool by the federal government to claim equality. It is precisely during this
尽管必须考虑到皇家社会福利理事会的政策讨论中缺失的内容，但也有必要对表面上出现的内容进行审查，从如何定性和构建问题，到认为有必要解决这些问题。加拿大社会福利理事会和麦金尼斯议员都认为获得培训是公平的必要组成部分，特别是考虑到最初的《AOT 法》歧视没有工作经验的个人，不承认无偿工作，并且没有考虑到妇女和边缘化群体的具体情况。然而，倡导增加培训条款暴露了政府早期有关平等的措施中存在的一个矛盾；即，将经济需要作为性别平等的解决方案只会为特定群体提供帮助。例如，正如 RCSW 委员会所宣称的，"独自赡养的母亲与老年人有一个共同的特点：她们与劳动力市场的关系微妙，社会对她们的工作激励问题并不关心"（Seale，1970 年，11）。然而，《AOT 法》中规定的职业培训条款为政府提供了一种手段，使其能够利用之前为解决失业问题和扩大职业教育而制定的经济结构调整措施，迅速满足社会福利退休人员的需求。此外，这种结构调整甚至被政府本身认为是不平等的，它不成比例地向那些需要的人提供了援助和培训，而现在却被联邦政府用来作为主张平等的工具。正是在这一时期
period that Timpson (2001) argues a wedge between employment equity and provisions for women’s unpaid labour is seen. What this research exposes is that the development of VET in Canada cannot be disentangled from the specific forms of contemporaneous gender equity measures taken by the federal government, contributing to the distinction between paid and unpaid labour. As will be considered next, this position became further crystallised during the 1980s, a period where the next major federal-initiated expansion of VET took place.
蒂姆森（Timpson，2001 年）认为，在这一时期，就业公平与妇女无偿劳动规定之间出现了楔子。这项研究揭示出，加拿大职业教育与培训的发展与联邦政府同时采取的具体形式的性别平等措施是分不开的，这些措施促成了有偿劳动与无偿劳动之间的区别。正如接下来将讨论的那样，这一立场在 20 世纪 80 年代进一步具体化，而在这一时期，职业教育与培训的下一次重大扩展是由联邦政府发起的。

The NT Act of 1982 marked another major federal injunction intended to support skill cultivation. As in the prior period, occupational training is specifically differentiated from university education, intended to be short term, and ‘improves a person’s skill in an occupation’ (Canada 1982, 3192). However, compared to the AOT Act, several major policy changes are found, speaking to not only state concerns at this time, but also perceived policy failures of the past. The intent of the NT Act was not only to provide training deemed necessary to facilitate labour market integration, but also to promote what was framed as vital skills demands of ‘national importance’. A new problematic appears within this policy - a skill shortage - and its corollary, a powerful federal solution. Not only was federal control presented as necessary to provide and shape training within the NT Act itself, but further attestation was also found within state advertising campaigns carried out during the 1980s. In ads published across the country, the intent of the policy was highlighted: as one ad read, ‘getting young men and women training in the important new trades and developing technologies means that thousands of young people will learn the skills to match the jobs of the future’ (The Globe & Mail 1982b, 8). These ads frame the NT Act as part of the federal government’s economic initiative, citing continued development of human resources as a vital component of economic success.
1982 年的《新技术法案》是联邦为支持技能培养而颁布的另一项重要禁令。与前一时期一样，职业培训明确有别于大学教育，旨在进行短期培训，并 "提高个人的职业技能"（Canada 1982, 3192）。然而，与《AOT 法》相比，该法有几处重大的政策变化，这不仅反映了当时国家的关切，也反映了过去政策的失误。北部地区法》的目的不仅是提供被认为是促进劳动力市场一体化所必需的培训，而且也是为了促进具有 "国家重要性 "的重要技能需求。在这一政策中出现了一个新的问题--技能短缺--及其必然结果，即强有力的联邦解决方案。不仅《新技术法案》本身将联邦控制作为提供和塑造培训的必要条件，20 世纪 80 年代各州开展的广告宣传活动也进一步证明了这一点。在全国各地发布的广告中，该政策的意图得到了强调：如一则广告中写道，"让青年男女接受重要的新行业和发展中技术的培训，意味着成千上万的年轻人将学习到与未来工作相匹配的技能"（《环球邮报》，1982 年 b 期，第 8 页）。这些广告将《新技术法案》作为联邦政府经济举措的一部分，将人力资源的持续发展视为经济成功的重要组成部分。

