Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung
毛澤東作品選
March 1927 1927 年 3 月
The Importance of the Peasant Problem
農民問題的重要性
Get Organized! 組織起來！
Down with the Local Tyrants and Evil Gentry! All Power to the
Peasant Associations!
打倒當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳！一切權力歸農民協會吧！
"It's Terrible!" or "It's Fine!"
“”太糟糕了！“ 或 ”很好！”
The Question of "Going Too Far"
“走得太遠”的問題
The "Movement of the Riffraff"
“Riffraff 的運動”
Vanguards of the Revolution
革命的先鋒
Fourteen Great Achievements
十四大成就
[This article was written as a reply to the carping criticisms both inside
and outside the Party then being leveled at the peasants' revolutionary struggle.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung spent thirty-two days in Hunan Province making an
investigation and wrote this report in order to answer these criticisms.
The Right opportunists in the Party, headed by Chen Tu-hsiu, would not accept
his views and stuck to their own wrong ideas. Their chief error was that.
frightened by the reactionary trend in the Kuomintang, they dared not support
the great revolutionary struggles of the peasants which had erupted or were
erupting. To appease the Kuomintang, they preferred to desert the peasantry,
the chief ally in the revolution, and thus left the working class and the
Communist Party isolated and without help. It was mainly because it was able
to exploit this weakness within the Communist Party that the Kuomintang dared
to betray the revolution, launch its "party purge" and make war on the people
in the summer of 1927.]
[這篇文章是作為對當時黨內外對農民革命鬥爭的尖銳批評的回應而寫的。毛澤東同志在湖南省花了三十二天時間進行調查，並撰寫了這份報告，以回答這些批評。以陳獨秀為首的黨內右傾機會主義者不會接受他的觀點，堅持自己的錯誤想法。他們的主要錯誤是那個。他們被國民黨的反動動向嚇壞了，不敢支持已經爆發或正在爆發的農民的偉大革命鬥爭。為了安撫國民黨，他們寧願拋棄農民，而農民是革命的主要盟友，因此工人階級和共產黨孤立無援。正是由於國民黨能夠利用共產黨內部的這個弱點，才敢於在1927年夏天背叛革命，發動「黨內清洗」，向人民開戰。
During my recent visit to Hunan [1] I made a first-hand
investigation of conditions in the five counties of Hsiangtan, Hsianghsiang,
Hengshan, Liling and Changsha. In the thirty-two days from January 4 to February
5, I called together fact-finding conferences in villages and county towns,
which were attended by experienced peasants and by comrades working in the
peasant movement, and I listened attentively to their reports and collected
a great deal of material. Many of the hows and whys of the peasant movement
were the exact opposite of what the gentry in Hankow and Changsha are saying.
I saw and heard of many strange things of which I had hitherto been unaware.
I believe the same is true of many other places, too. All talk directed against
the peasant movement must be speedily set right. All the wrong measures taken
by the revolutionary authorities concerning the peasant movement must be
speedily changed. Only thus can the future of the revolution be benefited.
For the present upsurge of the peasant movement is a colossal event. In a
very short time, in China's central, southern and northern provinces, several
hundred million peasants will rise like a mighty storm, like a hurricane,
a force so swift and violent that no power, however great, will be able to
hold it back. They will smash all the trammels that bind them and rush forward
along the road to liberation. They will sweep all the imperialists, warlords,
corrupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentry into their graves. Every
revolutionary party and every revolutionary comrade will be put to the test,
to be accepted or rejected as they decide. There are three alternatives.
To march at their head and lead them? To trail behind them, gesticulating
and criticizing? Or to stand in their way and oppose them? Every Chinese
is free to choose, but events will force you to make the choice quickly.
在我最近訪問湖南期間 [1]，我對湘潭、香湘、衡山、醴陵和長沙五個縣的情況進行了第一手調查。從1月4日到2月5日的32天里，我在村縣城召集了實況調查會議，有經驗的農民和農民運動的同志都參加了會議，我認真聽取了他們的報告，收集了大量的材料。農民運動的許多方法和原因與漢口和長沙的士紳所說的完全相反。我看到和聽到了許多我迄今為止不知道的奇怪事情。我相信許多其他地方也是如此。一切反對農民運動的言論必須迅速糾正。革命當局對農民運動採取的一切錯誤措施，必須迅速改變。只有這樣，革命的未來才能受益。因為目前農民運動的高潮是一個巨大的事件。在很短的時間內，在中國的中、南、北三省，數億農民將像一場強大的風暴，像颶風一樣崛起，這股力量是如此迅速和猛烈，任何力量，無論多麼強大，都無法阻止它。他們將粉碎所有束縛他們的枷鎖，沿著通往解脫的道路向前沖。他們將把所有的帝國主義、軍閥、腐敗官員、地方暴君和邪惡的士紳掃入他們的墳墓。每個革命黨派和每個革命同志都將受到考驗，由他們決定接受或拒絕。有三種選擇。走在他們的前面並帶領他們？跟在他們後面，打手勢和批評？還是擋住他們的去路反對他們？ 每個中國人都可以自由選擇，但事件會迫使您快速做出選擇。
The development of the peasant movement in Hunan may be divided roughly into
two periods with respect to the counties in the province's central and southern
parts where the movement has already made much headway. The first, from January
to September of last year, was one of organization. In this period, January
to June was a time of underground activity, and July to September, when the
revolutionary army was driving out Chao Heng-ti, [2] one
of open activity. During this period, the membership of the peasant associations
did not exceed 300,000-400,000 the masses directly under their leadership
numbered little more than a million, there was as yet hardly any struggle
in the rural areas, and consequently there was very little criticism of the
associations in other circles. Since its members served as guides, scouts
and carriers of the Northern Expeditionary Army, even some of the officers
had a good word to say for the peasant associations. The second period, from
last October to January of this year, was one of revolutionary action. The
membership of the associations jumped to two million and the masses directly
under their leadership increased to ten million. Since the peasants generally
enter only one name for the whole family on joining a peasant association,
a membership of two million means a mass following of about ten million.
Almost half the peasants in Hunan are now organized. In counties like Hsiangtan,
Hsianghsiang, Liuyang, Changsha, Liling, Ninghsiang, Pingkiang, Hsiangyin,
Hengshan, Hengyang, Leiyang, Chenhsien and Anhua, nearly all the peasants
have combined in the peasant associations or have come under their leadership.
It was on the strength of their extensive organization that the peasants
went into action and within four months brought about a great revolution
in the countryside, a revolution without parallel in history.
湖南農民運動的發展大致可以分為兩個時期，而湖南省的中部和南部各縣已經取得了很大進展。第一次是去年 1 月至 9 月，是組織問題之一。在此期間，1 月至 6 月是地下活動的時期，7 月至 9 月是革命軍驅逐潮恆體的時期，[2] 是公開活動的時期之一。在此期間，農民協會的會員不超過30萬至四十萬，他們直接領導的群眾人數不超過一百萬，在農村幾乎沒有任何鬥爭，因此其他界對農民協會的批評很少。由於它的成員是北伐軍的嚮導、偵察兵和搬運工，甚至一些軍官也為農民協會說了好話。第二個時期，從去年10月到今年1月，是革命行動的時期。各協會的會員躍升至200萬，直接受其領導的群眾增至1000萬。由於農民在加入農民協會時，通常只為全家輸入一個名字，因此 200 萬會員意味著大約有 1000 萬的追隨者。湖南幾乎有一半的農民現在已經組織起來了。在湘潭、香香、瀏陽、長沙、醴陵、寧湘、平江、鹹銀、衡山、衡陽、耒陽、陳縣、安化等縣，幾乎所有的農民都加入了農民協會或接受了他們的領導。 正是由於他們廣泛的組織力量，農民開始行動起來，並在四個月內在農村引發了一場偉大的革命，這是一場歷史上前所未有的革命。
The main targets of attack by the peasants are the local tyrants, the evil
gentry and the lawless landlords, but in passing they also hit out against
patriarchal ideas and institutions, against the corrupt officials in the
cities and against bad practices and customs in the rural areas. In force
and momentum the attack is tempestuous; those who bow before it survive and
those who resist perish. As a result, the privileges which the feudal landlords
enjoyed for thousands of years are being shattered to pieces. Every bit of
the dignity and prestige built up by the landlords is being swept into the
dust. With the collapse of the power of the landlords, the peasant associations
have now become the sole organs of authority and the popular slogan "All
power to the peasant associations" has become a reality. Even bides such
as a quarrel between husband and wife are brought to the peasant association.
Nothing can be settled unless someone from the peasant association is present.
The association actually dictates all rural affairs, and, quite literally,
"whatever it says, goes". Those who are outside the associations can only
speak well of them and cannot say anything against them. The local tyrants,
evil gentry and lawless landlords have been deprived of all right to speak,
and none of them dares even mutter dissent. In the face of the peasant
associations' power and pressure, the top local tyrants and evil gentry have
fled to Shanghai, those of the second rank to Hankow, those of the third
to Changsha and those of the fourth to the county towns, while the fifth
rank and the still lesser fry surrender to the peasant associations in the
villages.
農民攻擊的主要目標是地方豪、邪惡的士紳和無法無天的地主，但順便說一句，他們也打擊了父權思想和制度，打擊了城市的腐敗官員，打擊了農村的不良習俗。在力量和勢頭上，攻擊是暴風雨;在它面前低頭的人會存活下來，而那些抵抗的人會滅亡。結果，封建地主享受了數千年的特權正在被粉碎。地主建立的每一點尊嚴和威望都被掃入塵埃。隨著地主政權的瓦解，農會現在已經成為唯一的權威機關，流行的口號“一切權力歸農會”已經成為現實。甚至像夫妻之間的爭吵這樣的爭吵也被帶到農民協會。除非農民協會的人在場，否則什麼都不能解決。該協會實際上支配著所有的農村事務，而且，毫不誇張地說，“它說什麼，就做什麼”。那些在協會之外的人只能說他們的好話，不能說任何反對他們的話。當地的暴君、邪惡的士紳和無法無天的地主被剝奪了一切發言權，他們誰也不敢喃喃自語。面對農民協會的權力和壓力，地方上層的土豪和惡紳紛紛逃往上海，二等的逃往漢口，三等的逃往長沙，四等的逃往縣城，而五等的和更下等的則投降於農村的農民協會。
"Here's ten yuan. Please let me join the peasant association," one of the
smaller of the evil gentry will say.
“這是十塊錢。請讓我加入農民協會，“一個較小的邪惡紳士會說。
"Ugh! Who wants your filthy money?" the peasants reply.
“呃！誰要你們的骯髒錢呢？
Many middle and small landlords and rich peasants and even some middle peasants,
who were all formerly opposed to the peasant associations, are now vainly
seeking admission. Visiting various places, I often came across such people
who pleaded with me, "Mr. Committeeman from the provincial capital, please
be my sponsor!"
許多中小地主和富農，甚至一些以前都反對農民協會的中農，現在都徒勞地尋求加入。走訪各地，我經常遇到這樣的人懇求我：“省會委員先生，請做我的贊助人！
In the Ching Dynasty, the household census compiled by the local authorities
consisted of a regular register and "the other" register, the former for
honest people and the latter for burglars, bandits and similar undesirables.
In some places the peasants now use this method to scare those who formerly
opposed the associations. They say, "Put their names down in the other register!"
在清朝，地方當局編製的戶籍包括普通登記冊和“其他”登記冊，前者是誠實人的登記冊，後者是盜賊、土匪和類似的不受歡迎的人登記的登記冊。在一些地方，農民現在用這種方法來嚇唬那些以前反對這些協會的人。他們說：把他們的名字記在另一個登記簿上！
Afraid of being entered in the other register, such people try various devices
to gain admission into the peasant associations, on which their minds are
so set that they do not feel safe until their names are entered. But more
often than not they are turned down flat, and so they are always on tenderhooks;
with the doors of the association barred to them, they are like tramps without
a home or, in rural parlance, "mere trash". In short, what was looked down
upon four months ago as a "gang of peasants" has now become a most honourable
institution. Those who formerly prostrated themselves before the power of
the gentry now bow before the power of the peasants. No matter what their
identity, all admit that the world since last October is a different one.
由於害怕被列入另一個登記冊，這些人嘗試了各種手段來獲得進入農民協會的資格，他們的思想是如此的固定，以至於在輸入他們的名字之前，他們不會感到安全。但更多時候，他們被斷然拒絕，所以他們總是被溫柔地鉤住;由於協會的大門不對他們開放，他們就像沒有家的流浪漢，或者用農村的話說，“純粹的垃圾”。簡而言之，四個月前還被看不起的“農民幫”現在已經變成了一個最光榮的機構。那些以前在紳士的權力面前俯伏的人，現在向農民的權力低頭。無論他們的身份如何，都承認自去年 10 月以來的世界已經不同了。
The peasants' revolt disturbed the gentry's sweet dreams. When the news from
the countryside reached the cities, it caused immediate uproar among the
gentry. Soon after my arrival in Changsha, I met all sorts of people and
picked up a good deal of gossip. From the middle social strata upwards to
the Kuomintang right-wingers, there was not a single person who did not sum
up the whole business in the phrase, "It's terrible!" Under the impact of
the views of the "It's terrible!" school then flooding the city, even quite
revolutionary-minded people became down-hearted as they pictured the events
in the countryside in their mind's eye; and they were unable to deny the
word "terrible". Even quite progressive people said, "Though terrible, it
is inevitable in a revolution." In short, nobody could altogether deny the
word "terrible". But, as already mentioned, the fact is that the great peasant
masses have risen to fulfil their historic mission and that the forces of
rural democracy have risen to overthrow the forces of rural feudalism. The
patriarchal-feudal class of local tyrants, evil gentry and lawless landlords
has formed the basis of autocratic government for thousands of years and
is the cornerstone of imperialism, warlordism and corrupt officialdom. To
overthrow these feudal forces is the real objective of the national revolution.
