1.1 The Aims and Audience of Augustus's Res Gestae
《奥古斯都事迹》的目的和受众

Upon the death of Augustus in 14 c.e., the Younger Drusus, Tiberius's son, read out the will of the deceased princeps at a meeting of the Roman senate, along with three other documents. The three documents had been entrusted, along with his will, to the Vestal virgins for their protection in April 13 c.e. The first document gave Augustus's instructions regarding his funeral; the second document was “a summary of his achievements” (index rerum a se gestarum); the third document provided “a brief account of the whole empire” (Suetonius, Aug. 101.4). The second document, better known to us as the RG, was to be inscribed on bronze tablets and displayed in the front of Augustus's mausoleum, which stood prominently on the Campus Martius (Field of Mars), its construction having been finalized by 28 b.c.e. The RG was composed in the final year of Augustus's life, when he was seventy-six years old and in the thirty-seventh year of his tribunician power (4.4; 35.2). Somewhere between his birthday on 23 September 13 c.e. and his death on 19 August 14 c.e., the work was completed, perhaps provoked by two omens in his final year presaging his imminent death (Suetonius, Aug. 90–92), though it is possible that the work had been in progress much earlier.Footnote ¹⁴ The RG is a self-eulogy in which Augustus sets out his achievements and accolades: his honors (1–7) and special tributes achieved during his principate (9–13); the honors for his sons (14); his impensae (expenses) incurred on behalf of the state and the Roman people (15–24); his res gestae ([military] achievements) by which he subdued the world to the power of Rome (25–33); and, last, his pre-eminence as an example of virtue to all (34–35).
在公元 14 年奥古斯都去世后，提比略的儿子年轻德鲁苏在罗马元老院的一次会议上宣读了已故皇帝的遗嘱，以及其他三份文件。这三份文件连同他的遗嘱一起，于公元前 13 年 4 月交托给女祭司以保护。第一份文件包含奥古斯都有关他的葬礼的指示；第二份文件是“他的成就摘要”（事迹索引）；第三份文件提供了“整个帝国的简要介绍”（斯威托尼乌斯，奥古斯都 101.4）。我们熟知的第二份文件，即《RG》，将被铭刻在青铜牌上，并展示在奥古斯都陵墓的前面，该陵墓显著地位于马尔斯广场（Field of Mars），其建造已于公元前 28 年完成。《RG》是在奥古斯都生命的最后一年创作的，当时他七十六岁，也是他的第三十七个保民官年（4.4; 35.2）。在公元前 13 年 9 月 23 日生日和公元 14 年 8 月 19 日去世之间的某个时间，这项工作完成，也许是由他最后一年的两个预示他即将去世的征兆所激发的（斯威托尼乌斯，奥古斯都）。 90-92)，尽管这项工作可能在更早时期就已经在进行中。RG 是一篇自我颂扬的文章，奥古斯都在其中阐述了他的成就和荣誉：他的荣誉（1-7）以及在他的元首期间取得的特别致敬（9-13）；他儿子的荣誉（14）；他为国家和罗马人民所发生的费用（15-24）；他的事迹（[军事]成就），通过这些成就他使世界臣服于罗马的力量（25-33）；最后，他作为一种美德榜样的卓越地位（34-35）。

Scholars have suggested a variety of purposes for the RG. It is either
学者们已经提出了 RG 的各种目的。它要么

1. a) “a rendering of accounts” (Theodor Mommsen);Footnote ¹⁵
   “账目的呈现”（泰奥多尔·莫姆森）; ¹⁵

2. b) a statement “that his rule was not arbitrary, but founded on law” (Zvi Yavetz);Footnote ¹⁶
   b) 一种说法是“他的统治并非是专断的，而是建立在法律基础上的”（兹维·亚维茨）

3. c) a document, though having multiple purposes, which was “aimed at justifying his deification and … encouraging the senate to expedite the process” (Alison E. Cooley; also Brian Bosworth);Footnote ¹⁷
   c）一份文件，虽然具有多种目的，但“旨在证明他的神格化，并鼓励参议院加快进程”（艾莉森·E·库利；还有布莱恩·博斯沃斯）; ¹⁷

4. d) an account of Augustus's philosophy of government, aimed at establishing a stable state (Suetonius, Aug. 28.2) and instructing his successor, Tiberius (Edwin S. Ramage; John Scheid);Footnote ¹⁸
   d）关于奥古斯都的政府哲学，旨在建立一个稳定的国家（斯威托尼乌斯，奥古斯都 28.2）并指导他的继任者提比略（埃德温·S·拉马格；约翰·谢德）。

5. e) a document leaving Augustus's “own version of events to guide the assessment of … posterity” (Ronald Ridley; also Jean Gagé);Footnote ¹⁹ or
   e）一份文件留下奥古斯都的“自己的事件版本来指导后人的评估”（罗纳德·里德利；也让·加热）; ¹⁹ 或

6. f) “an apologia, containing the things which Augustus wished to be remembered about his life, and omitting things which were inconsistent with the picture he was drawing” (Peter A. Brunt and John M. Moore).Footnote ²⁰
   “一篇辩护文，包含奥古斯都希望后人记住的事情，省略了与他所描绘形象不一致的事情”（彼得·A·布伦特和约翰·M·摩尔）。

It is beyond the scope of this article to assess the viability of these interpretations, though, from what follows, I consider suggestions e) and f) to capture best Augustus's intentions. I will focus on the apologetic purpose of the RG against the backdrop of the contemporary attacks made against the princeps. The aims of the document should also be situated within the traditional quest for ancestral glory among the Roman nobles and within the Roman literature of exempla. This can be discerned from Augustus's statement in the RG that he would uphold the ancestral exempla and provide exempla for the imitation of posterity though his statue program in the forum Augustum (§1.1.2, below).Footnote ²¹ Only recently have scholars sufficiently appreciated this Augustan emphasis. Before we investigate this further, we have to discuss how the purpose of the RG related to Augustus's earlier memoirs.
本文的范围不包括评估这些解释的可行性，但从接下来的内容来看，我认为建议 e)和 f)最能捕捉奥古斯都的意图。我将重点关注《罗马史》对抗当时针对元首的攻击的辩护目的。该文件的目的也应当放在罗马贵族对祖先荣耀的传统追求以及罗马的典范文学之中。这可以从奥古斯都在《罗马史》中的声明中看出，他将维护祖先的典范，并通过在奥古斯都广场的雕像计划为后人提供典范（§1.1.2，以下）。 ²¹ 只有最近学者们才充分重视这种奥古斯都的强调。在我们进一步调查之前，我们必须讨论《罗马史》的目的与奥古斯都早期回忆录之间的关系。

1.2 The Epistle to the Romans: Paul's Counterblast to Augustus's Res Gestae?
罗马书 1.2：保罗对奥古斯都的《事迹》的反击？

Paul, a versatile and strategic thinker, would have been aware that a change in the geographic focus of his mission necessitated a change in its political and evangelistic apologetic, as he moved from the Greek East to Rome and Spain in the Latin West (Rom 15:19a–24). The apostle would have had to consider the pastoral and social implications of his apocalyptic gospel for auditors now living under the so-called “Golden Age” of Nero at Rome.Footnote ⁷² Among the pastoral issues that Paul had faced in the Greek East, the spiritual dangers posed by the idolatry of ruler worship was a clear emphasis in the apostle's teaching (1 Thess 1:9; 5:2–3; 1 Cor 2:6–8; 8:5–6, 10; 10:14–22; Gal 4:8–10).Footnote ⁷³ The imperial cult was ubiquitous among the indigenous cults in the eastern Mediterranean basin. Precisely because of the unprecedented benefits that it dispensed to the Greek city-states, it had become the most influential cult in securing clients across the Roman empire.Footnote ⁷⁴
保罗是一个多才多艺、具有战略思维的人，他必然意识到，使命地理重心的转变需要其政治和福音辩护的变革，因为他从希腊东部转移到拉丁西部的罗马和西班牙（罗马书 15:19a–24）。使徒必须考虑他的启示福音对那些生活在所谓尼禄“黄金时代”下的罗马听众的牧养和社会影响。 ⁷² 保罗在希腊东部面临的牧养问题中，统治者崇拜的偶像崇拜所带来的属灵危险是使徒教导中的一个明显重点（帖撒罗尼迦前书 1:9；5:2–3；哥林多前书 2:6–8；8:5–6，10；10:14–22；加拉太书 4:8–10）。 ⁷³ 在东地中海盆地的土著信仰中，帝国崇拜无处不在。正是因为它为希腊城邦提供的前所未有的利益，使其成为罗马帝国范围内最具影响力的崇拜，帮助其在整个罗马帝国范围内获得信徒。 ⁷⁴

In writing to believers living at mid–fifties Rome in the Latin West, however, Paul was engaging a city that had been enthralled for generations by a heated quest for ancestral glory. The leading men of Rome had striven to outdo each other by achieving glory for their houses through the acquisition of magistracies, the distribution of beneficence, and the establishment of virtus (manliness) on the battlefield. This quest for glory from republican times through to the early imperial age had produced a boastful and hierarchical society (cf. Rom 1:30; 3:27; 4:2–3; 5:11; 12:3, 10b). The leaders of Rome evinced hatred for their political inimici (enemies: cf. Rom 5:6–8; 12:14–21), offered clementia (mercy) to those worthy of pardon (cf. 11:31–32; 12:1, 8b), and maintained the barrier between the conqueror and the conquered (cf. 1:14). This quest for ancestral glory had eventuated in the triumph of the Julian house and its idolatrous cult (cf. Rom 1:22), with the result that glory had become the preserve of the ruler and his family (cf. 11:36; 16:27; 1 Cor 2:8; 2 Cor 3:18).Footnote ⁷⁵ Consequently, Augustus as princeps was the embodiment of all virtue (cf. Rom 5:18–19), the father of his country (cf. 4:11–12, 16, 18; 8:15; 9:10), and the iconic exemplum for those aspiring to leadership (cf. 8:29).
在写信给罗马中年信徒的时候，保罗卷入了一个被祖先荣耀的激烈追求所迷住了几代人的城市。罗马的领袖们努力超越彼此，通过获得官职、施行恩惠以及在战场上建立 virtus（男子气概）来为他们的家族赢得荣耀。从共和时代到早期帝国时代，这种对荣耀的追求造就了一个自负和等级分明的社会。罗马的领袖们表现出对他们的政治敌人的仇恨，对值得宽恕的人提供仁慈，并保持征服者和被征服者之间的隔阂。这种对祖先荣耀的追求最终导致了尤利安家族及其偶像崇拜的胜利，结果导致荣耀成为统治者及其家族的专属。因此，奥古斯都作为元首是所有美德的化身。 罗马书 5:18-19），他的国家之父（参见 4:11-12, 16, 18; 8:15; 9:10），以及那些渴望领导的人的标志性典范（参见 8:29）。

Undoubtedly, the apostle was sensitive to the importance of the quest for glory for the Roman nobility and their imperial successors from the victories of their generals over the nations of the Greek East. Such conquests had acquired their own momentum in oral culture. The famous houses of the Scipios and the Metelli reinforced this popular adulation when their generals received or assumed a second cognomen in commemoration of their victories (e.g., Africanus, Asiaticus, Macedonicus, Numidicus, Delmaticus, Creticus, etc.). Monuments to the achievements of the generals, republican and imperial, were also present in the Greek East. These included the Greek and Latin copies of Augustus's RG in the province of Galatia, as well as the honorific monument to the Roman general Gaius Memmius at Ephesus,Footnote ⁷⁶ the Sebasteion (i.e., imperial sanctuary) of Claudius and Nero at Aphrodisias,Footnote ⁷⁷ and the Augustan triumphal arches throughout the empire and the Sebasteion at Pisidian Antioch.Footnote ⁷⁸
毫无疑问，使徒对罗马贵族及其帝国继承者追求荣耀的重要性非常敏感，这种追求源自他们的将军在希腊东部国家取得的胜利。这些征服在口头传统中已经形成了自己的动力。当他们的将军因胜利而获得或假定第二个绰号以纪念他们的胜利时（例如非洲人、亚洲人、马其顿人、努米底亚人、德尔马提亚人、克里特人等），斯西皮奥斯家族和梅泰利家族的名声加强了这种普遍的崇拜。对将军们的成就，无论是共和国的还是帝国的，也在希腊东部存在着纪念碑。这些包括在加拉太省的希腊文和拉丁文拷贝的奥古斯都的《RG》，以及在以弗所的罗马将军盖乌斯·梅米乌斯的纪念碑，克劳狄乌斯和尼禄在阿弗罗迪西亚的塞巴斯提安（即皇家圣殿），以及帝国各地的奥古斯都凯旋门和皮西迪亚安条克的塞巴斯提安。