Not only did the federal government seek to address Canadian citizens through a national ad campaign, but academic audiences were also engaged. Chair of the federal task force on skill development, Lynn Wilkinson, co-authored a 1982 article in the Canadian Journal of Higher Education claiming that the current recession had led to a downturn in training efforts and skill shortages across the country. In response, specific skill training and the cultivation of a particular type of educated subject were needed: ‘highly qualified, highly skilled and skilled workers capable of responding to the challenges of a post-industrial, highly technical world market’ (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 39). Further, individuals possessing ‘redundant’ skills would be ‘transferred’ to ‘developing sectors’ to meet the skills deemed requisite. Quoting the Harvard Business Review (1981), ‘sobriquet, “lemon socialism”’ was framed as ‘reactively’ focusing on ‘depressed industries like textiles and automobiles, rather than proactively responding to economic opportunities’ (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 44). As the authors further argue, ‘lemon educationalism’ is problematised, a system which is framed as focusing on the ‘traditional 18-24 year old, full-time student, rather than responding to the ongoing professional education needs of working adults as well as the new adult clientele groups’ (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 44).
联邦政府不仅试图通过全国性的广告宣传活动向加拿大公民进行宣传，而且学术界也参与其中。联邦技能发展特别工作组主席林恩-威尔金森（Lynn Wilkinson）1982 年在《加拿大高等教育杂志》上与人合作撰写了一篇文章，声称当前的经济衰退导致了全国培训工作的下滑和技能短缺。为此，需要开展特定的技能培训，培养特定类型的受教育者：能够应对后工业时代高技术世界市场挑战的高素质、高技能和高技能工人"（Dodge 和 Wilkinson，1982 年，39 页）。此外，拥有 "多余 "技能的个人将被 "转移 "到 "发展中部门"，以满足所需的技能。引用《哈佛商业评论》（1981 年）的说法，"柠檬社会主义 "被认为是 "被动地 "关注 "纺织和汽车等萧条行业，而不是主动地应对经济机遇"（Dodge 和 Wilkinson，1982 年，44）。正如作者进一步指出的，"柠檬教育主义 "是有问题的，它被认为是一种以 "传统的 18-24 岁全日制学生 "为重点的制度，而不是对在职成人和新成人客户群体的持续专业教育需求做出回应（Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 44）。

The NT Act attempted to increase federal measures to control education and training within Canada, crafting greater command over the type of training supported. Employment and Immigration Minister Lloyd Axworthy publicised that until the government ‘had the power to designate occupations […] a lot of money [was] being
《新技术法案》试图加强联邦对加拿大教育和培训的控制措施，对所支持的培训类型施加更大的控制。就业和移民部长劳埃德-阿克斯沃西（Lloyd Axworthy）公开表示，在政府 "有权指定职业[......]之前，大量资金[正在]被浪费"。
wasted in training people for surplus, irrelevant occupations’ (Medas 1983b, D3). The intention of the NT Act was to formulate the most effective forms of training, and ‘eliminate the waste of money and energy that frequently occurs when people are trained for jobs that do not exist’ (Kieran 1982). In an attempt to provide effective skill training, several contradictory perspectives concerning which populations should be targeted arose. From advertisement to discussion pieces, youth, the unemployed, and ‘redundant’ workers were problematised as policy-makers and media questioned both who would benefit the greatest from training and what type of training would generate the largest socio-economic return. In a brief for the federal task force on skill development, the Gallup organisation argued that resources should be spread across populations in need:
浪费在培训人员从事多余的、不相关的职业上"（Medas 1983b, D3）。新技术法案》的目的是制定最有效的培训形式，"消除因培训人员从事不存在的工作而经常造成的资金和精力浪费"（Kieran，1982 年）。在试图提供有效技能培训的过程中，出现了一些关于培训对象的相互矛盾的观点。从广告到讨论文章，青年、失业者和 "多余 "工人都成了问题，因为政策制定者和媒体都在质疑谁能从培训中受益最大，以及哪种类型的培训能带来最大的社会经济回报。盖洛普（Gallup）组织在为联邦技能发展工作组撰写的一份简报中指出，应将资源分配给有需要的人群：
instead of placing all of the public effort into programs to re-equip with skills those who are forced out of work by economic downturns or technological change, some portion of the total effort should be directed toward those currently employed, whose current skills are depreciating as a result of changes in the workplace. (Matas 1983a, D1)
与其将全部公共精力投入到为那些因经济衰退或技术变革而被迫失业的人提供技能再装备的计划中，不如将全部精力的一部分投入到那些由于工作场所的变化而导致现有技能贬值的在职者身上。(马塔斯，1983a, D1）

