THE QIPAO AND THE FEMALE BODY
IN 1930 CHINA 旗袍和 1930 年中国女性形体
Mei Mei Rado 梅梅拉道
In his 1935 bestselling book My Country and My People written in English for a western audience, the witty Chinese writer Lin Yutang (1895-1976) observes: 在他 1935 年出版的畅销书《我的国家和我的人民》中,这位诙谐的中国作家林语堂(1895-1976)观察到:
Chinese girls gave everybody a surprise by their ready adaptability: the permanent wave, English high-heeled shoes, Parisian perfumes and American silk stockings, the new high-slit flowing gowns, the brassiere (in place of the former chest-binding jacket), and the one-piece female bathing suit … On the whole, these modern influences must be taken as liberalizing influences working for the good of Chinese womanhood and therefore of the race. ^(1){ }^{1} 中国女性凭借其出色的适应能力给所有人带来了惊喜:永久性波浪发型、英式高跟鞋、巴黎香水和美式丝袜、新款高开叉流畅连衣裙、胸罩(取代以前的束胸外套)以及一件式女式泳衣......总的来说,这些现代影响必须被视为有利于中国妇女,乃至整个民族的进步的自由化力量。 ^(1){ }^{1}
The iconic new fashion - the flowing qipao gown - came to represent modern Chinese womanhood in the 1930s. Images of female bodies, striking various demure or provocative poses while clad in this dress, graced the pages of every lifestyle magazine and adorned the walls of public and private spaces. The commodious Qing dynasty robes that were still being worn around 1900 seem a far cry from the tight-fitting, streamlined qipaos in the 1930 s, yet the transition from one to the other followed a surprisingly natural course within that short period of time. The new qipao dress brought to the fore an unprecedentedly visible and mobile female body, laden with political and cultural significance in a turbulent period of national crisis. 标志性的新时尚服装——流畅的旗袍长裙——在 1930 年代代表了现代中国女性气质。身着这种服装的女性以或端庄或挑逗的姿态出现在每一本生活杂志的页面上,并装点公共和私人空间的墙壁。1900 年左右仍在穿着的宽松的清朝长袍与 1930 年代贴身的流线型旗袍迥然不同,但从前者到后者的转变却出人意料地自然而然地发生在那段短暂的时期内。新式旗袍突出了前所未有的可见和流动的女性形体,在国家动荡危机的时期蕴含着政治和文化的重大意义。
Beginning in the late nineteenth century, the Chinese female body and feminine fashion became associated with abstract ideas of modernity, liberation, and nationalism. What Chinese women should wear and how their bodies should look were highly contested issues, central to a collective yearning for Chinese modernization and national progression. Issues of women’s bodies and attire attracted intense public interest, not only because they were crucial in defining the images of “new women” 19 世纪末开始,中国女性的身体和时尚与抽象的现代性、解放和民族主义的概念联系在一起。中国女性应该穿什么,她们的身体应该是什么样子,这些都成为了热烈争论的话题,关系到中国现代化和国家发展的集体向往。女性的身体和着装问题引起了强烈的公众关注,不仅因为它们在定义"新女性"形象方面至关重要。
and marked a social order in transition, but also in that they came to symbolize the national identity of modern China. For example, Chinese women’s bound feet, fragile bodies, and their “unhygienic” robes were perceived by progressive intellectuals of the 1890s as signs of the weakness and backwardness of the nation, whereas the modernized look of “May Fourth girls” with bobbed hair, short skirts, and leather shoes in the early 1920s came to symbolize the recently indoctrinated values of democracy and individual freedom. ^(2){ }^{2} 这标志着一个正在转型的社会秩序,但它们也成为了现代中国国家身份的象征。例如,中国妇女的缠足、脆弱的身体和"不卫生"的长袍,在 19 世纪 90 年代被进步知识分子视为国家软弱和落后的标志,而 20 世纪 20 年代初的"五四少女"短发、短裙和皮鞋的现代化装扮,则象征着新近被灌输的民主和个人自由的价值观。 ^(2){ }^{2}
While fashion in modern China has been examined in light of its social and cultural implications - discussed, for example, as embodying a new femininity, urban modernity, or national identity - the visual styles of these new garments were often ignored or dismissed as secondary to their social and cultural significances. ^(3){ }^{3} However, visual styles assume foremost importance in the fashion cycle, as shifting silhouettes, constructions, and the textures of dresses assert new concepts of the body to which symbolic ideological meanings can be attached. 现代中国时尚的视觉风格往往被忽视或被认为次于其社会和文化意义。然而,服装的线条、结构和质地所呈现的身体概念,承载着象征性的意识形态意义,在时尚周期中居于重要地位。
By “visual styles” I do not suggest merely the material appearance of actual garments. Indeed, how certain dress styles look (or how they should look) is ultimately a cultural construction, shaped by the visual representations associated with them. In Seeing Through Clothes, the art historian Anne Hollander eloquently establishes a relationship between the unclothed figure and the dressed figure in visual art. At any given time in western history, visual representations of the dressed body construct contemporaneous ideals of the human figure by establishing"natural" looks of bodily proportion, gesture, and movement.These images in turn shape the wearer’s inward perception of the self. ^(4){ }^{4} Meanwhile, according to Hollander,"all nudes in art since modern fashion began are wearing the ghosts of absent clothes. ^("5){ }^{" 5} In other words, the silhouettes of shifting fashions are imprinted onto contemporary nudes. Hollander’s theory is illuminating in that it offers a valuable insight into how formal styles of garments in visual representations reflect and influence perceptions of the ideal body, and how this image further regulates the bodily performance of the wearers. 我所说的"视觉风格"并非仅指实际服装的物质外观。事实上,某些服装风格的外观(或应该如何外观)最终都是一种文化建构,由与之相关的视觉表现所塑造。在《透视服装》一书中,艺术史学家安妮·霍兰德富有见地地建立了裸体人物和穿着人物在视觉艺术中的关系。在西方历史的任何特定时期,被服身体的视觉表现都会构建当代理想人体的外貌,包括身体比例、姿态和动作的"自然"形态。这些图像反过来又塑造了穿衣者对自我的内在感知。与此同时,根据霍兰德的说法,"艺术中所有的裸体自从现代时尚开始都穿着消失服装的幽灵"。换言之,瞬息万变的时尚形态的轮廓被印刻在当代裸体人物之上。霍兰德的理论启示人深刻,它为我们提供了一个宝贵的洞见:视觉表现中正式服装的样式如何反映和影响理想身体的认知,以及这种形象如何进一步规范穿衣者的身体表现。
It is necessary to point out that Hollander’s proposition is inseparable from the long western tradition of nudes and fashion. In the Chinese context, which lacks an equivalent visual tradition of nudes and portraits of human figures in fashionable dress, the represented “body”, in John Hay’s words, is not “objectified” and “solid.” A nude body that"reveals itself through the garments and in accordance with the laws of physics" is missing in traditional Chinese art. ^(6){ }^{6} A body as a mimetic representation only emerged in the early twentieth century when both fine art and commercial art largely assimilated western visual modes. Interestingly, during the late 1920 s and 1930 s , at the same time that Chinese art avidly explored nudes in both academic and popular domains, a modern fashion culture (in the western sense) also arose in China. Hollander’s idea 需要指出的是，霍兰德的观点无法与西方长久以来关于裸体和时尚的传统割裂。在缺乏等同视觉传统的中国语境中,据约翰·海的话说,被描述的"身体"并非"被物化"和"具有实在性"。在传统中国艺术中,通过服饰和物理定律"显现自己"的裸体身体是缺失的。直到 20 世纪初,无论是高雅艺术还是商业艺术,都大量吸收了西方的视觉模式,身体作为模拟性再现才出现。有趣的是,在 20 世纪 20 年代末和 30 年代,当中国艺术在学术和大众领域都热衷探索裸体时,现代时尚文化(西方式的)也在中国兴起。霍兰德的观点