It is likely that the relentless boasting of imperial monuments in the Greek East, including the RG at Pisidian Antioch (§1.2, above), provoked Paul to consider how he might challenge the Roman quest for glory with the gospel of divine grace revealed in the crucified and risen Christ. This decision would have had profound theological and social consequences for Roman believers if, as Thomas R. Schreiner has argued,Footnote ⁷⁹ the center of Paul's theology was God's glory in Christ. Paul's gospel would have grabbed the attention of his Roman auditors and challenged their fascination with ancestral glory and its culmination in the Julian house, given the widespread use of the language of glory in Romans.Footnote ⁸⁰ Paul expected that the Spirit would continue to transform Roman believers in Christ when they put to death in their lives the values of the status-obsessed and boastful society of Rome (Rom 6:12–14, 19; 7:4–6; 12:1–3, 10b). The social consequences of this transformation would have been initially imperceptible to the Roman rulers and their representatives, but the cruciform outworking of Paul's gospel brought a distinctive newness to the social relations and beneficence of the house churches that were appearing across the Roman empire.Footnote ⁸¹ Although this aim was not Paul's only purpose in writing Romans, or indeed his primary purpose, nevertheless Paul highlighted the social and ethical application of God's eschatological glory revealed in Christ for believers living under the Julio-Claudian ruler in the first century.
希腊东部对帝国纪念碑的不懈吹嘘，包括在彼西底亚安条克的 RG（见 1.2 节），很可能激起保罗思考如何用被钉死和复活的基督所启示的神圣恩典的福音挑战罗马对荣耀的追求。如果像托马斯·R·施赖纳所主张的那样，这个决定对罗马信徒可能会产生深远的神学和社会后果， ⁷⁹ 保罗神学的中心是基督里的神的荣耀。保罗的福音将吸引他的罗马听众的注意，并挑战他们对祖先荣耀及其在尤利安王室中的顶峰的迷恋，鉴于罗马书中广泛使用荣耀的语言。 ⁸⁰ 保罗预期圣灵会继续在基督里转变罗马信徒，当他们在生活中消灭罗马社会中那些追求地位和自夸的价值观时（罗马书 6:12-14, 19; 7:4-6; 12:1-3, 10b）。 这种转变的社会后果最初对罗马统治者及其代表来说可能是难以察觉的，但保罗福音的十字架形态给罗马帝国各地出现的家庭教会的社会关系和善行带来了独特的新意。 ⁸¹ 尽管这不是保罗在写罗马书信时的唯一目的，或者说不是他的主要目的，但保罗强调了上帝在基督里揭示的末世荣耀在一世纪生活在朱利奥-克劳狄王朝统治下的信徒身上的社会和伦理应用。

2.1 The Centrality of Ancestral Tradition
2.1 祖先传统的中心地位

Although Augustus does not highlight ancestral tradition as prominently as other motifs in the RG, its importance remains undiminished for the establishment of consensus in his principate. First, Augustus records that he had rejected the post of guardian of laws and customs without colleague as unconstitutional (6.1; see §2.6, below, for other examples) because it was inconsistent with ancestral custom (contra morem maiorum). Second, Augustus explains that his legislation was designed to restore “many ancient customs (m[ulta e]xempla maiorum) that were already becoming obsolete” (8.5). Third, the temple of Janus was closed three times in Augustus's principate, in accordance with ancestral wishes (13: [maiores nostri voluer]unt). Fourth, in his annexation of Greater Armenia in 20 b.c.e., Augustus acted in accordance with ancestral example (27.1: maiorum nostrorum exemplo) by handing over the kingdom to Tigranes, following Pompey's precedent of 66 b.c.e. What is fascinating about these references to custom is the scope of their reference. The traditions of the ancestors informed Augustus's approach to legislation, his acceptance of magistracies, the performance of religious ritual, and diplomatic relations within the Roman empire. Finally, Augustus's meticulous attention in the RG to the Roman gods (8.1; 19.1–2; 20.1, 3–4; 24.1–2) and to the great priestly colleges (7.3) represents another example of his devotion to ancestral tradition.
尽管奥古斯都在《罗马史》中没有像其他主题那样突出祖传传统的重要性，但对于他的元首制度的建立，其重要性仍然不减。首先，奥古斯都记录说，他拒绝了独自担任法律和风俗监护人的职位，认为这是违宪的（6.1；参见下文的§2.6，以了解其他例子），因为这与祖传习俗相矛盾（contra morem maiorum）。其次，奥古斯都解释说，他的立法旨在恢复“许多已经逐渐过时的古老风俗（m[ulta e]xempla maiorum）”（8.5）。第三，雅努斯神庙在奥古斯都的元首时期关闭了三次，符合祖先的意愿（13：[maiores nostri voluer]unt）。第四，在公元前 20 年吞并大亚美尼亚时，奥古斯都按照祖先的榜样行事（27.1：maiorum nostrorum exemplo），将王国交给提格兰尼，遵循了公元前 66 年庞培的先例。这些关于风俗的引用之所以令人着迷，是因为它们的涵盖范围。 祖先的传统影响了奥古斯都对立法的态度，他接受行政职务，进行宗教仪式以及罗马帝国内外的外交关系。最后，奥古斯都在《罗马史》中对罗马众神（8.1；19.1-2；20.1，3-4；24.1-2）和伟大的祭司学院（7.3）的细致关注，是他对祖先传统的又一个例证。

In Romans, Paul displays a positive attitude to ancestral honor, although Paul's discussion operates in a Jewish context. Paul's rhetorical purpose in writing in this manner to Roman Gentiles living in the capital needs to be understood (Rom 1:13; 11:13; 15:15–16).Footnote ⁸² Paul depicts Christ as the fulfillment of world history (Rom 5:14: 'Αδὰμ ὅς ἐστιν τύπος το μέλλοντος) and Jewish covenantal history (10:4: τέλος γὰρ νόμου Χριστὸς) in a rhetorical strategy designed, among other purposes, to dismantle the ideology of rule articulated through the Roman “founder” narratives (i.e., Romulus and Remus, Aeneas). Augustus, as the new “Romulus” and “Aeneas” of Rome,Footnote ⁸³ restored to the capital its mos maiorum, with the result that the Roman gods and customs were properly honored once again. Paul dismantles this construct by articulating the Jewish “founder” narrative of humanity (Rom 5:12–21) that for Paul, as a believer, found its culmination in Christ as opposed to Augustus.
在罗马书中，保罗展示了对祖先荣誉的积极态度，尽管保罗的讨论是在犹太背景下进行的。保罗以这种方式写给居住在首都的罗马外邦人的修辞目的需要被理解（罗马书 1:13；11:13；15:15–16）。保罗描绘基督是世界历史的实现（罗马书 5:14：“亚当乃是那预表将来之人的样式”）和犹太盟约历史（10:4：“因为律法的终结就是基督”），这是一种旨在解构罗马“创始人”叙事（即罗穆卢斯和雷姆斯、埃涅阿斯）所表达的统治意识形态的修辞策略之一。奥古斯都作为罗马的新“罗穆卢斯”和“埃涅阿斯”，恢复了首都的传统习俗，结果使罗马的神祗和风俗再次得到妥善的尊崇。保罗通过阐述犹太的“创始人”人类叙事（罗马书 5:12–21）来解构这一构想，对于保罗这样一个信徒来说，这一叙事在基督身上找到了最终的实现，与奥古斯都形成了对比。

Significantly, Paul does not reject his Jewish ancestry and the soteriological privileges flowing from it (Rom 3:1–2; 9:4–5; 11:2; Phil 3:4b–6). He affirms that Abraham was the forefather of the Jewish nation (4:1). Moreover, Christ was descended from David (Rom 1:3; 10:5), confirming the promises given to the patriarchs (15:8b). The ancestral privileges of Israel were given continuing recognition through the gospel being extended to the Jews first because of their salvation priority (first: Rom 1:17b; 2:10b; first fruits: 11:16a). Disobedient Israel would still experience soteriological blessing when her Messiah returned as the eschatological Deliverer from heavenly Zion (Rom 11:25–27; see vv. 12, 15b). The reason for this continuing mercy was Israel's divine election and her beloved status because of her ancestors (Rom 11:28; 15:8b). Even though Israel was currently stumbling (Rom 9:22, 27, 31–33; 10:2–3; 11:17a, 20a, 21a, 25b), an elect remnant was being called out by divine grace in the present age (11:1–6, 11a, 13, 23).
保罗显著地没有否认他的犹太血统以及由此流传下来的救赎特权（罗马书 3:1–2; 9:4–5; 11:2; 腓立比书 3:4b–6）。他确认亚伯拉罕是犹太民族的祖先（罗马书 4:1）。此外，基督是大卫的后裔（罗马书 1:3; 10:5），证实了赐给祖先的应许（15:8b）。以色列的祖先特权通过首先将福音传给犹太人而得到持续承认，因为他们在救赎上的优先地位（首先：罗马书 1:17b; 2:10b; 初熟的果实：11:16a）。不顺从的以色列在她的弥赛亚作为来自天上锡安的末世拯救者归来时，仍将经历救赎的祝福（罗马书 11:25–27; 见第 12 节，15b）。这种持续怜悯的原因是以色列的神选和她因祖先而受喜爱的地位（罗马书 11:28; 15:8b）。尽管以色列目前在绊跌（罗马书 9:22, 27, 31–33; 10:2–3; 11:17a, 20a, 21a, 25b），但在当前时代，一个被神恩典呼召出来的拣选余民正在被召唤（11:1–6, 11a, 13, 23）。

In retelling Israel's story in light of its fulfillment in Christ, Paul was introducing the Gentile Romans to a different ancestral tradition, whose antiquity eclipsed the ancestors of Rome, and by which God would save the nations. According to Paul, Roman Gentiles, by divine grace, had been grafted into an even more venerable ancestry as a “wild olive shoot” (Rom 11:17). This was necessary because the founding ancestor of all humanity, Adam, had plunged Jew and Gentile—including the Roman ruler—into the reign of sin and death (Rom 5:12–21). In this regard, the Augustan attachment to ancestral tradition, with its focus on the revival of Roman religion, was another expression of Gentile idolatry (Rom 1:22–23) and faced God's judgment (1:18–31).
在基督的应验中重新讲述以色列的故事时，保罗向外邦的罗马人介绍了一种不同的祖先传统，其古老程度超过了罗马的祖先，并且上帝将通过这种传统拯救万民。根据保罗的说法，罗马的外邦人，凭借神圣的恩典，已经被嫁接到一个更加尊贵的祖先谱系中，如同“野橄榄树枝”（罗马书 11:17）。这是必要的，因为全人类的始祖亚当已经使犹太人和外邦人——包括罗马统治者在内——陷入了罪恶和死亡的统治之中（罗马书 5:12-21）。在这方面，奥古斯都对祖先传统的依恋，以及对复兴罗马宗教的关注，是外邦拜偶像的另一种表达（罗马书 1:22-23），并面临上帝的审判（1:18-31）。

Consequently, Paul argues that the pursuit of ancestral advantage in order to outstrip competitors and, particularly in Israel's case, to establish her own ethnic righteousness, was based on misguided zeal and a deficient knowledge of God (Rom 10:2; Gal 1:14). The claim to ancestral advantage over others (Rom 9:6b–7) overlooked the impartiality of God's judgment (2:5, 11).Footnote ⁸⁴ Moreover, such a quest supplanted Christ's honor as the universal soteriological benefactor and replaced it with one's own (Rom 10:3–4; see 2 Cor 11:21b–23a; Phil 3:7–11 [see 2:5–11]). Instead, God had mercifully incorporated the Gentiles from all nations into the ancestry of Abraham through the same electing grace and justifying faith that Abraham and Isaac, as the “fathers” of a new humanity (πατήρ: Rom 4:12, 16, 17; 9:10), had experienced themselves.Footnote ⁸⁵ The culmination of this new ancestry for Roman Gentiles occurred in Christ as τέλος and κύριος as opposed to Augustus as pater patriae (Rom 10:4, 9; cf. Acts 17:6–7). In the late republic, the heated competition for ancestral glory had plunged Rome into a century of civil war, but the fortunes of Rome had revived again with the blood-stained advent of the Augustan principate, a feature of Augustus's rise to power that his critics relentlessly highlighted.Footnote ⁸⁶ But now the nations of the world, including Rome, had found an infinitely more merciful ruler in Christ (Rom 15:12), who had freely extended his eternal glory and grace to his unworthy dependents (3:23; 8:18–21, 30b) by calling them to the “obedience of faith” (Rom 1:5; 16:26). The contrast between the Julian and the early Christian fulfillment of ancestral custom could not have been starker.
因此，保罗认为，追求祖先的优势以超越竞争对手，尤其是在以色列的情况下，建立自己的族裔正义，是基于错误的热情和对上帝的知识不足（罗马书 10:2；加拉太书 1:14）。对他人声称拥有祖先优势（罗马书 9:6b-7）忽视了上帝审判的公正（2:5，11）。此外，这样的追求取代了基督作为普世救赎施恩者的尊荣，并用自己的尊荣取而代之（罗马书 10:3-4；见哥林多后书 11:21b-23a；腓立比书 3:7-11 [见 2:5-11]）。相反，上帝怜悯地将来自各国的外邦人融入亚伯拉罕的家谱中，通过同样的拣选恩典和称义信仰，亚伯拉罕和以撒，作为新人类的“祖先”（πατήρ：罗马书 4:12，16，17；9:10），他们自己也经历过。罗马外邦人这种新家谱的顶点出现在基督身上，作为τέλος和κύριος，与居鲁士作为祖国之父（罗马书 10:4，9；参见使徒行传 17:6-7）相对立。 在晚期共和国时期，为祖先荣耀激烈竞争使罗马陷入了一个世纪的内战，但罗马的命运随着奥古斯都帝国的血腥降临再次复兴，这是奥古斯都崛起为权力的特征，他的批评者们不断强调。但现在，包括罗马在内的世界各国在基督（罗马书 15:12）身上找到了一个更加仁慈的统治者，他自由地将他的永恒荣耀和恩典赐予他那些不配的依附者（3:23; 8:18–21, 30b），通过呼召他们“顺从信仰”（罗马书 1:5; 16:26）。尤利安和早期基督徒对祖先习俗的实现之间的对比是鲜明的。