Although the issue of adult unemployment remained from the 1960s to the 1980s, discourses of technological change altered the type of skill development deemed necessary, forming concerns of skill attrition and training needs over the life course. However, as Patricia Marshall of the Ontario Association for Women and Education argued during this period, it was overwhelmingly male-dominated areas of the labour force that were seen as having skill shortages, while female-dominated areas were seemingly de facto facing an abundance of workers (Feutl 1983).
尽管从 20 世纪 60 年代到 80 年代，成人失业问题依然存在，但技术变革的论述改变了被认为必要的技能发展类型，形成了对生命过程中的技能损耗和培训需求的担忧。然而，正如安大略省妇女与教育协会的帕特里夏-马歇尔（Patricia Marshall）在这一时期所指出的那样，劳动力中绝大多数以男性为主的领域被视为技能短缺，而以女性为主的领域似乎事实上面临着大量工人（Feutl，1983 年）。

Questions concerning who should receive training from the 1960s intersected with concerns about what level of skill should be promoted and generated during the 1980s. Federal intervention sought to address the perceived failure of the labour market, firms, and educational institutes to train the necessary personnel and skills. Discussion papers released by the Economic Council of Canada in the early 1980s critiqued prior federal government initiatives that promoted and funded short-term classroom-based training developing employer- or industry-specific skills for unemployed adults. Rather, longer term, high-skill, and on-the-job training was deemed to be more ‘effective’ in generating the skills needed. As Economic Professor Wayne Simpson argued, ‘effective training to eliminate observed deficiencies of skilled labor may simultaneously raise productivity, reduce inflation, and lower unemployment. In short, it can help to solve three major problems facing the Canadian economy today’ (Anderson 1983, B2). Indeed, the pressing issue of unemployment remained and a growth of youth unemployment was seen, with $22\mathrm{\%}$$22\mathrm{\%}$22%22 \% of Canadians aged 15-24 years unemployed in 1982 (Kieran 1982). In an interview, Minister Axworthy told reporters that ‘we could lose a whole generation of young workers who get frustrated with not being able to find a job. They could get discouraged and just drop out of the job market’ (The Globe & Mail 1982a, 4). Re-skilling workers became understood as something not only necessary for the unemployed on the margins of society, but, as Federal Finance Minister Marc Lalonde declared, mass training efforts were also necessary due to new technological advances as ‘workers will have to acquire new skills and knowledge throughout their working lives’ (Anderson 1983, B2). Not only was it necessary to provide training for labour market integration, but ongoing, high-skill formation was also understood as crucial.
从 20 世纪 60 年代开始，关于谁应接受培训的问题与 20 世纪 80 年代关于应促进和培养何种水平的技能的问题交织在一起。联邦的干预措施旨在解决劳动力市场、企业和教育机构在培训必要的人员和技能方面的失败。加拿大经济委员会（Economic Council of Canada）在 20 世纪 80 年代初发布的讨论文件批评了联邦政府之前采取的措施，即促进和资助以课堂为基础的短期培训，为失业的成年人培养与雇主或行业相关的技能。相反，长期、高技能和在职培训被认为在培养所需技能方面更为 "有效"。正如经济学教授韦恩-辛普森（Wayne Simpson）所言，"通过有效的培训来消除所观察到的熟练劳动力的不足，可以同时提高生产率、降低通货膨胀和失业率。简而言之，它有助于解决加拿大经济目前面临的三大问题"（Anderson，1983 年，B2）。事实上，紧迫的失业问题依然存在，而且青年失业人数有所增加，1982 年，15-24 岁的加拿大人中有 $22\mathrm{\%}$$22\mathrm{\%}$22%22 \% 人失业（Kieran，1982 年）。在一次采访中，阿克斯沃西部长对记者说："我们可能会失去整整一代因找不到工作而感到沮丧的青年工人。他们可能会灰心丧气，从而退出就业市场"（《环球邮报》，1982a, 4）。 对工人进行技能再培训不仅对处于社会边缘的失业者是必要的，而且正如联邦财政部长马克-拉隆德（Marc Lalonde）所宣称的，由于新技术的进步，大规模的培训工作也是必要的，因为 "工人在其工作生涯中必须掌握新的技能和知识"（安德森，1983 年，B2）。不仅有必要为劳动力市场一体化提供培训，而且持续的高技能培训也是至关重要的。