is most relevant to the discussion of body and dress in this period when the representations of fashion and human figures flourished in Chinese print culture. Drawing on Hollander’s theory, this essay examines the visual modernity of the body embedded in the mature form of the qipao in 1930s China. 最相关于这一时期时尚和人物图像在中国印刷文化中蓬勃发展的身体和服装的讨论。借鉴 Hollander 的理论,这篇文章审视了 1930 年代中国旗袍成熟形式中蕴含的身体视觉现代性。
The qipao established a new ideal female body, characterized by a rounded, wellproportioned, and tangible figure, in sharp contrast to the flat and insubstantial body idealized in the past.The qipao also suggested a modern relationship between body and dress that is marked by the wearer’s self-consciousness beneath the garment. I will also discuss the prototypes of the ideal female physique invoked by this new fashion style - western classical nudes and sensual Hollywood actresses. Such images, recontextualized in Chinese popular media, occupied an ambivalent position in Chinese discourses of modernization and nationalism, encapsulating the country’s longing and anxiety regarding physical transformation in a time of national crisis. 旗袍树立了新的理想女性体型,这种体型特点是圆润、均匀、有形实在,与过去理想化的扁平无实体的身材形成鲜明对比。旗袍也暗示了身体与服饰之间一种现代化的关系,体现了穿衣者内心的自我意识。我还将讨论这种新时尚风格所唤起的理想女性体型原型——西方古典裸体和感性迷人的好莱坞女星。这些图像在中国的大众媒体中重新语境化,在中国关于现代化和民族主义的话语中占据了一种矛盾的地位,概括了这个国家在危机时期对身体转变的向往和焦虑。
THE RISE OF THE QIPAO AND THE VISUAL MODERNITY OF THE BODY 旗袍的崛起与身体的视觉现代性
Women’s dress in China underwent a great transformation early in the twentieth century, moving toward simplicity, revelation, and mobility. From the 1910s to the 1930s, a sense of the physical body gradually emerged and was articulated through women’s garments. Typical robes for Han Chinese women and Manchu women in the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) had ample cuts. The garments served to display the beauty of sumptuous fabrics, not the body. The construction of the robe is two-dimensional: the width of a textile consists of half the width of the body; two pieces of fabric are joined together along a central seam and folded on the shoulder line; and a half-shoulder and a half-sleeve are cut in one piece without an armhole seam. When worn, several layers of loose garments were draped around the body, diminishing the breast bulge and sloping the shoulder line, thus creating the visual effect of a petite, flat, and imperceptible body consistent with the ideal of femininity at that time - fragile, serene, and poetic. 中国妇女的服装在 20 世纪初发生了巨大的变革,趋向于简约、曝露和流动性。从 1910 年代到 1930 年代,身体的感觉逐渐浮现并通过妇女的服装表达出来。清朝(1644-1911)汉族妇女和满族妇女的典型长袍布料丰厚。这些服装旨在展示豪华织物的美丽,而非身体。长袍的结构是二维的:一件织物的宽度等于身体宽度的一半;两块布料沿中央缝线连接并在肩部折叠;半肩和半袖是一片切割而成,没有袖孔缝。穿着时,宽松的衣服层层叠叠地包裹在身体周围,遮蔽了乳房的隆起,使肩线下倾,从而创造出一种符合当时女性美理想的细小、平静和诗意的视觉效果。
Upon the fall of the Qing dynasty, fashion became significantly tightened. The stylish ensemble of the 1910s consisted of a tight jacket of thigh length and a pair of cropped trousers or a long skirt. Cut in a narrow A-line and close-fitting only around the shoulders, bust, and arms, the jacket did not fully echo the natural feminine curves. The shape of the jacket still prescribed the look of a flat body. A type of corsage, or “little vest” (xiao beixin) - a long, rectangular cloth wrapped around the breast and waist and fastened on the side - was newly invented to be worn under the tight jacket.? This compressed the breasts to produce a flat contour. Its invention represents an effort to correct the visual inconsistency between the newly visible bust and the familiar visual ideal that still prevailed. During this time, a visual convention that featured 清朝灭亡后,时尚有了明显收紧。1910 年代的时尚造型包括一件紧身的及膝外套和一条短裤或一条长裙。外套采用收腰 A 字型,只在肩部、胸部和手臂处贴身,无法完全展现女性曲线。外套的造型仍然呈现扁平的身材。一种新型的"小背心"(小背心)-一种长长的矩形布料缠绕在胸部和腰部,系在一侧-被发明用于紧身外套之下。这压缩了乳房,使胸部呈现扁平轮廓。其发明体现了企图矫正新兴的突出胸部与仍然盛行的传统理想视觉之间的矛盾。在这一时期,一种视觉惯例
127 Illustration of a winter cipao, teatured in Zliuolan [Violet] (Shanghai), issue 5 (Special issue on the gipao), 1926 冬季旗袍的插图,刊载于《紫罗兰》(上海)1926 年第 5 期(关于旗袍的特刊)
breasts protruding through clothing had not yet come to be. Despite intellectual promotions of natural breasts from the medical and eugenic stances, a bulging chest appeared unnatural and ungainly to most women. Indeed, the adoption of the corsage signified a new consciousness of the body elicited by the tight jacket, as the body was no longer viewed through an abstract and holistic aesthetic lens, but instead as concrete, and comprised of conspicuous parts. Although the new style of the 1910s still projected an ideal female figure as flat and petite, this body came to be associated with a new sense of physical autonomy. Fashion illustrations of the 1910s often depict young girls in movement, such as playing tennis or riding a bicycle. Different from the traditional representational mode that hints at a sedentary body through drapes and ruffles of garments, rendered in sketchy strokes, these images illustrate that the structure and locomotion of the body had begun to articulate through the dress. 胸部隆起穿透服装的情况尚未出现。尽管医疗和优生学界倡导自然乳房,但对大多数女性来说,隆起的胸部看起来很不自然和笨拙。事实上,采用腰带表示了紧身夹克引发的身体新意识,身体不再通过抽象和整体的美学镜头来观察,而是被视为具体的,由显著的部分组成。尽管 1910 年代的新式样仍然描绘了平坦和娇小的理想女性形象,但这种身体与新的身体自主权意识联系起来。1910 年代的时尚插图常常描绘年轻女孩在运动,如打网球或骑自行车。与暗示静止身体的传统表现方式(通过衣服的褶皱和荷叶边)不同,这些图像通过草图式的笔触说明身体的结构和运动开始通过服装表达出来。
Loose silhouettes returned to Chinese fashion during the 1920 s. Three fashionable styles, established in the early twenties and worn simultaneously through the middle of the decade, shared a similar overall A-line shape. The three styles were a short blouse and skirt ensemble, a long vest and short blouse combination, and a one-piece gown. The last one, known as the qipao, first appeared around 1921 as winter wear. ^(8){ }^{8} It became indisputably high fashion around 1926 and had eclipsed the other two styles by 宽松的剪影在 20 世纪 20 年代重返中国时尚。三种时尚风格在 20 年代初期确立,并在 20 年代中期同时流行,都有相似的 A 字型整体轮廓。这三种风格是短上衣和裙子套装、长背心和短上衣组合以及一件式长裙。最后一种,被称为旗袍,最初于 1921 年左右作为冬季服装出现。它在 1926 年左右无可争议地成为时尚,并压过了其他两种风格。