2.2 The Culture of Self-Advertisement
2.2 自我宣传的文化

We have already touched on the boasting techniques (§1.1.2, above) that Augustus employed to keep his pre-eminence at the forefront in the RG. Another technique that Augustus used was to emphasize implicitly how his achievements superseded the luminaries of the past: Romulus, Hercules, Alexander, Scipio Africanus, Pompey, Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.Footnote ⁸⁷ Augustus also engaged in (what might be called) “typology” by presenting the battle of Salamis, in a public spectacle for the Roman people (RG 23), as a forerunner of his battle of Actium.Footnote ⁸⁸ Moreover, the mausoleum of Augustus, with its Latin copy of the RG, might also be seen as rivaling the mausoleum of King Mausolos of Caria at Halicarnassos.Footnote ⁸⁹
我们已经提到了奥古斯都在《罗马史》中使用的吹嘘技巧（见 1.1.2 节）。奥古斯都使用的另一种技巧是暗示地强调他的成就超越了过去的杰出人物：罗穆卢斯、赫拉克勒斯、亚历山大、斯西庇奥·非利庇、庞培、凯撒、安东尼和克利奥帕特拉。此外，奥古斯都还通过将萨拉米斯之战呈现为罗马人民的公开表演（《罗马史》第 23 章），来展示“类型学”。此外，奥古斯都的陵墓，以其拉丁文版的《罗马史》，也可以被视为与卡利亚的玛索洛斯国王陵墓相媲美。

Further, as noted (§1.1, above), scholars have suggested that an aim of the RG was the justification of Augustus's apotheosis.Footnote ⁹⁰ The evidence for this is persuasive. Q. Ennius's epigram about the apotheosis of Scipio Africanus (Cicero, Tusc. 5.49; Seneca, Ep. Mor. 108.34) and Euhemerus's portrait of Zeus in the Sacred Record are cited as parallels to the RG in this regard.Footnote ⁹¹ The conferral of the name “Augustus” (34.2) and the insertion of his name in the hymn of the Salii (10.1) confirm Augustus's “god-like” status as a benefactor and military conqueror.Footnote ⁹² The spatial relationship between Augustus's mausoleum and the Agrippan Pantheon in the Campus Martius also points symbolically to the possibility of apotheosis.Footnote ⁹³
此外，正如上文所述（§1.1），学者们认为 RG 的目的之一是为奥古斯都的神化辩护。这一观点有说服力的证据支持。Q. 恩尼乌斯关于斯基皮奥·非利士神化的讽刺诗（西塞罗，《图斯库兰讲义》5.49；塞内卡，《道德书信》108.34）以及尤赫梅鲁斯在《神圣记录》中对宙斯的描绘被引用为 RG 的类比。授予“奥古斯都”这一称号（34.2）以及将他的名字插入萨利神殿的赞美诗（10.1）证实了奥古斯都作为恩人和军事征服者的“似神”地位。奥古斯都陵墓与马尔提乌斯校园中的阿格里帕神庙之间的空间关系也象征性地指向了神化的可能性。

Caution needs to be exercised here. We need to distinguish these popular honors from Augustus's own self-perception in the RG. Augustus's removal of eighty silver statues of himself from Rome (24.2) shows his discomfort with excessive accolades, silver and gold having been reserved for the statues of deities.Footnote ⁹⁴ Whatever might have been the symbolic message implied by the spatial relationship between Augustus's mausoleum and Agrippa's Pantheon, or by the location of his house in the Palatine, Augustus ensured that at his own mausoleum the RG did not assert his personal claim to divinity in advance of his death. As was the case with the apotheosis of his adoptive father, that decision was the senate's prerogative.
这里需要谨慎。我们需要区分这些受欢迎的荣誉与奥古斯都在《罗马史》中对自己的自我认知。奥古斯都从罗马移走了八十尊银像（24.2），显示了他对过度赞誉的不适，银和金被保留给神像。无论奥古斯都的陵墓与阿格里帕的万神殿之间的空间关系，或者他在帕拉蒂尼的住所位置所暗示的象征性信息是什么，奥古斯都确保在自己的陵墓上，《罗马史》没有在他去世之前就宣称他个人拥有神性。就像他的养父被尊为神一样，这个决定是由参议院决定的。

Paul's “boasting” terminology (καυχάομαι: Rom 2:17, 23; 5:2, 3, 11; καύχημα: 4:2; καύχησις: 3:27; 15:17) is significant in Romans, given the centrality of boasting in the eulogistic culture of republican and Augustan Rome.Footnote ⁹⁵ Paul jettisons any idea that Jews, on the basis of their nomistic heritage, could boast in their performance before God (Rom 2:17, 23). But, in an equally radical critique, Paul argues that the “works” of the Gentile Abraham (Rom 4:9–11) were disqualified as a boast before God (4:2), as much as the “works” of the Jewish Abraham (4:12). Since Abraham was an uncircumcised Gentile when he was justified (Gen 15:6; 17:1–14), he became a potent symbol for the Gentile Romans who, facing God's wrath because of the idolatry of their ancestral gods (Rom 1:21–23), would experience God's justification in Christ.
保罗在罗马书中使用的“夸口”术语（καυχάομαι：罗马书 2:17, 23; 5:2, 3, 11; καύχημα：4:2; καύχησις：3:27; 15:17）在罗马人中具有重要意义，因为夸口在共和国和奥古斯都罗马的颂扬文化中占据中心地位。 ⁹⁵ 保罗摒弃了犹太人基于他们的法定传统而在上帝面前夸口的想法（罗马书 2:17, 23）。但是，在同样激进的批判中，保罗认为外邦人亚伯拉罕的“行为”（罗马书 4:9–11）在上帝面前被取消了夸口的资格（4:2），就像犹太人亚伯拉罕的“行为”一样（4:12）。由于亚伯拉罕在被称义时是未受割礼的外邦人（创世记 15:6; 17:1–14），他成为了代表面对上帝愤怒的外邦罗马人的有力象征，因为他们因祖先神的偶像崇拜（罗马书 1:21–23）而经历基督的上帝称义。

Here Paul targets the merit-based culture of the Greco-Roman world with its hierarchies of wealth, status, and performance. Auditors familiar with the boasting of the RG would have seen the point. Boasting was excluded for all believers, whether Jew or Gentile, because of justifying faith (Rom 3:27). Instead of striving to excel the ancestral luminaries of the past, believers were now to boast in God because of Christ's reconciling work as mediator (Rom 5:11: καυχώμενοι ἐν τ θε διὰ το κυρίου ἡμν 'Ιησο Χριστο; see also v. 10a). Further, the eschaton was a stimulus for humility: believers were to boast in “the hope of the glory of God” (Rom 5:2). In the present, however, the believer's boasting was to be focused on the cruciform nature of Christian existence (Rom 5:3a: καυχώμεθα ἐν τας θλ´ιψεσιν). Suffering, Paul argues, produces the character transformation that would give reality to the hope to come (5:3b–5). Last, Christian ministry, including Paul's outreach to the Gentiles (Rom 15:18), occasioned boasting in Christ for God's work through his apostle (15:17: [τὴν] καύχησιν ἐν Χριστ). In sum, Paul had realized that the location of all boasting and future transformation resided in the work of God, experienced paradoxically in suffering for Christ. This different perspective pinpricked the Roman culture of self-advertisement.
保罗在这里针对希腊罗马世界的以功绩为基础的文化，其中包括财富、地位和表现的等级制度。熟悉 RG 自夸的审计员会明白这一点。因为信仰称义（罗马书 3:27），所有信徒，无论是犹太人还是外邦人，都不得自夸。信徒不再努力超越过去的祖先光辉，而是因基督调和的工作作为中保（罗马书 5:11：καυχώμενοι ἐν τ θε διὰ το κυρίου ἡμ ν 'Ιησο Χριστο ；另见第 10a 节）而夸口上帝。此外，末世是谦卑的动力：信徒应当夸口于“上帝的荣耀的盼望”（罗马书 5:2）。然而，在当下，信徒的夸口应当集中在基督教存在的十字形本质上（罗马书 5:3a：καυχώμεθα ἐν τα ς θλ´ιψεσιν）。保罗认为，苦难会产生性格转变，从而使未来的盼望变为现实（5:3b–5）。最后，基督教事工，包括保罗对外邦人的传教（罗马书 15:18），引发了对基督的夸口，因为上帝通过他的使徒的工作而显现（15:17：[τὴν] καύχησιν ἐν Χριστ ）。 总的来说，保罗意识到所有夸耀和未来转变的地方都在上帝的工作中，这种经历在为基督受苦中矛盾地体现出来。这种不同的观点刺破了罗马文化中的自我宣传。

Additionally, Paul employs “glory” terminology, with its Jewish base, throughout the epistle to debunk the Roman quest for ancestral glory and to challenge its idolatrous concentration in the Julian house.Footnote ⁹⁶ It is also significant that Paul in his letter to believers at Rome—where rulers were not divinized in the state cult until after their death—attributed to Christ his boldest accolade in his epistles: θεὸς εὐλογητὸς εἰς τοὺς ανας (Rom 9:5: God blessed forever; 1 Tim 2:5).Footnote ⁹⁷ Last, the theocentric emphasis of Romans deflates the self-promoting culture of Rome at its self-sufficient core, emphasizing where true glory was found and directed (Rom 11:36; 16:27).Footnote ⁹⁸
此外，保罗在这封书信中运用了“荣耀”术语，以犹太基础来揭穿罗马对祖先荣耀的追求，并挑战其在朱利亚家族中的偶像崇拜。保罗在写给罗马信徒的信中也特别重要，因为在那里的统治者直到死后才被神化，他在书信中将基督赋予了他最大胆的赞美：θεὸς εὐλογητὸς εἰς τοὺς ανας（罗马书 9:5：永远受赞美的上帝；提摩太前书 2:5）。最后，罗马书的神中心强调削弱了罗马自我推崇文化的自给自足核心，强调真正的荣耀所在和方向（罗马书 11:36；16:27）。

2.3 The Accumulation and Rendering of Honor
2.3 荣誉的积累与展示

The accumulation of honor and its rendering to others is another intriguing dimension of Augustus's self-eulogy in the RG. In 1–7 Augustus focuses on the honors that he had received and follows these up with other special tributes paid to him (9–14).Footnote ⁹⁹ As Edwin A. Judge notes, they demonstrate “the scale of the Roman people's trust in Augustus.”Footnote ¹⁰⁰ In particular, Augustus highlights the special honors given to him by the senate and Roman people (1.2: decretis honorif[i]cis; 11: [pro] red[itu me]o; 12.1: honos; 12.2: [pro] redi[t]u meo; 14.1: honoris mei; 34.2; 35.1: quae mihi ex s.c. pos[it]ae [sunt censuit]).Footnote ¹⁰¹
荣誉的积累及其转赠给他人是奥古斯都在《罗马史》中自我颂扬的另一个引人入胜的维度。在 1-7 中，奥古斯都着重于他所获得的荣誉，并接着列举其他向他致敬的特别礼遇（9-14）。正如埃德温·A·贾奇所指出的那样，这些表明了“罗马人民对奥古斯都的信任程度”。特别是，奥古斯都强调了参议院和罗马人民赋予他的特别荣誉（1.2：decretis honorif[i]cis；11：[pro] red[itu me]o；12.1：honos；12.2：[pro] redi[t]u meo；14.1：honoris mei；34.2；35.1：quae mihi ex s.c. pos[it]ae [sunt censuit]）。