In a few months the peasants have accomplished what Dr. Sun Yat-sen wanted,
but failed, to accomplish in the forty years he devoted to the national
revolution. This is a marvelous feat never before achieved, not just in forty,
but in thousands of years. It's fine. It is not "terrible" at all. It is
anything but "terrible". "It's terrible!" is obviously a theory for combating
the rise of the peasants in the interests of the landlords; it is obviously
a theory of the landlord class for preserving the old order of feudalism
and obstructing the establishment of the new order of democracy, it is obviously
a counterrevolutionary theory. No revolutionary comrade should echo this
nonsense. If your revolutionary viewpoint is firmly established and if you
have been to the villages and looked around, you will undoubtedly feel thrilled
as never before. Countless thousands of the enslaved--the peasants--are striking
down the enemies who battened on their flesh. What the peasants are doing
is absolutely right, what they are doing is fine! "It's fine!" is the theory
of the peasants and of all other revolutionaries. Every revolutionary comrade
should know that the national revolution requires a great change in the
countryside. The Revolution of 1911 [3] did not bring about
this change, hence its failure. This change is now taking place, and it is
an important factor for the completion of the revolution. Every revolutionary
comrade must support it, or he will be taking the stand of counter-revolution.
農民的起義打亂了紳士們的美夢。當農村的消息傳到城市時，立即在鄉紳中引起了軒然。剛到長沙不久，我就認識了各種各樣的人，也學到了很多八卦。從社會中層以上到國民黨右翼分子，沒有一個人不用一句“太可怕了”來概括這一切。在當時充斥著城市的「太糟糕了」學派的觀點的影響下，即使是相當革命思想的人，當他們在腦海中描繪鄉村的事件時，也會變得沮喪;他們無法否認「糟糕」這個詞。即使是相當進步的人也說，「雖然很可怕，但在革命中這是不可避免的。簡而言之，沒有人可以完全否認“糟糕”這個詞。但是，如前所述，事實是，偉大的農民群眾已經起來完成他們的歷史使命，農村民主的力量已經起來推翻農村封建主義的力量。由地方暴君、邪惡的士紳和無法無天的地主組成的父權封建階級數千年來構成了專制政府的基礎，是帝國主義、軍閥主義和腐敗官場的基石。推翻這些封建勢力是民族革命的真正目標。在短短幾個月內，農民完成了孫中山先生在他致力於民族革命的四十年中想要但未能完成的事情。這是一項前所未有的了不起的壯舉，不僅在四十年內，而且在數千年內。沒事的。它一點也不“可怕”。它一點也不“可怕”。“太可怕了！“顯然是一種為了地主的利益而反對農民崛起的理論;這顯然是地主階級維護封建舊秩序、阻撓建立民主新秩序的理論，顯然是反革命的理論。任何革命同志都不應該附和這種胡說八道。如果你的革命觀點已經牢固確立，如果你去過村莊並環顧四周，你無疑會感到前所未有的興奮。數以千計的奴隸——農民——正在擊倒那些咬他們肉體的敵人。農民做的絕對正確，他們做的很好！“沒關係”是農民和所有其他革命者的理論。每個革命同志都應該知道，民族革命需要農村發生重大變革。1911 年的革命 [3] 沒有帶來這種變化，因此它失敗了。這種變化正在發生，它是完成革命的重要因素。每個革命同志都必須支援它，否則他就會站上反革命的立場。
Then there is another section of people who say, "Yes, peasant associations
are necessary, but they are going rather too far." This is the opinion of
the middle-of-the-roaders. But what is the actual situation? True, the peasants
are in a sense "unruly" in the countryside. Supreme in authority, the peasant
association allows the landlord no say and sweeps away his prestige. This
amounts to striking the landlord down to the dust and keeping him there.
The peasants threaten, "We will put you in the other register!" They fine
the local tyrants and evil gentry, they demand contributions from them, and
they smash their sedan-chairs. People swarm into the houses of local tyrants
and evil gentry who are against the peasant association, slaughter their
pigs and consume their grain. They even loll for a minute or two on the
ivory-inlaid beds belonging to the young ladies in the households of the
local tyrants and evil gentry. At the slightest provocation they make arrests,
crown the arrested with tall paper hats, and parade them through the villages,
saying, "You dirty landlords, now you know who we are!" Doing whatever they
like and turning everything upside down, they have created a kind of terror
in the countryside. This is what some people call "going too far", or "exceeding
the proper limits in righting a wrong", or "really too much". Such talk may
seem plausible, but in fact it is wrong. First, the local tyrants, evil gentry
and lawless landlords have themselves driven the peasants to this. For ages
they have used their power to tyrannize over the peasants and trample them
underfoot; that is why the peasants have reacted so strongly. The most violent
revolts and the most serious disorders have invariably occurred in places
where the local tyrants, evil gentry and lawless landlords perpetrated the
worst outrages. The peasants are clear-sighted. Who is bad and who is not,
who is the worst and who is not quite so vicious, who deserves severe punishment
and who deserves to be let off lightly--the peasants keep clear accounts,
and very seldom has the punishment exceeded the crime. Secondly, a revolution
is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing
embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate,
kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. [4] A revolution
is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.
A rural revolution is a revolution by which the peasantry overthrows the
power of the feudal landlord class. Without using the greatest force, the
peasants cannot possibly overthrow the deep-rooted authority of the landlords
which has lasted for thousands of years. The rural areas need a mighty
revolutionary upsurge, for it alone can rouse the people in their millions
to become a powerful force. All the actions mentioned here which have been
labeled as "going too far" flow from the power of the peasants, which has
been called forth by the mighty revolutionary upsurge in the countryside.
It was highly necessary for such things to be done in the second period of
the peasant movement, the period of revolutionary action. In this period
it was necessary to establish the absolute authority of the peasants. It
was necessary to forbid malicious criticism of the peasant associations.
It was necessary to overthrow the whole authority of the gentry, to strike
them to the ground and keep them there. There is revolutionary significance
in all the actions which were labeled as "going too far" in this period.
To put it bluntly, it is necessary to create terror for a while in every
rural area, or otherwise it would be impossible to suppress the activities
of the counter-revolutionaries in the countryside or overthrow the authority
of the gentry. Proper limits have to be exceeded in order to right a wrong,
or else the wrong cannot be righted. [5] Those who talk
about the peasants "going too far" seem at first sight to be different from
those who say "It's terrible!" as mentioned earlier, but in essence they
proceed from the same standpoint and likewise voice a landlord theory that
upholds the interests of the privileged classes. Since this theory impedes
the rise of the peasant movement and so disrupts the revolution, we must
firmly oppose it.
“然後還有一部分人說，”是的，農民協會是必要的，但他們走得太遠了。這是中間派的觀點。但實際情況如何？誠然，農民在某種意義上是農村的“不守規矩”。農民協會擁有至高無上的權力，不允許地主有發言權，並掃除了他的威望。這相當於將房東打成塵土，然後讓他留在那裡。農民威脅說：「我們會把你放在另一個登記冊上！他們罰款當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳，他們要求他們捐款，他們砸碎了他們的轎子。人們湧入反對農民協會的地方暴君和邪惡的士紳的房子，宰殺他們的豬，吃掉他們的糧食。他們甚至在當地暴君和邪惡紳士家中的年輕女士的象牙鑲嵌床上懶洋洋地躺一兩分鐘。只要稍有挑釁，他們就會逮捕被捕者，給被捕者戴上高高的紙帽，並在村莊裡遊行，說：“你們這些骯髒的地主，現在你們知道我們是誰了！他們為所欲為，把一切都顛倒過來，在鄉下製造了一種恐怖。這就是一些人所說的 「走得太遠」。，或者 「超過糾正錯誤的適當限制」，或者 「真的太多了」。這樣的談話可能看起來有道理，但實際上是錯誤的。首先，地方的土豪、惡紳和無法無天的地主自己把農民逼到這個地步。多年來，他們一直利用自己的權力對農民進行暴政，把他們踩在腳下;這就是為什麼農民的反應如此強烈。 最暴力的起義和最嚴重的騷亂總是發生在當地暴君、邪惡的紳士和無法無天的地主犯下最惡劣暴行的地方。農民的目光很清楚。誰壞誰壞，誰最壞，誰不那麼惡毒，誰該受到嚴厲的懲罰，誰應該被輕易放過——農民們有清楚的帳目，懲罰很少超過罪行。其次，革命不是晚宴，不是寫文章，不是畫畫，不是做刺繡;它不能如此精緻、如此悠閒和溫柔、如此溫和、善良、禮貌、內斂和寬巨集大量。[4]革命是一場暴動，一個階級推翻另一個階級的暴力行為。農村革命是農民推翻封建地主階級政權的革命。農民不動用最大的武力，就不可能推翻地主根深蒂固的權威，這種權威已經持續了幾千年。農村地區需要一場強大的革命高潮，因為只有它才能喚醒數百萬人民成為一股強大的力量。這裡提到的所有被貼上“走得太遠”標籤的行動，都是來自農民的力量，而農民的力量是由農村強大的革命高潮所召喚的。在農民運動的第二個時期，即革命行動時期，做這些事情是非常必要的。在這一時期，有必要建立農民的絕對權威。必須禁止對農民協會的惡意批評。必須推翻紳士的全部權威，把他們打倒在地，把他們留在那裡。 這一時期所有被貼上「走得太遠」標籤的行動都具有革命性的意義。說白了，就必須在每個農村製造一陣子的恐怖，否則就不可能鎮壓農村反革命分子的活動，也就不可能推翻士紳的權威。必須超過適當的限度才能糾正錯誤，否則錯誤就無法糾正。[5]那些談論農民“走得太遠”的人，乍一看似乎與前面提到的“這太可怕了”的人不同，但實質上他們站在同一立場上，同樣提出了維護特權階級利益的地主理論。既然這個理論阻礙了農民運動的興起，從而破壞了革命，我們必須堅決反對它。
The right-wing of the Kuomintang says, "The peasant movement is a movement
of the riffraff, of the lazy peasants." This view is current in Changsha.
When I was in the countryside, I heard the gentry say, "It is all right to
set up peasant associations, but the people now running them are no good.
They ought to be replaced!" This opinion comes to the same thing as what
the right-wingers are saying; according to both it is all right to have a
peasant movement (the movement is already in being and no one dare say
otherwise), but they say that the people running it are no good and they
particularly hate those in charge of the associations at the lower levels,
calling them "riffraff". In short, all those whom the gentry had despised,
those whom they had trodden into the dirt, people with no place in society,
people with no right to speak, have now audaciously lifted up their heads.
They have not only lifted up their heads but taken power into their hands.
They are now running the township peasant associations (at the lowest level),
which they have turned into something fierce and formidable. They have raised
their rough, work-soiled hands and laid them on the gentry. They tether the
evil gentry with ropes, crown them with tall paper-hats and parade them through
the villages. (In Hsiangtan and Hsianghsiang they call this "parading through
the township" and in Liling "parading through the fields".) Not a day passes
but they drum some harsh, pitiless words of denunciation into these gentry's
ears. They are issuing orders and are running everything. Those who used
to rank lowest now rank above everybody else; and so this is called "turning
things upside down".
國民黨的右翼說：「農民運動是懶惰農民的運動。此檢視在長沙是最新的。當我在農村時，我聽到士紳們說：「成立農民協會是可以的，但現在經營農民協會的人不好。他們應該被替換掉！這種觀點與右翼分子所說的是一樣的;根據他們倆的說法，農民運動是可以的（農民運動已經開始了，沒有人敢說不是這樣），但他們說管理它的人不好，他們特別討厭那些負責下層協會的人，稱他們為“riffraff”。總之，所有被紳士們鄙視的人，那些被他們踩進泥土裡的人，那些在社會上沒有地位的人，那些沒有發言權的人，現在都大膽地抬起了頭來。他們不僅抬起了頭，而且將權力掌握在自己手中。他們現在在管理鄉鎮農民協會（在最低一級），他們已經把它變成了一個兇猛而可怕的東西。他們舉起了那雙粗糙的、沾滿了工作污垢的手，把它們放在了紳士身上。他們用繩索拴住邪惡的士紳，給他們戴上高高的紙帽，並在村莊裡遊行。（在象灘和象翔，他們稱之為“遊行穿過鄉鎮”，在醴陵稱之為“遊行田野”。一天都過去了，他們卻向這些紳士的耳朵里灌輸了一些嚴厲、無情的譴責。他們發佈命令並運行一切。那些曾經排名最低的人現在排名高於其他人;所以這被稱為 「顛倒過來」。
Where there are two opposite approaches to things and people, two opposite
views emerge. "It's terrible!" and "It's fine!", "riffraff" and "vanguards
of the revolution"--here are apt examples.
當對事物和人有兩種相反的方法時，就會出現兩種相反的觀點。“”It's terrty！“和”It's fine！“，”riffraff“和”vanguards of the revolution“--這些都是恰當的例子。
We said above that the peasants have accomplished a revolutionary task which
had been left unaccomplished for many years and have done an important job
for the national revolution. But has this great revolutionary task, this
important revolutionary work, been performed by all the peasants? No. There
are three kinds of peasants, the rich, the middle and the poor peasants.
The three live in different circumstances and so have different views about
the revolution In the first period, what appealed to the rich peasants was
the talk about the Northern Expeditionary Army's sustaining a crushing defeat
in Kiangsi, about Chiang Kai-shek's being wounded in the leg
[6] and flying back to Kwangtung, [7]
and about Wu Pei-fu's [8] recapturing Yuehchow. The peasant
associations would certainly not last and the Three People's Principles
[9] could never prevail, because they had never been heard
of before. Thus an official of the township peasant association (generally
one of the "riffraff" type) would walk into the house of a rich peasant,
register in hand, and say, "Will you please join the peasant association?"
How would the rich peasant answer? A tolerably well-behaved one would say,
"Peasant association? I have lived here for decades, tilling my land. I never
heard of such a thing before, yet I've managed to live all right. I advise
you to give it up!" A really vicious rich peasant would say, "Peasant
association! Nonsense! Association for getting your head chopped off! Don't
get people into trouble!" Yet, surprisingly enough, the peasant associations
have now been established several months, and have even dared to stand up
to the gentry. The gentry of the neighbourhood who refused to surrender their
opium pipes were arrested by the associations and paraded through the villages.