the end of the decade (fig. 127).The Mandarin word qipao literally means"[Manchu] banner gown." Its Cantonese name, cheongsam, meaning “long robe,” is more familiar to the western audience, but was not frequently used in Chinese writings of the 1920 s and 1930s. The long gown acquired the name"qipao" probably because its formal traits during the early 1920s resembled those of the Manchu robes in the Qing dynasty - that is, its angular shape, wide sleeves, and side closures. 这个十年的结束(图 127)。"旗袍"一词在汉语中的字面意思是"[满族]旗袍"。它的粤语名称"长裙"更为西方观众所熟知,但在 20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代的中文著作中并未经常使用。这种长袍可能被称为"旗袍",是因为它在 20 世纪 20 年代初的正式特征与清代满族罩袍相似,如其棱角形状、宽大的袖子和侧面的扣子。
The ambiguous origin and implications of the new qipao style aroused numerous debates in the 1920 s. The issues mainly concerned the style’s potential association with a fallen dynasty and the fact that its androgynous shape blurred the gender boundary. Opponents and supporters alike found meanings that served their own purposes, interpreting the qipao’s visual traits as signs of political restoration, gender equality, or sexual subversion. ^(9){ }^{9} In this turbulent period of warlord struggles and the strident atmosphere of a feminist movement, women’s dress was easily overladen with political and social significance. However, the qipao did not emerge and develop as a self-conscious political expression, but was rather a fashion invention driven by an internal visual demand for changing the look. 新式旗袍的模糊起源和含义在 1920 年代引发了众多争论。这些问题主要涉及旗袍可能与一个已陨落王朝的联系,以及其中性形状模糊了性别边界的事实。无论是反对者还是支持者,都找到了符合自己目的的含义,将旗袍的视觉特征解释为政治复辟、性别平等或性颠覆的标志。在这个军阀斗争动荡和激烈的女权主义运动氛围中,女性的服装很容易被赋予政治和社会意义。然而,旗袍的出现和发展并非自觉的政治表述,而是受内部视觉需求驱动的时尚创新。
The popularity and evolution of the qipao was inseparable from a newly emerging, modern fashion culture in China. This took shape in the 1920s as a result of several impulses, notably the industrialization of textile production, the mushrooming of department stores, women’s increasing visibility and mobility in the public space, and the advancement of printing technology. Centered in Shanghai, this fashion culture was a multivalent system consisting of a seasonal updating of styles, graphic artists as fashion designers, high-end retail outlets, celebrities as trendsetters, fashion shows, and advertising in public spaces and popular periodicals. ^(10){ }^{10} Thanks to department store imports and fashion illustrations, western fashion styles became widely accessible and found a place in the wardrobes of Chinese ladies. Assimilating and integrating the latest European andAmerican trends, in terms of general silhouette, Chinese dress began to develop in sync with western fashion while maintaining its native sartorial character. The form and spirit of the qipao were essentially hybrid and cosmopolitan, resulting from China’s increasing exposure to western fashion. The overall flat shape and loose silhouette of the qipao echoed contemporary western fashion, which experienced a fundamental revolution from a three-dimensional to two-dimensional structure during this period. Indeed, western styles became acceptable for Chinese Iadies in the twenties exactly because their flat shape and two-dimensional structure approximated the familiar visual mode of Chinese dress and the body. 旗袍的流行和发展与中国新兴的现代时尚文化密不可分。这是在 20 世纪 20 年代由于几个推动力而形成的,特别是纺织品生产的工业化、百货商店的蓬勃发展、妇女在公共空间的可见性和流动性的增加,以及印刷技术的进步。以上海为中心的这种时尚文化是一个多元化的系统,包括季节性的样式更新、服装设计师、高端零售店、名人引领时尚趋势、时装展和广告宣传。多亏了百货商店的进口和时装插图,西方时尚风格变得广泛可及,并融入了中国女士的衣橱。在整体剪裁方面吸收和融合最新的欧美流行趋势,中国服饰开始与西方时尚同步发展,同时保持其本土服装特色。旗袍的形式和精神本质上是混合和国际化的,源于中国越来越多地接触到西方时尚。旗袍整体扁平的形状和宽松的剪裁反映了当时西方时尚从三维向二维结构的根本变革。事实上,正是因为其扁平的形状和二维结构接近中国服装和身体的熟悉视觉模式,西式服装在 20 年代才为中国女士所接受。
Beginning during the mid-1920s, the Chinese qipao and the western flapper gown shared a tendency to display soft fabrics and ultra-feminine decorations, presumably 20 世纪 20 年代中期开始,中国旗袍和西方时髦女装都倾向于展示柔软的面料和极度女性化的装饰,据推测这可能是
128 (above left) Zheng Mantuo (1888-1961), 郑曼拓（1888-1961）
poster for the Nanyang Brother Tobacco Company 南洋兄弟烟草公司海报
circal 1927 圆形 1927
129 (above right) Cover of Meishu shenghuo 美术生活封面
[Arts & Life] (Shanghai) 艺术与生活(上海)
no. 39, June 1937 第 39 期，1937 年 6 月
an assertion of the feminine quality in compensation for the ostensibly “androgynous” form. For the qipao, lightweight, synthetic chiffons, georgettes, and crepes broke the dominance of thick damasks and jacquards popular in the 1910s and the early 1920s, while swags, sequins, laces, beads, tassels, irregular appliqués, and so on, imbued the gown with a sense of fancifulness and flamboyance. The angular severity created by stiff fabrics in the earlier period had now dissolved into supple gentleness. The dress textiles began to subtly interact with the body, and the decorative details, rather than passive ornamentations, responded to a moving body and externalized physical dynamism. The qipao silhouette in the last two years of the 1920 s began to show a slightly molded waistline. A late 1920s poster depicting two girls dancing the Charleston shows one of them clad in a novel qipao dress and the other in a sleeveless flapper gown, both quite similar in design. The sheen and the fluid line of the dresses bestows unprecedented sensuality to their bodies (fig. 128). 这种针对"雌性气质"的表达,弥补了之前常见的"双性"形式。对于旗袍而言,轻质合成纪梵希、乔治亚丝绸和缎布取代了 1910 年代和 1920 年代初期流行的厚重丝绸和提花,同时垂褶、亮片、蕾丝、珠子、流苏和不规则的镶边装饰,赋予了服装一种富有想象力和夸张的感觉。早期时期由于布料过于硬质而产生的棱角感,现已化为柔和亲和。服装纺织品开始微妙地与身体互动,装饰性细节也不再是被动的装饰,而是对移动的身体做出回应,外化了身体的动态感。20 世纪 20 年代末的旗袍轮廓开始略有收缩,在一张 1920 年代末的海报上,两个女孩正在跳查尔斯顿舞,一个穿着新颖的旗袍,另一个穿着无袖的碎花连衣裙,两种造型设计十分相似。服装的闪耀感和流畅线条为她们的身体赋予了前所未有的性感。