Two cases are particularly interesting because they show Augustus taking care that his honor did not infringe upon the honors conferred on others in the past. In RG 20.1 Augustus states that he restored the Capitoline temple and the theater of Pompey, “without inscribing my name anywhere on them.” Public works represented a prized form of competition for glory among the Roman nobility because of their “lasting impact.”Footnote ¹⁰² What had been essentially private monuments became public monuments on a grand scale with the erection of the theater of Pompey and the forum of Caesar in the mid-first century b.c.e.Footnote ¹⁰³ Therefore Augustus demonstrates his restraint by refusing to monopolize the honor of another, especially given the fact that Pompey and his son Pompeius Sextus became vigorous opponents of the Julian family in the late republic (RG 25.1).Footnote ¹⁰⁴
两个案例尤其有趣，因为它们显示了奥古斯都注意确保他的荣誉不侵犯过去授予他人的荣誉。在《RG 20.1》中，奥古斯都表示他修复了卡比托利诺神庙和庞培剧院，“没有在任何地方刻上我的名字。” 公共工程代表了罗马贵族之间为荣耀而展开的一种宝贵形式的竞争，因为它们具有“持久的影响力”。在公元前一世纪中叶，庞培剧院和凯撒广场的建立使原本基本上是私人纪念碑变成了大规模的公共纪念碑。因此，奥古斯都通过拒绝垄断他人的荣誉来展示他的克制，尤其是考虑到庞培及其儿子庞培斯·塞克斯都在晚期共和国时期成为朱利亚家族的激烈对手。

Augustus had already made the same claim in RG 19.1 (cf. Suetonius, Aug. 31). In this instance, Augustus permitted the portico at the Flaminian circus to retain the name of the portico of Cn. Octavius, the praetor who had built it some time between 167–163 b.c.e. in commemoration of his naval victory and triumph over King Perseus of Macedonia (Pliny the Elder, Nat. 34.7.13).Footnote ¹⁰⁵ This restraint on Augustus's part is significant in view of the fact that he had personally dedicated so many public works at Rome to members of his family.Footnote ¹⁰⁶ Moreover, as the victor in (what was probably) the most significant naval battle of Roman history (31 b.c.e.), Augustus would have understood well the personal significance of Octavius's honor as far as the quest for honor was concerned. Sensitive to traditional values, Augustus let Cn. Octavius's portico stand unadorned by any additional claim to glory on his own part,Footnote ¹⁰⁷ though Augustus displayed in the restored portico the standards he had recaptured from the Dalmati and Illyrian wars. However, Paul Zanker is correct in observing that “this was one case where the ‘modest’ refusal to rename the building after himself was no hardship … since it already bore his name.”Footnote ¹⁰⁸
奥古斯都在《RG 19.1》中已经提出了同样的主张（参见《苏埃托尼乌斯传》奥古斯都 31）。在这种情况下，奥古斯都允许弗拉米尼亚马戏团的柱廊保留 Cn. Octavius 的名字，这位前任在公元前 167-163 年间建造了这座柱廊，以纪念他在海战中战胜马其顿国王佩尔修斯并获得胜利（见老普林尼《博物志》34.7.13）。 ¹⁰⁵ 奥古斯都的这种克制在于他亲自将罗马的许多公共工程奉献给家族成员，这一点非常重要。 ¹⁰⁶ 此外，作为罗马历史上（很可能）最重要海战的胜利者（公元前 31 年），奥古斯都很清楚地理解了 Cn. Octavius 的荣誉对于追求荣誉的重要性。奥古斯都对传统价值观敏感，让 Cn. Octavius 的柱廊保持原样，没有加入任何他自己的荣耀主张， ¹⁰⁷ 尽管奥古斯都在修复后的柱廊中展示了他从达尔马提亚和伊利里亚战争中夺回的军旗。 然而，保罗·赞克尔在观察中是正确的，“这是一个例外情况，他‘谦虚’地拒绝以自己的名字重新命名建筑并不困难……因为它已经以他的名字命名了。“ ¹⁰⁸ ”

Additionally, it is worth remembering that in the forum Augustum Augustus depicts himself as the pater patriae who has brought republican history to a glorious culmination (RG 21.1; 35.1; Dio Cassius 56.34.2–3).Footnote ¹⁰⁹ Notwithstanding, Augustus still highlights the honors of famous leaders of the republic with inscriptions—which he had composed (Pliny, Nat. 22.6.13)—celebrating their management of state crises, as well as the achievements of his Julian forbears. Although this is not strictly “humility” in the modern sense, Augustus was careful not to diminish the legitimate claims to honor of those who, in popular opinion, had contributed to the welfare of the res publica. How does Paul's understanding of honor relate to the Augustan interplay of accepting personal honors and honoring others worthy of honor?
此外，值得记住的是，在论坛 Augustum 中，奥古斯都将自己描绘为带领共和国历史走向辉煌巅峰的“祖国之父”（RG 21.1；35.1；Dio Cassius 56.34.2–3）。尽管如此，奥古斯都仍然通过他亲自撰写的铭文突出了共和国著名领袖的荣誉，庆祝他们在处理国家危机方面的管理，以及他的朱利亚祖先的成就。尽管这在现代意义上并非严格意义上的“谦逊”，但奥古斯都小心翼翼地不会削弱那些在民众眼中为 res publica 的福祉做出贡献的人们对荣誉的合法主张。保罗对荣誉的理解如何与奥古斯都接受个人荣誉并尊重其他值得尊敬的人之间的互动相关？

Paul's language of “honor” in Romans (τιμή: Rom 2:7, 10; 9:21; 12:10; 13:7; ἀτιμάζω: 1:24; 26; 2:23; ἀτιμ´ια: 1:26; 9:21) has theological and social reference. In terms of the former, Paul speaks of God being dishonored through acts of sin (Rom 1:24, 26; 2:23), his election being displayed in vessels of honor and dishonor (9:21), and his honoring those who persevere in doing good (2:7, 10). However, only two honorific texts in Romans have social reference (Rom 12:10b; 13:7b), though their implications are intriguing.
保罗在罗马书中的“尊荣”（τιμή：罗马书 2:7、10；9:21；12:10；13:7；ἀτιμάζω：1:24；26；2:23；ἀτιμ´ια：1:26；9:21）具有神学和社会参照。在前者方面，保罗谈到上帝因罪行而受辱（罗马书 1:24、26；2:23），他的选民在尊荣和不尊荣的器皿中显现（9:21），并尊荣那些坚持行善的人（2:7、10）。然而，罗马书中只有两个尊荣文本具有社会参照（罗马书 12:10b；13:7b），尽管它们的含义令人着迷。

First, the precise meaning of Romans 12:10b is disputed. There Paul either exhorts believers to “outdo one another in showing honor” (rsv, nrsv, esv: τ τιμ ἀλλήλους προηγούμενοι), or to “honor one another above yourselves” (niv), or to “give preference to one another in honor” (kjv, nasb),Footnote ¹¹⁰ or to “take the lead in showing honor to another.”Footnote ¹¹¹ However we translate the verse, we are seeing here a different dynamic from Augustus's refusal to impinge on the honor of others. Undoubtedly, Augustus recognized the rights of his competitors to maintain remembrance of honors already allocated, and honored the great men from the republican past as paradigms of leadership to be imitated in the future. Nevertheless, it is true that Augustus possessed extraordinary honors (RG 34.2–3a) as the victor of Actium (34.1: potens rerum omnium [I had power over everything]), even though it was the case that public consensus had pressed acceptance upon him (34.1: per consensum universorum [although by everyone's agreement]; 34.2 quo pro merito [in return for this desert of mine; trans. Edwin A. Judge]). Moreover, Augustus's divestment of various formal powers in 27 and 23 b.c.e. (RG 34:3b) spawned further extravagant public honors being pressed upon him, which he vaunted in the climax to the RG (35.1).
首先，罗马书 12:10b 的确切含义存在争议。保罗在这里要么劝告信徒“彼此争先，尊重”（RSV，NRSV，ESV：τ τιμ ἀλλήλους προηγούμενοι），要么劝告“彼此尊重，胜过自己”（NIV），或者“在尊重中彼此优先”（KJV，NASB）， ¹¹⁰ 或者“在尊重中带头尊重他人”。 ¹¹¹ 无论我们如何翻译这节经文，我们在这里看到的是一种与奥古斯都拒绝侵犯他人尊严的不同动态。毫无疑问，奥古斯都承认他的竞争对手有权保持已分配的荣誉的记忆，并尊重共和时代伟人作为未来领导典范的地位。然而，事实是奥古斯都拥有非凡的荣誉（RG 34.2–3a）作为阿克提乌姆之战的胜利者（34.1：potens rerum omnium [我掌控一切]），尽管公众舆论已经迫使他接受（34.1：per consensum universorum [尽管所有人的一致同意]；34.2 quo pro merito [作为我的回报；翻译：Edwin A. Judge]）。此外，奥古斯都在公元前 27 年和 23 年放弃了各种正式权力。 （RG 34:3b）导致更多奢侈的公共荣誉被赋予他，他在 RG（35.1）的高潮中夸耀。

For Paul, however, the honoring of one another is an expression of love without pretense (Rom 12:9a: ἡ ἀγάπη ἀνυπόκριτος; 12:10). This motif links together all the plural participles in verses 9–13, each possessing imperatival force,Footnote ¹¹² including προηγούμενοι.Footnote ¹¹³ By means of this leitmotif uniting the pericope (Rom 12:9–13), culminating in the imperatives inculcating love for the enemy (12:14–21), the apostle pinpricks the hierarchal social relationships of antiquity and the dynamic of the reciprocation of honor animating the Greco-Roman honor system. Paul's emphasis on mutual honoring (Rom 12:10b: ἀλλήλους), as an expression of corporate love within the body of Christ, posed an alternative to the status-riddled operation of honorific rituals in Greco-Roman society.Footnote ¹¹⁴ There is little doubt that the Jesus tradition (Matt 23:12; Luke 14:11) has impacted Paul's teaching here.Footnote ¹¹⁵ But, ultimately, only the social dishonor of the cross (Rom 5:6–8; cf. Gal 3:13; 2 Cor 8:9; Phil 2:5–8) experienced by the divinely vindicated Lord of all (Phil 2:9–11) can explain why Paul adopted this counter-cultural stance.
然而，对保罗来说，彼此尊重是一种没有假装的爱的表达（罗马书 12:9a：ἡ ἀγάπη ἀνυπόκριτος; 12:10）。这个主题将 9-13 节中所有的复数分词联系在一起，每一个都具有命令的力量，包括προηγούμενοι。通过这个主题，将段落（罗马书 12:9-13）联系在一起，达到高潮的是在教导爱敌人的命令（12:14-21），使徒刺破了古代社会的等级关系和希腊-罗马尊荣体系中尊荣互动的动态。保罗强调相互尊重（罗马书 12:10b：ἀλλήλους），作为基督身体内团体爱的表达，提出了一种替代方案，以取代希腊-罗马社会中尊荣仪式的地位固化运作。毫无疑问，耶稣的传统（马太福音 23:12; 路加福音 14:11）影响了保罗在这里的教导。但是，最终，只有十字架的社会耻辱（罗马书 5:6-8; 参见加拉太书 3:13; 哥林多后书 8:9; 腓立比书 2:5-8）经历了神圣显赫的万主（腓立比书 2:9-11），才能解释为什么保罗采取了这种反文化的立场。