The type of skills promoted through the NT Act highlights a shift away from basic adult upgrading, job preparedness courses, and general training in professions deemed low-to-medium skills. Ian Morrison, director of the Canadian Association for Adult Education, told reporters that ‘the new act makes official a move from trying to improve the basic skill level of the general population to investing in a smaller, more elite group’ (Silverside 1983, B3). The NT Act was critiqued for mainly promoting skills that had high academic requirements and lengthy training periods. As the president of George Brown College of Applied Arts and Technology in Toronto told reporters, ‘courses like basic academic upgrading are for people who have had a tough time socio-economically. What you are talking about is an elite group (of students), about providing more advantages to a group which is already advantaged’ (Silverside 1983, B3). Although colleges and VET institutes had been able to expand their programme offerings through increased funding through the NT Act, trepidation was seen concerning the rise of industry-specific skills that may overshadow general education needs. For example, the International Council on Adult Education in Toronto claimed that funding for training was being diverted away from literacy to high-technology industries (The Globe & Mail 1983). Kenneth Hunter, assistant deputy minister with the Ontario Ministry of Colleges and Universities, claimed that the federal government focus would result in an ‘under-supply of people in the more mundane skills’ (Matas 1983b, D3). Further questions arose concerning if the federal government was overstating the type of skill shortages present. Robert LaRose, director of the Association of Canadian Community Colleges, argued that the federal government’s predictions concerning high-skill labour market shortages were misdirected, whereas the ‘less glamorous skills in hospitality and fast-food industries are in greater demand than highly skilled computer programmers and technicians’ (Matas 1983b, D3). As this paper will address next, discourses of skill cultivation impacted gendered equity measures during this period. Importantly, rather than gender equity being absent from policy and governmental discourse, as seen throughout the 1960s, it was specifically addressed in relation to the formation of ‘effective’ training regimes in Canada.
通过《新台币法》推广的技能类型突出表明了一种转变，即从成人基本技能提高、就业准备课程和被视为中低级技能的专业的一般培训。加拿大成人教育协会主任伊恩-莫里森（Ian Morrison）对记者说，"新法案正式宣布从努力提高普通民众的基本技能水平转向投资于更小、更精英的群体"（Silverside，1983 年，B3）。人们批评《新技术法案》主要推广的是学术要求高、培训时间长的技能。多伦多乔治-布朗应用艺术与技术学院院长对记者说，"像基础学历提升这样的课程是为那些在社会经济方面遇到困难的人开设的。你所说的是精英群体（学生），是为已经处于优势地位的群体提供更多的优势"（Silverside，1983 年，B3）。尽管学院和职业教育与培训机构能够通过《新台币法》增加资金来扩大课程设置，但人们对特定行业技能的兴起感到担忧，因为这可能会使普通教育的需求黯然失色。例如，多伦多的国际成人教育理事会声称，培训资金正在从扫盲转向高科技产业（《环球邮报》，1983 年）。安大略省学院和大学部助理副部长肯尼思-亨特声称，联邦政府的关注点将导致 "较普通技能方面的人才供应不足"（Matas 1983b, D3）。进一步的问题是，联邦政府是否夸大了目前存在的技能短缺类型。 加拿大社区学院协会（Association of Canadian Community Colleges）主任罗伯特-拉罗斯（Robert LaRose）认为，联邦政府关于高技能劳动力市场短缺的预测是错误的，而 "与高技能的计算机程序员和技术人员相比，酒店业和快餐业中不那么迷人的技能需求更大"（Matas 1983b, D3）。正如本文接下来要讨论的，在此期间，关于技能培养的论述对性别公平措施产生了影响。重要的是，性别平等问题并没有像整个 20 世纪 60 年代那样在政策和政府话语中缺席，而是在加拿大 "有效 "培训制度的形成过程中得到了特别关注。

