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The China QuarterlyNo. 49, Jan. - Mar., 1972Fascism in Kuomintang China: The Blue Shirts This is the metadata section. Skip to content viewer section.
Journal Article
Fascism in Kuomintang China: The Blue Shirts
Lloyd E. Eastman
The China Quarterly, No. 49 (Jan. - Mar., 1972), pp. 1-31 (31 pages)
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References

This item contains 137 references.

[Footnotes]
  • 2
    George Sokolsky, a perceptive observer, had in 1929 commented on the popular attitude toward the Kuomintang: "No governmental group in China started under better auspices than that which composed the Nanking Govern- ment." "The people wanted them to succeed." The China Year Book, 1928, ed. H. G. W. Woodhead (Tientsin: The Tientsin Press, Limited, n.d.), pp. 1373 and 1374.
  • 3
    "Tang-nei t'uan-chieh shih wo-men wei-i ch'u-lu" (" Our only way out is to unite within the party"), in Chiang tsung-t'ung szu-hsiang yen-lun chi (A Collection of President Chiang's Thought and Speeches) (Taipei: Chung-yang wen-wu kung- ying she, 1966), Vol. XI, p. 44.
  • 4
    Liu Chien-ch'ün, Fu-hsing Chung-kuo ko-ming chih lu (The Road to Regenerating the Chinese Revolution) (n.p.: Chung-kuo wen-hua hsueh-hui, 1934), pp. 150-1
  • 5
    Ibid. pp. 154-5.
  • 6
    Iwai, "Ranisha no gainen to sono tokumu kŌsaku ni tsuite" ("The concept of the Blue Shirts and their special service operations ") (prepared by the General Headquarters of the Expeditionary Army in China, 1940), no pagination.
  • 7
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • "Ranisha no soshiki to hanman kŌnichi katsudŌ no jitsurei" ("The organiza- tion of the Blue Shirts and examples of anti-Manchukuo, anti-Japanese activi- ties"), in Ranisha ni kansuru shiryŌ (Materials on the Blue Shirts) (a specially bound volume of materials in the TŌyŌ Bunko), p. 11
    • [Iwai Eiichi], Ranisha ni kansuru chosa (An Investigation of the Blue Shirts) (issued by the Research Division of the Foreign Ministry), p. 6
  • Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 187.
  • 11
    This reference contains 8 citations:
    • "Kuo-min-tang yü fa-hsi-szu-t'i yun-tung" (" The Kuomintang and the fascist movement ") in She-hui hsin-wen (The Society Mercury) (SHHW) (Shanghai), Vol. IV, 24 August 1933, p. 274.
    • Howard L. Boorman, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1967), Vol. I, p. 436
    • The China Forum, to the contrary, referred to the SHHW as "Chiang Kai-shek's local Blue Jacket sheetlet" (II, 12, 22 October 1933, p. 4)
    • II, 2, 1 March 1933, pp. 4-5
    • Ch'ing-nien chün-ien (Young Soldier) (Canton) stated that the SHHW was a Chinese fascist organ (I, 13, 30 September 1933, p. 2)
    • Vol. I, No. 7, p. 5
    • Vol. II, No. 16, p. 19
    • Ch'ien-t'u (Future) (CT) (Hankow) (a single exception is noted below, p. 13)
  • 12
    "Ranisha no soshiki...," pp. 3 and 5.
  • 13
    "Chin-jih chiao-shih ying-yu te jen-shih yü tse-jen" ("The awareness and responsibilities that today's teachers ought to have"), speech delivered by Ho Chung-han, recorded by Chang Ming, in CT, I, 8, 1 August 1933, p. 1.
  • 14
    Editorial, "Min-ch'üan yü tzu-yu" ("Popular sovereignty and freedom"), in SHHW, Vol. III, 30 April 1933, p. 147.
  • 15
    Ch'en Ch'iu-yun, "Fa-hsi-szu-t'i chu-i yü Chung-kuo" (" Fascism and China "), in CT, II, 2, 1 February 1934, p. 3.
  • 16
    Ibid.
  • 17
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 188.
  • 18
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Liu Chien-ch'ün, Yin-ho i-wang (Memories at Yin-ho), [Taipei]: Chuan-chi wen-hsueh tsung-k'an, No. 6 (preface dated 1966), p. 235.
    • Ibid.
  • 19
    "Ranisha no soshiki...," p. 5.
  • 20
    In SHHW, 24 August 1933, p. 275.
  • 21
    Liu Chien-ch'ün, Fu-hsing Chung-kuo ko-ming chih lu, pp. 34-5.
  • 22
    Ch'en Ch'iu-yun, in CT, 1 February 1934, p. 3.