Second, Paul states that honor should be rendered to whom honor is due (Rom 13:7b: τ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν τιμήν), including the imperial authorities (Rom 13:1–6). But Paul's argument is subtler than it first appears. He insists that while the demands of the Greco-Roman reciprocity system had to be met (Rom 13:8a), love now was to be the transforming dynamic that upended a dominant cultural convention (13:8b–10). Here we are reminded again of the leitmotif of “genuine love” (Rom 12:9a: ἀνυπόκριτος) that undergirded the pericope of 12:9–13, discussed above. To be sure, Paul is acknowledging in verse 7 the importance of officium (obligation) at Rome, with its rituals of gratitude and indebtedness to the gods, one's family, the state and patrons, imperial and local.Footnote ¹¹⁶ Contextually, Paul's emphasis is clearly upon honor to the Roman ruler (13:7b: τ τὸν ϕόρον τὸν ϕόρον), though he is also probably endorsing a wide array of honorific rituals to benefactors necessary for the smooth operation of the benefaction system in antiquity.Footnote ¹¹⁷ The believers from the two households within the imperial bureaucracy (Rom 16:10–11), as well as in the imperial house itself (Phil 4:22), would have understood well the conflicting tensions of “indebtedness” posed for them as members of the body of Christ and as members of the household of Caesar and his freedmen.Footnote ¹¹⁸ But the believer, including believers inside the imperial house, owed the debt of love to everyone (Rom 13:8b–10), without trace of favoritism, in Paul's reformulation of the honor system (13:8a).Footnote ¹¹⁹ Moreover, in Romans 13:1–6 Paul stripped the Roman ruler of his providential, prophetic, and teleological status in the imperial propaganda, reducing him, in agreement with the lxx, to “servant” status before God (13:4–6).Footnote ¹²⁰ Paul thereby ensured that the honoring of Christ had priority for believers, no matter how legitimate the ruler's claims upon his subjects, clients, and the familia Caesaris might be.Footnote ¹²¹ Thus Romans 13:7b, when considered against the sophisticated rhetorical strategies of 13:1–10, articulates a different understanding of honorific rituals than is found in the Res Gestae.
保罗在罗马书 13:7b 中指出，应当将应得的尊敬归于应得的人（τ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν τιμήν），包括帝国当局（罗马书 13:1–6）。但保罗的论点比起表面看来更为微妙。他坚持认为，虽然希腊-罗马的互惠制度的要求必须得到满足（罗马书 13:8a），但现在爱是颠覆主导文化惯例的转变动力（13:8b–10）。在这里，我们再次想起了“真诚的爱”（罗马书 12:9a: ἀνυπόκριτος）这一主题，它支撑着前文讨论过的 12:9–13 节。毫无疑问，保罗在第 7 节中承认了在罗马的 officium（义务）的重要性，其中包括对神、家庭、国家和赞助人、帝国和地方的感恩和债务仪式。 ¹¹⁶ 在上下文中，保罗明确强调对罗马统治者的尊敬（13:7b: τ τὸν ϕόρον τὸν ϕόρον），尽管他可能也支持古代赞助制度顺利运作所需的各种尊敬仪式。 ¹¹⁷ 两个家庭中的信徒（罗马书 16:10–11），以及皇室内的信徒（腓立比书 4:22），会很清楚地理解作为基督身体的成员和凯撒家族及其自由民的成员，他们所面临的“负债”所带来的矛盾张力。 ¹¹⁸ 但信徒，包括皇室内的信徒，都欠每个人爱的债（罗马书 13:8b–10），在保罗对尊荣制度的改革中（13:8a）没有任何偏袒。 ¹¹⁹ 此外，在罗马书 13:1–6 中，保罗剥夺了罗马统治者在帝国宣传中的神授、预言和目的论地位，将他降为上帝面前的“仆人”地位（13:4–6），与希腊旧约圣经的观点一致。 ¹²⁰ 保罗确保信徒优先尊崇基督，无论统治者对其臣民、客户和凯撒家族的要求多么合法。 ¹²¹ 因此，罗马书 13:7b，当与 13:1–10 的复杂修辞策略相比较时，表达了一种不同于《事迹》中所发现的尊荣仪式理解。

2.4 The Conquest of the Nations
2.4 民族的征服

The motif of the “conquest of the nations” is central to the Res Gestae.Footnote ¹²² Announced first in the preface to the RG (note 42, above), the motif is handled with great skill as far as its ideological impact in the RG. In terms of Augustus's strategy of conquest, Augustus waged wars by land and sea against foreign nations (3.1; 4.3), pardoning only those whom he “could safely pardon” (3.2). His preferred policy, rather, was “to preserve than to destroy” the peoples of the nations (3.2; see 13). The most extensive discussion of the nations occurs in 25–33. The passage is a masterful example of Augustus's geopolitical categorization of the Roman empire by which he spotlights his exemplary virtue.Footnote ¹²³
“征服各国”的主题是《事迹》的核心。 ¹²² 在《事迹》的序言中首次宣布（见上文注 42），这一主题在《事迹》中的意识形态影响方面处理得非常巧妙。在奥古斯都的征服策略方面，奥古斯都通过陆地和海上对外国进行战争（3.1；4.3），只赦免那些他“可以安全赦免”的人（3.2）。相反，他更倾向于“保护而不是摧毁”各国人民（3.2；见 13）。对各国的最广泛讨论出现在 25-33。这一段是奥古斯都对罗马帝国的地缘政治分类的杰出示范，通过这一分类，他突出了自己的卓越美德。 ¹²³

After securing victory over Rome's internal enemies at Actium and Sicily (RG 25), Augustus pursued world conquest (26–27). Simultaneously, Augustus stabilized the Roman empire by establishing military colonies (28), reversing the humiliating losses to the Parthians (29), and pushing into the territory of the Pannonian peoples in order to create a buffer against barbarian invasion (30). In contrast to the militarism of 26–30, 31–33 presents the diplomatic strategies by which Augustus secured the loyalty of conquered peoples to Rome: engaging royal embassies, protecting suppliants seeking refuge, and meeting noble ambassadors. Importantly, Augustus emphasizes twice the unprecedented nature of these diplomatic contacts with the peoples (31.1; 32.3). Indeed, the highly exotic names of these peoples and their rulers would have dazzled Augustus's Roman audience with the extent of the empire (27, 32–33).
在击败罗马的内部敌人（RG 25）后，奥古斯都追求世界征服（26-27）。同时，奥古斯都通过建立军事殖民地（28）、扭转对帕提亚人的耻辱性损失（29）以及向潘诺尼亚人的领土推进，以建立一个抵御野蛮入侵的缓冲区，稳定了罗马帝国（30）。与 26-30 年的军国主义相比，31-33 年展示了奥古斯都通过外交策略确保征服民族对罗马的忠诚：与王室使节接触、保护寻求庇护者、会见贵族大使。重要的是，奥古斯都强调了两次这些外交接触与民族的前所未有的性质（31.1；32.3）。事实上，这些民族及其统治者的高度异国风情的名称将以帝国的广度（27，32-33）使奥古斯都的罗马听众眼花缭乱。

By means of this rich portrait of the military and diplomatic pacification of the peoples, the RG draws attention to two of the pivotal Augustan virtues—virtus (25–30) and clementia (31–33)—upon which the expansion of the Roman empire depended (34.2). This “grand narrative” of empire is a story about the virtuous Augustus ensuring the dominance of his house by victory on the battlefield (30.1; see 1.1; 2).Footnote ¹²⁴ How, then, does the Augustan understanding of the nations intersect with Paul's salvation narrative of the “nations” in Romans?
通过这幅关于军事和外交安抚人民的丰富画像，RG 引起了人们对两个关键的奥古斯都美德的关注——virtus（25-30）和 clementia（31-33）——罗马帝国扩张所依赖的关键（34.2）。这个关于帝国的“宏伟叙事”是一个关于美德的奥古斯都确保他的家族通过在战场上取得胜利而占主导地位的故事（30.1；见 1.1；2）。那么，奥古斯都对各国的理解如何与保罗在罗马书中关于“各国”的救赎叙事相交汇？

We have already discussed the rhetorical role that Paul assigned to Abraham, as the father of the nations, in arguing for the justification of the Gentiles (§2.1, above). What is interesting is Paul's language of “obedience” in describing his mission to the Gentile nations (Rom 1:5; 15:18; 16:26). How does this relate to the rule of the “root of Jesse” over the Gentiles in Rom 15:12? Does Paul's mission to the Gentiles carry imperialist overtones similar to the RG?
我们已经讨论了保罗赋予亚伯拉罕的修辞角色，作为列国之父，在为外邦人的称义辩护中的作用（见上文 2.1 节）。有趣的是，保罗在描述他向外邦传教的使命时使用了“顺从”的语言（罗马书 1:5；15:18；16:26）。这与罗马书 15:12 中“耶西的根”在外邦人中的统治有何关联？保罗向外邦人的使命是否带有类似于 RG 的帝国主义色彩？

Paul's typological use of lxx texts in Rom 15:3 (lxx Ps 68:10a; et 69:9a), 15:9 (lxx Ps 17:50; et 18:49; 2 Sam 22:50), 15:10 (lxx/et Deut 32:43), and 15:11 (lxx Ps 116:1; et 117:1) is a pivotal part of his rhetorical strategy in persuading his Roman auditors regarding God's messianic grace towards the Gentile nations.Footnote ¹²⁵ This was necessary not only because of the Jewish and Gentile tensions over boundary markers at Rome (Rom 14:1–15:13), but also because Paul had to ensure that any potential political divisions over the ruler, accompanied by attitudes of ethnic superiority (Rom 11:17–24), did not split believers living in the capital. The Gentile airs of superiority towards their Jewish brethren were probably attributable as much to the arrogance aroused by the Roman conquest of the nations as the anti-Semitism infecting the Roman intelligentsia in the mid-fifties.Footnote ¹²⁶ How, then, does Paul underscore by a typological exegesis of the lxx the need for his Gentile auditors at Rome to regain a renewed sense of humility before God and their fellow believers?
保罗在罗马书 15:3（希腊文圣经诗篇 68:10a；英文译本 69:9a）、15:9（希腊文圣经诗篇 17:50；英文译本 18:49；撒母耳记下 22:50）、15:10（希腊文/英文译本 申命记 32:43）和 15:11（希腊文圣经诗篇 116:1；英文译本 117:1）中对希腊文圣经的类型学运用，是他说服罗马听众接受上帝对外邦国家的弥赛亚恩典的修辞策略的关键部分。这不仅是因为在罗马（罗马书 14:1–15:13）的犹太人和外邦人之间存在边界标志的紧张关系，还因为保罗必须确保任何潜在的关于统治者的政治分歧，伴随着种族优越感的态度（罗马书 11:17–24），不会分裂生活在首都的信徒。外邦人对他们的犹太弟兄表现出的优越感可能与罗马征服各国所激起的傲慢以及五十年代中期罗马知识界的反犹主义有关。那么，保罗如何通过对希腊文圣经的类型学解释来强调他在罗马的外邦听众需要重新获得对上帝和他们的信徒同胞谦卑的意识呢？

It is clear from the link between Rom 15:3a and 15:3b that the Messiah is the speaker in the lxx text cited in verse 3b. The messianic leitmotif is also present in the lxx texts cited in verses 9, 10, and 11.Footnote ¹²⁷ The Messiah, as Paul depicts him, addresses the Gentile nations in verses 9–11 in a winsome and celebratory manner. The Son of David praises God before the Gentiles for his salvation and Davidic descendants (v. 9), invites the Gentiles to rejoice in God's salvation from their enemies (v. 10), and summons them to praise God for his steadfast love and faithfulness (v. 11).Footnote ¹²⁸ A messianic proof-text from Isaiah (lxx Isa 11:10) brings Paul's typological use of the lxx to a resounding conclusion in verse 12. There the risen and reigning Messiah unites the nations under his personal rule and affirms their present incorporation into the body of Christ through the summons of divine grace. Here we have a conquest of the nations vastly different from that which we find in the RG or in the iconography of the Augustan triumphal arches and monuments (note 11, above). The Gentiles who formerly were neither God's people nor his loved one (Rom 9:25–26; see Hos 2:23; 1:10) had now become God's beloved people in Christ.
从罗马书 15:3a 和 15:3b 之间的联系清楚地可以看出，弥赛亚是在第 3b 节中引用的 LXX 文本中的发言者。弥赛亚的主题也出现在第 9、10 和 11 节中引用的 LXX 文本中。保罗描绘的弥赛亚在第 9-11 节中以一种引人入胜和庆祝的方式对待外邦国家。大卫的子孙在外邦人面前赞美上帝的救恩和大卫的后裔（第 9 节），邀请外邦人因上帝从敌人手中拯救他们而欢欣（第 10 节），并召唤他们因上帝的慈爱和信实而赞美上帝（第 11 节）。以赛亚书（LXX 以赛亚书 11:10）中的弥赛亚证据文本在第 12 节中将保罗对 LXX 的类型使用引向高潮。在那里，复活和统治的弥赛亚将各国团结在他的个人统治之下，并通过神圣恩典的召唤确认他们目前被纳入基督的身体。在这里，我们看到的是对国家的征服，与我们在 RG 或奥古斯都凯旋门和纪念碑的图像中发现的迥然不同。 从前不是神子民的外邦人（罗马书 9:25-26；参见何西阿书 2:23；1:10），如今在基督里成为神所爱的子民。