Suppleness, fluidity, and sensuality anticipated the qualities of the mature form of the qipao that emerged around 1930. The style was characterized by a close-fitting, streamlined cut that echoed all the bodily curves, side slits on the lower hem that partially revealed the legs, side fasteners, and a standing collar. The hemline, sleeves, and slits of the qipao moved up and down from year to year, but the basic form of the dress remained unchanged. 柔软、流畅和感性预示了 1930 年左右出现的旗袍成熟式样的特点。这种风格以贴合身形、流线型的剪裁为特征,突出了身体曲线,下摆两侧开衩部分露出双腿,采用侧扣,并有立领。旗袍的下摆、袖子和开衩的长度随年而变,但基本款式一直未变。
During the 1930s, although the qipao became close-fitting, its tailoring still retained the traditional two-dimensional model: a length of fabric was folded along the shoulder line to form the front and back of the dress, and darts and set-in sleeves were rarely used. The curvy contour was directly cut on the flat patterns without overemphasis. The qipao maintained the simplest, unstructured form and it depended on the natural physique of the body to give it a concrete shape. Synthetic modern fabrics with soft textures and abstract designs ranked as the favorite choices for the minimalist qipao style. Decoration was stripped away or reduced to a minimum, limited to narrow borders or trimmings that did not intrude on the smooth surface and the flowing form. A 1937 portrait of a young lady posed in a green qipao exemplifies the aesthetic of this style and a new relationship between body and dress (fig. 129). In this image, her body, clad in the untrimmed, floor-length qipao, appears like a column - sleek and elongated. Her contrapposto pose elegantly displays the proportion and curves of her body without causing any wrinkles in, or displacement of, the fabric. The body shown through the dress, albeit slender, is rounded and feminine. Her slightly bent left leg thrusts against the fabric’s elasticity, which gives her limb tangible fullness and a toned quality. Without surface manipulation, the garment makes neither exaggeration nor suppression, neither adds illusion to, nor distracts from, her natural body. The dress gently caresses her figure without imposing a prescribed model. The body gains control 在 1930 年代,尽管旗袍变得更加贴身,但其剪裁仍保留了传统的二维模式:一长块布料沿肩线折叠成为裙子的前后部分,很少使用打褶和嵌入式袖子。曲线轮廓是直接在平面图样上裁剪,没有过度强调。旗袍保持了最简单、无结构的形式,依赖身体自然体型来赋予其具体形状。柔软质地和抽象设计的合成现代面料成为简约旗袍风格的首选。装饰被剥离或减少到最少,仅限于不会侵扰平滑表面和流畅形态的狭窄边框或装饰。1937 年一位年轻女士穿绿色旗袍的肖像展现了这种风格的美学以及身体与服装之间的新关系(图 129)。在这幅图像中,她的身体被简约、及地的旗袍包裹,看起来像一列优雅修长的柱子。她的对比式站姿优雅地展示了身体的比例和曲线,却没有在布料上造成任何褶皱或移位。虽然苗条,但通过衣服可以看到她的身体是圆润而女性化的。微微弯曲的左腿紧绷着面料,赋予了她的四肢丰满和紧实的质感。没有表面上的修饰,这件衣服既不夸张也不压抑,既不为她的自然身体添加任何虚幻,也不会分散注意力。衣服轻柔地抚摸着她的身躯,没有强加任何既定模式。身体重获主导权。
over the textile, animating the dress with physical substance and rhythm. At the same time, the streamlined silhouette of the gown accentuates the dynamism of the body, lending it a sense of fluidity and freeness. The woman’s own physical awareness of her body beneath the dress is expressed in her self-conscious pose and gaze. 织物上方,使连衣裙带有实体和节奏。同时,连衣裙的流线型轮廓突出了身体的动感,赋予了它流畅和自由的感觉。女性对连衣裙下的自己身体的亲身意识,在她自我意识的姿态和目光中得到了表达。
The qipao foregrounded a body in its natural state of nudity. This implication of the body was a penchant the qipao shared with contemporary western fashion. Hollander argues that the modern evolution of western dress was underlined by a tendency towards nudity. The sartorial essence of modern dress lies in its implication of a coherent, articulated nude figure under clothes. Western female dress moved early in the twentieth century toward a reduced scope and a simple shape. By the 1930s, the ideal female dress was clear-cut and fluid, echoing the nude, natural body. ^(11){ }^{11} Moving from different pathways, Chinese qipao and western fashion converged at a shared location and came to resemble each other in their flowing forms and embedded concepts of the body. In each culture, the iconic 1930s style suggested visual modernity. The body/ clothing relationship represented a fundamental change from the past. 旗袍突出显示了自然裸体状态下的身体。这种对身体的隐喻是旗袍与当代西方时尚所共有的特点。霍兰德认为,西方服装的现代演变下蕴含着一种趋向裸露的倾向。现代服装的本质在于它暗示了衣服下一个协调、具体的裸体形象。20 世纪初,西方女性服装趋于简约和流畅的造型。到 1930 年代,理想的女性服装造型清晰流畅,呼应了裸露、自然的身体。从不同路径发展,中国旗袍与西方时尚最终趋于相似,在流畅的形态和对身体概念的渗透上趋于一致。在每种文化中,标志性的 1930 年代风格都暗示了视觉上的现代性。服装与身体的关系代表了一种与过去的根本性转变。
THE IDEAL QIPAO BODY AND THE CULT OF THE ROBUST PHYSIQUE 理想旗袍体型和强壮体格的崇拜
The body made visible for the first time in Chinese history by the new qipao style entailed definition and valorization, both visually and culturally. The rise of the closefitting qipao concurred with the flourishing of images of female bodies in popular print culture of the 1930s. Rather than mere coincidence, this phenomenon reflected a visual demand for reexamining the body and an effort to establish a new visual tradition. The collective quest for the ideal female physique and the unprecedented public interest in women’s bodies reveal both the aspiration and the anxiety in China’s nationalist pursuit and modernization process. 新式旗袍首次在中国历史上将身体可见化,这涉及到视觉和文化层面的定义和价值判定。紧身旗袍的兴起与 20 世纪 30 年代大众印刷文化中女性身体形象的蓬勃发展相吻合。这一现象不是偶然,而反映了重新审视身体的视觉需求,以及建立新的视觉传统的努力。对理想女性体型的共同追求,以及前所未有的公众对女性身体的关注,揭示了中国民族主义追求和现代化进程中的理想和焦虑。
The female body occupied a central place in the nationalist agenda of modern Chinese history, which was dominated by a series of crises, from the Opium Wars in the midnineteenth century until the Second Sino-Japanese War, from 1937 to 1945. Since the 1890 s, Chinese intellectuals and politicians had repeatedly linked the physical fragility of the Chinese race to the vulnerability of the nation before foreign encroachments, as well as its humiliation on the international stage. In light of their reproductive role, women’s bodies in particular became the target of nationalist criticism and objects of reform. Weak female bodies were deemed the cause of the decline of the nation, while strong and healthy female physiques were perceived as promising China’s successful defense and future power. This discourse, first advanced by reformist intellectuals inspired by social Darwinism in the late 1890 s, had become more dominant by the 1930s, 女性身体在现代中国历史上的民族主义议程中占据了中心位置,这一议程由从 19 世纪中叶鸦片战争直到 1937 年至 1945 年第二次中日战争的一系列危机所主导。自 19 世纪 90 年代以来,中国知识分子和政治家一直将中国民族的身体脆弱性与其在国际舞台上的脆弱性及屈辱联系在一起。鉴于女性在生育方面的作用,女性的身体尤其成为民族主义批评和改革的对象。女性身体的虚弱被认为是民族衰落的根源,而强壮健康的女性体格则被视为中国成功防卫和未来实力的希望。这一论述最初由受社会达尔文主义启发的改革知识分子在 19 世纪 90 年代提出,到 1930 年代已变得更加主导。
