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James Ferguson

The Anti-Politics Machine
反政治机器

"Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho
莱索托的“发展”、去政治化和官僚权力

The Anti-Politics Machine "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho
莱索托的反政治机器“发展”、去政治化和官僚权力

James Ferguson
Copyright 1994 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota
版权所有1994年由明尼苏达大学董事会
First published in hardcover in 1990 by Cambridge University Press
1990年由剑桥大学出版社首次以精装本出版
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
All rights reserved.未经出版商事先书面许可，不得以任何形式或任何方式（电子、机械、影印、记录或其他方式）复制本出版物的任何部分、将其存储在检索系统中或进行传播。
Published by the University of Minnesota Press
明尼苏达大学出版社出版
111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290, Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520
明尼苏达州明尼阿波利斯市第三大道南111号290室，邮编55401-2520
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
在美国用无酸纸印刷
Third printing 1996 1996年第三次印刷

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
美国国会图书馆出版物编目数据

Ferguson, James, 1959 .
Ferguson，James，1959 .
The anti-politics machine : "development," depoliticization, and bureaucratic power in Lesotho / James Ferguson.
反政治机器：莱索托的“发展”、去政治化和官僚权力/詹姆斯·弗格森。
p. cm .  p.cm。
Originally published: Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1990 .
最初出版：剑桥;纽约：剑桥大学出版社，1990年。
Includes bibliographical references and index.
包括参考书目和索引。
ISBN 0-8166-2437-2
  1. Rural development projects-Lesotho-Case studies. 2. Thaba
    农村发展项目-莱索托-个案研究。2. Thaba
Tseka Rural Development Program. 3. Lesotho-Economic
Tseka农村发展方案。3. Lesotho-Economic
conditions-1966- 4. Lesotho-Politics and government-1966-
条件-1966-4。莱索索-政治与政府-1966年-
  1. Bureaucracy-Lesotho. 6. Decentralization in government-
    莱索托的官僚机构。6.政府权力下放-
Lesotho. I. Title. 莱索托. I.标题.
HD2132.Z8F47 1994
338.1 '86885-dc20
93-5913
The University of Minnesota is an
明尼苏达大学是一所
equal-opportunity educator and employer.
平等机会教育者和雇主。

Contents 内容

Figures 图

  1. I Lesotho - political page 4
    I莱索托-政治页面4
  2. 2 Lesotho - relief ..... 5
    2莱索托-救济5
    2.1 Crop production in Lesotho ..... 54
    2.1莱索托的农作物生产 ..... 54
    2.2 Agricultural problems of Lesotho ..... 6 I
    2.2莱索托的农业问题……6我
    3.I Thaba-Tseka district and Phase One project boundaries ..... 76
    3.I塔巴-采卡区和一期工程边界. 76
    3.2 "Integrated rural development: purposes and goals" ..... 86
    3.2“农村综合发展：宗旨和目标”86
    4.I Lesotho and its districts, 1966 ..... 104
    4.莱索托及其各地区，1966年. 104
    4.2 Lesotho and vicinity in the time of Moshoeshoe ..... IIS
    4.2莫舒舒时代的莱索托及其周边地区。IIS
    4.3 Annual variations in numbers of Lesotho nationals
    4.3莱索托国民人数的年度变化
    recruited for and on strength of South African mines ..... II 8
    为南非地雷招募人员并以此为基础......二. 8
    4.4 Distribution of Mashai population (1983) by sex,
    4.4 1983年按性别分列的马沙伊族人口分布情况，
    residential status, and age cohorts ..... II9
    居民身份及年龄组别...... II9
    4.5 Schematic representation of absentees, migrant laborers
    4.5缺席者、流动劳工的示意图
    and paid employees ..... 120
    和有薪雇员……120
    4.6 Distribution of absentees, migrant laborers, and paid employees
    4.6缺勤者、流动劳工和有薪雇员的分布
    identified as de jure members of Ha Molapo, October 1974 ..... 121
    1974年10月被确认为Ha Molapo的法律成员. 121
    4.7 Distribution of absentees, migrant laborers, and paid employees
    4.7缺勤者、流动劳工和有薪雇员的分布
    identified as de jure members of Mashai village, 1983 ..... I 22
    1983年被确认为马沙伊村法律上的成员. I 22
    5.I Monthly livestock sales at Thaba-Tseka,
    5.I.塔巴-采卡每月牲畜销售量，
    October October 1983 ..... 140
    1983年10月..... 140
    5.2 Money and the household ..... I 50
    5.2金钱和家庭……I 50
    5.3 Livestock in the household ..... ISI
    5.3家里的牲畜……ISI
    7.1 Thaba-Tseka Project organizational chart - Phase One ..... 196
    7.1塔巴-采卡项目组织结构图-第一阶段. 196
    7.2 Thaba-Tseka Project organizational chart - Phase Two
    7.2塔巴-采卡项目组织结构图-第二阶段
    Plan of Operations ..... I98
    行动计划……I98
    7.3 Thaba-Tseka Project organizational chart
    7.3塔巴-采卡项目组织结构图
    according to CIDA (1979) ..... 199
    根据加拿大国际开发署（1979年）... 199
    7.4 Organizational chart approved by TTCC, October 1980 ..... 206
    7.4 TTCC批准的组织结构图，1980年10月206
    7.5 Organizational chart proposed by Thaba-Tseka Project
    7.5塔巴-采卡项目提议的组织结构图
    management, February 198 I ..... 2 IS
    管理，198年2月我...... 2是
    7.6 Proposed organizational chart for a "District Development
    7.6地区发展计划组织架构图
    Authority" in Thaba-Tseka ..... 2 I 6
    塔巴-采卡中的“权威”. 2 I 6
    7.7 Organizational chart of Thaba-Tseka Project constructed
    7.7塔巴-采卡项目组织结构图
    by author, May 1983 ..... 222
    作者：1983年5月222
    7.8 Thaba-Tseka Project organizational chart from
    7.8塔巴-采卡项目组织结构图
    1982 Revised Plan of Operations ..... 223
    1982年修订的《行动计划》223