Federal government representatives, Dodge and Wilkinson, provide two questions to guide labour market development during the 1980s: (1) ‘how efficient has the training system been in meeting skill needs and satisfying equity objectives?’ and (2) ‘what modification in the federal government role is required to ensure that the system can meet the changing skill needs of the 1980s’? $(1982,40)$$(1982,40)$(1982,40)(1982,40). The second question cannot be separated from the first; that is, providing the skills deemed necessary in the 1980s was additionally understood as a way in which equity could be achieved. This is an important shift in discourse from the 1960s. It can be understood, using Nancy Fraser’s framework, as a way in which emancipatory movements continued to dovetail with market imperatives. Although feminist groups in the 1960s and 1970s levied critique upon training regimes for both excluding and not taking the needs of women into account, by the 1980s training women and other groups deemed marginalised was not only directly inscribed within policy measures, but, as addressed next, was also publicised as a way in which the needs of the labour market could be best met.
联邦政府代表道奇和威尔金森提出了两个问题来指导 20 世纪 80 年代劳动力市场的发展：（1）"培训系统在满足技能需求和实现公平目标方面的效率如何？ $(1982,40)$$(1982,40)$(1982,40)(1982,40) 。第二个问题与第一个问题不可分割；也就是说，提供 20 世纪 80 年代所需的技能被额外理解为实现公平的一种方式。与 20 世纪 60 年代相比，这是一个重要的话语转变。利用南希-弗雷泽（Nancy Fraser）的框架，可以将其理解为解放运动继续与市场需要相吻合的一种方式。尽管 20 世纪 60 年代和 70 年代的女权主义团体批评培训制度排斥妇女和不考虑妇女的需求，但到了 20 世纪 80 年代，对妇女和其他被视为边缘化群体的培训不仅被直接纳入政策措施，而且，正如接下来要讨论的那样，还被宣传为能够最好地满足劳动力市场需求的一种方式。

Dodge and Wilkinson (1982) predicted that ‘flexible work arrangements’ would be one of the fastest growing components of the labour market. Additionally, a gendered element to this ‘new’ era of work arrangements was foreseen, described as ‘increasing
Dodge 和 Wilkinson（1982 年）预测，"灵活的工作安排 "将成为劳动力市场增长最快的组成部分之一。此外，这一工作安排的 "新 "时代还预见到了性别因素，被描述为 "越来越多"。
tightness in labour markets for men and increasing slackness in labour markets for women’ (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 41). During the early 1980s, one in eight labour force participants in Canada worked part-time or seasonally, of which 70% were women (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982). However, rather than being deemed problematic by federal advocates, such a trend was framed as holding potential:
男性劳动力市场紧张，女性劳动力市场日益松懈"（Dodge 和 Wilkinson，1982 年，第 41 页）。20 世纪 80 年代初，加拿大每八名劳动力参与者中就有一人从事兼职或季节性工作，其中 70% 是妇女（Dodge 和 Wilkinson，1982 年）。然而，这种趋势并没有被联邦倡导者视为有问题，反而被认为具有潜力：

Encouragement for flexible working schedule and conditions address both employment system and target group needs. Traditionally, part-time and part-year workers were considered a marginal component of the labour force. The implementation of a number of flexible work arrangements such as: job rotation, job sharing, compressed work week, remote site employment commuting, and paid educational leave should tap the qualified pool of labour not available for traditional work arrangements. (Dodge and Wilkinson 1982, 44)
鼓励灵活的工作时间和条件既能满足就业制度的需要，也能满足目标群体的需要。传统上，非全日制和非全日制工人被认为是劳动力的边缘组成部分。实施一系列灵活的工作安排，如：工作轮换、工作共享、压缩工作周、远程现场通勤就业和带薪教育假，应能挖掘出传统工作安排无法提供的合格劳动力。(道奇和威尔金森，1982 年，第 44 页）

Without considering aspects of inequality inherent within part-time and precarious work - such as low wages, a lack of job protection, and low social benefits - focus was placed on the potential of flexible arrangements to meet both labour market and equity needs. Critiques in response to previous manpower efforts were cast as holding economic potential within the early 1980s. Not only were labour market inequalities women face directly addressed by state policy, but they were also seen as being able to meet labour market requirements.
在不考虑非全时工作和不稳定工作中固有的不平等问题（如低工资、缺乏工作保护和低社会福利）的情况下，重点放在了灵活安排满足劳动力市场和公平需求的潜力上。20 世纪 80 年代初，针对以往人力工作的批评被认为具有经济潜力。国家政策不仅直接解决了妇女面临的劳动力市场不平等问题，而且还认为妇女能够满足劳动力市场的需求。