when the Chinese national crisis was intensified by Japan’s increasing military aggression. The physical strength of the Chinese race was explicitly linked to national salvation on all levels of discourses, including government propaganda, intellectual writings, and popular media. ^(12){ }^{12} The Nationalist government institutionalized physical education and sponsored national sports games, encouraging women to participate in athletic activities to train their bodies. ^(13){ }^{13} 当中国国家危机因日本不断加剧的军事侵略而加剧时。中华民族的身体力量在所有层面的言论中都与国家救亡直接联系起来,包括政府宣传、知识分子著作和大众媒体。 ^(12){ }^{12} 国民政府制度化了体育教育,并赞助全国性运动会,鼓励妇女参与体育活动以锻炼身体。 ^(13){ }^{13}
Intertwined with the nationalist agenda was the rapid modernization in China that took place early in the twentieth century. Modernity, in all its spiritual and material manifestations, was equated in China with “western civilization.” Modernization, too, primarily meant “westernization.” ^(1+){ }^{1+} The modernization process was itself a redemptive pursuit of strengthening the nation in response to the political crisis; it also represented China’s effort to redefine its identity in relation to the world and its own past. Women’s bodies - and, by extension, their dresses, shoes, hairstyles, and so on - often came to serve as the emblem of Chinese modernity. A"patriotic" female body and a modern female body at once overlapped and contradicted. In the nationalist imagination and discourse, the Chinese female body should be modernized and progressed to save the nation, yet at the same time it should remain timeless, in order to embody the essence and authenticity of the nation. ^(15){ }^{15} The inherent contradiction inscribed on female bodies exposes an intrinsic tension and a perpetual dilemma between the Chinese endeavor for modernization in the western mode and a resistance to the foreign power that threatened the Chinese state. 与民族主义议程交织在一起的是 20 世纪初中国发生的快速现代化。现代性在其所有精神和物质表现中,在中国被等同于"西方文明"。现代化也主要意味着"西化"。
现代化进程本身就是一种满足救国需求的追求;它也代表了中国重新定义自己与世界和自身过去的关系的努力。女性身体及其服装、鞋履、发式等,常常成为中国现代性的象征。爱国的女性身体和现代的女性身体同时重叠和矛盾。在民族主义想象和话语中,中国女性身体应该被现代化和进步,以拯救国家,但同时它也应该保持永恒,以体现民族的本质和真实性。
女性身体上所刻画的内在矛盾,揭示了中国以西方模式实现现代化的努力,与抵御威胁中国国家的外来力量之间持久存在的张力和困境。
Although discourses surrounding patriotism and modernity had a profound impact on the new aesthetic standard in favor of a strong and healthy Chinese female body, it was the images of western female bodies ubiquitously presented in the popular media in the 1930s that provided concrete visual models of how this new Chinese body should look.These images ranged from reproductions of statues of classical nudes, and modern paintings and photographs of naked women, to films and still photographs of western actresses (mostly Hollywood stars) in revealing clothes. Regardless of the vastly different cultural connotations of their original contexts, in the Chinese popular imagination they were all integrated into a homogenous discourse on the robust, healthy, and beautiful (jianmei) body, perfect examples of the western body further linked to advanced western races and civilization. Frequently presented in women’s journals and lifestyle magazines with a large female audience, these images of western female bodies formed a knowledge system, serving as vivid pedagogical materials for Chinese women to learn about perfect proportion, beautiful curves, robust physiques, and natural, confident gestures, all of which were indispensable qualities of a modern female body. In addition, often juxtaposed with content on seasonal fashions, these foreign images established a 尽管围绕爱国主义和现代性的话语对支持强健的中国女性身体的新美学标准产生了深远影响,但 1930 年代大众媒体广泛呈现的西方女性身体形象为这种新的中国身体应该如何呈现提供了具体的视觉模型。这些形象包括从古典裸体雕塑的复制品,到现代绘画和裸女照片,再到西方女星(主要是好莱坞明星)穿着暴露服装的电影和照片。尽管它们原本的文化内涵大不相同,但在中国大众想象中,它们都被整合到一个关于强健、健康和美丽(健美)身体的统一话语中,成为与先进西方种族和文明相联系的西方身体的完美范例。这些西方女性身体形象频繁出现在女性杂志和生活方式杂志上,形成了一个知识体系,作为中国女性学习完美比例、美丽曲线、强健体魄和自然自信姿态的生动教材,这些都是现代女性身体不可或缺的品质。此外,这些外国形象往往与时尚内容并列出现,建立了一个联系。
130 (above left) Photograph of the Medici Venus from three different angles, in Yu jifan, Nüxing rentimei yu kexue meirongfa [The Beauty of the Female Body and the Scientific Methods of Cosmetology] Shanghai: Xinya shudian, 1937, opening page; Chinese caption: “the standard beauty of female figure” 女性躯体之美与科学化妆术
131 (above right) P. T. Chen, “The Girl in 131 (上右) P. T. Chen, "女孩"
the Water-lily Pond,” featured in Liangyou 莲花池塘
[The Young Companion], November 1930 《青年同侪》，1930 年 11 月
Chinese caption: “robust and beautiful physique” 强壮而美丽的体型
connection between the modern Chinese dress (primarily variations of the qipao style) and the plump, vigorous body in the public imagination. 现代中国服装(主要为旗袍风格的变体)和公众想象中丰腴有力的身体之间的联系。
The sartorial shape of the qipao in the 1930s implied an ideal female figure that was tall and curvaceous, with rounded shoulder, full bosom, small waist, full hip, and strong limbs. A mid-1930s poster demonstrates well the association of this idealized body image with the qipao style (fig. 126). The dress in this poster is rendered skin tight, more revealing than the gently body-caressing qipao in the photographic portrait (see fig. 129), foregrounding an immediate sense of nudity. 1930 年代旗袍的剪裁造型暗示了一种理想的女性形象:高挑曲线,圆润的肩膀,丰满的胸部,细腰,丰满的臀部和结实有力的四肢。一张 1930 年代中期的海报生动地体现了这种理想化的身体形象与旗袍风格的联系(图 126)。海报中的这件服装被渲染得贴肤紧绷,比照片肖像中温和包裹身体的旗袍(见图 129)更具裸露感。
This ideal nude embodied the “beauty of the human body” (rentimei) derived from the prototype of western classical nudes, with which educated urban Chinese in the 1930s were quite familiar. A Shanghai publication of 1937, The Beauty of the Female Body and the Scientific Methods of Cosmetology, presents a photograph of the Medici Venus (a first-century B.C. copy of the fourth-century B.C. Hellenistic original) in three views in the opening page. The author provides no identification information for the work and simply labels it as"the standard beauty of female figure," transforming it into a contemporary ideal for Chinese women (fig. 130). A typical example of the popular treatises of this kind, the book maintains that the natural and wholesome body in 这种理想裸体体现了"人体美"(rentimei),这种美源于西方古典裸体的原型,20 世纪 30 年代的受过教育的中国城市居民已经很熟悉了。1937 年出版的一本上海杂志《女性身体之美与化妆品科学方法》在封面页展示了三张美第奇维纳斯(公元前一世纪的副本,原作于公元前四世纪)的照片。作者没有提供作品的识别信息,只是将其简单地标注为"女性形体的标准美",将其转化为当代中国女性的理想(图 130)。这种类型的通俗著作的一个典型例子,书中认为自然健康的身体是