Tables 表

2.1 Industrial origin of GDP at factor cost,
2.1按要素成本计算的国内生产总值的工业来源，
1966-1967 and r970-1971  1966-1967年和970 -1971年
page  页面
2.2 Distribution of income ..... 42
2.2收入分配……42
2.3 Distribution of wealth ..... 44
2.3财富分配……44
2.4 Estimated value of imports and exports of ..... 45
2.4......的进出口估计值45
goods, 1966-1972  1966年至1972年
2.5 Production and yields of major crops ..... 46
2.5主要农作物的产量和产量...... 46
4.I Net annual income from raising crops on an average farm ..... 49
4.I.在普通农场种植作物的年净收入...... 49
4.2 Average annual cash earnings of black labor on ..... II3
4.2黑人劳动力的平均年现金收入...... II3
the gold mines, 1972-1978
金矿，1972-1978年
5.I Imports of livestock, 1970-1978 ..... II 7
5.I牲畜进口，1970-1978年二. 7
s. 2 Exports of livestock, 1970-1978 ..... I 54 ..... 155
S. 2 1970-1978年牲畜出口情况我54..... 155

Acknowledgments 致谢

This book is a revision of the dissertation "Discourse, Knowledge, and Structural Production in the 'Development' Industry: An Anthropological Study of a Rural Development Project in Lesotho," my Ph.D. thesis for the Department of Anthropology, Harvard University (1985). The material presented is based primarily on field research carried out in the Thaba-Tseka District of Lesotho from September 1982 to December 1983, mostly in the town of Thaba-Tseka and the village of Mashai. This research was made possible by fellowships granted by the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies and by the Fulbright program of the U.S. International Communication Agency. The conclusions, opinions, and other statements in this book, however, are those of the author and not necessarily those of the above organizations.
这本书是我的博士论文“话语，知识，和结构生产的'发展'产业：人类学研究的农村发展项目在莱索托，”我的博士学位的修订。哈佛大学人类学系论文（1985年）。所提供的材料主要是根据1982年9月至1983年12月在莱索托塔巴-采卡区进行的实地调查，主要是在塔巴-采卡镇和马沙伊村。这项研究是由社会科学研究理事会和美国学术团体理事会以及美国国际通讯署的富布赖特计划授予的研究金所促成的。然而，本书中的结论、观点和其他陈述是作者的观点，不一定是上述组织的观点。
I am also grateful to the National University of Lesotho for granting me the status of research fellow in the Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, and for extending me the use of University housing facilities at Thaba-Tseka. The Head of the Department, Mr. T. Thoahlane, was particularly helpful and supportive throughout. I am thankful to have had the opportunity to spend the summer of 1982 studying under Professor Daniel Kunene, who gave me the best possible introduction to the difficulties and delights of the Sesotho language.
我还要感谢莱索托国立大学授予我社会学和社会人类学系研究员的地位，并让我使用大学在塔巴-采卡的宿舍。系主任T先生Thoahlane自始至终都特别乐于助人和支持。我很感激有机会在1982年夏天跟随丹尼尔·库内内教授学习，他给了我最好的介绍，让我了解了塞萨洛尼基语的困难和乐趣。
In Thaba-Tseka, the District Coordinator, Mr. S. Matete granted permission for me to do research in the District, and gave my project his warm cooperation. The officers and staff of the Thaba-Tseka Project and of the Government of Lesotho endured endless questioning with friendliness and good humor, and assisted the research in ways too numerous to mention. I am particularly grateful for the cooperation and hospitality I received from the Project Coordinator, Mr. Karl Loeffler. The representative of the National University in Thaba-Tseka, Mr. Machepa, was very helpful in providing housing for me.
在塔巴-采卡，地区协调员S.马泰特允许我在这个地区做研究，并热情地配合我的项目。塔巴-采卡项目和莱索托政府的官员和工作人员以友好和幽默的态度接受了无休止的提问，并以多种方式为研究提供了协助。我特别感谢项目协调员卡尔·吕弗勒先生的合作和热情款待。国立大学在塔巴-采卡的代表Machepa先生在为我提供住房方面非常有帮助。
In Mashai, I owe thanks to far too many people to list here. Here I will only mention a very special few, and register my profound thanks to all the people who helped with the research and made me feel welcome so far from home. The local chiefs, Morena Tebalo Makoko and Mofumahali 'Mathibathere Makhaola, extended all possible cooperation and
在马沙，我要感谢的人太多了，无法一一列举。在这里，我只会提到一些非常特别的人，并向所有帮助这项研究并让我在离家这么远的地方感到受欢迎的人表示深切的感谢。当地酋长莫雷纳特巴洛·马科科和莫富马哈利·马蒂巴塞雷·马考奥拉提供了一切可能的合作，
hospitality. Felix Ramone was an early and valued friend. Alina Seele rented me a house, and also proved an invaluable guide to the local ways of doing things. Interview tapes were tirelessly transcribed by Mrs. Seele, as well as by Mrs. 'Malisebo Mahloane and Mrs. Selestinah Ramone.