In the wake of the NT Act the federal task force on skill development conducted survey research in order to elucidate the current state of occupational training. Within this research dramatic gender inequality was found, especially within workplace training - the very arena the federal government was attempting to promote. Workplace training and upgrading courses were found to be more accessible and advantageous for men, as employers were twice as likely to provide sponsored training, cover tuition fees, and schedule programmes during working hours for this group (Matas 1983a). Nevertheless, rather than addressing gender inequality within firm-based training, both governmental and social groups looked primarily to the higher education sector to mitigate it. Critique of the NT Act focused upon access to classroom-based training, drawing focus towards inequality within training institutes and carrying the assumption that if classroom-based training was equalised and made more accessible, inequalities within the labour market would by proxy be addressed. However, three years after the NT Act was enacted, research found that women represented only $21\mathrm{\%}$$21\mathrm{\%}$21%21 \% of trainees under federal programmes, a number which had dropped from 31% in 1977 (Rauhala 1986). Further, the small number of women who were benefitting from federal-sponsored training tended to be those from more advantageous backgrounds, while women in poverty, of minority status, or from rural areas had even more limited access to federal-sponsored training.
在《新台币法》颁布后，联邦技能发展特别工作组开展了调查研究，以阐明职业培训的现状。在这项研究中发现了严重的性别不平等现象，尤其是在工作场所培训中，而这正是联邦政府试图促进的领域。研究发现，男性更容易获得工作场所培训和进修课程，因为雇主为男性提供赞助培训、支付学费以及在工作时间为男性安排课程的可能性是男性的两倍（Matas，1983a）。尽管如此，政府和社会团体并没有解决企业培训中的性别不平等问题，而是主要寄希望于高等教育部门来缓解这一问题。对《新劳动法》的批评主要集中在接受课堂培训的机会上，将重点放在培训机构内部的不平等上，并假定如果课堂培训实现了平等并变得更容易获得，那么劳动力市场中的不平等问题也会随之得到解决。然而，在《北部地区法》颁布三年后，研究发现，妇女仅占联邦计划受训人员的 $21\mathrm{\%}$$21\mathrm{\%}$21%21 \% ，这一数字从 1977 年的 31% 下降到了 1986 年的 31%（Rauhala，1986 年）。此外，从联邦资助的培训中受益的少数妇女往往是那些背景较为优越的妇女，而贫困妇女、少数民族妇女或来自农村地区的妇女获得联邦资助的培训的机会更为有限。

The forms of gender inequality that became apparent under the NT Act were quickly addressed by nation-wide provincial initiatives. In 1985 newly elected Ontario Premier David Peterson called for a provincial intergovernmental approach to address and resolve persistent forms of gender inequity at the Canadian First Ministers Conference (Walker 1985). The initial meeting between Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and provincial and territorial premiers resulted in the formation of a policy document in 1986, entitled Towards a Labour Force Strategy: A Framework for Training for Women (TLFS). Although the initial proposal made by Peterson argued for the necessity of efforts at the national level, the resulting report abandoned reaching a uniform consensus across provinces and territories. Rather, it was agreed
根据《新南威尔士州法案》显现出来的各种形式的性别不平等很快就通过全国范围的省级倡议得到了解决。1985 年，新当选的安大略省省长戴维-彼得森（David Peterson）在加拿大第一部长会议（Walker，1985 年）上呼吁采取一种省级政府间方法来处理和解决长期存在的各种形式的性别不平等问题。加拿大总理布赖恩-马尔罗尼（Brian Mulroney）与各省和地区总理举行了首次会议，并于 1986 年形成了一份政策文件，题为《迈向劳动力战略》（Towards a Labour Force Strategy）：妇女培训框架》（TLFS）的政策文件。尽管彼得森最初提出的建议认为有必要在国家一级做出努力，但最终形成的报告放弃了在各省和地区之间达成统一的共识。相反，报告同意
that each jurisdiction would set its own course of action, addressing the policy recommendations formed in this initial document in localised endeavours. Although vast policy recommendations were made, encompassing areas such as childcare, career counselling, and discrimination, one important aspect - indeed the crux of the problem this document elucidates - focused upon addressing the training and skill formation of women. As the first page of the TLFS policy proposal reads, ‘training and skills development are often the only options open to women who want to improve their employment prospects’ (Conference of First Ministers 1986, 1). The recommendations put forth by the First Ministers largely concern access to training and class-room-based education, such as removing required prerequisites, providing basic skill and language training, increasing access to funding and loans, and offering flexible training programmes.
每个司法管辖区都将制定自己的行动方针，在本地化的工作中落实本初始文件中提出的政策建议。虽然提出了大量政策建议，涵盖了儿童保育、职业咨询和歧视等领域，但其中一个重要方面--实际上也是本文件所阐明的问题的核心--集中于解决妇女的培训和技能培养问题。正如 TLFS 政策建议的第一页所述，"培训和技能发展往往是希望改善就业前景的妇女的唯一选择"（首席部长会议，1986 年，1）。首席部长们提出的建议主要涉及获得培训和课堂教育的机会，如取消必要的先决条件、提供基本技能和语言培训、增加获得资金和贷款的机会以及提供灵活的培训方案。