  • 23
    "Wu-ch'üan ta hui hsuan-ch'uan ta-kang" (" Propaganda programme of the Fifth Party Congress "), 21 October 1934, in Yokota Minoru Newspaper Collec- tion.
  • 24
    Editorial, "Tsu-chih yü ling-hsiu" (" Organization and the leader "), in SHHW, Vol. III, 15 May 1933, p. 226. Emphasis added.
  • 25
    This reference contains 5 citations:
    • Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, pp. 38-9.
    • Hsing-tzu hsien, Kiangsi, on 22 September 1933
    • Hsing-tzu hsien on 20 September
    • Lu-shan on 22 September
    • "Lun- cho nien-piao," Chiang tsung-t'ung szu-hsiang yen-lun chi, Vol. I, p. 46
  • 26
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • The North China Herald, 17 October 1934, p. 113.3
    • The China Year Book, 1935, p. 96.
  • 27
    Chang Yun-fu, "Wen-hua t'ung-chih tei-i chi fang-fa" ("The meaning and method of cultural control", in CT, II, 8, 1 August 1934, p. 7.
  • 28
    Ju Ch'un-p'u, " Wen-hua t'ung-chih te ken-pen i-i yü min-tsu ch'ien-t'u" ("The basic meaning of cultural control and the future of the nation "), ibid. p. 4.
  • 29
    Chang Yun-fu, ibid., p. 2.
  • 30
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Editorial, "Kai-tsao wen-hua te chi-wu" ("The urgency of cultural control"), in SHHW, Vol. III, 30 May 1933, p. 306
    • editorial, "Wo-men hsu-yao tsen- yang te wen-hua" (" What kind of culture do we need? "), in SHHW, Vol. III, 9 June 1933, p. 354
  • 31
    Chang Yun-fu, in CT, 1 August 1934, p. 4.
  • 32
    Liu Ping-li, " Nung-ts'un fu-hsing te i-i" (" The significance of rural regenera- tion "), in CT, I, 9, 1 September 1933, p. 3.
  • 33
    Chang Yun-fu, in CT, 1 August 1934, p. 4.
  • 34
    Editorial, in SHHW, 9 June 1933.
  • 35
    Ibid.
  • 36
    Ibid.
  • 37
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Li Ping-jo, "Chung-kuo li-shih-shang te wen-hua t'ung-chih" ("Cultural control in Chinese history"), in CT, II, 8, 1 August 1934, pp. 3-8
    • Chang Yun-fu, ibid. pp. 3-4
  • 38
    "Ranisha no soshiki....," p. 5.
  • 39
    Yü Wen-wei, "Chung-hua min-tsu hsien-tsai hsu-yao ho-chung chiao-yü?" (" What kind of education does the Chinese nation now need? "), in CT, I, 7, 1 July 1933, p. 4.
  • 40
    Lü K'o-jen, " She-hui-min-chu-chu-i shih-fou k'o-i chiu Chung-kuo? " ("Can social-democracy save China? "), in SHHW, Vol. III, 24 June 1933, p. 435.
  • 41
    Editorial, in SHHW, 9 June 1933, p. 354.
  • 42
    "Ranisha no shoshiki....," p. 25.
  • 43
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 188.
  • 44
    Editorial, "Ju-ho lai ch'an-ch'u kuan-liao cheng-chih" (" How to root out bureaucratic government"), in SHHW, Vol. V, 6 October 1933, p. 19.
  • 45
    Ju Ch'un-p'u, in CT, 1 August 1934, p. 11.
  • 46
    Ibid. p. 8.
  • 47
    Ibid.
  • 48
    "Chin-jih chiao-shih ying-yu te jen-shih yü tse-jen," in CT, I, 8, 1 August 1933, p. 1.
  • 49
    This reference contains 3 citations:
    • Ibid. pp. 1-3
    • Ch'iu Ch'un, "Chiao-yü yü Chung-hua min-tsu-hsing chih kai- tsao" ("Education and the rebuilding of China's national character"), in CT, 1, 7, 1 July 1933, pp. 1-12
    • Yü Wen-wei, ibid. pp. 1-6
  • 50
    Yü Wen-wei, ibid. p. 3.
  • 51
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ch'iu Ch'un, in CT, ibid. pp. 8-10
    • I Ching, "Min-tsu chiao-yü te yao-i" ("The essential meaning of national education"), ibid. pp. 3-4
  • 52
    Lin Shih-ts'un, "Kuo-chia tsung-tung-yüan" (" General mobilization of the nation "), in CT, II, 2, 1 February 1934, p. 4.