热情好客。菲利克斯·雷蒙是一个早期和宝贵的朋友。Alina Seele给我租了一间房子，也证明了她是当地做事方式的宝贵指南。Seele夫人以及Malisebo Mahloane夫人和Selestinah Ramone夫人不知疲倦地转录了采访录音带。
An earlier visit to Lesotho in August of 198 I was made possible by a Summer Research Grant from the Department of Anthropology at Harvard University. Much assistance in preparing this trip was provided by my thesis advisor of the time, Richard Huntington, who first suggested Lesotho as a research site. During the 198 I visit, I was well received by the Programme Director of the Thaba-Tseka Project, Mr. August Johnson, who gave valuable cooperation and encouragement. In Maseru, fellow anthropologist Judy Gay and her husband John offered help and hospitality both in 1981 and in 1982-3. Lesotho scholars Colin Murray and Andrew Spiegel also gave valued encouragement at an early stage. Although he may by now no longer even remember our brief encounter, I would like to note, too, that a brief visit with Charles van Onselen at this time gave moral support and profound understanding at a time when it was sorely needed.
1988年8月，哈佛大学人类学系提供了一笔夏季研究经费，使我得以访问莱索托。我的论文导师理查德·亨廷顿（Richard Huntington）为我准备这次旅行提供了很多帮助，他首先建议莱索托作为研究地点。在我198次访问期间，我受到了塔巴-采卡项目方案主任奥古斯特·约翰逊先生的热情接待，他给予了宝贵的合作和鼓励。在马塞卢，人类学家朱迪·盖伊和她的丈夫约翰在1981年和1982- 1983年都提供了帮助和款待。莱索托学者科林·默里和安德鲁·斯皮格尔也在早期阶段给予了宝贵的鼓励。虽然他现在可能已经不记得我们短暂的相遇，但我也想指出，在这个时候对查尔斯·货车·昂瑟伦的短暂访问在非常需要的时候给予了道义上的支持和深刻的理解。
David Brokensha first encouraged my interest in anthropology, and it was under his guidance that I first became interested in Africa and "development." Alan Zeoli provided perspective and much-needed companionship during the early months of the research. The "Bacardi School" at the Harvard Department of Anthropology provided an intellectual community within which many of the theoretical ideas
大卫布罗肯沙首先鼓励我对人类学的兴趣，正是在他的指导下，我第一次对非洲和“发展”产生了兴趣。“艾伦·泽奥利在研究的最初几个月里提供了视角和急需的陪伴。哈佛人类学系的“百加得学派”提供了一个知识界，在这个知识界中，
offered here were first encountered and discussed. In this respect, George Bisharat and Roberto Kant de Lima have been friends, colleagues, and often teachers, and much of what follows bears the stamp of our association over the years.
这里提供的是第一次遇到和讨论。在这方面，乔治·比沙拉特和罗伯托·康德·德利马是朋友、同事，而且经常是老师，以下的许多内容都带有我们多年来的联系的印记。
I am grateful, too, to my thesis committee members, Jane Guyer, Nur Yalman, and David Maybury-Lewis, for support and advice throughout the years. Sections of the manuscript have been read and discussed at various times by the following people as well, whose valuable comments have been appreciated: Pauline Peters, John Comaroff, Pnina Motzafi, John Lepele, Parker Shipton, and Jean Comaroff. The entire manuscript was read with careful and critical eyes at a late stage by Colin Murray, Jean Lave, and Gavin Williams. Their thoughtful and perceptive comments have helped me to sharpen my argument and to avoid countless errors and misunderstandings. Most of the ideas in the book have been discussed at some length with Liisa Malkki, and these discussions have
我也要感谢我的论文委员会成员简·盖尔、努尔·亚尔曼和大卫·梅伯里-刘易斯，他们多年来一直给予我支持和建议。以下人士也曾多次阅读和讨论过手稿的部分内容，他们的宝贵意见受到了赞赏：宝琳·彼得斯、约翰·科马罗夫、普尼娜·莫茨基、约翰·勒佩勒、帕克·希普顿和让·科马罗夫。在后期，科林·默里（Colin Murray）、让·拉韦（Jean Lave）和加文·威廉姆斯（Gavin Williams）以谨慎和批判的眼光阅读了整个手稿。他们的评论既有思想性又有洞察力，帮助我使我的论点更加尖锐，避免了无数的错误和误解。书中的大部分观点都与Liisa Malkki进行了详细的讨论，这些讨论
contributed greatly to the formulation of many of the ideas presented here.
他对这里提出的许多想法的形成作出了很大贡献。
Finally, Sally Falk Moore, my thesis advisor, provided guidance, encouragement, and inspiration throughout the writing of the thesis. Through her acute and sympathetic understanding of my project, and through her unwavering moral and intellectual support for it, she has over the years played an invaluable part in both the production of this book and in the development and working out of my own ideas. My debts to her, intellectual and personal, are enormous.
最后，我的论文指导老师萨莉·福尔克（Sally Falk）摩尔（Moore）在论文写作的整个过程中给予了我指导、鼓励和启发。多年来，她对我的计划有着敏锐而富有同情心的理解，对我的计划给予了坚定的道义和智力支持，因此，她在本书的写作以及我自己的想法的发展和实现中发挥了不可估量的作用。我欠她的，无论是智力上还是个人上，都是巨大的。