In the county towns, moreover, some big landlords were put to death, like
Yen Jung-chiu of Hsiangtan and Yang Chih-tse of Ninghsiang. On the anniversary
of the October Revolution, at the time of the anti-British rally and of the
great celebrations of the victory of the Northern Expedition, tens of thousands
of peasants in every township, holding high their banners, big and small,
along with their carrying-poles and hoes, demonstrated in massive, streaming
columns. It was only then that the rich peasants began to get perplexed and
alarmed. During the great victory celebrations of the Northern Expedition,
they learned that Kiukiang had been taken, that Chiang Kai-shek had not been
wounded in the leg and that Wu Pei-fu had been defeated after all. What is
more, they saw such slogans as "Long live the Three People's Principles!"
"Long live the peasant associations!" and "Long live the peasants!" clearly
written on the "red and green proclamations". "What?" wondered the rich peasants,
greatly perplexed and alarmed, "'Long live the peasants!' Are these people
now to be regarded as emperors?' [10]' So the peasant
associations are putting on grand airs. People from the associations say
to the rich peasants, "We'll enter you in the other register," or, "In another
month, the admission fee will be ten yuan a head!" Only under the impact
of all this are the rich peasants tardily joining the associations,
[11] some paying fifty cents or a yuan for admission (the
regular fee being a mere ten coppers), some securing admission only after
asking other people to put in a good word for them. But there are quite a
number of die-herds who have not joined to this day. When the rich peasants
join the associations, they generally enter the name of some sixty or seventy
year-old member of the family, for they are in constant dread of "conscription".
After joining, the rich peasants are not keen on doing any work for the
associations. They remain inactive throughout.
我們上面說過，農民完成了一項多年未完成的革命任務，為民族革命做了一件重要的工作。但是，這項偉大的革命任務，這項重要的革命工作，是不是已經由全體農民完成了呢？不。農民分為三種，富農、中農和窮農。這三人生活在不同的環境中，因此對革命的看法也不同。在第一階段，吸引富農的是關於北伐軍在江西慘敗的討論，關於蔣介石腿部受傷[6]飛回廣東的討論，[7]關於吳培孚[8]重新奪回月州的討論。農民協會肯定不會持續下去，三民主義[9]也永遠不會得逞，因為它們以前從未聽說過。因此，鄉鎮農民協會的官員（通常是「流氓」類型的官員）會走進一個富農的房子，手裡拿著登記簿，然後說：“請你加入農民協會嗎？富農會怎麼回答呢？一個可以容忍的乖巧的人會說，「農民協會？我在這裡生活了幾十年，耕種我的土地。我以前從來沒有聽說過這樣的事情，但我還是設法過得很好。我勸你放棄它！一個非常惡毒的富農會說..「農民協會！」廢話！被砍掉頭的協會！不要給人添麻煩！然而，令人驚訝的是，農民協會現在已經成立幾個月了，甚至敢於與士紳作鬥爭。 拒絕交出鴉片煙鬥的附近紳士被協會逮捕，並在村莊中游行。此外，在縣城，一些大地主被處死，如仙灘的嚴正秋和寧鄉的楊志澤。在十月革命周年紀念日，在反英集會和北伐勝利盛大慶祝活動之際，每個鄉鎮的數以萬計的農民，高舉著大大小小的旗幟，帶著他們的提桿和鋤頭，排成一排排。直到那時，富農才開始感到困惑和警覺。在北伐大勝慶典期間，他們得知九昂已被攻陷，蔣介石腿部沒有受傷，吳佩孚終究已被擊敗。更有甚者，他們看到了“三民主義萬歲”等口號。“農民協會萬歲”和“農民萬歲”清楚地寫在“紅色和綠色公告”上。“什麼？” 富有的農民感到非常困惑和驚慌，“'農民萬歲！這些人現在應該被視為皇帝嗎？[10]'所以農民協會正在擺出華麗的姿態。各協會的人對富農說：「我們把你記在另一個登記冊上」，或者說：“再過一個月，入場費就每人十塊錢吧！只有在這一切的影響下，才有富農遲遲地加入這些協會，[11]有些人付五十美分或一元錢入場費（正常費用只有十個銅幣），有些人只有在請別人為他們說好話后才能獲得入場。 但有相當多的死牧人至今仍未加入。當富農加入協會時，他們通常輸入大約六七十歲家庭成員的名字，因為他們一直害怕“徵兵”。加入后，富農並不熱衷於為協會做任何工作。他們在整個過程中保持不活動狀態。
How about the middle peasants? Theirs is a vacillating attitude.
中農呢？他們的態度是搖擺不定的。
They think that the revolution will not bring them much good. They have rice
cooking in their pots and no creditors knocking on their doors at midnight.
They, too, judging a thing by whether it ever existed before, knit their
brows and think to themselves, "Can the peasant association really last?"
"Can the Three People's Principles prevail?" Their conclusion is, "Afraid
not!" They imagine it all depends on the will of Heaven and think, "A peasant
association? Who knows if Heaven wills it or not?" In the first period, people
from the association would call on a middle peasant, register in hand, and
say, "Will you please join the peasant association?" The middle peasant would
reply, "There's no hurry!" It was not until the second period, when the peasant
associations were already exercising great power, that the middle peasants
came in. They show up better in the associations than the rich peasants but
are not as yet very enthusiastic, they still want to wait and see. It is
essential for the peasant associations to get the middle peasants to join
and to do a good deal more explanatory work among them.
他們認為革命不會給他們帶來多少好處。他們的鍋里煮米飯，午夜沒有債權人敲門。他們也是，根據一件事情以前是否存在來評判它，他們皺起眉頭，心想：「農民協會真的能持續下去嗎？“三民原則能得勝嗎？”他們的結論是：「不要害怕！他們認為這一切都取決於上天的旨意，並想：「農民協會？誰知道上天願意還是不願意呢？在第一階段，協會的人會打電話給一個中農，手裡拿著登記，說：“請你加入農民協會嗎？“中農會回答說：”不著急！直到第二時期，當農民協會已經行使了很大的權力時，中農人才進來了。他們在協會中表現得比富農更好，但還不是很熱情，他們仍然想拭目以待。農民協會必須讓中農加入進來，並在他們中間做更多的解釋工作。
The poor peasants have always been the main force in the bitter fight in
the countryside. They have fought militantly through the two periods of
underground work and of open activity. They are the most responsive to Communist
Party leadership. They are deadly enemies of the camp of the local tyrants
and evil gentry and attack it without the slightest hesitation. "We joined
the peasant association long ago," they say to the rich peasants, "why are
you still hesitating?'! The rich peasants answer mockingly, "What is there
to keep you from joining? You people have neither a tile over your heads
nor a speck of land under your feet!" It is true the poor peasants are not
afraid of losing anything. Many of them really have "neither a tile over
their heads nor a speck of land under their feet". What, indeed, is there
to keep them from joining the associations? According to the survey of Changsha
County, the poor peasants comprise 70 per cent, the middle peasants 20 per
cent, and the landlords and the rich peasants 10 per cent of the population
in the rural areas. The 70 per cent, the poor peasants, may be sub-divided
into two categories, the utterly destitute and the less destitute. The utterly
destitute, [12] comprising 20 per cent, are the completely
dispossessed, that is, people who have neither land nor money, are without
any means of livelihood, and are forced to leave home and become mercenaries
or hired labourers or wandering beggars. The less destitute,
[13] the other 50 per cent, are the partially dispossessed,
that is, people with just a little land or a little money who eat up more
than they earn and live in toil and distress the year round, such as the
handicraftsmen, the tenant-peasants (not including the rich tenant-peasants)
and the semi-owner-peasants. This great mass of poor peasants, or altogether
70 per cent of the rural population, are the backbone of the peasant
associations, the vanguard in the overthrow of the feudal forces and the
heroes who have performed the great revolutionary task which for long years
was left undone. Without the poor peasant class (the "riffraff", as the gentry
call them), it would have been impossible to bring about the present
revolutionary situation in the countryside, or to overthrow the local tyrants
and evil gentry and complete the democratic revolution. The poor peasants,
being the most revolutionary group, have gained the leadership of the peasant
associations. In both the first and second periods almost all the chairmen
and committee members in the peasant associations at the lowest level were
poor peasants (of the officials in the township associations in Hengshan
County the utterly destitute comprise 50 per cent, the less destitute 40
per cent, and poverty-stricken intellectuals 10 per cent). Leadership by
the poor peasants is absolutely necessary. Without the poor peasants there
would be no revolution. To deny their role is to deny the revolution. To
attack them is to attack the revolution. They have never been wrong on the
general direction of the revolution. They have discredited the local tyrants
and evil gentry. They have beaten down the local tyrants and evil gentry,
big and small, and kept them underfoot. Many of their deeds in the period
of revolutionary action, which were labeled as "going too far", were in fact
the very things the revolution required. Some county governments, county
headquarters of the Kuomintang and county peasant associations in Hunan have
already made a number of mistakes; some have even sent soldiers to arrest
officials of the lowerlevel associations at the landlords' request. A good
many chairmen and committee members of township associations in Hengshan
and Hsianghsiang Counties have been thrown in jail. This mistake is very
serious and feeds the arrogance of the reactionaries. To judge whether or
not it is a mistake, you have only to see how joyful the lawless landlords
become and how reactionary sentiments grow, wherever the chairmen or committee
members of local peasant associations are arrested. We must combat the
counter-revolutionary talk of a "movement of riffraff" and a "movement of
lazy peasants" and must be especially careful not to commit the error of
helping the local tyrants and evil gentry in their attacks on the poor peasant
class. Though a few of the poor peasant leaders undoubtedly did have
shortcomings, most of them have changed by now. They themselves are energetically
prohibiting gambling and suppressing banditry. Where the peasant association
is powerful, gambling has stopped altogether and banditry has vanished. In
some places it is literally true that people do not take any articles left
by the wayside and that doors are not bolted at night. According to the Hengshan
survey 85 per cent of the poor peasant leaders have made great progress and
have proved themselves capable and hard-working. Only 15 per cent retain
some bad habits. The most one can call these is "an unhealthy minority",
and we must not echo the local tyrants and evil gentry in undiscriminatingly
condemning them as "riffraff". This problem of the "unhealthy minority" can
be tackled only under the peasant associations' own slogan of "strengthen
discipline", by carrying on propaganda among the masses, by educating the
"unhealthy minority", and by tightening the associations' discipline; in
no circumstances should soldiers be arbitrarily sent to make such arrests
as would damage the prestige of the poor peasants and feed the arrogance
of the local tyrants and evil gentry. This point requires particular attention.
貧農一直是農村苦戰的主力軍。他們在地下工作和公開活動這兩個時期進行了激進的鬥爭。他們對共產黨的領導反應最迅速。他們是當地暴君和邪惡士紳營地的致命敵人，毫不猶豫地攻擊它。“我們很久以前就加入了農民協會，”他們對富農說，“你們為什麼還在猶豫呢？！“富農嘲弄地回答說：”有什麼能阻止你加入呢？你們這些人頭上沒有一塊瓦片，腳下也沒有一粒土地！的確，貧農不怕失去任何東西。他們中的許多人真的 「頭上沒有一塊瓦片，腳下也沒有一粒土地」。。究竟是什麼阻止他們加入這些協會呢？根據長沙縣的調查，農村貧困農民佔70%，中農佔20%，地主和富農佔10%。這 70% 的人，即貧窮的農民，可以細分為兩類，即極度貧困的和較不貧窮的。完全貧困的人，[12]佔 20%，是完全被剝奪的人，即既沒有土地也沒有錢，沒有任何生計手段的人，被迫離開家，成為雇傭兵或雇傭工人或流浪乞丐。 較不貧困的人，[13]另外50%，是部分被剝奪的人，即只有一點土地或一點錢的人，他們吃得比賺的還多，終年生活在辛勞和痛苦中，例如手工業者、佃農（不包括富有的佃農）和半自有農民。這一大批貧農，或總共占農村人口的百分之七十，是農民協會的中堅力量，是推翻封建勢力的先鋒，是完成長期未完成的偉大革命任務的英雄。沒有貧農階級（紳士們稱他們為“riffraff”），就不可能在農村帶來目前的革命形勢，也不可能推翻當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳，完成民主革命。貧農作為最革命的群體，已經獲得了農民協會的領導權。在第一和第二時期，最底層的農會主席和委員幾乎都是貧農（在衡山縣鄉鎮會的官員中，赤貧者佔50%，較貧窮的佔40%，貧困知識份子佔10%）。貧農的領導是絕對必要的。沒有貧農，就不會有革命。否認他們的角色就是否認革命。攻擊他們就是攻擊革命。他們在革命的大方向上從來沒有錯。他們詆毀了當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳。他們打敗了當地的暴君和大大小小的惡紳，把他們困在腳下。 他們在革命行動時期的許多行為被貼上了“走得太遠”的標籤，實際上正是革命所需要的。湖南省一些縣政府、國民黨縣總部和縣農民協會已經犯了一些錯誤;有的甚至應地主的要求，派兵去抓下級社團的官員。衡山縣和香香縣的許多鄉鎮會主席和委員都被投入監獄。這個錯誤非常嚴重，助長了反動派的傲慢。要判斷這是否是一個錯誤，你只需要看到不法的地主變得多麼快樂，反動情緒如何增長，地方農民協會的主席或委員在哪裡被捕。我們必須同「流氓運動」和「懶農運動」的反革命言論作鬥爭，尤其要小心，不要犯説明地方豪紳打壓貧農階級的錯誤。雖然少數貧窮的農民領袖無疑確實有缺點，但大多數現在已經改變了。他們自己也在大力禁止賭博和鎮壓土匪。在農民協會強大的地方，賭博已經完全停止，土匪已經消失了。在一些地方，人們確實不會帶走路邊留下的任何物品，晚上門也不會上閂。根據衡山調查，85% 的貧窮農民領袖取得了長足的進步，證明瞭自己的能力和勤奮。只有 15% 的人保留了一些壞習慣。 我們最多只能稱這些人為“不健康的少數”，我們絕不能效仿當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳，不分青紅皂白地譴責他們是“流氓”。這個「不健康的少數」問題，只有在農民協會自己的「加強紀律」的口號下，通過對群眾進行宣傳，通過教育「不健康的少數」，通過加強協會的紀律，才能解決;在任何情況下，都不應任意派遣士兵進行逮捕，以免損害貧農的威望，助長當地暴君和邪惡士紳的傲慢。這一點需要特別注意。
Most critics of the peasant associations allege that they have done a great
many bad things. I have already pointed out that the peasants' attack on
the local tyrants and evil gentry is entirely revolutionary behaviour and
in no way blameworthy. The peasants have done a great many things, and
in order to answer people's criticism we must closely examine
all their activities, one by one, to see what they have actually done. I
have classified and summed up their activities of the last few months; in
all, the peasants under the leadership of the peasant associations have the
following fourteen great achievements to their credit.