  • 53
    Ch'iu Ch'un, in CT, 1 July 1933, p. 10.
  • 54
    Yü Wen-wei, ibid. pp. 3-6
  • 55
    Ch'iu Ch'un, ibid. p. 10.
  • 56
    Yü Wen-wei, ibid. p. 3.
  • 57
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ibid. pp. 3-6
    • I Jen, "Chung-kuo ko-ming chin-chan-chung chih chiao- yü wen-t'i" (" The educational question in the development of the Chinese revolution "), in CT, II, 1, 1 January 1934, pp. 3-7
  • 58
    Ch'iu Ch'un, in CT, 1 July 1933, pp. 11-12.
  • 59
    Ibid. p. 11.
  • 60
    Yü Wen-wei, ibid. pp. 2-6.
  • 61
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 190.
  • 62
    Ibid. pp. 215-7.
  • 63
    Ibid. p. 190.
  • 64
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • "So-wei chi-k'ou-shou-t'ien " ("The so-called system of per capita land distribution "), in SHHW, Vol. VI, 27 February 1934, p. 269
    • ibid. Vol. VI, 6 March 1934, p. 301
  • 65
    This reference contains 3 citations:
    • Ibid. Vol. VI, 27 February 1934, p. 269
    • editorial, " Kuo-min ching-chi chien-she yün-tung" ("The national economic reconstruction movement "), in SHHW, Vol. XI, 21 June 1935, p. 328
    • Ying-lung, " Nung-ts'un chien-she wen-t'i-chung te chi-chien shih" (" Several matters related to the question of rural reconstruction "), ibid. p. 350
  • 66
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Liu Ping-li, in CT, 1 September 1933, p. 3
    • Pai-yü, "Fei-ch'ang-t'ai te Chung-kuo nung-ts'un shuai-lo yü fu-hsing te hsien-chüeh wen-t'i" (" The abnormal decline of Chinese agriculture and the primary questions for restora- tion "), ibid. p. 9
  • 67
    Hsu T'ai-k'ung, "Wu-shih-nien p'ing-ti ti-ch'üan lun" (" Land equaliza- tion in fifty years "), in CT, II, 4, 1 April 1934, p. 8.
  • 68
    Ibid. p. 5.
  • 69
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ibid. p. 6
    • Pai-yü, p. 11
  • 70
    Liu Ping-li, in CT, 1 September 1933, p. 4.
  • 71
    Sun Po-chien, "Chung-kuo nung-ts'un-chung te po-hsiao kuan-hsi yü nung-ts'un ching-chi te chiang-lai " (" The exploitative relationships in China's villages and the future of the rural economy "), ibid. p. 11.
  • 72
    " Ranisha no soshiki...," p. 19.
  • 73
    Ibid.
  • 74
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ibid. p. 23.
    • "Ranisha ni tsuite" ("On the Blue Shirts ") (no indication of origin, although it is probably a Japanese government report of 1935; 26 pp.)
  • 75
    Ch'en Ch'iu-yun, "San-min-chu-i yü fa-hsi-szu-t'i" ("The Three People's Principles and fascism "), in CT, II, 4, 1 April 1934, p. 6.
  • 76
    This reference contains 4 citations:
    • " Fa-hsi-szu-t'i yü Chung-kuo ko-ming," (" Fascism and the Chinese revolu- tion "), in SHHW, Vol. IV, 18 September 1933, p. 413.
    • Kao Ching- chai, "Chung-kuo ko-ming yü wo-men te lu-hsien " (" The Chinese revolution and our line "), in CT, II, 1, 1 January 1934, p. 5
    • " Kuo-min-tang yü fa-hsi-szu-t'i yün-tung" ("The Kuomintang and the fascist movement "), in SHHW, Vol. IV, 21 August 1933, p. 258
    • editorial, "Tsen-yang fa-chan chung-kuo te ching- chi " (" How to develop China's economy "), in SHHW, Vol. IV, 18 September 1933, p. 403
  • 79
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 131.
  • 80
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ibid. pp. 150-5
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao [pseudonym of Ch'en Fan], Hei- wang lu (Record of the Black Net) (Hong Kong: Chih-Ch'eng ch'u-pan-she, 1966), pp. 40-1
  • 81
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. II, p. 65.
    • Vol. I, p. 407
  • 82
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, pp. 150-1
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei- wang-lu, pp. 69-70
  • 83
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 156.
  • 84
    Ibid. pp. 157-8.
  • 85
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Unsigned, "Chiang Kai-shek developing à fascism h la Chine," China Weekly Review, 68, 10, 5 May 1934, p. 387
    • The China Year Book, 1934, p. 300
  • 86
    " Chiang Kai-shek developing à fascism B la Chine," p. 387.