A note on orthography and usage
关于正字法和用法的注记

This book contains a number of quotations in Sesotho, the national language of Lesotho, which is also known by linguists as "Southern Sotho." I use the official orthography of Lesotho throughout, although many linguists prefer the revised orthography officially approved in South Africa. The Lesotho orthography has the following peculiarities which should be noted: (1) "l" is sounded as an English "d" when it "appears before a "u" or an "i "; thius "limpho" is pronounced "dimpho"; (2) the semi-vowels represented in most Bantu orthog-1bzen'tuil raphies as " " and " " are always represented as "o" and "e"; thus 班昸人. "oa" and "ea," not "wa" and "ya"; (3) "th" refers to an aspirated " t " sound, somewhat like the " " in the English "time," and not to either of the English "th" sounds; thus "Thaba-Tseka" begins with a hard "t." "Ch," however, is sounded as in English. "Tš," as in "ho tšepa," indicates an aspirated "ts" sound. (4) Sesotho " " is often sounded like an English "u" sound, or, more precisely, as the "oo" in "rook"; thus "Lesotho" is pronounced "le-soo-too," not "le-soh-toh" or "le-sohthoh". I have everywhere written "Thaba-Tseka," the place name, with a hyphen, in keeping with the official orthography, although the hyphen is very widely dropped in practice, even in official documents. I have used the word "Basotho" to refer to the people who are citizens of Lesotho (not, as in some usages, to the "Sotho" ethnic group). The singular is "Mosotho." "Sesotho" refers to the language and culture of the Basotho. These are all properly nouns, and confusion arises when one attempts to use them as English adjectives; I therefore use simply "Sotho" unless the reference is specifically to the people or the language, on the understanding that it describes that which pertains to the South- 伃，展于，从展 ern Sotho of Lesotho and not to other groups which might be called "Sotho".
这本书包含了许多莱索托的国语Sesspoon的引文，语言学家也称之为“南方Sesspoon”。“我自始至终都使用莱索托的官方正字法，尽管许多语言学家更喜欢南非官方批准的订正正字法。莱索托的正字法有以下特点：（1）当“l”出现在“u”或“i”之前时，它听起来像英语中的“d”; thius“limpho”发音为“dimpho”;（2）在大多数班图正字法中表示为“ ”和“ ”的半元音总是表示为“o”和“e”;因此班图人。“oa”和“ea”，而不是“wa”和“ya”;（3）“th”指的是送气的“t“音，有点像英语“time”中的“ “，而不是英语“th”的任何一个音;因此，“塔巴-采卡”以硬“t”开头。“然而，“Ch”听起来像英语。“Tzh”，如“ho tšepa”，表示送气的“ts”音。 (4)Ses的“ “通常听起来像英语中的“u”音，或者更准确地说，像“rook”中的“oo”;因此“莱索托”的发音是“le-soo-too”，而不是“le-soh-toh”或“le-sohthoh”。我到处都写“塔巴-采卡”，这个地名，用连字符，以符合官方的正字法，虽然连字符在实践中被广泛地删除，甚至在官方文件中。我用“Basket”一词来指莱索托公民（而不是像某些用法那样，指“Sesket”族裔群体）。单数是“Mosotho。““Sesbeth”指的是巴什基尔人的语言和文化。这些都是正确的名词，当人们试图将它们用作英语形容词时，就会产生混淆;因此，除非特别提到人民或语言，否则我只使用“Sunday”，因为它描述的是属于莱索托的南苏丹，展于，从展 ern Sunday，而不是其他可能被称为“Sunday”的群体。
On the English side, I have placed "development" in quotation marks throughout, in the hope that this will not prove tiresome, but will rather serve as a reminder to the reader that the book aims to problematize this concept.
在英文部分，我将“development”一词用引号引起来，希望这不会令人厌烦，而是提醒读者，本书的目的是将这一概念问题化。