大多數農民協會的批評者聲稱他們做了很多壞事。我已經指出，農民對地方暴君和惡紳的攻擊完全是革命行為，絕不值得指責。農民做了很多事情，要回答人們的批評，就必須一個一個地仔細考察他們的一切活動，看看他們到底做了什麼。我對他們過去幾個月的活動進行了分類和總結;農民在農民協會的領導下，總共取得了以下十四項偉大成就。
This is the first great achievement of the peasants. In counties like Hsiangtan,
Hsianghsiang and Hengshan, nearly all the peasants are organized and there
is hardly a remote corner where they are not on the move; these are the best
places. In some counties, like Yiyang and Huajung, the bulk of the peasants
are organized, with only a small section remaining unorganized; these places
are in the second grade. In other counties, like Chengpu and Lingling, while
a small section is organized, the bulk of the peasants remain unorganized;
these places are in the third grade. Western Hunan, which is under the control
of Yuan Tsu-ming, [14] has not yet been reached by the
associations' propaganda, and in many of its counties the peasants are completely
unorganized; these form a fourth grade. Roughly speaking, the counties in
central Hunan, with Changsha as the centre, are the most advanced, those
in southern Hunan come second, and western Hunan is only just beginning to
organize. According to the figures compiled by the provincial peasant association
last November, organizations with a total membership of 1,367,727 have been
set up in thirty-seven of the province's seventy-five counties. Of these
members about one million were organized during October and November when
the power of the associations rose high, while up to September the membership
had only been 300,000-400,000. Then came the two months of December and January,
and the peasant movement continued its brisk growth. By the end of January
the membership must have reached at least two million. As a family generally
enters only one name when joining and has an average of five members, the
mass following must be about ten million. This astonishing and accelerating
rate of expansion explains why the local tyrants, evil gentry and corrupt
officials have been isolated, why the public has been amazed at how completely
the world has changed since the peasant movement, and why a great revolution
has been wrought in the countryside. This is the first great achievement
of the peasants under the leadership of their associations.
這是農民取得的第一個偉大成就。在湘潭、香湘和衡山等縣，幾乎所有的農民都是有組織的，幾乎沒有一個偏遠的角落不流動;這些是最好的地方。在一些縣，如益陽縣和華絨縣，大部分農民是有組織的，只有一小部分沒有組織起來;這些地方在二年級。在其他縣，如成浦縣和零陵縣，雖然有一小部分是有組織的，但大部分農民仍然沒有組織起來;這些地方在三年級。在袁祖明的控制下的湖南西部，[14]社團的宣傳還沒有到達，在湖南的許多縣，農民完全沒有組織起來;這些構成了四年級。粗略地說，以長沙為中心的湖南中部縣城最先進，湘南省城次之，湘西省才剛剛開始組織起來。根據省農民協會去年11月統計的數位，全省75個縣中的37個縣成立了組織，會員總數為1367727人。在這些會員中，大約有100萬是在10月和11月組織起來的，當時協會的權力很高，而到9月，會員只有300,000-400,000人。然後是十二月和一月這兩個月，農民運動繼續迅速發展。到 1 月底，會員人數必須至少達到 200 萬。由於一個家庭在加入時通常只輸入一個名字，並且平均有5名成員，因此Mass關注者必須在1000萬左右。 這種驚人的加速擴張速度解釋了為什麼地方暴君、邪惡的士紳和腐敗的官員被孤立，為什麼公眾對自農民運動以來世界的變化如此徹底感到驚訝，以及為什麼在農村發生了一場偉大的革命。這是農民在協會領導下取得的第一個偉大成就。
Once the peasants have their organization, the first thing they do is to
smash the political prestige and power of the landlord class, and especially
of the local tyrants and evil gentry, that is, to pull down landlord authority
and build up peasant authority in rural society. This is a most serious and
vital struggle. It is the pivotal struggle in the second period, the period
of revolutionary action. Without victory in this struggle, no victory is
possible in the economic struggle to reduce rent and interest, to secure
land and other means of production, and so on. In many places in Hunan like
Hsianghsiang, Hengshan and Hsiangtan Counties, this is of course no problem
since the authority of the landlords has been overturned and the peasants
constitute the sole authority. But in counties like Liling there are still
some places (such as Liling's western and southern districts) where the authority
of the landlords seems weaker than that of the peasants but, because the
political struggle has not been sharp, is in fact surreptitiously competing
with it. In such places it is still too early to say that the peasants have
gained political victory; they must wage the political struggle more vigorously
until the landlords' authority is completely smashed. All in all, the methods
used by the peasants to hit the landlords politically are as follows:
農民一旦有了自己的組織，他們做的第一件事就是粉碎地主階級特別是地方土豪和惡紳的政治威信和權力，即推翻地主權威，建立農村社會的農民權威。這是一場最嚴重、最生動的鬥爭。這是第二時期的關鍵鬥爭，即革命行動時期。沒有這場鬥爭的勝利，就不可能在減少租金和利息、獲得土地和其他生產資料等的經濟鬥爭中取得勝利。在湖南的許多地方，如祥縣、衡山縣和省長灘縣，這當然沒有問題，因為地主的權威已經被推翻，農民構成了唯一的權威。但是在像醴陵這樣的縣城，還有一些地方（如醴陵的西區和南區）地主的權威似乎比農民的權威弱，但由於政治鬥爭沒有尖銳，實際上正在暗中與之競爭。在這樣的地方，說農民已經取得了政治勝利還為時過早;他們必須更有力地進行政治鬥爭，直到地主的權威被徹底粉碎。總之，農民在政治上打地主的手段是這樣的：
Checking the accounts. More often than not the local tyrants and
evil gentry have helped themselves to public money passing through their
hands, and their books are not in order. Now the peasants are using the checking
of accounts as an occasion to bring down a great many of the local tyrants
and evil gentry. In many places committees for checking accounts have been
established for the express purpose of settling financial scores with them,
and the first sign of such a committee makes them shudder. Campaigns of this
kind have been carried out in all the counties where the peasant movement
is active; they are important not so much for recovering money as for publicizing
the crimes of the local tyrants and evil gentry and for knocking them down
from their political and social positions.
檢查帳目。 很多時候，當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳説明自己讓公共資金從他們手中流過，他們的帳目沒有整理好。現在農民正利用查賬為契機，打倒許多地方的暴君和邪惡的士紳。在許多地方，已經設立了核對帳目委員會，其明確目的是與他們結算財務帳目，這樣一個委員會的第一個跡象使他們不寒而慄。這種運動已經在農民運動活躍的所有縣進行了;他們的重要性不是追回金錢，而是宣傳地方暴君和惡紳的罪行，把他們從政治和社會地位上趕下來。
Imposing fines. The peasants work out fines for such offences as
irregularities revealed by the checking of accounts, past outrages against
the peasants, current activities which undermine the peasant associations,
violations of the ban on gambling and refusal to surrender opium pipes. This
local tyrant must pay so much, that member of the evil gentry so much, the
sums ranging from tens to thousands of yuan Naturally, a man who has been
fined by the peasants completely loses face.
處以罰款。 農民對諸如檢查帳目所發現的違規行為、過去對農民的暴行、當前破壞農民協會的活動、違反禁賭和拒絕交出鴉片管等違法行為進行罰款。這個土豪要付出那麼多，那個惡紳那麼多，數額從幾十塊錢到幾千塊錢不等，自然而然地，一個被農民罰過的人，徹底丟了面子。
Levying contributions. The unscrupulous rich landlords are made
to contribute for poor relief, for the organization of co-operatives or peasant
credit societies, or for other purposes. Though milder than fines, these
contributions are also a form of punishment. To avoid trouble, quite a number
of landlords make voluntary contributions to the peasant associations.
徵收捐款。 不擇手段的富有地主被強迫為窮人救濟、組織合作社或農民信用社或其他目的做出貢獻。雖然比罰款輕，但這些貢獻也是一種懲罰形式。為避免麻煩，不少地主自願向農會捐款。
Minor protests. When someone harms a peasant association by word
or deed and the offence is a minor one, the peasants collect in a crowd and
swarm into the offender's house to remonstrate with him. He is usually let
off after writing a pledge to "cease and desist", n which he explicitly
undertakes to stop defaming the peasant association in the future.
小規模抗議。 當有人用言語或行為傷害農民協會時，如果罪行是輕微的，農民就會聚集成群結隊，湧進罪犯的房子里，與他一起勸誡。他通常在寫下「停止和終止」的承諾後被解僱，他明確承諾將來不再誹謗農民協會。
Major demonstrations. A big crowd is rallied to demonstrate against
a local tyrant or one of the evil gentry who is an enemy of the association.
The demonstrators eat at the offender's house, slaughtering his pigs and
consuming his grain as a matter of course. Quite a few such cases have occurred.
There was a case recently at Machiaho, Hsiangtan County, where a crowd of
fifteen thousand peasants went to the houses of six of the evil gentry and
demonstrated; the whole affair lasted four days during which more than 130
pigs were killed and eaten. After such demonstrations, the peasants usually
impose fines.
大型示威活動。 一大群人被召集起來示威，反對當地的暴君或與協會為敵的邪惡紳士。示威者在罪犯家裡吃飯，理所當然地宰殺他的豬和吃他的穀物。這樣的案例已經發生了很多。最近在象灘縣馬基雅霍發生了一起事件，一萬五千名農民來到六個惡紳的家中示威;整個事件持續了四天，期間殺死和吃掉了 130 多頭豬。在這樣的示威之後，農民通常會處以罰款。
"Crowning" the landlords and parading them through the villages. This
sort of thing is very common. A tall paper-hat is stuck on the head of one
of the local tyrants or evil gentry, bearing the words "Local tyrant so-and-so"
or "So-and-so of the evil gentry". He is led by a rope and escorted with
big crowds in front and behind. Sometimes brass gongs are beaten and flags
waved to attract people's attention. This form of punishment more than any
other makes the local tyrants and evil gentry tremble. Anyone who has once
been crowned with a tall paper-hat loses face altogether and can never again
hold up his head. Hence many of the rich prefer being fined to wearing the
tall hat. But wear it they must, if the peasants insist. One ingenious township
peasant association arrested an obnoxious member of the gentry and announced
that he was to be crowned that very day. The man turned blue with fear. Then
the association decided not to crown him that day. They argued that if he
were crowned right away, he would become case-hardened and no longer afraid,
and that it would be better to let him go home and crown him some other day.
Not knowing when he would be crowned, the man was in daily suspense, unable
to sit down or sleep at ease.
為地主“加冕”，並在村莊中游行。 這種事情很常見。一頂高大的紙帽戴在當地暴君或惡紳的頭上，上面寫著“土豪某某”或“惡紳的某某”。他由一根繩子牽著，前後都有一大群人護送。有時敲打銅鑼，揮舞旗幟以吸引人們的注意力。這種形式的懲罰比其他任何形式都更能使當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳戰戰兢兢。任何曾經戴上高高紙帽的人都完全丟了面子，再也抬不起頭來了。因此，許多富人寧願被罰款也不願戴高帽。但是，如果農民堅持的話，他們必須戴上它。一個狡猾的鄉鎮農民協會逮捕了一個令人討厭的士紳，並宣佈他將在那一天加冕。男人嚇得臉色發青。然後協會決定那天不給他加冕。他們爭辯說，如果他立即加冕，他就會變得頑固，不再害怕，最好讓他改天回家加冕。不知道什麼時候加冕，這個男人每天都在猶豫中，無法坐下或安然入睡。
Locking up the landlords in the county jail. This is a heavier
punishment than wearing the tall paper-hat. A local tyrant or one of the
evil gentry is arrested and sent to the county jail; he is locked up and
the county magistrate has to try him and punish him. Today the people who
are locked up are no longer the same. Formerly it was the gentry who sent
peasants to be locked up, now it is the other way round.
把房東關在縣監獄裡。 這比戴那頂高高的紙帽更重。一個地方的暴君或一個邪惡的紳士被逮捕並送進縣監獄;他被關起來了，縣長必須審判他並懲罰他。今天，被關押的人已經不一樣了。以前是紳士把農民送去關起來，現在是相反的。
"Banishment". The peasants have no desire to banish the most notorious
criminals among the local tyrants and evil gentry, but would rather arrest
or execute them. Afraid of being arrested or executed, they run away. In
counties where the peasant movement is well developed, almost all the important
local tyrants and evil gentry have fled, and this amounts to banishment.
Among them, the top ones have fled to Shanghai, those of the second rank
to Hankow, those of the third to Changsha, and of the fourth to the county
towns. Of all the fugitive local tyrants and evil gentry, those who have
fled to Shanghai are the safest. Some of those who fled to Hankow, like the
three from Huajung, were eventually captured and brought back. Those who
fled to Changsha are in still greater danger of being seized at any moment
by students in the provincial capital who hail from their counties; I myself
saw two captured in Changsha. Those who have taken refuge in the county towns
are only of the fourth rank, and the peasantry, having many eyes and ears,
can easily track them down. The financial authorities once explained the
difficulties encountered by the Hunan Provincial Government in raising money
by the fact that the peasants were banishing the well-to-do, which gives
some idea of the extent to which the local tyrants and evil gentry are not
tolerated in their home villages.