  • 87
    James C. Thomson Jr, While China Faced West: American Reformers in Nationalist China, 1928-37 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 168.
  • 88
    Ibid.
  • 89
    Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, p. 54.
  • 90
    Samuel C. Chu, "The New Life Movement, 1934-37," in John E. Lane (ed.), Researches in the Social Sciences on China (New York: Columbia Univer- sity East Asian Institute Studies No. 3, 1957), pp. 3-4.
  • 91
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 166.
  • 92
    This reference contains 3 citations:
    • Ou-yang Tsung, Chung-kuo nei-mu (Behind the scenes in China) (Shanghai: Hsin-chung-kuo pan-she, 1941), p. 17
    • Chü-wai-jen [pseudonym], "Chi tang- nien ch'uan-shuo-chung te ' shih-san t'ai-pao'" (" Recollections of the legendary thirteen princes "), in Ch'un-ch'iu (Spring and Autumn) (Hong Kong) Vol. XCVI, part II, 1 July 1961, p. 4
    • W. L. Holland and Kate L. Mitchell (eds.), Problems of the Pacific, 1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, n.d.), p. 404
  • 93
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, pp. 22-7.
  • 94
    Samuel C. Chu, "The New Life Movement," p. 5.
  • 95
    "Hsin-sheng-huo yun-tung chih yao-i" (" The essential meaning of the New Life Movement"), in Chiang tsung-t'ung szu-hsiang yen-lun chi, Vol. XII, p. 109.
  • 96
    Ibid. p. 110.
  • 97
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, pp. 37-8.
  • 98
    "Hsin-sheng-huo yun-tung chih yao-i," in Chiang tsung-t'ung szu-hsiang yen-lun chi, Vol. XII, p. 111.
  • 99
    Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, pp. 36-9.
  • 101
    Thomson, While China Faced West, p. 177.
  • 102
    Ibid. p. 183.
  • 103
    Samuel C. Chu, The New Life Movement, p. 8.
  • 104
    "Chiang Kai-shek developing a fascism à la Chine," p. 387.
  • 105
    Ibid.
  • 106
    The North China Herald, 15 August 1934, p. 238.1.
  • 107
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ibid. 30 May 1934, p. 304.3
    • "Hsin chiao-t'ung-hsi yü lan-i-she chih an-chung tou-fa" (" The undercover combat between the new communications clique and the Blue Shirts "), dated 4 April [1934], in Yokota Newspaper Col- lection (TŌyŌ Bunko)
  • 108
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ch'en Li-fu, "Hsin-sheng-huo yun-tung fa-wei" (" The budding of the New Life Movement "), in Tung-fang tsa-chih (The Eastern Miscellany), 32.1, 1 January 1935 pp. (tung) 25-9
    • Thomson, While China Faced West, p. 157
  • 109
    Ibid. p. 180.
  • 110
    This reference contains 5 citations:
    • Tai Yü-nung hsien-sheng nien-p'u (Chronological Biography of Tai Li) ([Taipei]: Kuo-fang pu ch'ing-pao chü, 1966), passim
    • Chü-wai-jen, "Chi tang-nien ch'uan-shuo-chung te 'shih-san t'ai-pao';" in Ch'un-ch'iu, Vol. CIV, part X, 1 November 1961, p. 19
    • Ch'en Kung-shu, " Chiang-fei t'e-wu nei-mu i-pan" (" An aspect of the inner history of bandit Chiang's special services "), in Lo I and Huang Chi-ch'ing, Chung-kuo fa-hsi-szu t'e-wu chen-hsiang (The Truth about China's Fascist Special Services) (n.p.: 1949), pp. 83-91
    • Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 251
    • Boorman, Biographical Dictionary, Vol. III, pp. 205-7.
  • 111
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • " CC tokomu kŌsaku no enkaku" (" The development of the CC Clique's special service work ") (the government office responsible for the preparation of this report is unclear, 1940) (TŌyŌ Bunko), 11 pp.
    • "Hsin- kuo-min-tang tsu an-sha chi-kuan" (" The new Kuomintang organizes an assassi- nation organization ") in SHHW, Vol. III, 3 May 1933, p. 165
  • 112
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Tai Li, Cheng-chih chen-t'an (Political Spying) (n.p.: Kuo-min cheng-fu chtin-shih wei-yuan-hui cheng-chih-pu, 1938), 244 pp.
    • Wang P'ei- huai, Ko-ming te pao-chien (The Revolution's Sword) (n.p.: Wei-huang-she, 1936), 522 pp
  • 113
    Tai Li, Cheng-chih chen-t'an, pp. 2-3.