Abbreviations and symbols
缩写和符号

M

马洛蒂，莱索托的官方货币。根据定义，MI等于RI。兰特，南非的官方货币。研究期间（1982年9月至1983年12月），RI的价值在0.85美元至0#美元之间。B
Maloti, the official currency of Lesotho. MI equals, by
definition, RI.
Rands, the official currency of South Africa. RI was worth in
the neighborhood of US$o.85 to during the research
period, September I982 to December 1983.
B
Basotholand Congress Party
巴索托兰大会党
Basotho National Party 巴斯克民族党
BNP Canadian International Development Agency
加拿大国际开发署
CIDA District Administrator 地区行政长官
DA District Commissioner 地区专员
DC District Development Authority
地区发展局
DDA District Development Committee
地区发展委员会
DDC Food and Agriculture Organization of the U.N.
联合国粮食及农业组织
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization/World Bank Cooperative
粮食及农业组织/世界银行合作社
FAO/WB 粮农组织/世界银行 Programme 方案
FSSP Foodgrain Self-sufficiency Programme
粮食自给自足方案
GDP Gross Domestic Product 国内生产总值
GNP Gross National Product 国民生产总值
GOL Government of Lesotho 莱索托政府
ILO International Labour Office
国际劳工局
LASA Lesotho Agri-Cultural Sector Analysis Project
莱索托农业部门分析项目
LLA Lesotho Liberation Army 莱索托解放军
LMC Livestock Marketing Corporation
牲畜销售公司
LPMS Livestock Products Marketing Services
畜牧产品营销服务
ODM Overseas Development Ministry (U.K.)
海外发展部（英国）
PMU Para-military Unit (formerly Police Mobile Unit)
准军事部队（前警察移动的部队）
TEBA The Employment Bureau of Africa
非洲就业局
TTCC Thaba-Tseka Coordinating Committee
塔巴-采卡协调委员会
TTDP Thaba-Tseka Development Project
塔巴-采卡发展项目
TTRDP Thaba-Tseka Rural Development Programme
塔巴-采卡农村发展方案
USAID U.S. Agency for International Development
美国国际开发署
VDC Village Development Committee
村发展委员会
VDP Village Distribution Point
村分发点

Preface 前言

What is "development"? It is perhaps worth remembering just how recent a question this is. This question, which today is apt to strike us as so natural, so self-evidently necessary, would have made no sense even a century ago. It is a peculiarity of our historical era that the idea of "development" is central to so much of our thinking about so much of the world. It seems to us today almost non-sensical to deny that there is such a thing as "development," or to dismiss it as a meaningless concept, just as it must have been virtually impossible to reject the concept "civilization" in the nineteenth century, or the concept "God" in the twelfth. Such central organizing concepts are not readily discarded or rejected, for they form the very framework within which argumentation takes place. One argues about God's corporeality, or about the role of 肉体的存在. 物发性 legitimate commerce in the civilizing process - not about whether a theistic philosophy is justifiable, or whether Euro-centrism is to be rejected. Each of these central organizing concepts presupposes a central, unquestioned value, with respect to which the different legitimate positions may be arrayed, and in terms of which different world views can be articulated. "Development" in our time is such a central value. Wars are fought and ckoups are launched in its name. Entire systems of government and philosophy are evaluated according to their ability to promote it. Indeed, it seems increasingly difficult to find any way to talk about large parts of the world except in these terms.
什么是“发展”？也许值得记住的是，这是一个多么近的问题。这个问题在今天看来是如此自然，如此不言而喻，即使在世纪以前也是毫无意义的。我们这个历史时代的一个特点是，“发展”的概念是我们对世界许多地区的思考的核心。在我们今天看来，否认“发展”这一概念的存在，或将其视为一个毫无意义的概念而不予考虑，几乎是毫无意义的，正如在世纪拒绝“文明”概念或在12世纪拒绝“上帝”概念几乎是不可能的一样。这些核心组织概念不会轻易被抛弃或拒绝，因为它们构成了论证发生的框架。一个人争论上帝的身体，或者身体的存在的作用。 文明进程中的物发性合法商业--而不是关于有神论哲学是否合理，或者欧洲中心主义是否应该被拒绝。这些核心组织概念中的每一个都以一个核心的、不容置疑的价值为前提，不同的合法立场可以根据这个价值排列，不同的世界观可以根据这个价值表达。“发展”在我们这个时代就是这样一个核心价值。战争是以它的名义进行的，ckoups是以它的名义发起的。整个政府体系和哲学体系都是根据其促进社会进步的能力来评价的，事实上，除了这些术语，似乎越来越难以找到任何方式来谈论世界上的大部分地区。
Like "civilization" in the nineteenth century, "development" is the name not only for a value, but also for a dominant problematic or interpretive grid through which the impoverished regions of the world are known to us. Within this interpretive grid, a host of everyday observations are rendered intelligible and meaningful. Poor countries are by definition "less developed," and the poverty and powerlessness of the people who live in such countries are only the external signs of this underlying condition. The images of the ragged poor of Asia thus become legible as markers of a stage of development, while the bloated bellies of African children are the signs of social as well as nutritional deficiency. Within this problematic, it appears self-evident that debtor Third World nation-states and starving peasants share a common "problem," that both lack a single "thing": "development."
如同世纪的“文明”一样，“发展”不仅是一种价值观的名称，而且也是一种占主导地位的问题或解释网格的名称，我们通过这种网格了解世界上的贫困地区。在这个解释网格中，大量的日常观察变得可理解和有意义。贫穷国家的定义是“欠发达”，生活在这些国家的人民的贫困和无能为力只是这种潜在状况的外部迹象。因此，亚洲衣衫褴褛的穷人形象成为发展阶段的清晰标志，而非洲儿童臃肿的肚子则是社会和营养不足的标志。在这个问题中，不言而喻的是，债务国第三世界民族国家和饥饿的农民有一个共同的“问题”，即都缺乏一个“东西”：“发展”。"