“放逐”。 農民不想驅逐當地暴君和邪惡士紳中最臭名昭著的罪犯，而是寧願逮捕或處決他們。由於害怕被逮捕或處決，他們逃跑了。在農民運動發達的縣，幾乎所有重要的土豪和惡紳都逃走了，這相當於被放逐了。其中，排名靠前的逃往上海，二等學校逃到漢口，三等學校逃到長沙，第四逃到縣城。在所有逃亡的土豪和惡紳中，逃到上海的是最安全的。一些逃到漢口的人，比如華絨的三人，最終被抓獲並帶回。那些逃到長沙的人，更有可能隨時被來自本縣的省會學生抓住;我親眼看到兩隻在長沙被捕。投靠縣城的，都不過是四流，農民眼耳眾多，很容易就能追查到。財政部門曾用農民驅逐富人這一事實來解釋湖南省政府籌集資金的困難，這讓我們對當地土豪和惡紳在家鄉的容忍程度有所瞭解。
Execution. This is confined to the worst local tyrants and evil
gentry and is carried out by the peasants jointly with other sections of
the people. For instance, Yang Chih-tse of Ninghsiang, Chou Chia-kan of Yuehyang
and Fu Tao-nan and Sun Po-chu of Huajung were shot by the government authorities
at the insistence of the peasants and other sections of the people. In the
case of Yen Jung-chiu of Hsiangtan, the peasants and other sections of the
people compelled the magistrate to agree to hand him over, and the peasants
themselves executed him. Liu Chao of Ninghsiang was killed by the peasants.
The execution of Peng Chih-fan of Liling and Chou Tien-chueh and Tsao Yun
of Yiyang is pending, subject to the decision of the "special tribunal for
trying local tyrants and evil gentry". The execution of one such big landlord
reverberates through a whole county and is very effective in eradicating
the remaining evils of feudalism. Every county has these major tyrants, some
as many as several dozen and others at least a few, and the only effective
way of suppressing the reactionaries is to execute at least a few in each
county who are guilty of the most heinous crimes. When the local tyrants
and evil gentry were at the height of their power, they literally slaughtered
peasants without batting an eyelid. Ho Maichuan, for ten years head of the
defence corps in the town of Hsinkang, Changsha County, was personally
responsible for killing almost a thousand poverty-stricken peasants, which
he euphemistically described as "executing bandits". In my native county
of Hsiangtan, Tang Chun-yen and Lo Shu-lin who headed the defence corps in
the town of Yintien have killed more than fifty people and buried four alive
in the fourteen years since 1913. Of the more than fifty they murdered, the
first two were perfectly innocent beggars. Tang Chunyen said, "Let me make
a start by killing a couple of beggars!" and so these two lives were snuffed
out. Such was the cruelty of the local tyrants and evil gentry in former
days, such was the White terror they created in the countryside, and now
that the peasants have risen and shot a few and created just a little terror
in suppressing the counter-revolutionaries, is there any reason for saying
they should not do so?
執行 這僅限於最壞的地方暴君和邪惡的士紳，並且是由農民與其他部分人民共同實施的。例如，寧鄉的楊志澤、岳陽的周家健、華榮的傅濤南、孫伯柱，在農民和其他各階層人民的堅持下，被政府當局槍殺。在湘潭的嚴正秋一案中，農民和其他人民階層強迫地方官同意交出他，農民自己處決了他。寧鄉的劉超被農民殺害。醴陵的彭志凡、益陽的周天初和曹雲的死刑正在等待執行中，有待“審判地豪惡紳特別法庭”的決定。處決這樣一個大地主，在整個縣產生反響，非常有效地根除封建主義的殘餘罪惡。每個縣都有這些大暴君，有的多達幾十個，有的至少有幾個，鎮壓反動派的唯一有效方法是在每個縣至少處決幾個犯下最滔天罪行的人。當當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳處於權力的巔峰時，他們真的毫不猶豫地屠殺了農民。何邁川在長沙縣新港鎮擔任了十年的國防兵團長，親身負責殺害近千名貧困農民，他委婉地將其描述為“處決土匪”。在我的家鄉湘潭縣，自1913年以來的14年裡，領導銀田鎮防衛隊的唐俊彥和羅樹林已經殺害了50多人，活埋了4人。 在他們殺害的 50 多人中，前兩個是完全無辜的乞丐。唐春燕說：「我先殺幾個乞丐吧！“就這樣，這兩個生命被扼殺了。這就是過去地方暴君和惡紳的殘酷，這就是他們在農村製造的白色恐怖，現在農民已經起來射殺了幾個人，在鎮壓反革命分子的過程中製造了一點點恐怖，有什麼理由說他們不應該這樣做呢？
Prohibition on sending grain out of the area, forcing up grain prices,
and hoarding and cornering. This is one of the great events of recent
months in the economic struggle of the Hunan peasants. Since last October
the poor peasants have prevented the outflow of the grain of the landlords
and rich peasants and have banned the forcing up of grain prices and hoarding
and cornering. As a result, the poor peasants have fully achieved their
objective; the ban on the outflow of grain is watertight, grain prices have
fallen considerably, and hoarding and cornering have disappeared.
禁止將糧食運出該地區，壓高糧食價格，以及囤積和壟斷。 這是近幾個月來湖南農民經濟鬥爭中的重大事件之一。自去年十月以來，貧農阻止了地主和富農的糧食外流，禁止了哄抬糧價和囤積和走投無路。結果，貧農完全實現了他們的目標;禁止糧食外流是無懈可擊的，糧食價格大幅下跌，囤積和壟斷已經消失。
Prohibition on increasing rents and deposits;
[15] agitation for reduced rents and deposits. Last
July and August, when the peasant associations were still weak, the landlords,
following their long-established practice of maximum exploitation, served
notice one after another on their tenants that rents and deposits would be
increased. But by October, when the peasant associations had grown considerably
in strength and had all come out against the raising of rents and deposits,
the landlords dared not breathe another word on the subject. From November
onwards, as the peasants have gained ascendancy over the landlords they have
taken the further step of agitating for reduced rents and deposits. What
a pity, they say, that the peasant associations were not strong enough when
rents were being paid last autumn, or we could have reduced them then. The
peasants are doing extensive propaganda for rent reduction in the coming
autumn, and the landlords are asking how the reductions are to be carried
out. As for the reduction of deposits, this is already under way in Hengshan
and other counties.
禁止提高租金和押金;[15] 要求降低租金和押金的鼓動。 去年七八月，當農會還很薄弱的時候，地主們按照他們長期以來的最大限度地剝削的做法，紛紛通知佃戶提高地租和押金。但是到了十月，當農民協會的力量大大增長，並且都站出來反對提高地租和押金時，地主們就不敢在這個問題上多說一句話了。從11月開始，隨著農民對地主的支配地位，他們採取了進一步的措施，鼓動減少租金和押金。他們說，真可惜，去年秋天付房租時，農民協會還不夠強大，否則我們當時就可以減少房租了。農民正在為即將到來的秋天減租做廣泛的宣傳，而地主們則詢問如何進行減租。至於減少押金，衡山等縣已經在進行中。
Prohibition on cancelling tenancies. In July and August of last
year there were still many instances of landlords cancelling tenancies and
re-letting the land. But after October nobody dared cancel a tenancy. Today,
the cancelling of tenancies and the re-letting of land are quite out of the
question; all that remains as something of a problem is whether a tenancy
can be cancelled if the landlord wants to cultivate the land himself. In
some places even this is not allowed by the peasants. In others the cancelling
of a tenancy may be permitted if the landlord wants to cultivate the land
himself, but then the problem of unemployment among the tenant-peasants arises.
There is as yet no uniform way of solving this problem.
禁止取消租約。 去年 7 月和 8 月，仍然有許多房東取消租約並重新出租土地的情況。但在 10 月之後，沒有人敢取消租約。今天，取消租約和重新出租土地已經完全不可能了;剩下的問題是，如果房東想自己耕種土地，是否可以取消租約。在一些地方，甚至農民也不允許這樣做。在另一些情況下，如果地主想自己耕種土地，可以允許取消租約，但隨之而來的是佃農失業的問題。目前還沒有統一的方法來解決這個問題。
Reduction of interest. Interest has been generally reduced in Anhua,
and there have been reductions in other counties, too. But wherever the peasant
associations are powerful, rural money-lending has virtually disappeared,
the landlords having completely "stopped lending" for fear that the money
will be "communized". What is currently called reduction of interest is confined
to old loans. Not only is the interest on such old loans reduced, but the
creditor is actually forbidden to press for the repayment of the principal.
The poor peasant replies, "Don't blame me. The year is nearly over. I'll
pay you back next year."
減少利息。 安華的興趣普遍降低，其他縣的興趣也有所減少。但是，無論農民協會在哪裡強大，農村的放貸實際上都已經消失了，地主們因為擔心錢會被“公有化”而完全“停止放貸”。目前所謂的減息僅限於舊貸款。不僅這些舊貸款的利息減少了，而且實際上禁止債權人要求償還本金。“貧農回答說：”別怪我。這一年快結束了。明年我會還給你。
The old organs of political power in the tu and tuan (i.e.,
the district and the township), and especially at the tu level,
just below the county level, used to be almost exclusively in the hands of
the local tyrants and evil gentry. The tu had jurisdiction over
a population of from ten to fifty or sixty thousand people, and had its own
armed forces such as the township defence corps, its own fiscal powers such
as the power to levy taxes per mou [17] of land, and its
own judicial powers such as the power to arrest, imprison, try and punish
the peasants at will. The evil gentry who ran these organs were virtual monarchs
of the countryside. Comparatively speaking, the peasants were not so much
concerned with the president of the Republic, the provincial military governor
[18] or the county magistrate; their real "bosses" were
these rural monarchs. A mere snort from these people, and the peasants knew
they had to watch their step. As a consequence of the present revolt in the
countryside the authority of the landlord class has generally been struck
down, and the organs of rural administration dominated by the local tyrants
and evil gentry have naturally collapsed in its wake. The heads of the tu
and the tuan all steer clear of the people, dare not show their
faces and push all local matters on to the peasant associations. They put
people off with the remark, "It is none of my business!"
土團（即區和鄉）的舊政權機關，尤其是縣級以下的土級政權，過去幾乎完全掌握在地方暴君和邪惡士紳手中。土管轄一萬到五六萬人，擁有自己的武裝力量，如鄉衛隊，自己的財政權力，如每畝土地徵稅的權力[17]，以及自己的司法權力，如逮捕、監禁、 隨意嘗試懲罰農民。管理這些機構的邪惡紳士實際上是鄉村的君主。相對而言，農民不太關心共和國總統、省級軍事長官 [18] 或縣長;他們真正的「老大」是這些農村君主。這些人只是哼了一聲，農民們就知道他們得小心腳下。由於目前農村的起義，地主階級的權威已經普遍地被推翻了，由地方暴君和惡紳主導的農村管理機構自然也隨之崩潰了。土團團的首腦都避開了人民，不敢露面，把地方的一切事情都推到農民協會去。他們用一句話讓人們反感，「這不關我的事！
Whenever their conversation turns to the heads of the tu and the
tuan, the peasants say angrily, "That bunch! They are finished!"
每當他們的談話轉向土頭和團頭時，農民們就生氣地說：“那群人！他們完蛋了！
Yes, the term "finished" truly describes the state of the old organs of rural
administration wherever the storm of revolution has raged.
是的，“完工”一詞真正描述了革命風暴肆虐的地方舊農村管理機構的狀況。
The armed forces of the landlord class were smaller in central Hunan than
in the western and southern parts of the province. An average of 600 rifles
for each county would make a total of 45,000 rifles for all the seventy-five
counties; there may, in fact, be more. In the southern and central parts
where the peasant movement is well developed, the landlord class cannot hold
its own because of the tremendous momentum with which the peasants have risen,
and its armed forces have largely capitulated to the peasant associations
and taken the side of the peasants; examples of this are to be found in such
counties as Ninghsiang, Pingkiang, Liuyang, Changsha, Liling, Hsiangtan,
Hsianghsiang, Anhua, Hengshan and Hengyang. In some counties such as Paoching,
a small number of the landlords' armed forces are taking a neutral stand,
though with a tendency to capitulate. Another small section are opposing
the peasant associations, but the peasants are attacking them and may wipe
them out before long, as, for example, in such counties as Yichang, Linwu
and Chiaho. The armed forces thus taken over from the reactionary landlords
are all being reorganized into a "standing household militia"
[19] and placed under the new organs of rural self-government,
which are organs of the political power of the peasantry. Taking over these
old armed forces is one way in which the peasants are building up their own
armed forces. A new way is through the setting up of spear corps under the
peasant associations. The spears have pointed, double-edged blades mounted
on long shafts, and there are now 100,000 of these weapons in the county
of Hsianghsiang alone. Other counties like Hsiangtan, Hengshan, Liling and
Changsha have 70,000-80,000, or 50,000-60.000. or 30,000-40,000 each. Every
county where there is a peasant movement has a rapidly growing spear corps.
These peasants thus armed form an "irregular household militia". This multitude
equipped with spears, which is larger than the old armed forces mentioned
above, is a new-born armed power the mere sight of which makes the local
tyrants and evil gentry tremble. The revolutionary authorities in Hunan should
see to it that it is built up on a really extensive scale among the more
than twenty million peasants in the seventy-five counties of the province,
that every peasant, whether young or in his prime, possesses a spear, and
that no restrictions are imposed as though a spear were something dreadful.
Anyone who is scared at the sight of the spear corps is indeed a weakling!
Only the local tyrants and evil gentry are frightened of them, but no
revolutionaries should take fright.