  • 114
    Ibid. pp. 61-2.
  • 115
    Ibid. Chaps. 4 and 5.
  • 116
    Ibid. p. 127.
  • 117
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Tai Yü-nung hsien-sheng nien-p'u, p. 25.
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, pp. 105-6.
  • 118
    " Ranisha no gainen...," (no pagination).
  • 119
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, pp. 71-6.
    • "Shanghai shocked by murder of noted Chinese scholar, Yang Chuan," in China Weekly Review, 65.4, 24 June 1933, pp. 146-7
  • 120
    This reference contains 4 citations:
    • Shen-pao, 14 November 1934, p. 3
    • Shen-pao, 17 November 1934, p. 3
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, pp. 77-85
    • "Shih-an yü lan-she 'wen-hua t'ung- chih'" (" The Shih case and the Blue Society's cultural control "), from Chung- hsing jih-pao, 18 November 1934, contained in the Yokota Newspaper Collection, TŌyŌ Bunko.
  • 121
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Chü-wai-jen, "Chi tang-nien ch'uan-shuo-chung te 'shih-san t'ai-pao,"' in Ch'un-chiu, Vol. CXVIII, part XXIV, 1 June 1962, p. 4
    • " Ranisha no soshiki ...," p. 42
  • 122
    Ibid. p. 43.
  • 123
    Wilbur Burton, " Dizzy whirls of the Canton merry-go-round," China Weekly Review, 66.7, 14 October 1933, p. 282.
  • 124
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Hu Han-min, "Lun so-wei fa-hsi-szu-t'i" ("On so-called fascism "), in San-min-chu-i yueh-k'an (Three People's Principles Monthly) (Can- ton), 1.5, 15 May 1933, pp. 18-22
    • Hu Han-min, "Tsai min-chu te k'ou-hao-hsia chi-ho-ch'i-lai" (" Join together under the slogan of democracy "), in San-min- chu-i yueh-k'an, 5.1, 15 January 1935, pp. 34-6.
  • 125
    The North China Herald, 18 October 1933, pp. 92.3 and 4.
  • 126
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang shih tzu-liao hui-pien (Collection of Sources on the history of the Chinese Kuomintang), Vol. IX, item 1
    • Jen-mih jih-pao (People's Daily) ([Foochow]), 22 November 1933, p. 2
  • 128
    Doki Naohiko, "Shina seikyoku no kiki " ("The crisis of the Chinese political situation "), in Toa (East Asia), 6.5, 1933, p. 45.
  • 129
    This reference contains 6 citations:
    • " Ranisha no kaiso shugi no tenkŌ nara ni saikin no dŌkŌ" (" The shift of Blue Shirt reorganizationist thought and its most recent trends ") (n.p.: [1934]), p. 4.
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, (Hei-wang-lu, pp. 8-10)
    • Chiang Kai-shek in 1932
    • North China Herald, 13 November 1935, p. 262.3
    • Ho-Umezu agreement of June 1935
    • "inimical to Sino-Japanese relations." (T. A. Bisson, Japan in China (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1938), p. 55)
  • 130
    This reference contains 4 citations:
    • Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 234
    • " Ranisha no kaiso shugi no tenkŌ ...," pp. 15-21
    • "Ranisha no soshiki...," pp. 33-43
    • "Ranisha ni tsuite," pp. 11-12
  • 131
    Ibid. p. 229.
  • 132
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • Chü-wai-jen, "Chi tang-nien ch'uan-shuo-chung te 'shih-san t'ai-pao," in Ch'un-ch'iu, Vol. XCVI, part II, 1 July 1961, p. 5.
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, pp. 58-68
  • 133
    Lyman P. Van Slyke, Enemies and Friends: The United Front in Chinese Communist History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967), pp. 84-5.
  • 134
    Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, p. 67
  • 135
    Ch'ien Tuan-sheng, The Government and Politics of China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961) pp. 126-8, 130.
  • 136
    S. J. Woolf, " Did a fascist economic system exist? " in S. J. Woolf (ed.), The Nature of Fascism (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), p. 119.
  • 137
    N. Kogan, "Fascism as a political system," ibid. p. 16.
  • 138
    A. James Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarian- ism (New York: The Free Press. 1969), p. 12.
  • 139
    George L. Mosse, "Fascism and the intellectuals," in Woolf (ed.), The Nature of Fascism, p. 208.
  • 140
    This reference contains 3 citations:
    • Woolf (ed.), The Nature of Fascism
    • N. Kogan, pp. 11-18
    • "Discussion - fascism and policy," ibid. pp. 51-61
  • 141
    This reference contains 2 citations:
    • N. Kogan states: " Racism was not an essential characteristic of fascism," (ibid. p. 17).