Preface 前言

To say that "development" is a dominant problematic is, of course, not to suggest that everyone holds the same beliefs about it. Different people mean different things by "development," and it is entirely possible to have an oppositional or radical view of "development"-just as it was possible for Reformation protestants to defy the Church in the 菂得得. name of God, or for nineteenth-century humanitarians to attack col- 3 然颃 onial exploitation out of sympathy with the "savages." But the dominant problematic does not seem to be thus endangered. A problematic, after all, imposes questions, not answers. If "development" is today from time to time challenged, it is still almost always challenged in the name of "real development." Like "goodness" itself, "development" in our time is a value so firmly entrenched that it seems almost impossible to question it, or to refer it to any standard beyond its own.
当然，说“发展”是一个主要问题，并不是说每个人都对它持有相同的信念，不同的人对“发展”的理解是不同的，完全有可能对“发展”持有对立或激进的观点--就像宗教改革派的新教徒在黑暗中反抗教会一样。上帝的名义，或为19世纪的人道主义者攻击col- 3 然mononial剥削出于同情与“野蛮人。“但占主导地位的问题似乎并没有因此受到威胁。毕竟，一个有问题的人强加的是问题，而不是答案。如果说“发展”在今天不时受到挑战，那么它仍然几乎总是以“真实的发展”的名义受到挑战。就像“善”本身一样，我们这个时代的“发展”是一种如此根深蒂固的价值观，似乎几乎不可能质疑它，或者将其与任何超出其本身的标准联系起来。
How and why this central value came to exist is one question that is raised by the dominance of the "development" problematic. This is a question I hope to be able to answer in future work through a detailed historical analysis of the origins and transformations of the modern figure "development," a "genealogy" of "development." But a second and perhaps equally important set of questions is raised at the same time: how does this dominant problematic work in practice, and what are its effects? If, as I intend to demonstrate in the pages that follow, all this talking and thinking about "development" is not merely ideological icing, then what are its specific effects? What happens differently due to the "development" problematic that would not or could not happen without it? The two sets of questions are closely related, but I find it convenient to treat them separately, and to attempt to make a contribution toward answering the second question before taking on the first. It is perhaps preferable to try to get a better idea of what "development" does before hazarding an explanation for how and why it came about. I will approach these questions here through a case study of the way in which ideas about "development" are generated and put to use in one specific context: Lesotho in the period .
这一核心价值是如何以及为什么存在的，这是“发展”问题占主导地位所提出的一个问题。这是一个问题，我希望能够回答在未来的工作，通过详细的历史分析的起源和现代数字的转变“发展”，“家谱”的“发展”。“但同时提出了第二组也许同样重要的问题：这一占主导地位的问题在实践中如何发挥作用，其影响是什么？如果正如我打算在下面几页中所证明的那样，所有这些关于“发展”的谈论和思考不仅仅是意识形态上的糖衣，那么它的具体效果是什么？由于“发展”问题，没有它就不会或不可能发生什么不同的情况？这两组问题是密切相关的，但我发现将它们分开处理是方便的，并试图在回答第一个问题之前为回答第二个问题做出贡献。 在冒险解释“发展”是如何产生和为什么产生之前，也许最好先对“发展”的作用有一个更好的了解。在此，我将通过一个案例研究来探讨这些问题，这个案例研究是关于“发展”的想法是如何产生的，并在一个特定的背景下加以运用：莱索托在#年#月。
The argument, in brief, is the following: "development" institutions generate their own form of discourse, and this discourse simultaneously constructs Lesotho as a particular kind of object of knowledge, and creates a structure of knowledge around that object. Interventions are then organized on the basis of this structure of knowledge, which, while "failing" on their own terms, nonetheless have regular effects, which include the expansion and entrenchment of bureaucratic state power; side by side with the projection of a representation of economic and
简言之，其论点如下：“发展”机构产生了它们自己的话语形式，而这种话语同时将莱索托构建为一种特殊的知识对象，并围绕这一对象创造了一种知识结构。然后，在这种知识结构的基础上组织干预，这种知识结构虽然本身“失败”，但却有常规的影响，其中包括官僚国家权力的扩张和巩固;与经济和社会代表性的投射并行不悖。