Consequently, Paul unfolds the social implications of this dramatic reversal of status for the Gentile nations. The soteriological “welcome” that the Messiah had extended to Jew and Gentile would resonate to the glory of God (Rom 15:7b: εἰς δόξαν το θεο) when each group unreservedly welcomed each other in love (15:7a), setting aside divisions over the maintenance of Jewish boundary markers (14:5–6, 13–21).Footnote ¹²⁹ For Paul, unity in worship between both ethnic groups glorifies God (Rom 15:6: ἵνα ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐν ἑνὶ στόματι δοξάζητε τὸν θεὸν καὶ πατέρα το κυρ´ιου ἡμν 'Ιησο Χριστο). Paul's focus on ethnic reconciliation, culminating in the corporate magnification of God's glory, stood opposed to the hatred of the Romans articulated in the Jewish apocalyptic literature and in the Qumran writings.Footnote ¹³⁰ It also undermined the racial stereotyping of the Jews by the Roman intelligentsia in mid-fifties Rome (note 126, above). The hope of glory, realized in the messianic community of Christ, reconciled and unified diverse ethnic groups whose tortured history, until then, had made them implacable enemies. Whereas Augustus spared only those nations worth sparing (RG 3.2), God's impartial grace towards the nations brought about an ethnic and social leveling between the “foolish” barbarian (Rom 1:14a, 14b) and the “wise” Greek (Rom 1:14a, 14b). A different social dynamic led Paul, a former Pharisee (Gal 1:14–16; Phil 3:5–11), to be a debtor to Greeks and to barbarians in the Greek East and Latin West (Rom 1:14).
因此，保罗揭示了这种戏剧性地地位逆转对外邦国家的社会影响。弥赛亚向犹太人和外邦人延伸的救赎“欢迎”将回响到上帝的荣耀（罗马书 15:7b: εἰς δόξαν το θεο）当每个群体在爱中毫无保留地彼此欢迎时（15:7a），抛开对犹太边界标志的维护而团结一致（14:5-6, 13-21）。对于保罗来说，两个种族群体在敬拜中的团结会荣耀上帝（罗马书 15:6: ἵνα ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐν ἑνὶ στόματι δοξάζητε τὸν θεὸν καὶ πατέρα το κυρ´ιου ἡμν 'Ιησο Χριστο）。保罗关注的种族和解，最终导致上帝荣耀的集体放大，与犹太启示文学和库姆兰文献中所表达的对罗马人的仇恨相对立。这也破坏了罗马知识分子在五十年代中期罗马对犹太人的种族刻板印象（见上面的注 126）。在基督弥赛亚社区实现的荣耀希望中，和解并统一了那些在此之前因为痛苦的历史而成为不可调和的敌人的多样种族群体。 虽然奥古斯都只饶恕那些值得饶恕的国家（RG 3.2），但上帝对各国的公平恩典导致了“愚昧”的野蛮人（罗马书 1:14a, 14b）和“智慧”的希腊人（罗马书 1:14a, 14b）之间的种族和社会平等。不同的社会动态导致保罗，一个前法利赛人（加拉太书 1:14–16; 腓立比书 3:5–11），成为希腊人和希腊东部以及拉丁西部的野蛮人的债务人（罗马书 1:14）。

2.5 The Extension of Beneficence
2.5 恩惠的延伸

In RG 15–24 Augustus sets out “the expenses (impensae) which he incurred for the state and the people of Rome” (Latin heading of the RG). The focus of Augustus's beneficence, apart from 24.1, is entirely on the city of Rome. The benefits are dispensed during the period spanning 40–2 b.c.e.Footnote ¹³¹ What is remarkable about this distribution of money is that it is derived from Augustus's private wealth: “out of my patrimony” (15.1; 17.2; [trans. Edwin A. Judge]), “with my own money” (17.1), “from my own granary and patrimony” (18), and “from the spoils of war” (15.1; 21.1, 2). Augustus sets out to whom donations were given, with the amounts in sesterces tabulated throughout the section: the urban plebs (15); soldiers and military colonists (16); the treasury (17–18); new buildings on existing public sites, buildings and installations restored, and new buildings erected on land donated by Augustus (19–21); games and spectacles (22–23); and, last, gifts to the gods (24).
在《RG》15-24 中，奥古斯都列出了他为罗马国家和人民所发生的“费用（impensae）”（RG 的拉丁标题）。除了 24.1 之外，奥古斯都的恩惠焦点完全集中在罗马城上。这些利益是在公元前 40-2 年间分发的。这笔钱的分配之所以引人注目，是因为它源自奥古斯都的私人财富：“出自我的家产”（15.1；17.2；[Edwin A. Judge 译]），“用我的钱”（17.1），“来自我的粮仓和家产”（18），以及“来自战争的战利品”（15.1；21.1，2）。奥古斯都详细列出了捐赠对象，并在整个部分中以西斯特尔斯为单位列出了金额：城市平民（15）；士兵和军事殖民者（16）；国库（17-18）；在现有公共场所上新建筑物、修复建筑和设施，以及在奥古斯都捐赠的土地上新建筑物（19-21）；游戏和表演（22-23）；最后是对神灵的礼物（24）。

Several observations are apposite. First, Augustus had inaugurated an age of grace that would be regarded by his successors as the watershed of beneficence in Roman history.Footnote ¹³² Second, Augustus latched onto the popular yearning for a “new age” through his establishment of the “centennial games” (22.2: lud[os s]aeculares).Footnote ¹³³ Third, the magnitude of the gifts underscored the magnitude of his virtue as a “god-like” benefactor. Fourth, the piety of Augustus towards the gods is underscored in the RG (20.4; 21.1–2; 22.2; 24.1–2; see 4.1–2; 7.3; 10.2; 13; 29.2; 34.2), as is his piety towards his father (2; 15.1; 20.3; 21.2) and his family (20.3; 21.1; 22.3). Augustus's piety towards the Roman state is demonstrated in every section of the RG.Footnote ¹³⁴ Fifth, as noted (§2.3, above), the building of public works was a traditional avenue of self-advertisement for the Roman noble in the republic. Once again, Augustus would have been perceived to be an upholder of ancestral tradition.
有几点观察是恰当的。首先，奥古斯都开创了一个被他的继任者视为罗马历史上仁慈转折点的恩典时代。其次，奥古斯都通过设立“百年游戏”（22.2：lud[os s]aeculares）抓住了民众对“新时代”的渴望。第三，礼物的规模凸显了他作为“似神”恩人的美德之大。第四，奥古斯都对神灵的虔诚在《罗马史》（20.4；21.1-2；22.2；24.1-2；见 4.1-2；7.3；10.2；13；29.2；34.2）中得到强调，他对父亲（2；15.1；20.3；21.2）和家人（20.3；21.1；22.3）的虔诚也是如此。奥古斯都对罗马国家的虔诚在《罗马史》的每一部分中都有所体现。第五，正如前面提到的（§2.3），修建公共工程是共和国时期罗马贵族自我宣传的传统途径。再次，奥古斯都将被视为是祖先传统的维护者。

Since I have discussed this motif elsewhere,Footnote ¹³⁵ I will only briefly comment on the evidence of Romans. In Rom 5:12–21 the familiar idea of aeons from Jewish apocalyptic underlies Paul's “regnal” imagery (βασιλεύω: Rom 5:14a, 17a, 17b, 21a, 21b). However, the reign of Christ's grace (Rom 5:21) would have also recalled for Paul's auditors the Augustan “reign of grace” which had acquired iconic status as the age of unparalleled beneficence at Rome, establishing thereby a yardstick of generosity against which the subsequent Roman rulers would be measured. But the “Golden Age” inaugurated by Augustus's benefactions paled in comparison to Christ's grace displayed in his obedience unto death for his enemies (Rom 5:6–8, 18b, 19b), resulting in the liberation and transformation of his dependents (Rom 5:15–21). The language of “overflow” (περισσεύω: Rom 5:15, 17, 20) and “grace” (χάρις: 5:15b, 17b, 20b, 21b; χάρισμα: 5:15a, 16b) is found in the imperial propaganda—including the Augustan inscriptions—and would have resonated with first-century auditors familiar with the RG. Undoubtedly, the motif of God's overflowing generosity towards sinners, articulated in the Psalms, is at the core of Paul's theological thought in this passage.Footnote ¹³⁶ But that does not disqualify the resonances that would have been evoked by the Augustan age of grace for his auditors and its implied contrast with Christ's reign of grace.
自从我在其他地方讨论过这个主题， ¹³⁵ 我只会简要评论罗马书的证据。在罗马书 5:12-21 中，犹太启示录中熟悉的时代观念贯穿保罗的“统治”意象（βασιλεύω：罗马书 5:14a, 17a, 17b, 21a, 21b）。然而，基督恩典的统治（罗马书 5:21）也会让保罗的听众想起奥古斯都“恩典时代”的统治，这在罗马已经成为无与伦比的恩惠时代的标志，从而建立了一个慷慨的标准，用以衡量随后的罗马统治者。但是，奥古斯都的恩惠所开启的“黄金时代”与基督为他的敌人顺服至死所展现的恩典相比显得黯然失色（罗马书 5:6-8, 18b, 19b），导致他的依附者得到解放和转变（罗马书 5:15-21）。在帝国宣传中发现了“溢出”（περισσεύω：罗马书 5:15, 17, 20）和“恩典”（χάρις：5:15b, 17b, 20b, 21b；χάρισμα：5:15a, 16b）的语言，这些语言也出现在奥古斯都的铭文中，并会引起熟悉 RG 的一世纪听众的共鸣。 毫无疑问，上帝向罪人满怀慷慨的动机，在诗篇中表达，是保罗在这段经文中神学思想的核心。但这并不排除奥古斯丁时代恩典所引发的共鸣，以及与基督恩典时代的暗含对比，对他的听众产生的影响。

2.6 The Authority of the Leader
2.6 领导者的权威

We have already seen how, in terms of the ideology of leadership, Augustus's principate transformed the present and future generation of leaders by virtue of its commitment to and imitation of republican exempla (§1.1.2, above). In this process, Augustus had become the iconic exemplum of virtue—along with the republican luminaries who prefigured him—for those who aspired to leadership of the state. We must now look at Augustus's understanding of the nature of his rule in RG 34.1–35.1 and explore the role of consensus in the development of his unparalleled auctoritas (influence).
我们已经看到，就领导意识形态而言，奥古斯都的元首制度通过致力于并模仿共和国典范（见上文§1.1.2）改变了现在和未来一代领导人。在这个过程中，奥古斯都已经成为美德的标志性典范，与那些为国家领导地位而努力的人一起，以及那些预示他的共和国杰出人物一起。我们现在必须看一看奥古斯都对自己统治性质的理解（见 RG 34.1–35.1），并探讨共识在他无与伦比的权威（影响力）发展中的作用。

Until the recent discovery of a new fragment from Pisidian Antioch,Footnote ¹³⁷ the Latin text of RG 34.1 was reconstructed and translated as follows:
直到最近在皮西迪亚安条克发现了一个新的片段，RG 34.1 的拉丁文本被重建和翻译如下：

Traditionally, this has been interpreted as describing the manner by which Augustus came to acquire supreme power in the state. The consensus concerning his absolute control of affairs was achieved sometime after the second triumvirate in 32 b.c.e., but before the time when Augustus handed back the res publica in his sixth and seventh consulships (28–27 b.c.e.).Footnote ¹³⁹
传统上，这被解释为描述奥古斯都如何获得国家至高无上权力的方式。关于他对事务的绝对控制的共识是在公元前 32 年第二次三人政府之后，但在奥古斯都在他的第六和第七任执政官任期（公元前 28-27 年）将共和国归还之前达成的。

However, the new fragment has revealed that the words [potitus reru]m (RG 34.1) are in reality [po]tens re[r]um. Thus the text should be translated:
然而，新的片段揭示了“potitus rerum”（RG 34.1）实际上是“potens rerum”。因此，文本应该翻译为：

This means that Augustus was already in total control, by universal consent, from the time of the end of the civil wars in 31 b.c.e. This was because of his spectacular victory over Antony and Cleopatra at the battle of Actium. The imperial poets who singled out Actium as the providentially defining event in Augustus's rise to power, inaugurating a “new age” of blessing for Rome, were correct in their propaganda.Footnote ¹⁴¹ This makes Augustus's return of the res publica—properly translated as “the public property” rather than “the state” or “the republic”Footnote ¹⁴²—to the senate and the Roman people all the more significant. The honors given to Augustus in RG 34.2–35 celebrate the end of the civil war and the reestablishment of constitutional propriety through Augustus's divestment of his powers.Footnote ¹⁴³ In Augustus's estimation (34.2), the honors represent Rome's recognition of his preeminent merit (quo pro merito: in return for this desert of mine [trans. Edwin A. Judge]).Footnote ¹⁴⁴ The most singular honor for Augustus is his acclamation as pater patriae (35: father of the fatherland). As Judge observes, the new title “subjects everyone to a form of dependence, and elevates Augustus to a form of control … founded upon personal and community relations rather than legal ones.”Footnote ¹⁴⁵
这意味着自公元前 31 年内战结束之时起，奥古斯都已经完全掌控了一切，得到了普遍的认可。这是因为他在阿克提乌姆之战中壮丽地击败了安东尼和克儿柏丽丝。那些将阿克提乌姆视为奥古斯都权力崛起中具有决定性意义的帝国诗人，开启了罗马“新时代”的祝福，他们在宣传中是正确的。这使得奥古斯都将“共和国”归还给参议院和罗马人民的举动变得更加重要。在《罗马史》34.2-35 中给予奥古斯都的荣誉，庆祝了内战的结束以及通过奥古斯都放弃权力而重新确立宪法秩序。在奥古斯都看来（34.2），这些荣誉代表了罗马对他卓越功绩的认可（quo pro merito：作为对我的这份功绩的回报）。对奥古斯都最独特的荣誉是他被称为“祖国之父”（35：father of the fatherland）。 正如法官所观察到的那样，新头衔“使每个人都陷入某种依赖形式，并将奥古斯都提升为一种控制形式……建立在个人和社区关系而非法律关系之上。 ¹⁴⁵