    • The Ideology of Fascism, pp. 241-82
  • 142
    J. Solé-Tura, "The political 'instrumentality' of fascism," in Woolf (ed.), The Nature of Fascism, p. 44.
  • 143
    Dao-lin Hsu, " Chinese local administration under the Nationalist Govern- ment: democracy and self-government versus traditional centralism" (unpublished manuscript), chapter 1, p. 31.
  • 144
    This reference contains 3 citations:
    • " CC dan ni kansuru chosa " (" An investigation of the CC Clique ") pre- pared by the special investigation section of the Japanese embassy in Shanghai, 1939, pp. 101-2
    • " Ranisha no gainen...," (no pagination)
    • Ch'en Shao-hsiao, Hei-wang-lu, pp. 44-6.
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Fascism in Kuomintang China:
The Blue Shirts
Lloyd E. Eastman
The Blue Shirts during the 1930s became one of the most influe
and feared political movements in China. To both contempo
and historians, however, the Blue Shirt movement has been a sha
force, known mostly through hearsay, with little solid inform
regarding its doctrine or its activities. Now, on the basis of mem
interviews, and especially Japanese intelligence reports of the 1
a rough picture of this secret organization can be pieced together
the image that emerges is not simply a terrorist organization,
political faction that reflected the concerns and ideals of many C
during the troubled Nanking decade. This study will, it is hoped
only provide an insight into the nature of Kuomintang rule, bu
shed light on a previously unexamined species of the political g
fascism.'
The Blue Shirt organization was formed in early 1932 at a time when
Chinese of virtually every political hue felt disillusionment and frustra-
tion at the seemingly irreversible decline of the nation. Only four years
earlier, in 1927 and 1928, there had been a brief period of optimism, for
many had thought that the new government established under the aegis
of the Kuomintang would cope with the nation's problems.2 But the
1. The research for this article, which is part of a larger project, has been aided
by grants from the Committee on Exchanges with Asian Institutions and the Joint
Committee on Contemporary China, both of the Social Science Research Council;
also the Center for Asian Studies, the Center for International Comparative Studies,
and the University Research Board of the University of Illinois.
It should be noted that the term Blue Shirt (lan-i-she: literally, blue-clothes
society) was not an official designation. The question of the formal name of the
organization is an extremely complex one. Other names by which the organization,
or parts of the organization, were known included the Chung-hua fu-hsing she
(Chinese Revival Society), the Ko-ming ch'ing-nien t'ung-chih hui (Revolutionary
Youth Comrades Society) and the Li-hsing she (Vigorously Carry-out Society, so
named from its determination to "vigorously carry out the will of Sun Yat-sen and
Chiang Kai-shek"). The question of the names of the Blue Shirt organization will
be discussed at length in the author's forthcoming book, China's Abortive Revolu-
tion.
2. George Sokolsky, a perceptive observer, had in 1929 commented on the
popular attitude toward the Kuomintang: "No governmental group in China
started under better auspices than that which composed the Nanking Govern-
ment." "The people wanted them to succeed." The China Year Book, 1928, ed.
H. G. W. Woodhead (Tientsin: The Tientsin Press, Limited, n.d.), pp. 1373 and
1374.
2 The China Quarterly
Kuomintang failed to create an effective administration or to res
political stability. Corruption seeped through the bureaucracy; fact
政治穩定。腐敗現象滲透到官僚體系中；事實
struggles erupted repeatedly into civil wars; and political repres
抗爭屢屢爆發為內戰；和政治代表
replaced popular support as the keystone of nationalist rule. By No
取代民眾支持成為民族主義統治的基石。否
ber 1931, Chiang Kai-shek himself confessed that " the revolution
1931年，蔣介石本人承認「革命
danger of failing, and the entire nation has gradually lost confiden
失敗的危險，整個國家逐漸失去了信心
the Party." 3 In December 1931, he bowed to political pressures,
黨。 」3 1931 年 12 月，他迫於政治壓力，
resigned all of his governmental offices.