the Ancient Greek aesthetic represents today’s beauty standard, and that nudes should be the starting point of any understanding and pursuit of the “beautiful body.” 16 古希腊美学代表了当今的美的标准,裸体应该是对"美丽身体"理解和追求的起点。 16
Photographs of western female nudes figured prominently in Chinese high- and middle-brow magazines targeted at educated, urban, bourgeois readers in the 1930s. Whereas nude models in fine art schools still caused scandals in China during the mid-twenties, by the thirties nude images had been incorporated well into the public visual domain, justified by a grand rhetoric on beauty, race, civilization, and nation. Culled from various foreign sources but rarely identified, these images were uniformly described with such words as “pure and innocent,” “natural beauty”, “healthy and strong,” and so on. For example, a photograph with an original label “Camera Study by Pierre LaCroix,” in a 1931 issue of Ling Long (Linloon Ladies’ Magazine) shows a woman in a posture resembling a Greek athlete with her muscles in strenuous tension (fig. 132). The suggestive Chinese caption -“resistance of a person with a robust and beautiful physique” - would have easily triggered in the imagination a Chinese body with the same strength as a symbol of national defense. For another, similar photo, the Chinese text maintains,“This strong and beautiful physique is what Chinese women need.” ^(17){ }^{17} Images of western female nudes enabled Chinese women to reflect on the perceived inadequacy of their own bodies, and represented the goal they could achieve through physical education. 20 世纪 30 年代,针对受教育、城市和资产阶级读者的中国高端和中端杂志中,西方裸体女性的照片占据了重要地位。虽然在 20 年代中期,艺术院校中的裸体模特仍然引起了轰动,但到了 30 年代,裸体图像已经很好地融入了公众视野,这是以美、种族、文明和民族为名的宏大修辞的正当化。这些图像虽来自各种外国来源,但很少有标注出处,统一地被形容为"纯洁无暇"、"自然美"、"健康强壮"等。例如,1931 年《玲珑》(《玲珑淑女画报》)刊登了一张照片,标题为"由 Pierre LaCroix 摄",展现一名女性姿态似希腊运动员,肌肉绷得紧紧的(图 132)。相应的中文说明"一个健美体魄的抗拒"很容易在想象中勾勒出一个具有同样力量的中国身体,作为民族防卫的象征。另一张相似的照片,中文文字称"这种强健美丽的体魄正是中国女性所需要的"。这些西方裸体女性的图像,让中国女性得以反思自身身体的不足,并将之作为通过体育教育可以达成的目标。
Interestingly, while the European classicism revivals (in France and Germany, for example) during the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries evoked both male and female nudes in art, as exemplars for nationalist physical reforms, male nudes were virtually missing in China. In rare instances, they were shown in painful struggles rather than displaying the graceful and vigorous body. This imbalance between male and female images attests to the peculiar Chinese cultural imagination in which women represented the ultimate force for national transformation and the incarnation of the national essence. Classical nudes for Europeans stood as the glorious cultural root, but for Chinese they were a new discovery. This rediscovered “humanity truth” and “universal ideal” was integrated into the imagery of the Chinese female body and into the construction of the aspired national authenticity. This redemptive effort may be best observed in photographs of Chinese nudes that were also widely published during the 1930 s. In one example, the naked young woman seated in a water-lily pond is presented in Chinese as representing the"robust and beautiful physique" (fig. 131). The picture highlights her physical liveliness. The setting of the water-lily pond suggests her connection to nature and also imbues her image with a traditional poetic atmosphere. In contrast to the weak, hidden, and deformed bodies (characterized by footbinding and breast-binding) of Chinese women in the past, which symbolized the backward and invaded nation in the nationalist discourse, these pure, unrestrained, and healthy nudes created an illusion of the integrity of the nation, and seemed to promise the strength and continuity of the Chinese race. 有趣的是,尽管 19 世纪末和 20 世纪初欧洲新古典主义复兴(例如在法国和德国)在艺术中呈现了男女裸体作为民族主义身体改革的典范,但是在中国,男性裸体几乎完全缺失。在极少数情况下,他们被展现为痛苦挣扎,而不是优雅而充满活力的身体。这种男女形象失衡反映了中国特有的文化想象,即女性代表着国家转型的终极力量和民族精髓的化身。对于欧洲人,古典裸体是光荣的文化根源,但对于中国人来说,这是一种新的发现。这种重新发现的"人性真理"和"普遍理想"被融入到中国女性身体的形象中,并融入到所期望的民族真实性的建构中。这种救赎性的努力在 20 世纪 30 年代广泛发表的中国裸体摄影作品中得到最好的观察。在一个例子中,坐在睡莲池中的年轻裸体女性被描述为代表"健壮美丽的体魄"(图 131)。这幅画突出了她的生动活泼的身体。睡莲池的环境暗示了她与自然的联系,也给她的形象注入了传统的诗意气氛。与过去被缠足和束胸所象征的软弱、隐藏和畸形的中国女性身体(在民族主义话语中代表着落后和被侵犯的国家)相比,这些纯洁、无拘无束和健康的裸体营造了国家完整性的幻觉,似乎承诺着中华民族的力量和延续性。
Similar to western female nudes, Hollywood actresses’ bodies were also presented as a standard of healthy beauty. Hollywood movies had been regularly screened in China since the late 1920s, and the large number of Hollywood still photographs published in popular magazines offered Chinese rich opportunities to scrutinize the ideal bodies of western beauties and how these bodies moved and posed. As the cultural historian Leo Ou-fan Lee points out, a glance at the glossy photographs of Hollywood stars reveals that they invariably highlighted outspoken body fetishism. ^(18){ }^{18} Chinese captions for these pictures exhibit an interest exclusively focused on the body itself, repeatedly evoking such phrases as “hot flesh,” “perfect proportion,” or “ideal physique.” An image in a 1933 issue of Ling Long, for example, shows a group of Hollywood starlets in swimming suits (fig. 133). Shot at a low angle, as was typical for contemporary American fashion photographs of sportswear, it exaggerates the fully exposed, long legs of the actresses. The Chinese caption comments with unreserved admiration:“Look at their impeccably wholesome and beautiful bodies, which make us so envious and shameful!” ^(19){ }^{19} 类似于西方裸体女性的呈现方式,好莱坞女星的身体也被呈现为健康美的标准。20 世纪 20 年代末,好莱坞电影开始定期在中国上映,大量在流行杂志上发表的好莱坞明星照片,为中国人提供了仔细审视西方美女理想身材,以及这些身材如何移动和摆姿的机会。正如文化历史学家李欧梵所指出的,一瞥好莱坞明星光鲜的照片就可以看出,它们无一例外地突出了明确的身体崇拜。这些图片的中文说明对身体本身表现出了专注的兴趣,反复使用诸如"火辣的肉体"、"完美的比例"或"理想体型"等措辞。例如,1933 年《玲珑》杂志上的一幅图像展示了一群好莱坞女明星穿泳装的样子(图 133)。采用了时尚摄影中典型的低角度拍摄,突出了女演员们长腿完全暴露的样子。中文说明赞叹道:"看看她们无可挑剔的健康美丽的身体,令我们如此羡慕和羞愧!"