social life which denies "politics" and, to the extent that it is successful, suspends its effects. The short answer to the question of what the "development" apparatus in Lesotho does, then, is found in the book's title: it is an "anti-politics machine," depoliticizing everything it touches, everywhere whisking political realities out of sight, all the 2 庪港 while performing, almost unnoticed, its own pre-eminently political 抖, 挥动. operation of expanding bureaucratic state power.
否认“政治”的社会生活，只要它成功，就中止它的影响。对莱索托的“发展”机构做了什么这个问题的简短回答，那么，在这本书的标题中可以找到：它是一个“反政治机器”，它所触及的一切都去政治化，到处把政治现实抛到九霄云外，几乎不被注意的是，它自己卓越的政治室，行动。扩大官僚国家权力的运作。
There will doubtless be for some a temptation to read this argument as a critique of "development" ideology, an attempt to refute the "development" picture of Lesotho by showing that it is false. Such an interpretation is understandable, but it would be a serious misreading of the argument. It is true that many of the ideas about Lesotho generated by the "development" problematic are indeed false, and it will be necessary from time to time in the discussion to point this out; but the main thrust of this study is not to show that the "development" problematic is wrong, but to show that the institutionalized production of certain kinds of ideas about Lesotho has important effects, and that the production of such ideas plays an important role in the production of certain sorts of structural change.
毫无疑问，对于一些人来说，这一论点很容易被解读为对“发展”意识形态的批评，试图通过证明莱索托的“发展”图景是错误的来反驳它。这种解释是可以理解的，但这将是对论点的严重误解。诚然，“发展”问题所产生的关于莱索托的许多想法确实是错误的，在讨论中有必要不时指出这一点;但这项研究的主旨并不是要表明“发展”问题是错误的，而是要表明，关于莱索托的某些观念的制度化生产具有重要影响，这种思想的产生在某种结构性变化的产生中起着重要作用。
To say this is not, of course, to appeal to some non-existent "valuefree" social science. The fact that this study does not aim to rectify or to 失两, 纠. 敖顿. correct "development" thinking is not a sign of some sortof improbable indifference or neutrality; it simply reflects my view that in tracing the 㫦没；调索。校死 political intelligibility of the "development" problematic, the question of the truth or falsity of "development" ideology is not the central one. If one begins, as I do, from the premise that thinking is as "real" an activity as any other, and that ideas and discourses have important and very real social consequences, then in analyzing systems of ideas one cannot be content with interrogating them for their truth value. For a social scientist, there is always another question: what do these ideas do, what real social effects do they have? At this point the analysis more closely resembles vivisection than critique. For the question is not "how 活栈解剖、 closely do these ideas approximate the truth," but "what effects do these ideas (which may or may not happen to be true) bring about? How are they connected with and implicated in larger social processes?" This is why I speak, following Foucault, of a conceptual "apparatus" - in order to suggest that what we are concerned with is not an abstract set of philosophical or scientific propositions, but an elaborate contraption that does something. To say what such an apparatus does is not a critique, still less a refutation. Would we say that the vivisection of a frog 反淆。驭示. 辩驲。
当然，这样说并不是诉诸于某种不存在的“无价值”社会科学。事实上，这项研究并不旨在纠正或失去两个，迟到。莱顿。正确的“发展”思维并不是某种不可能的冷漠或中立的标志，它只是反映了我在追踪“无所谓”的过程中的观点。“发展”的政治可理解性存在问题，“发展”思想的真伪问题不是中心问题。如果一个人像我一样，从这样一个前提出发，即思维和其他任何活动一样是“真实的”活动，思想和话语具有重要的、非常真实的社会后果，那么在分析思想体系时，人们就不能满足于询问它们的真理价值。对于一个社会科学家来说，总有另一个问题：这些想法是做什么的，它们有什么真实的社会效果？在这一点上，分析更接近于活体解剖而不是批判。 因为问题不在于“这些观念如何接近真理”，而在于“这些观念（可能是真的，也可能不是真的）带来了什么影响？它们是如何与更大的社会进程相联系和相牵连的？这就是为什么我说，继福柯，概念的“装置”-为了表明，我们所关心的不是一套抽象的哲学或科学命题，而是一个精心设计的装置，做一些事情。说这样一个机器做什么，不是批评，更不是反驳。我们是否可以说青蛙的活体解剖。游戏机辩驲。