Proposed policy measures in TLFS sought to influence systems of inequity through educational institutions. The intention of such measures was to create a ‘trickle-up effect’ within the labour market, carrying the assumption that education and training have the power to directly address labour market inequalities under free-market logics. As the report reads, ‘since the learning environment can extend well beyond the walls of the classroom, the principles of equity in education and training also applies to training in the workplace and in other non-institutional settings’ (Conference of First Ministers 1986, 3). Although remedial policy recommendations were made, such as addressing stereotypical language in curriculum and expanding and promoting the services of career counsellors, the document recommends the expansion of educational opportunities in the areas where women were underrepresented, including apprenticeship, managerial, ‘professional and decision-making positions’. It was recommended that educational institutions should mirror this change themselves through creating more opportunities for senior positions to be held by women and adopting affirmative action policies. Such recommendations advanced the conviction that the labour market and systems of education in Canada were tightly coupled, where policy action within state-controlled institutions - indeed, where the ministers had most clout would influence and direct action in the private sector. Further, women emerge as subjects requiring opportunities, direction, and influence in order to chart successful labour market pathways, a process which begins in the public education setting.
拟议的政策措施试图通过教育机构影响不平等制度。这些措施的意图是在劳动力市场中产生 "涓滴效应"，其假设是，在自由市场的逻辑下，教育和培训有能力直接解决劳动力市场的不平等问题。正如报告所述，"由于学习环境可以远远超出教室的围墙，教育和培训的公平原则也适用于工作场所和其他非机构环境中的培训"（Conference of First Ministers 1986, 3）。虽然提出了一些补救性政策建议，如解决课程中的陈规定型语言问题，扩大和促进职业顾问的服务，但该文件建议在妇女代表人数不足的领域扩大教育机会，包括学徒、管理、"专业和决策职位"。文件建议，教育机构应通过为妇女担任高级职位创造更多机会和采取平权行动政策来反映这种变化。这些建议使人们相信，加拿大的劳动力市场和教育系统是紧密联系在一起的，国家控制的机构内的政策行动--事实上，部长们最有影响力的地方--将影响和指导私营部门的行动。此外，妇女成为需要机会、指导和影响的主体，以便在劳动力市场上取得成功，而这一过程始于公共教育环境。

As this paper has shown, the rise of gender equity movements during the 1960s provided a third influential force shaping vocational and adult education in Canada, and as Fraser argues, formed a contentious and unresolved relationship with social protection and marketisation. The shift from vocational to occupational training, the inclusion of firm-based training as part of publically funded VET, and the resolution to appease gender equity movements through providing access to training created an entanglement between social protection, marketisation, and gender equity movements. The transformation of vocational education in Canada must be understood as not only due to the shifting institutional boundaries between marketisation and social protection, but also as influenced by social movements found within advocacy groups and state policy that campaigned for the often tentative and contradictory labour market integration of women, a transition that could ostensibly be realised through vocational training.
正如本文所示，20 世纪 60 年代兴起的性别平等运动是影响加拿大职业教育和成人教育的第三股有影响力的力量，正如弗雷泽所言，它与社会保护和市场化之间形成了一种有争议且尚未解决的关系。从职业培训到职业培训的转变，将以企业为基础的培训作为公共资助的职业教育与培训的一部分，以及通过提供培训机会来安抚性别平等运动的决心，在社会保护、市场化和性别平等运动之间形成了一种纠结。加拿大职业教育的转变不仅是由于市场化和社会保护之间的制度界限发生了变化，而且还受到了倡导团体和国家政策中的社会运动的影响。