An article of 1935 in Ling Long proposes an “international beauty standard” that synthesizes the features of five Hollywood actresses - the “robust athletic figure” of 1935 年《玲珑》杂志上的一篇文章提出了一种"国际美容标准"，该标准综合了五位好莱坞女星的特征 - 包括玛丽莲·梦露的"强壮的运动身材"
133 (above left) "Wholesome Beauty of Physiques,"
featured in Ling Long, issue 98, 1933; Chinese caption:
"These are Hollywood stars who love swimming.
Look at their impeccably wholesome and beautiful
bodies, which make us so envious and shamefu!"
Courtesy C. V. Starr East Asian Library
Columbia University
134 (above right) "International Beauty Standard,"
featured in Ling Long, issue 168, 1935
Courtesy C. V. Starr East Asian Library,
Columbia University
Jean Harlow, the"seductive and mysterious style" of Marlene Dietrich, the"energetic, romantic attitude" of Joan Blondell, the “sweet gentleness” of Janet Gaynor, and the “sensual beauty” of Joan Crawford. ^(20){ }^{20} The cartoon illustrates the stars in highly revealing clothing - flimsy, body-hugging gowns or bathing suits. The ideal woman, who combines all the assets listed above, is depicted in the center, clad in a two-piece bathing suit. Her athletic and sensual body acquires a monumental, statue-like quality, not unlike the nude classical goddesses (fig. 134). Presented to Chinese women as the new standard for beauty, this body image would fit ideally with the aesthetic of the contemporary qipao dress. 简体中文翻译如下:
让·哈罗, "诱人而神秘的风格"的玛琳·黛德丽, 琼·布朗黛尔"充满活力、浪漫的态度", 珍妮特·加纳 的"甜美温柔"以及琼·克劳馥的"感性美"。卡通插图描绘了这些明星们穿着暴露的服装 - 轻薄、贴身的晚礼服或泳衣。在中心位置描绘的理想女性身穿两件式泳衣,她健美而感性的身材赋予了雕塑般的气质,犹如古典裸体女神(图 134)。这种美体形象被呈现给中国女性作为新的美的标准,与当时流行的旗袍审美完美契合。
The Hollywood model of the strong and sensual body was incorporated into Chinese self-representation in the 1930s. Advertising calendar posters during the period often depicted robust and curvy Chinese women with a western body type clad in qipaos (see fig. 126).A mid-1930s poster by the Zhiying Studio provides a revealing example of the transplant of the western body onto Chinese female imagery (fig. 135). In this picture, the woman’s broad shoulders fill her qipao, and her half-globe-shaped breasts with protruding nipples are clearly visible under the glossy, sleek fabric. While a semi-nude image like this only appeared in low-brow erotica in traditional Chinese art, here the highlighted breasts associated with a respectable modern woman in a public advertisement proudly announce her feminine role as mother. The embroidering scene in this image further suggests the woman’s traditional duty, echoing the “good wife and wise mother” role models advocated by the New Life Movement, a campaign launched by the Nationalist government in 1934 to purify social morality and to instill Confucian-based ethic values. In this poster, the modern, westernized body and the traditional moral values converged to exemplify “essential” Chinese femininity. Whereas Hollywood photographs and western nudes would clearly remind the Chinese of a western Other, these composite, idealized images of Chinese bodies offered more immediate visual models of how the bodies looked beneath the qipao, aiding in the process of reimagining and transforming the Chinese self. 好莱坞强健、感性的身体形象在 1930 年代被融入到中国的自我表述中。当时宣传画册上常常描绘身材丰满的中国女性,身着旗袍,具有西方身材特征(见图 126)。中应斯电影公司 1930 年代中期的一款海报就是这种将西方身体形态植入中国女性形象的典型例子(图 135)。这张海报中,女性宽阔的肩膀填满了旗袍,半球形隆起的乳房和突出的乳头在光滑的布料下清晰可见。尽管在传统中国艺术中,这种半裸画面只出现在低俗的色情作品中,但在这张公开发行的广告海报上,突出的乳房与一位体面的现代女性相关联,自豪地宣告她作为母亲的女性角色。海报中女性绣花的场景进一步暗示了她的传统责任,呼应了"贤妻良母"这一由国民政府于 1934 年发起的"新生活运动"所倡导的道德模式。在这张海报中,现代化的西方化身体与传统的道德价值观汇聚,体现了"本质"的中国女性气质。与好莱坞照片和西方裸体形象清晰地向中国人呈现西方"他者"形象不同,这些复合且理想化的中国身体形象为人们提供了一种更贴近视觉模型,有助于重塑和改造中国人的自我认知。
The iconic Hollywood pose in contrapposto lent great inspiration to Chinese women’s poses in qipaos (see figs. 126 and 129). Very different from the more reserved and rigid postures associated with earlier styles, this sensuous pose allowed for an effective expression of the body and emanated an air of confidence. Although the actual bodies of Chinese women never looked as sturdy and curvy as those of western nudes or Hollywood stars, the modern posture bridged the physical gap with psychological self-assertion. The pose rendered the qipao and its wearers’ bodies modern, dynamic, and alluring. 这种标志性的好莱坞 pose 在 contrapposto 姿势中给中国女性在旗袍中的 pose 带来了极大的启迪(见图 126 和 129)。与早期风格中更保守和僵硬的姿态完全不同,这种感性的 pose 使得有效表达身体并散发出一种自信的气质。尽管中国女性的实际身材从未像西方裸体或好莱坞明星那样壮实和曲线迷人,但这种现代姿态在心理上弥补了这种身体差距。这种 pose 使旗袍及其穿着者的身体呈现出现代、动感和引人注目的特点。
A cartoon humorously titled “TheTeachings of western Civilisation,” by the Austrian journalist Friedrich Schiffs, who sojourned in Shanghai in the late 1930s, captures well the aspiration and frustration, as well as the gender and racial irony, in the Chinese cult of the robust physique (fig. 136). In this image, two Chinese men (one well-to-do, the other a servant) and a boy ardently admire a nearly naked western mannequin in a shop window. The little boy - the future generation of China and the hope of national salvation, according to contemporary discourse - is fixated. Driven by such a candid longing, he jumps to reach the mannequin but is permanently blocked by the sealed case. The mannequin, ideally shaped in conformity to the current standard for a robust and beautiful body, stands in contrapposto with one leg twisted and arms 一幅讽刺性十足的漫画《西方文明的教诲》,作者是奥地利记者 Friedrich Schiffs,他在 1930 年代后期曾在上海逗留。这幅画很好地捕捉了中国人对健壮体魄的狂热崇拜所蕴含的期许和挫折,以及其中的性别和种族讽刺意味(图 136)。在这幅图像中,两个中国男子(一个是富人,另一个是仆人)和一个小男孩热切地欣赏一个几乎全裸的西方时装模特在橱窗中的展示。这个小男孩——据当时的话语,他是中国的未来一代和民族救赎的希望——被深深吸引。在这种坦率向往的驱使下,他跳起来想要够到那个模特,却被密封的橱窗永远挡住了。这个模特身材理想,完全符合当时"健壮美丽"的标准,摆出一种双腿扭转、双臂垂下的对比姿态。