辭去所有政府職務。
Chiang Kai-shek no doubt sensed profound disappointment and chagr
蔣介石無疑感到深深的失望與懊惱
as a result both of being forced from office and of the seemingly imp
由於被迫下台，以及看似重要的
ing failure of the revolution. Should he regain a position of leadership
革命失敗。他是否應該重新獲得領導地位
would want to approach the problems of government with new and fr
希望用新的和自由的方式來處理政府的問題
methods.  方法。
Even before his resignation, Chiang had received a suggestion a
甚至在蔣介石辭職之前，他就收到了一條建議
how the revolutionary movement might be revived. This had com
革命運動如何才能復興。這已經
the form of an 87-page essay, entitled "A Few Ideas for Reform of
一篇 87 頁的論文，題為《改革的幾點想法》，
Kuomintang," by a young party member named Liu Chien-ch'iin
國民黨青年黨員劉建琴
had written that the Kuomintang was morally bankrupt and dev
曾寫道，國民黨道德淪喪，
of revolutionary sentiment. He thought that, ideally, the existing
革命情緒。他認為，理想情況下，現有的
mintang should be completely scrapped. Yet he recognized that t
民池應該徹底廢除。但他承認
would be impracticable. He wrote, therefore, that " for reasons of hist
是不切實際的。因此，他寫道，「由於歷史原因
and legitimacy, and because we do not want to provoke a great qu
和合法性，因為我們不想引發一場大問題
if at all avoidable, we advocate preserving the old shell of the party bu
如果可以避免的話，我們主張保留黨的舊外殼
in addition, organizing a cotton-cloth corps (pu-i t'uan) within the part
此外，在部分地區組織了一支棉布軍團（布衣團）。
that will give substance to the party and create the party's soul."
new organization, Liu argued, would comprise persons singleminde
committed to revolution, who would sacrifice everything for the natio
and the masses, and for whom material wealth held no attraction.5
Chiang Kai-shek, in "retirement" but plotting his return to pow
saw in Liu Chien-ch'iin's essay a means to revive the faltering rev
tion. Calling together at Hangchow a small group of young office
whose loyalty he had absolute confidence, he ordered them to con
with Liu Chien-ch'iin and to form an organization similar to the cotto
cloth corps proposed in Liu's essay.6 He stipulated, in addition, tha
following principles guide the organizers of the new group: (1) Ch
Kai-shek should be the permanent highest leader; (2) Graduates of
Whampoa Academy should serve as the leading cadre, with fu
3. "Tang-nei t'uan-chieh shih wo-men wei-i ch'u-lu" (" Our only way out
unite within the party"), in Chiang tsung-t'ung szu-hsiang yen-lun chi (A Collec
of President Chiang's Thought and Speeches) (Taipei: Chung-yang wen-wu
ying she, 1966), Vol. XI, p. 44.
4. The essay is reprinted in Liu Chien-ch'Uin, Fu-hsing Chung-kuo ko-ming
lu (The Road to Regenerating the Chinese Revolution) (n.p.: Chung-kuo we
hsueh-hui, 1934), pp. 150-1.
5. Ibid. pp. 154-5.
6. "Ranisha no gainen to sono tokumu k6saku ni tsuite" ("The concept
the Blue Shirts and their special service operations ") (prepared by the General
Headquarters of the Expeditionary Army in China, 1940), no pagination.
Fascism in Kuomintang China 3
expansion to form around that nucleus; (3) The Three People's Principles
should be implemented, using Communist organizational methods and
adding the spirit of (as one source says) bushido or (according to another
source) fascism.-
Chiang Kai-shek returned to Nanking on 21 January 1932, and he
became a member of the newly formed Military Affairs Commission on
the 29th - the day after the Japanese assault on Shanghai. It was during
this last week of January that Chiang convoked a secret meeting in the
offices of the Officers' Moral Endeavour Corps (Li-chih she), and the
organization that became known as the Blue Shirts was instituted.
The Blue Shirts' Goals
The Blue Shirt movement was from the beginning influenced by
fascism. Liu Chien-ch'Uin's essay had been written under the inspiration
of the rise of Italian fascism 8; and increasingly the doctrine exerted an
attraction on the organizers of the movement. As one of these top-
ranking Blue Shirts remarked in 1969: "Fascism is now thought to be
backward (lo-hou). But then it seemed to be a very progressive means of
resurrecting the nation." 9
It is worth reiterating that many Chinese in the 1930s did not view
fascism as pernicious or retrogressive. On the contrary, they felt it to be
the most advanced and efficient of political systems. Parliamentary
government had been tried repeatedly in China since 1912, and with
obviously tragic consequences. Moreover, it seemed that, throughout
the world, democracy and laissez-faire-ism were being rejected in favou
of one-man or one-party dictatorships. Fascism, therefore, appeared to
be both a progressive doctrine and one that was suited to China's
particular circumstances.
Preservation of the nation was the primary goal of the Blue Shirts.