湖南中部的地主階級武裝力量比湖南省西部和南部要少。每個縣平均 600 支步槍，則所有 75 個縣總共有 45,000 支步槍;事實上，可能還有更多。在農民運動發達的南部和中部地區，地主階級由於農民起義的巨大勢頭而無法堅持下去，它的武裝力量基本上已經向農民協會投降，站在農民一邊;這方面的例子在寧湘、平江、瀏陽、長沙、瀏陵、湘潭、香湘、安化、衡山和衡陽等縣都可以找到。在一些縣，如保興縣，少數地主武裝部隊正在採取中立立場，儘管有投降的傾向。還有一小部分人反對農民協會，但農民正在攻擊他們，而且可能很快就會把他們消滅，例如在宜昌、臨武和嘉霍等縣。這樣從反動地主手中接管的武裝力量，全都被改組為「常備家庭民兵」[19]，並置於新的農村自治機關之下，這些機關是農民政權的機關。接管這些舊軍隊，是農民建立自己的軍隊的一種方式。一種新的方法是在農民協會下建立長矛隊。長矛有尖銳的雙刃刀片，安裝在長軸上，現在僅在香鄉縣就有 100,000 件此類武器。其他縣，如湘潭、衡山、醴陵和長沙，有 70,000-80,000，或 50,000-60.000。或各 30,000-40,000 個。 每個有農民運動的縣都有一個迅速壯大的長矛隊。這些農民就這樣武裝起來，組成了“不正規的家庭民兵”。這支裝備長矛的隊伍比上面提到的舊武裝力量還要大，是一支新生的武裝力量，光是看到它就讓當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳戰栗。湖南的革命當局應該注意，在全省七十五縣的兩千多萬農民中，建立起真正廣泛的規模，使每個農民，無論青年還是壯年，都擁有一支長矛，並且不要像長矛是可怕的東西一樣加以限制。凡是看到槍兵團就害怕的人，確實是弱者！只有當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳才會害怕他們，但任何革命者都不應該害怕。
That county government cannot be clean until the peasants rise up was proved
some time ago in Haifeng, Kwangtung Province. Now we have added proof,
particularly in Hunan. In a county where power is in the hands of the local
tyrants and evil gentry, the magistrate, whoever he may be, is almost invariably
a corrupt official. In a county where the peasants have risen there is dean
government, whoever the magistrate. In the counties I visited, the magistrates
had to consult the peasant associations on everything in advance. In counties
where the peasant power was very strong, the word of the peasant association
worked miracles. If it demanded the arrest of a local tyrant in the morning,
the magistrate dared not delay till noon; if it demanded arrest by noon,
he dared not delay till the afternoon. When the power of the peasants was
just beginning to make itself felt in the countryside, the magistrate worked
in league with the local tyrants and evil gentry against the peasants. When
the peasants' power grew till it matched that of the landlords, the magistrate
took the position of trying to accommodate both the landlords and the peasants,
accepting some of the peasant association's suggestions while rejecting others.
The remark that the word of the peasant association "works miracles" applies
only when the power of the landlords has been completely beaten down by that
of the peasants. At present the political situation in such counties as
Hsianghsiang, Hsiangtan, Liling and Hengshan is as follows:
在農民起義之前，這個縣政府是不可能清白的，這在前段時間在廣東省海豐市得到了證明。現在我們增加了證據，特別是在湖南。在一個權力掌握在當地暴君和邪惡士紳手中的縣裡，地方法官，無論他是誰，幾乎總是一個腐敗的官員。在一個農民起義的縣裡，有院長政府，無論誰是地方官。在我訪問的縣裡，地方官必須事先就所有事情諮詢農民協會。在農民政權非常強大的縣，農民協會的話語創造了奇跡。如果它要求在早上逮捕一個當地的暴君，地方官不敢拖到中午;如果要求在中午之前逮捕，他就不敢拖到下午。當農民的力量剛剛開始在農村顯現出來時，地方官與當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳結盟，反對農民。當農民的權力增長到與地主的權力相匹配時，地方官採取了試圖同時容納地主和農民的立場，接受農民協會的一些建議，同時拒絕其他建議。農民協會的話語「行神蹟」這句話，只有在地主的權力已經被農民的權力完全打敗的時候才適用。目前，香潭、湘潭、醴陵、衡山等縣的政局如下：
(1) All decisions are made by a joint council consisting of the magistrate
and the representatives of the revolutionary mass organizations. The
council is convened by the magistrate and meets in his office. In some counties
it is called the "joint council of public bodies and the local government",
and in others the "council of county affairs". Besides the magistrate himself,
the people attending are the representatives of the county peasant association,
trade union council, merchant association, women's association, school staff
association, student association and Kuomintang headquarters.
[20] At such council meetings the magistrate is influenced
by the views of the public organizations and invariably does their bidding.
The adoption of a democratic committee system of county government should
not, therefore, present much of a problem in Hunan. The present county
governments are already quite democratic both in form and substance. This
situation has been brought about only in the last two or three months, that
is, since the peasants have risen all over the countryside and overthrown
the power of the local tyrants and evil gentry. It has now come about that
the magistrates, seeing their old props collapse and needing other props
to retain their posts, have begun to curry favour with the public organizations.
一、一切決定均由治安官及革命群眾組織代表組成的聯合委員會作出。 該委員會由地方法官召集，並在他的辦公室舉行會議。在一些縣，它被稱為「公共機構和地方政府聯合委員會」，在另一些縣被稱為「縣事務委員會」。。除縣長本人外，出席者還有縣農會、工會理事會、商界、婦女會、教職工會、學生會和國民黨總部的代表。[20]在這樣的議會會議上，地方法官受到公共組織觀點的影響，並總是聽從他們的命令。因此，在湖南省，實行縣級政府民主委員會制應該不會造成太大問題。目前的縣政府在形式和實質上都已經相當民主。這種情況是最近兩三個月才出現的，也就是說，農民在農村各地起義，推翻了地方豪紳的權力。現在的情況是，裁判官們看到他們的舊支柱崩潰，需要其他支柱來保住他們的職位，已經開始討好公共組織。
(2) The judicial assistant teas scarcely any cases to handle. The
judicial system in Hunan remains one in which the county magistrate is
concurrently in charge of judicial affairs, with an assistant to help him
in handling cases. To get rich, the magistrate and his underlings used to
rely entirely on collecting taxes and levies, procuring men and provisions
for the armed forces, and extorting money in civil and criminal lawsuits
by confounding right and wrong, the last being the most regular and reliable
source of income. In the last few months, with the downfall of the local
tyrants and evil gentry, all the legal pettifoggers have disappeared. What
is more, the peasants' problems, big and small, are now all settled in the
peasant associations at the various levels. Thus the county judicial assistant
simply has nothing to do. The one in Hsianghsiang told me, "When there were
no peasant associations, an average of sixty civil or criminal suits were
brought to the county government each day; now it receives an average of
only four or five a day." So it is that the purses of the magistrates and
their underlings perforce remain empty.
（2） 司法助理幾乎不處理任何案件。 湖南的司法系統仍然是縣長兼管司法事務，並有一名助手説明他辦理案件。為了致富，地方官和他的下屬過去完全依靠徵稅和徵稅，為軍隊採購人員和補給品，並通過混淆是非在民事和刑事訴訟中勒索錢財，後者是最正規和最可靠的收入來源。在過去的幾個月里，隨著當地暴君和邪惡士紳的垮臺，所有合法的小人物都消失了。而且，農民的大大小小的問題現在都在各級農民協會中得到了解決。因此，縣司法助理根本無事可做。“香香的那個人告訴我，”在沒有農會的時候，平均每天有 60 起民事或刑事訴訟被提交給縣政府;現在它平均每天只收到四到五次。因此，地方法官和他們的下屬的錢包仍然是空的。
(3) The armed guards, the police and the bailiffs all keep out of the
way and dare not go near the villages to practice their extortions. In
the past the villagers were afraid of the townspeople, but now the townspeople
are afraid of the villagers. In particular the vicious curs kept by the county
government--the police, the armed guards and the bailiffs--are afraid of
going to the villages, or if they do so, they no longer dare to practice
their extortions. They tremble at the sight of the peasants' spears.
（3） 武裝警衛、員警和法警都躲在一邊，不敢靠近村莊進行敲詐勒索。 過去村民害怕鎮民，但現在鎮民害怕村民。特別是縣政府的惡毒咒罵——員警、武裝警衛和法警——不敢去村裡，或者如果他們這樣做了，他們就不敢再敲詐勒索了。他們一看到農民的長矛就戰戰兢兢。
A man in China is usually subjected to the domination of three systems of
authority: (1) the state system (political authority), ranging from the national,
provincial and county government down to that of the township; (2) the den
system (clan authority), ranging from the central ancestral temple and its
branch temples down to the head of the household; and (3) the supernatural
system (religious authority), ranging from the King of Hell down to the town
and village gods belonging to the nether world, and from the Emperor of Heaven
down to all the various gods and spirits belonging to the celestial world.
As for women, in addition to being dominated by these three systems of authority,
they are also dominated by the men (the authority of the husband). These
four authorities--political, clan, religious and masculine--are the embodiment
of the whole feudal-patriarchal system and ideology, and are the four thick
ropes binding the Chinese people, particularly the peasants. How the peasants
have overthrown the political authority of the landlords in the countryside
has been described above. The political authority of the landlords is the
backbone of all the other systems of authority. With that overturned, the
clan authority, the religious authority and the authority of the husband
all begin to totter. Where the peasant association is powerful, the den elders
and administrators of temple funds no longer dare oppress those lower in
the clan hierarchy or embezzle clan funds. The worst clan elders and
administrators, being local tyrants, have been thrown out. No one any longer
dares to practice the cruel corporal and capital punishments that used to
be inflicted in the ancestral temples, such as flogging, drowning and burying
alive. The old rule barring women and poor people from the banquets in the
ancestral temples has also been broken. The women of Paikno in Hengshan County
gathered in force and swarmed into their ancestral temple, firmly planted
their backsides in the seats and joined in the eating and drinking, while
the venerable den bigwigs had willy-nilly to let them do as they pleased.
At another place, where poor peasants had been excluded from temple banquets,
a group of them flocked in and ate and drank their fill, while the local
tyrants and evil gentry and other long-gowned gentlemen all took to their
heels in fright. Everywhere religious authority totters as the peasant movement
develops. In many places the peasant associations have taken over the temples
of the gods as their offices. Everywhere they advocate the appropriation
of temple property in order to start peasant schools and to defray the expenses
of the associations, calling it "public revenue from superstition". In Liling
County, prohibiting superstitious practices and smashing idols have become
quite the vogue. In its northern districts the peasants have prohibited the
incense-burning processions to propitiate the god of pestilence. There were
many idols in the Taoist temple at Fupoling in Lukou, but when extra room
was needed for the district headquarters of the Kuomintang, they were all
piled up in a corner, big and small together, and no peasant raised any
objection. Since then, sacrifices to the gods, the performance of religious
rites and the offering of sacred lamps have rarely been practised when a
death occurs in a family. Because the initiative in this matter was taken
by the chairman of the peasant association, Sun Hsiao-shan, he is hated by
the local Taoist priests. In the Lungfeng Nunnery in the North Third District,
the peasants and primary school teachers chopped up the wooden idols and
actually used the wood to cook meat. More than thirty idols in the Tungfu
Monastery in the Southern District were burned by the students and peasants
together, and only two small images of Lord Pao [21] were
snatched up by an old peasant who said, "Don't commit a sin !" In places
where the power of the peasants is predominant, only the older peasants and
the women still believe in the gods, the younger peasants no longer doing
so. Since the latter control the associations, the overthrow of religious
authority and the eradication of superstition are going on everywhere. As
to the authority of the husband, this has always been weaker among the poor
peasants because, out of economic necessity, their womenfolk have to do more
manual labour than the women of the richer classes and therefore have more
say and greater power of decision in family matters. With the increasing
bankruptcy of the rural economy in recent years, the basis for men's domination
over women has already been weakened. With the rise of the peasant movement,
the women in many places have now begun to organize rural women's associations;
the opportunity has come for them to lift up their heads, and the authority
of the husband is getting shakier every day. In a word, the whole
feudal-patriarchal system and ideology is tottering with the growth of the
peasants' power. At the present time, however, the peasants are concentrating
on destroying the landlords' political authority. Wherever it has been wholly
destroyed, they are beginning to press their attack in the three other spheres
of the clan, the gods and male domination. But such attacks have only just
begun, and there can be no thorough overthrow of all three until the peasants
have won complete victory in the economic struggle. Therefore, our present
task is to lead the peasants to put their greatest efforts into the political
struggle, so that the landlords' authority is entirely overthrown. The economic
struggle should follow immediately, so that the land problem and the other
economic problems of the poor peasants may be fundamentally solved. As for
the den system, superstition, and inequality between men and women, their
abolition will follow as a natural consequence of victory in the political
and economic struggles. If too much of an effort is made, arbitrarily and
prematurely, to abolish these things, the local tyrants and evil gentry will
seize the pretext to put about such counter-revolutionary propaganda as "the
peasant association has no piety towards ancestors", "the peasant association
is blasphemous and is destroying religion" and "the peasant association stands
for the communization of wives", all for the purpose of undermining the peasant
movement. A case in point is the recent events at Hsianghsiang in Hunan and
Yanghsin in Hupeh, where the landlords exploited the opposition of some peasants
to smashing idols. It is the peasants who made the idols, and when the time
comes they will cast the idols aside with their own hands; there is no need
for anyone else to do it for them prematurely. The Communist Party's propaganda
policy in such matters should be, "Draw the bow without shooting, just indicate
the motions." [22] It is for the peasants themselves to
cast aside the idols, pull down the temples to the martyred virgins and the
arches to the chaste and faithful widows; it is wrong for anybody else to
do it for them.