Preface 前言

constitutes a critique? Or that it aims to "refute" the frog's organs? When performing such cold-blooded operations, neither correction nor judgment is called for. One can aim only to be, in Nietzsche's terms, a
是否构成批评？或者它的目的是“反驳”青蛙的器官？当执行这种冷血操作时，既不需要纠正也不需要判断。用尼采的话来说，一个人的目标只能是成为
good physiologist.  优秀的生理学家
This book marks the beginning of an inquiry, not the end. Most of the grander and more global questions about the origin and meaning of the modern figure of "development" are bracketed and laid to one side here in order to begin to answer a circumscribed, preliminary question about the way specific ideas about "development" are generated and deployed within the context of "development" agencies in Lesotho. Future work, I hope, may have something to say about the history, or "genealogy," of "development"; this book offers only a vivisection of a conceptual apparatus: an investigation of how specific ideas about "development" are generated in practice, and how they are put to use; and a demonstration of what they end up doing, of what effects they end up producing. This leaves unanswered many questions about the "development" value and its origin, but it may perhaps give an indication of why it is necessary to question such a value in the first place.
这本书标志着一个调查的开始，而不是结束。关于“发展”这个现代数字的起源和意义的大多数更宏大和更全球性的问题在这里被放在一边，以便开始回答一个有限的初步问题，即关于“发展”的具体想法是如何在莱索托的“发展”机构中产生和部署的。我希望，未来的工作可能会对“发展”的历史或“系谱学”有所论述;本书只提供了一个概念装置的活体解剖：一个关于“发展”的具体想法是如何在实践中产生的调查，以及它们是如何被使用的;以及一个关于它们最终做了什么，它们最终产生了什么效果的示范。这就留下了许多关于“发展”价值及其起源的问题没有回答，但它也许可以说明为什么首先有必要质疑这种价值。

Part I
Introduction  第一部分导言

I Introduction 一、导言

The "development" industry in Lesotho
莱索托的“发展”工业
Lesotho is a small, land-locked country in Southern Africa, completely surrounded by South Africa (see Figure I.I). The former British protectorate of Basutoland, Lesotho became independent in 1966. It has a population of about I. 3 million, an area of about 30,000 square kilometers, and few economically significant natural resources. In the Gross National Product was about million. The country is extremely mountainous, and only some ro percent of the land is arable; the rest is suitable only for grazing of livestock. Some 95 percent of the population is rural, and most of that is concentrated in the "lowlands," a narrow crescent of land lying along the western perimet try, conventionally contrasted with the much larger "mountain" zone to the east (see Figure 1.2). Fields are cropped chiefly in maize, wheat, and sorghum; livestock include cattle, sheep, and goats. The most important source of income for most households, however, is wage labor in South Africa, where perhaps as many as 200,000 Basotho are employed as migrant laborers (GOL 1983, World Bank 1981).
莱索托是南部非洲的一个内陆小国，完全被南非包围（见图一.一）。前英国保护国巴苏陀兰，莱索托于1966年独立。它的人口约为1. 300万，面积约3万平方公里，经济上重要的自然资源很少。在 年，国民生产总值约为 万。这个国家是极端多山的，只有一些ro %的土地是可耕地;其余的只适合放牧牲畜。大约95%的人口是农村人口，其中大部分集中在“低地”，即沿着西部边缘的狭长新月形土地，与东部大得多的“山区”形成传统对比（见图1.2）。 土地主要种植玉米、小麦和高粱;牲畜包括牛、绵羊和山羊。 然而，对大多数家庭来说，最重要的收入来源是南非的雇佣劳动，在那里，大约有20万巴斯克人作为移民劳工受雇（GOL 1983，世界银行1981）。
In the period 1975-84, this tiny country was receiving "development assistance" from the following bilateral sources:2
在1975年至1984年期间，这个小国从以下双边来源获得“发展援助”：
Australia 澳大利亚 Israel 以色列
Austria 奥地利 Korea 韩国
Canada 熍, tiplot. 加拿大，tiplot。 Libya 利比亚
Cyprus 塞涌䧄斯 塞浦路斯塞浦路斯 The Netherlands 荷兰
Denmark 丹麦 Norway 挪威

德国联邦共和国
Democratic Republic of Germany
Federal Republic of Germany
Finland 芬兰 South Africa 南非
Ghana 加纳 Sweden 瑞典
Korea 韩国 Switzerland 瑞士
Kuwait 科威特 Taiwan (R.O.C.) 台湾（中华民国）
India 印度 United Kingdom 联合王国
 伊朗爱尔兰
Iran
Ireland
United States 美国

Introduction 介绍

Figure I.I. Lesotho - political. Source: GOL 1983, World Bank i981.
图一.一莱索托-政治。资料来源：GOL 1983，世界银行1981。