How, then, did the authority of Augustus work out in everyday affairs? First, in the view of Augustus (RG 34.2), there was a distinction between his formal powers (potestas) and his authority (auctoritas): “After this time I excelled everyone in influence ([a]uctoritate), but I had no more power ([potest]atis) than the others who were my colleagues in each magistracy.” Although Augustus was equal to the other consuls and tribunes after the 27 b.c.e. settlement—his fellow magistrates possessing the same potestas—his “influence” was based on moral esteem. This gave Augustus supremacy in taking the lead and having priority of consultation as far as state affairs were concerned. Second, this moral esteem was strengthened by the “consensus” that Augustus was the undisputed ruler (34.1: per consensum). Further, Augustus forged consensus by acting within the republican mores, promoting traditional exempla and iconography, and exercising moderation and clemency.Footnote ¹⁴⁶ Augustus's refusal of magistracies and honors inconsistent with republican and ancestral tradition also fostered an aura of consensus (4.2; 5.1, 3; 6.1; 10.2; see 5.2). Third, the senate is depicted as actively working with Augustus in the RG: Augustus accedes to its directives (1.2–3; 4.2; 5.2; 9.1; 10.1; 11; 12.1, 2; 14.1; 34.2; 35.1), declines its honors (4.1; 5.2; 6.1), endorses its legislation (6.2; 8.1; 22.2), asks the senate for colleagues in power (6.2), and transfers his powers back to it (34.1). There is clear evidence of mutuality and a benevolent reciprocity in this relationship, notwithstanding Augustus's precedence in the senate as princeps senatus (7.2). As Edwin S. Ramage observes, “even though Augustus clearly dominates, there is a harmony and unity, a concordia, that makes this new form of government successful.”Footnote ¹⁴⁷
那么，奥古斯都的权威是如何在日常事务中发挥作用的呢？首先，在奥古斯都看来（RG 34.2），他的正式权力（potestas）和权威（auctoritas）之间存在区别：“在此之后，我在影响力上超过了所有人，但在每个任期中与我同僚的其他人一样，并没有更多的权力。”尽管奥古斯都在公元前 27 年的和解后与其他执政官和保民官平等——他的同僚官员拥有相同的 potestas——但他的“影响力”是基于道德尊重的。这使奥古斯都在领导和在国家事务方面具有首要磋商的优势。其次，这种道德尊重得到了“共识”的加强，即奥古斯都是无可争议的统治者（34.1：per consensum）。此外，奥古斯都通过遵循共和国的风俗，推广传统的典范和图像，以及行使节制和仁慈来形成共识。奥古斯都拒绝与共和国和祖先传统不一致的职务和荣誉，也培养了一种共识的氛围（4.2；5.1，3；6.1；10.2；见 5.2）。 第三，参议院被描绘为积极与奥古斯都合作：奥古斯都遵循其指示（1.2-3；4.2；5.2；9.1；10.1；11；12.1, 2；14.1；34.2；35.1），拒绝其荣誉（4.1；5.2；6.1），支持其立法（6.2；8.1；22.2），向参议院请求权力同僚（6.2），并将他的权力转交给它（34.1）。尽管奥古斯都在参议院中作为元老院首领（7.2），但在这种关系中存在着相互性和仁慈的互惠关系的明显证据。正如埃德温·S·拉马格所指出的，“尽管奥古斯都明显占主导地位，但存在着和谐与团结，一种和谐，使这种新型政府成功。”" ¹⁴⁷ "

In comparing Paul's understanding of leadership with the RG, we face the difficulty that there is no real discussion of the issue in Romans, unlike the Corinthian epistles (1 Cor 3:1–4:21; 9:1–27; 12:1–13:13; 2 Cor 2:12–7:4; 10:1–13:13). Nor does Paul, as we will see (§2.7, below), use the language of “imitation” in order to present himself as an exemplum for his converts (§1.1.2, above). This would have been an obvious point of comparison between Paul and Augustus. The problem is compounded by the fact that Paul, as the apostle to the Gentiles, did not found the church at Rome. This explains Paul's delicately phrased language of “mutuality” and “reciprocity” in Rom 1:11–13 (esp. 1:12: συμπαρακληθναι; ἐν ἀλλήλοις; ὑμν τε καὶ ἐμο) and 15:24 (θεάσασθαι ὑμς καὶ ὑϕ' ὑμν προπεμϕθναι ἐκε), even though Paul highlights his status as the apostle to the Gentiles (1:1, 5–6, 13b; 15:15–16). Paul unfolds the variegated ministry of the body of Christ (Rom 12:4–8), pointing to a diversity of leadership in the house churches: but even here a comparison with Nero's “body of state” is more easily made (Seneca, Clem. 1.4.1–1.5.2) than with the RG.Footnote ¹⁴⁸
在比较保罗对领导力的理解与《罗马书》中的内容时，我们面临的困难在于《罗马书》中并没有真正讨论这个问题，不像哥林多前书（林前 3:1–4:21; 9:1–27; 12:1–13:13; 林后 2:12–7:4; 10:1–13:13）那样。保罗也没有像我们将在下文看到的那样（§2.7），使用“模仿”的语言来将自己呈现为信徒的楷模（§1.1.2）。这本来是保罗和奥古斯都之间的一个明显比较点。问题更加复杂的是，作为外邦人的使徒，保罗并没有在罗马建立教会。这解释了保罗在罗马书 1:11–13（尤其是 1:12：συμπαρακληθ ναι; ἐν ἀλλήλοις; ὑμ ν τε καὶ ἐμο ）和 15:24（θεάσασθαι ὑμ ς καὶ ὑϕ' ὑμ ν προπεμϕθ ναι ἐκε ）中使用的“相互关系”和“互惠”的措辞，尽管保罗强调自己是外邦人的使徒（1:1, 5–6, 13b; 15:15–16）。保罗展示了基督的身体的多样化事工（罗 12:4–8），指出教会中存在各种领导力：但即使在这里，与尼禄的“国家机构”进行比较更容易（塞内加，克莱梅尼特书 1.4.1–1.5.2），而不是与《罗马法典》进行比较。 ¹⁴⁸

However, there is a similarity of situation between Paul and Augustus at an unexpected level. Augustus distinguishes between his formal powers (potestas) and his influence (auctoritas) for a harmonious running of the state.Footnote ¹⁴⁹ To some degree, Paul's situation in writing to the Romans poses a similar conundrum. Paul has “apostolic authority” over the Gentile churches, being divinely appointed and affirmed by the “consensus” of the “pillar” apostles of Jerusalem (Rom 1:1, 5–6, 13b; 15:15–16; cf. Gal 1:15–16; 2:7–9), and has the “power of God” at his disposal through the gospel (Rom 1:16; 15:19). However, Paul cannot wield his authority insensitively over the Roman church because he is not its founder. How then does Paul establish consensus with the Roman believers regarding his projected visit and what type of leadership pattern emerges in this process? And how does it compare with the exemplum of Augustus in the RG?
然而，保罗和奥古斯都在一个意想不到的层面上有相似的情况。奥古斯都区分他的正式权力（potestas）和他的影响力（auctoritas），以确保国家的和谐运行。在写信给罗马人的过程中，保罗的情况在某种程度上提出了类似的难题。保罗在外邦教会中拥有“使徒权柄”，被神所任命，并得到耶路撒冷“支柱”使徒的“一致认可”（罗马书 1:1、5-6、13b；15:15-16；参见加拉太书 1:15-16；2:7-9），并通过福音拥有“上帝的能力”（罗马书 1:16；15:19）。然而，保罗不能对罗马教会的权威漠视，因为他不是其创始人。那么，保罗如何与罗马信徒就他计划中的访问建立共识？在这个过程中会出现什么类型的领导模式？这与奥古斯都在《罗马史》中的典范有何异同？

First, like Augustus (§2.4, above), Paul has a strong geopolitical grasp of the Roman empire in his strategy of bringing the nations to the “obedience of faith” (Rom 1:5; 16:26). He has moved from Jerusalem (Rom 15:19b; Gal 2:1–10) to the Greek East, commencing with Asia (16:5), and from there traveling into Europe during his second and third missionary journeys (Macedonia: 15:26; Illyricum: 15:19; Achaia: 15:26). Currently, Paul is writing his epistle at the Isthmus, residing at Corinth (16:23; see 1 Cor 1:14), but also with patronage in nearby Cenchrea (Rom 16:1–2). Afterwards, Paul planned to travel from Corinth to Jerusalem with the collection for the poor saints (Rom 15:26, 31). Thus, having now traveled as a missionary across the Greek East in a circle from Jerusalem as far as Illyricum on the Adriatic coast (Rom 15:19b),Footnote ¹⁵⁰ Paul's intention was to move into the Latin West and visit the believers at Rome (1:10–13; 15:22a, 24b, 29, 32). His aim was to establish a mission to the most westerly point of the Roman empire in Europe (Spain: Rom 15:24a).Footnote ¹⁵¹ Although the “geopolitical” sweep is not as extensive as Augustus's catalogue (RG 25–33), it is no less impressive in its far-flung vision for the nations living in the provinces.
首先，保罗像奥古斯都（见 2.4 节）一样，对罗马帝国有着强大的地缘政治把握，他的策略是将各国带到“信仰的顺服”（罗马书 1:5；16:26）。他已经从耶路撒冷（罗马书 15:19b；加拉太书 2:1-10）转移到希腊东部，从亚洲开始（16:5），然后在第二和第三次宣教旅程中前往欧洲（马其顿：15:26；伊利里亚：15:19；亚该亚：15:26）。目前，保罗正在伊斯特米亚的哥林多写他的书信（16:23；见哥林多前书 1:14），同时在附近的肯克利亚也有赞助（罗马书 16:1-2）。之后，保罗计划从哥林多前往耶路撒冷，带着为贫困圣徒筹集的捐款（罗马书 15:26, 31）。因此，现在作为一名宣教士，保罗已经从耶路撒冷一直到亚得里亚海岸的伊利里亚走过希腊东部的一圈（罗马书 15:19b）， ¹⁵⁰ 保罗的意图是前往拉丁西部，拜访罗马的信徒（1:10-13；15:22a, 24b, 29, 32）。他的目标是在欧洲罗马帝国的最西端建立一个传教点（西班牙：罗马书 15:24a）。 尽管“地缘政治”范围不及奥古斯都的目录（RG 25-33）广泛，但对生活在各省的国家的远见卓识同样令人印象深刻。

However, a clear difference in the conception of leadership emerges between Paul and Augustus. Augustus spared only those foreign peoples “whom (he) could safely pardon” (RG 3.2), either subduing them militarily (29–30) or by extending clementia to their officials and kings in diplomatic contexts (31–33). The princeps boasts about the result of these encounters (RG 32.3): “And while I have been leader (me principe; ἐπ' ἐμο ἡγεμόνος) very many other peoples have experienced the good faith (fidem; πίστεως) of the Roman people.”Footnote ¹⁵² The imperial iconography confirms the militarism of RG 29–30, emphasizing the military subjugation of the nations.Footnote ¹⁵³ Indeed, Paul himself may well have seen reliefs of bound captives during his visit to Pisidian Antioch.Footnote ¹⁵⁴
然而，保罗和奥古斯都对领导力概念的看法存在明显差异。奥古斯都只饶恕那些“他可以安全赦免”的外国人（RG 3.2），要么通过军事手段（29-30）征服他们，要么在外交场合向他们的官员和国王施以仁慈（31-33）。元首夸耀这些遭遇的结果（RG 32.3）：“而我作为领袖（me principe; ἐπ' ἐμο ἡγεμόνος），许多其他民族都体验到了罗马人的诚信（fidem; πίστεως）。”帝国的象征图像证实了 RG 29-30 的军国主义，强调了对各国的军事征服。事实上，保罗自己在访问彼西底安条克期间很可能看到了被捆绑俘虏的浮雕。

By contrast, Paul sought to win the nations to the “obedience of faith” for Christ (εἰς ὑπακοὴν πίστεως: Rom 1:5; 16:26). Whereas Augustus as Pontifex Maximus mediated between the gods and the Roman people (RG 7.3; 10.2), Paul made a priestly offering of the Gentiles in the service of the gospel of God (Rom 15:16). Christ himself was the God-given ἱλαστήριον that had propitiated the righteous demands of God's wrathful judgement, present and future, against sinners (Rom 1:18–3:20), irrespective of whether they were Jews or Gentiles (Rom 3:25; 10:12).Footnote ¹⁵⁵ Consequently, Paul jettisoned the Roman division between Greek and barbarian (Rom 1:14) since he was indebted to both groups (1:14b: ὀϕειλέτης εἰμί),Footnote ¹⁵⁶ owing them the debt of divine love (13:8b–10). In Paul's “geopolitical” organization of the Roman Empire for outreach to the nations, indebtedness to the love of Christ had become the dynamic for bringing about the obedience of the nations, as opposed to the militarism and diplomacy of the Roman ruler.
相比之下，保罗试图使各国归顺基督的“信仰之顺”（罗马书 1:5; 16:26）。而奥古斯都作为最高祭司在众神和罗马人民之间斡旋（《罗马史》7.3; 10.2），保罗则在上帝的福音事工中为外邦人献上祭祀（罗马书 15:16）。基督自己是上帝所赐的赎罪祭坛，已经满足了上帝对罪人的义怒的要求，无论是现在还是将来（罗马书 1:18–3:20），不管是犹太人还是外邦人（罗马书 3:25; 10:12）。因此，保罗摒弃了罗马人对希腊人和野蛮人之间的分隔（罗马书 1:14），因为他对这两个群体都有所欠（1:14b: 我是债主），对他们欠下了神圣爱的债（13:8b–10）。在保罗对罗马帝国进行“地缘政治”组织以传福音给各国的过程中，对基督之爱的债务已经成为使各国归顺的动力，与罗马统治者的军事主义和外交政策相对立。