在中國，一個人通常受到三種權威制度的支配：（1）國家制度（政治權威），從國家、省、縣政府到鄉政府;（2） 書房系統（宗權），範圍從中央祠堂及其分支廟到戶主;（3） 超自然系統（宗教權威），從地獄之王到屬於陰間的城鎮和鄉村神，從天帝到屬於天界的所有各種神靈。至於女人，除了被這三種權威系統支配之外，她們也被男性（丈夫的權威）支配。這四個權威——政治、宗族、宗教和男性——是整個封建父權制度和意識形態的體現，是束縛中國人民特別是農民的四根粗繩。農民是如何推翻農村地主的政治權威的，已經在上面描述過了。地主的政治權威是所有其他權威體系的支柱。隨著這一切被推翻，氏族權威、宗教權威和丈夫的權威都開始動搖。在農會強大的地方，穴位長老和廟金管理者就不再敢壓迫宗族等級較低的人或挪用宗族資金。最糟糕的氏族長老和行政人員，作為地方暴君，已經被趕出去了。再也沒有人敢實行過去在祖廟中施加的殘酷的體罰和死刑，比如鞭打、溺水和活埋。 禁止婦女和窮人參加祖廟宴會的舊規定也被打破了。衡山縣白諾的婦女們聚集起來，湧進她們的祖廟，牢牢地把背靠在座位上，一起吃喝玩樂，而那些可敬的書房大佬們則心甘情願地讓她們為所欲為。在另一個地方，貧窮的農民被排除在寺廟宴會之外，一群人蜂擁而至，吃喝得飽飽的，而當地的暴君、邪惡的士紳和其他長袍紳士都嚇得跟在後面。隨著農民運動的發展，宗教權威到處都在搖搖欲墜。在許多地方，農民協會已經接管了眾神的廟宇作為他們的辦公室。他們到處主張挪用寺廟財產，以開辦農民學校和支付協會的費用，稱其為“來自迷信的公共收入”。在醴陵縣，禁止迷信、砸偶像已成為相當流行的做法。在北部地區，農民禁止燒香遊行以祭祀瘟疫之神。祿口府泊嶺的道觀裡有很多神像，但當國民黨區總部需要額外空間時，它們都大大小小地堆在一個角落裡，沒有一個農民提出任何反對。從那時起，當家庭發生死亡時，很少會進行祭祀神靈、舉行宗教儀式和供奉聖燈。因為這件事的主動權是農會主席孫孝山主動出擊的，所以他被當地的道士們所憎恨。 在北三區的龍鳳尼姑庵里，農民和小學老師把木製偶像剁碎，居然用木頭煮肉。南區東夫寺的三十多尊偶像被學生和農民一起焚燒，只有兩尊包爺的小像[21]被一位老農民搶走，他說：“不要犯罪！在農民權力佔主導地位的地方，只有年長的農民和婦女仍然相信神靈，而年輕的農民不再相信神靈。由於後者控制了協會，推翻宗教權威和根除迷信的行為無處不在。至於丈夫的權威，這在貧窮農民中總是比較弱的，因為出於經濟需要，他們的婦女必須比富裕階級的婦女做更多的體力勞動，因此在家庭事務上有更多的發言權和更大的決定權。隨著近年來農村經濟的日益破產，男性對女性的統治基礎已經被削弱。隨著農民運動的興起，許多地方的婦女現在已經開始組織農村婦女協會;他們抬起頭來的機會來了，丈夫的權威一天比一天搖搖欲墜。總之，整個封建父權制度和意識形態隨著農民權力的增長而搖搖欲墜。但是，目前農民正集中精力破壞地主的政治權威。無論它在哪裡被完全摧毀，他們都開始向氏族的其他三個領域發起攻擊，即神靈和男性統治。 但是這種攻擊才剛剛開始，在農民在經濟鬥爭中取得完全勝利之前，不可能徹底推翻這三者。因此，我們現在的任務是引導農民把最大的努力投入到政治鬥爭中來，使地主的權威被徹底推翻。經濟鬥爭應該緊隨其後，以便從根本上解決貧農的土地問題和其他經濟問題。至於巢穴制度、迷信和男女不平等，它們的廢除將是政治和經濟鬥爭勝利的自然結果。如果武斷地、過早地廢除這些東西，地方的土豪和惡紳就會抓住藉口，炮製出“農會對祖先沒有敬意”、“農會褻瀆神明，破壞宗教”、“農會主張妻子公社化”等反革命宣傳。 所有這些都是為了破壞農民運動。一個很好的例子是最近在湖南鹹和湖北仰新發生的事件，那裡的地主利用一些農民的反對來砸碎偶像。是農民製造了偶像，到時候他們會親手把偶像扔到一邊;沒有必要讓其他人過早地為他們做這件事。共產黨在此類事情上的宣傳政策應該是，「拉弓不開槍，只示動作。“[22]農民自己應該拋棄偶像，拆毀殉道童貞女的廟宇，拆毀貞潔和忠信的寡婦的拱門;其他人為他們做這件事是錯誤的。
While I was in the countryside, I did some propaganda against superstition
among the peasants. I said:
當我在農村時，我在農民中做了一些反對迷信的宣傳。我說過：
"If you believe in the Eight Characters, [23] you hope
for good luck; if you believe in geomancy, [24] you hope
to benefit from the location of your ancestral graves. This year within the
space of a few months the local tyrants, evil gentry and corrupt officials
have all toppled from their pedestals. Is it possible that until a few months
ago they all had good luck and enjoyed the benefit of well-sited ancestral
graves, while suddenly in the last few months their luck has turned and their
ancestral graves have ceased to exert a beneficial influence? The local tyrants
and evil gentry jeer at your peasant association and say, 'How odd! Today,
the world is a world of committeemen. Look, you can't even go to pass water
without bumping into a committeeman!' Quite true, the towns and the villages,
the trade unions and the peasant associations, the Kuomintang and the Communist
Party, all without exception have their executive committee members--it is
indeed a world of committeemen. But is this due to the Eight Characters and
the location of the ancestral graves? How strange! The Eight Characters of
all the poor wretches in the countryside have suddenly turned auspicious!
And their ancestral graves have suddenly started exerting beneficial influences!
The gods? Worship them by all means. But if you had only Lord Kuan
[25] and the Goddess of Mercy and no peasant association,
could you have overthrown the local tyrants and evil gentry? The gods and
goddesses are indeed miserable objects. You have worshipped them for centuries,
and they have not overthrown a single one of the local tyrants or evil gentry
for you! Now you want to have your rent reduced. Let me ask, how will you
go about it? Will you believe in the gods or in the peasant association?"
“如果你相信八字，[23]你希望好運;如果你相信風水學，[24] 你希望從你祖先墳墓的位置中受益。今年，在幾個月的時間里，當地的暴君、邪惡的士紳和腐敗的官員都從他們的基座上倒下了。有沒有可能，直到幾個月前，他們都運氣好，享受著位置優越的祖墳的好處，而在過去的幾個月里，他們的運氣突然發生了變化，他們的祖先墳墓不再發揮有益的影響？當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳嘲笑你的農民協會，說：『太奇怪了！今天，世界是一個委員的世界。你看，你連過水都不能不撞到一個委員！的確，城鎮和鄉村，工會和農民協會，國民黨和共產黨，無一例外都有自己的執行委員會委員——這的確是一個委員的世界。但這是由於八字和祖墳的位置嗎？多麼奇怪啊！農村所有窮苦的八字突然變得吉祥了！而他們的祖墳突然開始發揮有益的影響！眾神？一定要崇拜他們。但是，如果你只有關勛爵[25]和觀音，沒有農民協會，你能推翻當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳嗎？眾神和女神確實是可憐的物件。你崇拜他們幾個世紀了，他們沒有為你推翻過一個當地的暴君或邪惡的士紳！現在你想減租。讓我問一下，您將如何去做？你會相信神靈還是農民協會？
My words made the peasants roar with laughter.
我的話讓農民們大笑起來。
Even if ten thousand schools of law and political science had been opened,
could they have brought as much political education to the people, men and
women, young and old, all the way into the remotest corners of the countryside,
as the peasant associations have done in so short a time? I don't think they
could. "Down with imperialism!" "Down with the warlords!" "Down with the
corrupt officials!" "Down with the local tyrants and evil gentry!"--these
political slogans have grown wings, they have found their way to the young,
the middle-aged and the old, to the women and children in countless villages,
they have penetrated into their minds and are on their lips. For instance,
watch a group of children at play. If one gets angry with another, if he
glares, stamps his foot and shakes his fist, you will then immediately hear
from the other the shrill cry of "Down with imperialism!"
即使開設了一萬所法律和政治學校，他們能否像農民協會在這麼短的時間內那樣，把同樣多的政治教育帶給人民，無論男女老少，一直到農村最偏遠的角落呢？我認為他們不可能。“打倒帝國主義！”“打倒軍閥！”“打倒那些貪官污吏！”“打倒當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳！”——這些政治口號長出了翅膀，它們已經找到了通往年輕人、中老年人、無數村莊的婦女和兒童的道路，它們已經深入他們的腦海，掛在嘴邊。例如，觀看一群孩子在玩耍。如果一個人對另一個人生氣，如果他瞪著眼睛，跺腳，握拳，你就會立即聽到另一個人尖銳的喊聲：「打倒帝國主義！
In the Hsiangtan area, when the children who pasture the cattle get into
a fight, one will act as Tang Sheng-chih, and the other as Yeh Kai-hsin;
[26] when one is defeated and runs away, with the other
chasing him, it is the pursuer who is Tang Sheng-chih and the pursued Yeh
Kai-hsin. As to the song "Down with the Imperialist Powers!" of course almost
every child in the towns can sing it, and now many village children can sing
it too.
在仙灘地區，當放牧牛群的孩子打架時，一個會扮演唐聖智，另一個會扮演葉啟信;[26]當一個人被打敗並逃跑，另一個人追趕他時，追趕者是鄧聖智和被追趕的葉啟信。至於《打倒帝國主義列強》這首歌，當然幾乎每個城鎮的孩子都會唱這首歌，現在許多鄉村的孩子也會唱這首歌。
Some of the peasants can also recite Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Testament. They pick
out the terms "freedom", "equality", "the Three People's Principles" and
"unequal treaties" and apply them, if rather crudely, in their daily life.
When somebody who looks like one of the gentry encounters a peasant and stands
on his dignity, refusing to make way along a pathway, the peasant will say
angrily, "Hey, you local tyrant, don't you know the Three People's Principles?"
Formerly when the peasants from the vegetable farms on the outskirts of Changsha
entered the city to sell their produce, they used to be pushed around by
the police. Now they have found a weapon, which is none other than the Three
People's Principles. When a policeman strikes or swears at a peasant selling
vegetables, the peasant immediately answers back by invoking the Three People's
Principles and that shuts the policeman up. Once in Hsiangtan when a district
peasant association and a township peasant association could not see eye
to eye, the chairman of the township association declared, "Down with the
district peasant association's unequal treaties!"
一些農民還會背誦孫中山先生的遺囑。他們挑出“自由”、“平等”、“三民原則”和“不平等條約”這些詞語，並將它們粗暴地應用到他們的日常生活中。當一個看起來像士紳的人遇到一個農民，他站在自己的尊嚴上，不肯在小路上讓路時，農民會生氣地說：“哎，你這個土豪，你不知道三民原則嗎？以前，當長沙郊區菜場的農民進城賣農產品時，他們常常被員警推來推去。現在他們找到了一件武器，就是三民原則。當員警打人或咒罵賣菜的農民時，農民立即援引三民原則回應，這讓員警閉嘴。有一次在鄉灘，當區農會和鄉農會意見不一致時，鄉鎮會主席宣佈：「打倒區農會的不平等條約！
The spread of political propaganda throughout the rural areas is entirely
an achievement of the Communist Party and the peasant associations. Simple
slogans, cartoons and speeches have produced such a widespread and speedy
effect among the peasants that every one of them seems to have been through
a political school. According to the reports of comrades engaged in rural
work, political propaganda was very extensive at the time of the three great
mass rallies, the anti-British demonstration, the celebration of the October
Revolution and the victory celebration for the Northern Expedition. On these
occasions, political propaganda was conducted extensively wherever there
were peasant associations, arousing the whole countryside with tremendous
effect. From now on care should be taken to use every opportunity gradually
to enrich the content and clarify the meaning of those simple slogans.
政治宣傳在農村的傳播，完全是共產黨和農民協會的成果。簡單的口號、漫畫和演講在農民中產生了如此廣泛和迅速的影響，以至於他們每個人似乎都受過政治學校的教育。據農村工作的同志報導，在反英示威、慶祝十月革命和北伐勝利慶典這三次群眾集會的時候，政治宣傳非常廣泛。在這些場合，只要有農民協會的地方，就廣泛地進行政治宣傳，以巨大的效果喚醒了整個農村。從現在開始，我們應該注意利用一切機會，逐步豐富內容並闡明那些簡單口號的含義。
When the peasant associations, under Communist Party leadership, establish
their authority in the countryside, the peasants begin to prohibit or restrict
the things they dislike. Gaming, gambling and opium-smoking are the three
things that are most strictly forbidden.
當農民協會在共產黨的領導下在農村建立起自己的權威時，農民就開始禁止或限制他們不喜歡的東西。遊戲、賭博和吸食鴉片是最嚴禁的三件事。
Gaming. Where the peasant association is powerful, mahjong, dominoes
and card games are completely banned.
賭博。 在農民協會實力雄厚的地方，麻將、多米諾骨牌和紙牌遊戲就被完全禁止。
The peasant association in the 14th District of Hsianghsiang burned two
basketfuls of mahjong sets.
香香第十四區農會燒了兩籃麻將。
If you go to the countryside, you will find none of these games played; anyone
who violates the ban is promptly and strictly punished.
如果你去鄉下，你會發現這些遊戲都沒有玩;任何違反禁令的人都會受到及時和嚴厲的懲罰。
Gambling. Former hardened gamblers are now themselves suppressing
gambling; this abuse, too, has been swept away in places where the peasant
association is powerful.
賭博。 以前顓固的賭徒現在自己也在壓制賭博;這種濫用行為在農民協會強大的地方也被掃除一空。
Opium-smoking. The prohibition is extremely strict. When the peasant
association orders the surrender of opium pipes, no one dares to raise the
least objection. In Liling County one of the evil gentry who did not surrender
his pipes was arrested and paraded through the villages.