135 Zhiying 5tudio, poster for the 135 Zhiying 5tudio, 海报
Central Agency Ltd of Britain, 英国中央机构有限公司
mid-1930s 20 世纪 30 年代中期
136 Friedrich Schifts,
The Teachings of Western Civilization, 西方文明的教义
late 1930s 20 世纪 30 年代末期
stretched wide - a recurrent posture of Hollywood stars seen in Chinese pictorials. This gesture, which deeply caught the Chinese imagination, is at once inviting, dominating, and intimidating, perfectly encapsulating the ambivalence of the Chinese feeling toward images of western female bodies and toward western civilization itself. 大踢展开——这是在中国画刊上看到的好莱坞明星常见的一种姿势。这个动作深深地吸引了中国人的想象力,既是诱人的、主导的,也是令人生畏的,完美地概括了中国人对西方女性身体形象和西方文明本身的两重心态。
ELEGANCE IN AN AGE OF CRISIS FASHIONS OF THE 1930 S 危机时期的优雅 1930 年代时尚
EDITED BY 编辑Patricia Mears and 梅尔斯和G Bruce Boyer 布鲁斯·博伊尔ESSAYS by 论文集G Bruce Boyer 布鲁斯·博伊尔William DeGregorio 威廉·德格雷戈里奥Ariele Elia 阿丽尔·埃利亚Colleen Hill 科琳·希尔Patricia Mears 帕特丽夏·米尔斯Mei Mei Rado 梅梅拉多
126 Ni Gengye, poster for Hatamen Cigarettes, 尼赓业,哈塔门香烟的海报
mid-1930s 20 世纪 30 年代中期
Lin Yutang. My Country and My People (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock. 1935). pp. 170-1. 林语堂。《我的国家和我的人民》 (纽约:雷纳尔&希区柯克,1935 年)。第 170-171 页。
On footbinding, see Dorothy Ko, Cinderellas Sisters:A Rerisionist History of Footbinding (Berkeley. C.A.: University of California Press, 2005). 关于缠足,参见 Dorothy Ko, 《灰姑娘的姐妹:缠足历史重述》(伯克利,加利福尼亚:加州大学出版社,2005 年)。
3 On the social history of modern Chinese dress. see Antonia Finnane." What Should Chinese Women Wear! A National Problem." Modern China (April 1996), pp. 99-131: and Finnane. Changing Clothes in China: Fashion. History, Vation (New York:Columbia University Press, 2008). Anne Hollander, Seeing Through Clothes (New York:Avon Books. 1980). pp. 312-3. 关于现代中国服装的社会历史,请参见 Antonia Finnane 的"中国女性应该穿什么?一个全国性问题"(Modern China,1996 年 4 月,99-131 页),以及 Finnane 的《中国服装变迁:时尚、历史、民族》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2008 年)。Anne Hollander 的《透过衣服看世界》(纽约:Avon Books,1980 年,312-313 页)也很值得参考。
5 Ibid… 86. 5 Ibid... 86.
6 John Hay, “The Body Invisible in Chinese Art?” in Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (eds.) Body, Subject, and Power in China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1994). p. 43. 6 约翰·海, "中国艺术中的隐形身体?"收录于安吉拉·齐托和塔尼·E.巴洛（编）《身体、主体与权力在中国》(芝加哥: 芝加哥大学出版社. 1994). 第 43 页。
7 Weizhen Shen.“On Xiaobanbi and Women’s Physical Education,” Funü zazhi [Ladies’Magazine]. issue 1 (1915): and Li Yuyi,“Jin ershiwu nian lai Zhongguo nanbei geda duhui zhi zhuangshi [On Male and Female Dress of Major Chinese Cities in the LastTwenty-five Years],” in Qing mo Min chu Zhongguo geda duhui nannü zhuangshi lunji [Essays on men and women’s clothing in major Chinese metropolises during the late Qing and the early Republican period]. ([1925], reprint, Hong Kong: Zhongshan tushu gongsi, 1972). p. 12 沈薇珍。"论萧班比和女子体育",《妇女杂志》1 期(1915 年):以及李玉仪,"近二十五年来中国南北各大都会之装饰",收录于《清末民初中国各大都会男女装饰论集》([1925],重印,香港:中山图书公司,1972)。第 12 页。
8 Qian Binghe.“Qipao de laili he shimao”[The origin and vogue of the qipao] (cartoon). Jiefang huabao [Liberation pictorial] (Shanghai, July 1921). 钱秉和."旗袍的来历和时髦"[漫画]。解放画报(上海,1921 年 7 月)。
9 See Finnane," What Should Chinese Women Wear?" p. 110. 见芬南,"中国妇女应穿什么?"，第 110 页。
10 Finnane. Changing Clothes in China, chapter 5. 10 Finnane. 更改中国服装, 第 5 章。
11 Hollander. Seeing Through Clothes, pp. 150-66. 11 Hollander。《透视衣装》，第 150-166 页。
12 Huang Jinlin, Lishi, shenti, guojia: Jindai zhongguo de shenti xingcheng (189.5-1937) [History, body: nation: the construction of body in modern China, 1895-1937] (Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi. 2000). 黄金麟, 历史, 身体, 国家: 近代中国的身体形成 (1895-1937) (台北: 联经出版事业公司, 2000)。
13 You Jianmin. Yundongchang neiwai: jindai Huadong diqu de nüzi tiyu (189.5-1937) [In and out of the sports field: modern physical education for women in East China, 1895-1937] (Taipei:Academia Sinica. 2009). 尹东振。运动场内外:近代华东地区的女子体育(1895-1937)(台北:中央研究院,2009)。
14 Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge. M. A.: Harvard Ľniversity Press. 1999). p. 45. 14 李欧梵, 《上海摩登——1930-1945 年间中国新城市文化的兴起》(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学出版社,1999 年),第 45 页。
15 Prasenjit Duara.“The Regime of Authenticity:Timeless, Gender, and National History in Modern China,” History and Theory. no. 37. vol. 3 (1998). pp. 287-308. 15 Prasenjit Duara. "真实性的体制:现代中国的永恒、性别和国家历史", History and Theory. 第 37 卷 第 3 期 (1998 年). 第 287-308 页。
16 Yu Jifan. Nïuring rentimei yu kexue meirongfa [The Beauty of the Female Body and the Scientific Methods of Cosmetology|(Shanghai: Xinya shudian, 1937). pp. 72.34. 于霁凡。女性身体的美丽与化妆科学方法(上海:新亚书店,1937)。72.34 页。
17 Ling Long [Linloon Ladies"Muyazine]. Shanghai. issue 38 (1931), p. 1488. 令郎[林轮女士杂志]。上海。38 期 (1931)，第 1488 页。
18 Lee. Shanghai Modern. p. 93. 18 李泽厚。上海现代。第 93 页。
19 Ling Long [Lintoon Ladies: Jaynazine]. issue 98 (1933). p. 84 I. 19 凌龙 [林恬女士:琴梅杂志]. 第 98 期 (1933). 第 84 页 I.
20 Ling Long [Linloon Ladirs Magazine]. issue 168 (1935). p. 98. 20 凌龙[凌龙女士杂志]，168 期 (1935 年)。第 98 页。