Second, in Rom 16:1–16 and 16:21–23 we gain insight into how Paul, as the apostle to the Gentiles, establishes “consensus,” to borrow “Augustan” language, among believers in the Greek East and in the Latin West.Footnote ¹⁵⁷ At the most fundamental level, God had already established unity (one body: Rom 12:4a, 5a; see 10:12; 16:17) through the incorporation of believers from different nations into the body of Christ at Rome (Rom 16:1–16a) and in the provinces (e.g., Achaia: 16:1–2, 21–23; Asia: 16:5b; elsewhere: 16:4b, 16b). Paul's “in Christ” and “in the Lord” language underscores the organic unity of the house churches in fellowship, ministry, and mission across the Roman empire (Rom 16:2, 3, 7–13, 22).
其次，在罗马书 16:1-16 和 16:21-23 中，我们可以了解到保罗作为外邦人的使徒是如何在希腊东部和拉丁西部的信徒中建立“共识”，借用“奥古斯丁”的语言。在最基本的层面上，上帝已经通过将来自不同国家的信徒纳入基督的身体（罗马书 16:1-16a）和各省份（例如亚该亚：16:1-2, 21-23；亚细亚：16:5b；其他地方：16:4b, 16b）来建立统一（一个身体：罗马书 12:4a, 5a；见 10:12；16:17）。保罗的“在基督里”和“在主里”语言强调了罗马帝国各地教会在团契、事工和宣教中的有机统一（罗马书 16:2, 3, 7-13, 22）。

Paul uses a series of rhetorical strategies to facilitate interdependence and collegiality among the house churches of the Greek East and Latin West. His “kinship” (Rom 16:1: our sister; 16:8, 11, 21b: kinsmen; 16:13: a mother to me also; 16:14: brothers) and “household” language (16:5, 10b, 23a) establishes that believers now belong to a different family than the family of which Augustus was pater patriae. Beneficence within the house churches offers an alternative to the imperial networks of grace.Footnote ¹⁵⁸ However, this is not to be at the expense of socially prominent believers continuing to act responsibly as civic officials and benefactors within their own cities (Rom 16:23b). Traditional honorific motifs such as the “endangered” benefactor (Rom 16:4a) are echoed in Paul's description of the personal risk that Prisca and Aquila undertook on his behalf.Footnote ¹⁵⁹ Paul's expressions of affectionFootnote ¹⁶⁰ and his honorific rituals and accoladesFootnote ¹⁶¹ throughout Romans 16 provide the impetus to unity in visible and powerful ways. Last, the language of collegiality, in ministry and suffering,Footnote ¹⁶² has the same effect. This sense of cohesion established by Paul between the churches of the Latin West and Greek East would have provided further impetus for his mission to the nations across the Roman empire (Rom 15:23–24).Footnote ¹⁶³
保罗采用一系列修辞策略，促进希腊东部和拉丁西部的家庭教会之间的相互依存和同事关系。他的“亲属”（罗马书 16:1：我们的姐妹；16:8、11、21b：亲属；16:13：对我也如母亲；16:14：弟兄）和“家庭”语言（16:5、10b、23a）确立了信徒现在属于一个不同于奥古斯都是“祖国之父”的家庭。家庭教会内的仁慈行为提供了一种替代帝国恩典网络的选择。然而，这并不是以牺牲社会知名信徒继续在自己的城市中负责担任公职和恩人为代价的（罗马书 16:23b）。传统的尊敬动机，如“处境危险”的恩人（罗马书 16:4a），在保罗对普利斯加和亚居拉为他承担的个人风险的描述中得到呼应。保罗在罗马书 16 章中表达的感情和他的尊敬仪式和荣誉表达为团结提供了动力。最后，同事关系的语言，在事工和苦难中，产生了同样的效果。 保罗在拉丁西方教会和希腊东方教会之间建立的凝聚力感，将进一步推动他在罗马帝国各国传教的使命（罗马书 15:23-24）。 ¹⁶³

2.7 The Achievement of Virtue
2.7 德行的成就

On two occasions in the RG (8.5; 34.2) Augustus is held up as an exemplum of virtue. Both of these texts have already been discussed (§1.1.2; §2.6, above). We have seen that Augustus had become the supreme exemplum of virtue for the future leaders of Rome. His four “cardinal” virtues—virtus, clementia, iustitia, and pietas—were awarded because of his meritorious action on behalf of the state. We have also seen that at various stages in the RG these same virtues are illustrated by what Augustus does in service of the state (e.g., virtus and clementia: §2.4, above; pietas: §2.5, above; iustitia: 2; 6.1; 10.1; 26.3). Last, precisely because Augustus as an exemplum embodied the republican virtues, he was able to establish consensus with the state, as much as the senate and Roman people had established consensus by recognizing Augustus's supremacy by the time of Actium.
在《罗马史》（8.5; 34.2）中，居高举的是奥古斯都作为美德的典范。这两段文字已经被讨论过（§1.1.2; §2.6，上文）。我们已经看到，奥古斯都已成为未来罗马领导人的最高美德典范。他的四种“基本”美德——勇气、仁慈、公正和孝顺——是因为他为国家的功绩而获得的。我们还看到，在《罗马史》的各个阶段，奥古斯都所做的一切都体现了这些美德（例如，勇气和仁慈：§2.4，上文；孝顺：§2.5，上文；公正：2; 6.1; 10.1; 26.3）。最后，正是因为奥古斯都作为典范体现了共和国的美德，他才能与国家建立共识，就像参议院和罗马人民在亚克提乌姆时期承认奥古斯都的至高地位一样。

In the case of Paul, however, it is clear that virtue is the preserve of the entire believing community in Christ. This stands in contrast to the RG where the virtues are attributed to Augustus as honorific accolades because he is the savior of the res publica and the benefactor of the world (34.2). Two examples will be sufficient. First, in regards to the Augustan virtue of iustitia (34.2: iustitiae; [δ]ικαιοσύνην), Paul states that through the righteous act of Christ (Rom 5:18b: δι ' ἑνὸς δικαιώματος), many will be made righteous (5:19b: δίκαιοι κατασταθήσονται οἱ πολλοί). As we have seen (note 152, above), Paul's use of “justification by faith” language unveils how God graciously summons the Jews and the nations into the body of Christ, whereas Augustus's sense of justice triggers the fides (faith) that drew the nations to Rome and to himself (RG 32.3). The Spirit, too, brings to fulfillment in the believer's life the righteous requirements of the law (Rom 8:4a: τὸ δικαίωμα το νόμου). The righteousness operative in the life of the Christian community does not reinvigorate the nomistic righteousness of the old covenant (7:6b: οὐ παλαιότητι γράμματος), but rather unleashes the dynamic newness of the Spirit (7:6b: ἐν καινότητι πνεύματος). Set free from the self-serving behavior that characterized Greco-Roman society, the Roman believers had become “instruments” and “slaves” of righteousness (Rom 6:13: ὅπλα δικαιοσύνης τ θε; 6:18: ἐδουλώθητε τ δικαιοσύν). It is interesting that Paul avoids the language of “imitation” in Romans,Footnote ¹⁶⁴ opting instead for the idea of conformity to righteousness and to the image of Christ (Rom 8:29: συμμόρϕους τς εἰκόνος το υι῾ο αὐτο).Footnote ¹⁶⁵ Did the ubiquity of the Augustan exemplum motif at Rome (§1.1.2, above) cause Paul to speak of the dynamics of ethical transformation in a different way for Roman believers? This corporate understanding of conformity to “righteousness,” energized by the Spirit because of the obedience of Christ, is vastly different from the vision of justice centralized in the princeps in the RG.
在保罗的案例中，然而，很明显，美德是整个信仰基督社区的保留物。这与《罗马史》形成鲜明对比，后者将美德归功于奥古斯都，因为他是共和国的救世主和世界的恩人（34.2）。举两个例子就足够了。首先，在奥古斯都的公正美德方面（34.2：iustitiae；[δ]ικαιοσύνην），保罗陈述说，通过基督的义行（罗马书 5:18b：δι'ἑνὸς δικαιώματος），许多人将成为义人（5:19b：δίκαιοι κατασταθήσονται οἱ πολλοί）。正如我们所见（见上面的注 152），保罗使用“因信称义”的语言揭示了上帝如何慈悲地召唤犹太人和各国人进入基督的身体，而奥古斯都的正义感引发了信仰，将各国人吸引到罗马和他自己身边（《罗马史》32.3）。圣灵也在信徒的生活中实现了律法的义（罗马书 8:4a：τὸ δικαίωμα το νόμου）。 基督教团体生活中的正义并不使旧约的律法正义复兴（7:6b: οὐ παλαιότητι γράμματος），而是释放了圣灵的动态新意（7:6b: ἐν καινότητι πνεύματος）。罗马信徒摆脱了希腊-罗马社会以自私行为为特征的束缚，成为了“正义的器皿”和“奴仆”（罗马书 6:13: ὅπλα δικαιοσύνης τ θε ; 6:18: ἐδουλώθητε τ δικαιοσύν ）。保罗在罗马书中避免使用“模仿”的语言，而选择了符合正义和基督形象的概念（罗马书 8:29: συμμόρϕους τ ς εἰκόνος το υι῾ο αὐτο ）。奥古斯都楷模在罗马的无处不在是否导致保罗以不同方式谈论罗马信徒的伦理转变动态？这种团体对“正义”的理解，因基督的顺从而由圣灵激发，与 RG 中以皇帝为中心的正义愿景大相径庭。

Second, in regards to the Augustan virtue of clementia (RG 34.2: clement[iae]; ἐπείκειαν), Paul demonstrates in Romans that the Christian community was founded on the abounding mercy of God (ἐλεέω: Rom 9:15, 16, 18; 11:30–32; ε῎λεος: 9:23; 11:31; 15:9; οἰκτιρμός: 12:1). The welcome of Christ and the mercy of God had established a unity between Jew and Gentile in the body of Christ (Rom 15:7–13) that transcended the Augustan consensus and gave believers the capacity to overcome internal divisions (Rom 14:1–15:6). However, divine mercy also translated into the extension of mercy to others as part of the variegated ministry of the body of Christ (Rom 12:8b: ὁ ἐλεν ἐν ἱλαρότητι). This social vision was expressed in meeting the needs of the saints (Rom 12:13a)—seen particularly in the Jerusalem collection for the poor (Rom 15:24–29)Footnote ¹⁶⁶—and in extending hospitality to strangers (Rom 12:13b). Contextually, this must have also included the extension of mercy to those who were the enemies of the Christian community (Rom 12:14–21). Paul's creation of small house churches, of mixed ethnicity and culture, which extended beneficence not only to their own communities but also to their enemies, creating thereby a network of mercy that criss-crossed the provinces of the Roman Empire, was an ethical and social novelty in the first century.
其次，在提到奥古斯丁的仁慈美德（RG 34.2：clement[iae]；ἐπείκειαν）时，保罗在罗马书中表明基督教团体是建立在上帝丰盛的怜悯之上的（ἐλεέω：罗 9:15, 16, 18；11:30–32；ε῎λεος：9:23；11:31；15:9；οἰκτιρμός：12:1）。基督的欢迎和上帝的怜悯在基督的身体中建立了犹太人和外邦人之间的团结（罗 15:7–13），超越了奥古斯丁的共识，并赋予信徒克服内部分裂的能力（罗 14:1–15:6）。然而，神圣的怜悯也转化为将怜悯延伸给他人，作为基督的身体多样化事工的一部分（罗 12:8b：ὁ ἐλε ν ἐν ἱλαρότητι）。这种社会愿景体现在满足圣徒的需要（罗 12:13a）中，尤其在为穷人筹集耶路撒冷捐款（罗 15:24–29） ¹⁶⁶ ，以及对陌生人提供款待（罗 12:13b）。在上下文中，这必定也包括将怜悯延伸给基督教团体的敌人（罗 12:14–21）。 保罗创立的小型教会，由不同种族和文化组成，不仅向自己的社区提供恩惠，还向敌人提供恩惠，从而创造了一个跨越罗马帝国各省的怜悯网络，这在一世纪是一种伦理和社会的新颖。