As the story of vocational and adult education unfolds, what becomes apparent is how claims of gender equity were not only co-opted by the state in the 1980s, but
随着职业教育和成人教育故事的展开，显而易见的是，在 20 世纪 80 年代，性别平等的主张不仅被国家所采纳，而且还被其他国家所利用。
also came to intersect with market imperatives. Addressing gender equity within Canadian society found traction within educational initiatives aiming to impact labour market inequalities. Although gender inequality within higher education was present, it was a sector of society in which women were making the largest gains. For example, during the period TLFS was being written, women were virtually equal to men in overall years of schooling, were less likely to drop out, and were near parity in higher education enrolment (Andres and Adamuti-Trache 2007; Gaskell, McLaren and Novogrodsky 1989). The swift credence given to skill formation and education for women within governmental policy during the 1980s is illustrative of a particular consensus concerning the role of education in providing equity. Not only did education become the means of addressing social inequality, but it also came to shape the construction of the problem itself, including how women are educated, what they are educated in, and the result of education. Indeed, the measure of success concerning if equity was achieved came to be understood as labour market participation. Couched within the rhetoric of labour market integration, gender equity came to be firmly entangled with the economic success that education could foster. Success could be measured under free-market logics - the degree to which demand for workers was being met by those who were not fully participating in the public, capitalist workforce, those historically marginalised often by these very logics that were providing the contemporary measures of success.
也开始与市场的需要交织在一起。加拿大社会中的性别平等问题在旨在影响劳动力市场不平等的教育倡议中得到了重视。虽然高等教育中也存在性别不平等，但这是妇女进步最大的一个社会部门。例如，在撰写 TLFS 期间，女性的总体受教育年限几乎与男性持平，辍学的可能性较小，高等教育入学率也接近均等（Andres 和 Adamuti-Trache 2007 年；Gaskell、McLaren 和 Novogrodsky 1989 年）。20 世纪 80 年代，政府政策迅速重视妇女的技能培养和教育，这说明人们对教育在实现公平方面的作用已达成共识。教育不仅成为解决社会不平等问题的手段，而且也开始影响问题本身的构建，包括妇女如何接受教育、接受何种教育以及教育的结果。事实上，衡量是否实现了公平的标准就是劳动力市场的参与度。在劳动力市场一体化的口号下，性别平等与教育所能促进的经济成就牢牢地联系在了一起。成功可以按照自由市场的逻辑来衡量--那些没有充分参与公共、资本主义劳动力的人对工人需求的满足程度，那些在历史上被边缘化的人往往被提供当代成功衡量标准的这些逻辑所边缘化。

In taking stock of the past, it is necessary to consider how current efforts towards gender equity can escape this tightly wound circular logic of inclusion. Although today in Canada women are well represented within post-secondary education, gender inclusion cannot necessarily be understood and studied as a unidimensional project of emancipation. Indeed, today vocational education is still marked by specific forms of gender inequality, most notably segregation by field of study. Echoing the past, the current approach of Status of Women Canada has been to address such issues through the language of marketisation with claims that addressing educational and employment inequalities provides opportunities to build Canada’s ‘innovation economy’. Considering educational outcomes as solely based on economic independence or ideological egalitarianism misses the intricate ways inequality functions and forms an ‘evolutionary’ conceptualisation of inclusion that ‘treat[s] all forms of ascriptive stratification as preindustrial remnants that are gradually eliminated as modern values and institutions replace traditional ones’ (Charles and Bradley 2002, 575). From a policy perspective, education cannot be assumed to correlate to an increased or decreased status of women in other social fields, from caretaking responsibilities to social protection. As Nancy Fraser writes, ‘an emancipatory project coloured by naive faith in contract, meritocracy and individual advancement will easily be twisted to other ends’ $(2013b,131)$$(2013b,131)$(2013 b,131)(2013 b, 131).
在总结过去的同时，有必要考虑当前为实现性别平等所做的努力如何才能摆脱这种严密的包容性循环逻辑。尽管今天在加拿大，妇女在中学后教育中的比例很高，但性别包容并不一定能作为一个单维的解放项目来理解和研究。事实上，今天的职业教育仍然存在着特定形式的性别不平等，最明显的是学习领域的隔离。与过去一样，加拿大妇女地位部目前的做法是通过市场化的语言来解决这些问题，声称解决教育和就业不平等问题为建设加拿大的 "创新经济 "提供了机会。将教育成果仅仅视为经济独立或意识形态平等主义的基础，忽略了不平等的复杂运作方式，形成了一种 "进化 "的包容性概念，"将所有形式的等级划分视为工业革命前的残余，随着现代价值观和制度取代传统价值观和制度而逐渐消失"（查尔斯和布拉德利，2002 年，第 575 页）。从政策的角度来看，不能假定教育与妇女在其他社会领域（从照顾责任到社会保护）地位的提高或降低相关联。正如南希-弗雷泽（Nancy Fraser）所写的那样，"天真地相信契约、任人唯贤和个人进步的解放计划很容易被扭曲为其他目的" $(2013b,131)$$(2013b,131)$(2013 b,131)(2013 b, 131) 。

The author would like to thank Jason Ellis, Lesley Andres, Chris Nichols, the anonymous reviewers, Alexandra Allan, and Penny Tinkler for generously providing feedback and support for this paper.
作者感谢 Jason Ellis、Lesley Andres、Chris Nichols、匿名审稿人、Alexandra Allan 和 Penny Tinkler 为本文提供的反馈和支持。

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
作者未报告任何潜在利益冲突。

This work was supported by the Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship.
这项工作得到了 Vanier 加拿大研究生奖学金的支持。

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