"The nation is supreme and sacred," read the Blue Shirt " Programme "
(Kang-ling), " and the member's sole duty is to pledge himself to protect
the national interest." 1O
7. "Ranisha no soshiki to hanman k6nichi katsud6 no jitsurei" ("The organiza-
tion of the Blue Shirts and examples of anti-Manchukuo, anti-Japanese activi-
ties"), in Ranisha ni kansuru shiry5 (Materials on the Blue Shirts) (a specially
bound volume of materials in the T6y6 Bunko), p. 11; and [Iwai Eiichi], Ranisha
ni kansuru chosa (An Investigation of the Blue Shirts) (issued by the Research
Division of the Foreign Ministry), p. 6. Note that the authorship by Iwai of this
important work is indicated only in the preface to the volume.
8. Interview. (I discovered while interviewing in Taiwan that my informants
were reluctant to discuss political questions until I had assured them that I would
not reveal their names as the source of information. It is unfortunate that most
of the information that I have derived from interviews is therefore not now for
attribution.)
9. Interview. 10. Iwai, Ranisha ni kansuru chosa, p. 187.
4 The China Quarterly
The appeal of fascism to the Blue Shirts was that it seemed to provid
a proven and unambiguous method of attaining the goal of natio
salvation. "Fascism," read an editorial in the Blue Shirt organ, She
hsin-wen, "is the only tool of self-salvation of nations on the brin
destruction. It saved Italy and Germany.... Therefore, there is no o
road than imitating the fascist spirit of violent struggle as in Ital
Germany." 11 Chiang Kai-shek shared this enthusiasm for fascis
Addressing a gathering of Blue Shirts, he proclaimed that "fasci
is . . . a stimulant for a declining, stagnant society. Can fascism
China? We answer: Yes! Fascism is what China now most needs. At
the present stage of China's critical situation," Chiang continued, "fas-
cism is a wonderful medicine exactly suited to China, and the only spirit
that can save it." 12
The Blue Shirts' total exaltation of the nation was matched by their
total abnegation of the individual. Ho Chung-han, who was perhaps the
dominant figure in the Blue Shirt oligarchy beneath Chiang Kai-shek,
called for the people to relinquish their freedom and even their lives so
that the nation might be free. Only then, he said, could one speak of
"true freedom." 13 The She-hui hsin-wen proclaimed it a "heavenly
principle " for the individual to serve and sacrifice for the nation.14 The
Blue Shirt goal was the totalitarian one of the individual's unqualified
submission to the nation. He was to "perform his duties without
11. "Kuo-min-tang yii fa-hsi-szu-t'i yun-tung" (" The Kuomintang and the
fascist movement ") in She-hui hsin-wen (The Society Mercury) (SHHW)
(Shanghai), Vol. IV, 24 August 1933, p. 274.
I am of the considered opinion that the She-hui hsin-wen was a Blue Shirt
publication. The reader should be warned, however, that the question of the
political alignment of this periodical may be in doubt. Howard L. Boorman, ed.,
Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (New York and London: Columbia
University Press, 1967), Vol. I, p. 436, states that the journal was a publication
of the CC Clique. The Boorman volumes cannot, however, be accepted as definitive.
The China Forum, to the contrary, referred to the SHHW as "Chiang Kai-shek's
local Blue Jacket sheetlet" (II, 12, 22 October 1933, p. 4). China Forum, however,
was probably not clear regarding the distinction between the Blue Shirts and the
CC Clique. (See, e.g., II, 2, 1 March 1933, pp. 4-5.) The most conclusive evidence
to hand, however, is the fact that writers in the Ch'ing-nien chiin-ien (Young
Soldier) (Canton) stated that the SHHW was a Chinese fascist organ (I, 13, 30
September 1933, p. 2) and by "Chinese fascist" they meant the Blue Shirts
(see, e.g., Vol. I, No. 7, p. 5; and Vol. II, No. 16, p. 19). This is supported by
the fact that the editorial policy of the SHHW corresponds almost exactly with
the writings in the Ch'ien-t'u (Future) (CT) (Hankow) (a single exception is noted
below, p. 13), which is unquestionably a Blue Shirt publication.
12. "Ranisha no soshiki ...," pp. 3 and 5.
13. "Chin-jih chiao-shih ying-yu te jen-shih yti tse-jen" ("The awareness and
responsibilities that today's teachers ought to have"), speech delivered by Ho
Chung-han, recorded by Chang Ming, in CT, I, 8, 1 August 1933, p. 1. CT was
indisputably a Blue Shirt publication, and appears to have been a major forum
for discussion of ideological issues.
14. Editorial, "Min-ch'iian yti tzu-yu" ("Popular sovereignty and freedom"),
in SHHW, Vol. III, 30 April 1933, p. 147.
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