吸食鴉片。 禁止性規定極其嚴格。當農民協會下令交出鴉片煙鬥時，沒有人敢提出絲毫的反對意見。在醴陵縣，一個不交出煙鬥的惡紳被逮捕，並在村莊中游行。
The peasants' campaign to "disarm the opium-smokers'! is no less impressive
than the disarming of the troops of Wu Pei-fu and Sun Chuan-fang
[27] by the Northern Expeditionary Army. Quite a number
of venerable fathers of officers in the revolutionary army, old men who were
opium-addicts and inseparable from their pipes, have been disarmed by the
"emperors" (as the peasants are called derisively by the evil gentry). The
"emperors" have banned not only the growing and smoking of opium, but also
trafficking in it. A great deal of the opium transported from Kweichow to
Kiangsi via the counties of Paoching, Hsianghsiang, Yuhsien and Liling has
been intercepted on the way and burned. This has affected government revenues.
As a result, out of consideration for the army's need for funds in the Northern
Expedition, the provincial peasant association ordered the associations at
the lower levels "temporarily to postpone the ban on opium traffic". This,
however, has upset and displeased the peasants.
農民們「解除吸食鴉片的人的武裝」的運動！其令人印象深刻的程度不亞於北伐軍解除吳佩孚和孫傳芳 [27] 的部隊的武裝。相當多的革命軍隊軍官的可敬之父，那些吸食鴉片、與煙鬥形影不離的老人，已經被“皇帝”（農民被邪惡的紳士嘲笑地稱呼）解除了武裝。“皇帝們”不僅禁止種植和吸食鴉片，還禁止販運鴉片。從貴州經寶炳縣、香鄉縣、榆縣和醴陵縣運往江西的大量鴉片在途中被截獲並焚燒。這影響了政府收入。結果，省農會出於對軍隊北伐所需資金的考慮，命令下級各會館“暫時推遲禁售鴉片”。然而，這卻使農民感到不安和不滿。
There are many other things besides these three which the peasants have
prohibited or restricted, the following being some examples:
除了這三件事之外，還有許多其他事情是農民禁止或限制的，以下是一些例子：
The flower drum. Vulgar performances are forbidden in many places.
花鼓。 許多地方禁止粗俗的表演。
Sedan-chairs In many counties, especially Hsianghsiang, there have
been cases of smashing sedan-chairs. The peasants, detesting the people who
use this conveyance, are always ready to smash the chairs, but the peasant
associations forbid them to do so. Association officials tell the peasants,
"If you smash the chairs, you only save the rich money and lose the carriers
their jobs. Will that not hurt our own people?" Seeing the point, the peasants
have worked out a new tactic--considerably to increase the fares charged
by the chair carriers so as to penalize the rich.
轎子 在許多縣，尤其是香香縣，都發生了砸碎轎子的案件。農民憎恨使用這種交通工具的人，他們總是準備砸碎椅子，但農民協會禁止他們這樣做。協會官員告訴農民，「如果你砸碎椅子，你只會節省富人的錢，而讓運輸者失去工作。那不會傷害我們自己的人民嗎？看到這一點，農民想出了一個新策略——大大提高轎廂的票價，以懲罰富人。
Distilling and sugar-making. The use of grain for distilling spirits
and making sugar is everywhere prohibited, and the distillers and sugar-refiners
are constantly complaining. Distilling is not banned in Futienpu, Hengshan
County, but prices are fixed very low, and the wine and spirits dealers,
seeing no prospect of profit, have had to stop it.
蒸餾和製糖。 到處都禁止使用穀物來蒸餾烈酒和製糖，釀酒廠和製糖廠不斷抱怨。衡山縣福田埔並未禁止蒸餾，但價格固定得很低，葡萄酒和烈酒轉銷商看到沒有盈利前景，不得不停止蒸餾。
Pigs. The number of pigs a family can keep is limited, for pigs
consume grain.
豬。 一個家庭可以養的豬數量是有限的，因為豬吃穀物。
Chickens and ducks. In Hsianghsiang County the raising of chickens
and ducks is prohibited, but the women object. In Hengshan County, each family
in Yangtang is allowed to keep only three, and in Futienpu five. In many
places the raising of ducks is completely banned, for ducks not only consume
grain but also ruin the rice plants and so are worse than chickens.
雞和鴨。 在香鄉縣，禁止飼養雞和鴨，但婦女們反對。在衡山縣，仰塘每戶只允許養三戶，福田鋪每戶只能養五戶。在許多地方，鴨子是完全禁止飼養的，因為鴨子不僅吃糧食，還會破壞稻草，所以比雞還糟糕。
Feasts. Sumptuous feasts are generally forbidden. In Shaoshan, Hsiangtan
County, it has been decided that guests are to be served with only three
kinds of animal food, namely, chicken, fish and pork. It is also forbidden
to serve bamboo shoots, kelp and lentil noodles. In Hengshan County it has
been resolved that eight dishes and no more may be served at a banquet.
[28] Only five dishes are allowed in the East Third District
in Liling County, and only three meat and three vegetable dishes in the North
Second District, while in the West Third District New Year feasts are forbidden
entirely. In Hsianghsiang County, there is a ban on all "egg-cake feasts",
which are by no means sumptuous. When a family in the Second District of
Hsianghsiang gave an "egg-cake feast" at a son's wedding, the peasants, seeing
the ban violated, swarmed into the house and broke up the celebration. In
the town of Chiamo, Hsianghsiang County, the people have refrained from eating
expensive foods and use only fruit when offering ancestral sacrifices.
節日。 通常禁止舉辦豐盛的盛宴。在祥灘縣韶山市，已決定只提供三種動物性食物，即雞肉、魚和豬肉。這裡也禁止提供竹筍、海帶和扁豆面。在衡山縣，已經決定在宴會上提供八道菜，不能再多道菜。[28]醴陵縣東三區只允許五道菜，北二區只允許三葷三素，而西三區則完全禁止年宴。在香香縣，禁止所有「蛋餅宴」，絕非奢華。當香鄉第二區的一戶人家在兒子的婚禮上舉辦「蛋餅宴」時，農民見禁令被違反，便蜂擁而至，打斷了慶祝活動。在香香縣的 Chiamo 鎮，人們在祭祀祖先時避免吃昂貴的食物，只使用水果。
Oxen. Oxen are a treasured possession of the peasants. "Slaughter
an ox in this life and you will be an ox in the next" has become almost a
religious tenet; oxen must never be killed. Before the peasants had power,
they could only appeal to religious taboo in opposing the slaughter of cattle
and had no means of banning it. Since the rise of the peasant associations
their jurisdiction has extended even to the cattle, and they have prohibited
the slaughter of cattle in the towns. Of the six butcheries in the county
town of Hsiangtan, five are now closed and the remaining one slaughters only
enfeebled or disabled animals. The slaughter of cattle is totally prohibited
throughout the county of Hengshan. A peasant whose ox broke a leg consulted
the peasant association before he dared kill it. When the Chamber of Commerce
of Chuchow rashly slaughtered a cow, the peasants came into town and demanded
an explanation, and the chamber, besides paying a fine, had to let off
firecrackers by way of apology.
牛。 牛是農民的寶貴財產。“今生宰殺一頭牛，你來世就是一頭牛”幾乎已成為一種宗教信條;牛絕對不能被殺死。在農民擁有政權之前，他們只能訴諸宗教禁忌來反對屠宰牛群，而沒有辦法禁止它。自從農民協會興起以來，他們的管轄範圍甚至擴大到牛，他們禁止在城鎮里屠宰牛。在湘潭縣城的 6 家屠宰場中，有 5 家現已關閉，剩下的 1 家只屠宰虛弱或殘疾的動物。衡山縣全縣完全禁止屠宰牛群。一個牛斷了一條腿的農民在敢殺牛之前諮詢了農民協會。當楚州商會魯莽地宰殺一頭牛時，農民進城要求解釋，商會除了支付罰款外，還不得不放鞭炮以示歉意。
Tramps and vagabonds. A resolution passed in Liling County prohibited
the drumming of New Year greetings or the chanting of praises to the local
deities or the singing of lotus rhymes. Various other counties have similar
prohibitions, or these practices have disappeared of themselves, as no one
observes them any more. The "beggar-bullies" or "vagabonds" who used to be
extremely aggressive now have no alternative but to submit to the peasant
associations. In Shaoshan, Hsiangtan County, the vagabonds used to make the
temple of the Rain God their regular haunt and feared nobody, but since the
rise of the associations they have stolen away. The peasant association in
Huti Township in the same county caught three such tramps and made them carry
clay for the brick kilns. Resolutions have been passed prohibiting the wasteful
customs associated with New Year calls and gifts.
流浪漢和流浪漢。 醴陵縣通過的一項決議禁止打鼓慶祝新年、誦經當地神靈或唱蓮韻。其他各個縣也有類似的禁令，或者這些做法已經自行消失，因為沒有人再遵守它們了。那些曾經極度咄咄逼人的“乞丐惡霸”或“流浪漢”，現在別無選擇，只能屈服於農民協會。在韶潭縣韶山，流浪漢們曾經經常出沒於雨神廟，不怕任何人，但自從社團興起后，他們就偷走了。同縣胡提鄉的農民協會抓到了三個這樣的流浪漢，讓他們為磚窯搬運粘土。已經通過決議，禁止與新年電話和禮物相關的浪費習俗。
Besides these, many other minor prohibitions have been introduced in various
places, such as the Liling prohibitions on incense-burning processions to
propitiate the god of pestilence, on buying preserves and fruit for ritual
presents, burning ritual paper garments during the Festival of Spirits and
pasting up good-luck posters at the New Year At Kushui in Hsianghsiang County,
there is a prohibition even on smoking water-pipes. In the Second District,
letting off firecrackers and ceremonial guns is forbidden, with a fine of
1.20 yuan for the former and 2.40 yuan for the latter. Religious rites for
the dead are prohibited in the 7th and 20th Districts. In the 18th District,
it is forbidden to make funeral gifts of money. Things like these, which
defy enumeration, may be generally called peasant bans and prohibitions.
除此之外，各地還出臺了許多其他小禁令，例如醴陵禁止燒香遊行以祈福瘟神、購買蜜餞和水果作為儀式禮物、在靈節期間焚燒儀式紙衣、在香鄉縣苦水粘貼新年吉祥海報、 甚至禁止吸煙。在第二區，禁止放鞭炮和禮儀槍支，前者處 1.20 元罰款，後者處 2.40 元罰款。第 7 區和第 20 區禁止為死者舉行宗教儀式。在第 18 區，禁止用金錢製作葬禮禮物。像這樣的事情，雖然不一列舉，通常可以被稱為農民禁令和禁令。
They are of great significance in two respects. First, they represent a revolt
against bad social customs, such as gaming, gambling opium-smoking. These
customs arose out of the rotten political environment of the landlord class
and are swept away once its authority is overthrown. Second, the prohibitions
are a form of self-defence against exploitation by city merchants; such are
the prohibitions on feasts and on buying preserves and fruit for ritual presents.
Manufactured goods are extremely dear and agricultural products are extremely
cheap, the peasants are impoverished and ruthlessly exploited by the merchants
and they must therefore encourage frugality to protect themselves. As for
the ban on sending grain out of the area, it is imposed to prevent the price
from rising because the poor peasants have not enough to feed themselves
and have to buy grain on the market. The reason for all this is the peasants'
poverty and the contradictions between town and country; it is not a matter
of their rejecting manufactured goods or trade between town and country in
order to uphold the so-called Doctrine of Oriental Culture.
[29] To protect themselves economically, the peasants
must organize consumers' co-operatives for the collective buying of goods.
It is also necessary for the government to help the peasant associations
establish credit (loan) co-operatives. If these things were done, the peasants
would naturally End it unnecessary to ban the outflow of grain as a method
of keeping down the price, nor would they have to prohibit the inflow of
certain manufactured goods in economic self-defence.
它們在兩個方面具有重要意義。首先，它們代表了對不良社會習俗的反抗，例如賭博、賭博、吸食鴉片。這些習俗產生於地主階級的腐朽政治環境中，一旦其權威被推翻，這些習俗就會被掃除。其次，這些禁令是反對城市商人剝削的一種自衛形式;這些是禁止參加宴會和購買蜜餞和水果作為儀式禮物的規定。製成品非常珍貴，農產品非常便宜，農民貧困並受到商人的無情剝削，因此他們必須鼓勵節儉以保護自己。至於禁止將糧食運出該地區，是為了防止價格上漲，因為貧困農民沒有足夠的食物，不得不在市場上購買糧食。這一切的原因是農民的貧困和城鄉之間的矛盾;這不是他們為了維護所謂的東方文化教義而拒絕製成品或城鄉貿易的問題。[29]為了在經濟上保護自己，農民必須組織消費者合作社，集體購買商品。政府也有必要幫助農民協會建立信用（貸款）合作社。如果這些事情都做了，農民自然就沒有必要禁止糧食流出作為壓低價格的方法，他們也不必為了經濟自衛而禁止某些製成品的流入。
In my opinion, no ruler in any dynasty from Yu, Tang, Wen and Wu down to
the Ching emperors and the presidents of the Republic has ever shown as much
prowess in eliminating banditry as have the peasant associations today. Wherever
the peasant associations are powerful there is not a trace of banditry.
Surprisingly enough, in many places even the pilfering of vegetables has
disappeared. In other places there are still some pilferers. But in the counties
I visited, even including those that were formerly bandit-ridden, there was
no trace of bandits. The reasons are: First, the members of the peasant
associations are everywhere spread out over the hills and dales, spear or
cudgel in hand, ready to go into action in their hundreds, so that the bandits
have nowhere to hide. Second, since the rise of the peasant movement the
price of grain has dropped--it was six yuan a picul last spring but only
two yuan last winter--and the problem of food has become less serious for
the people. Third, members of the secret societies [30]
have joined the peasant associations, in which they can openly and legally
play the hero and vent their grievances, so that there is no further need
for the secret "mountain", "lodge", "shrine" and "river" forms of organization.
[31] In killing the pigs and shrine of the local tyrants
and evil gentry and imposing heavy levies and fines, they have adequate outlets
for their feelings against those who oppressed them. Fourth, the armies are
recruiting large numbers of soldiers and many of the "unruly" have joined
up. Thus the evil of banditry has ended with the rise of the peasant movement.
On this point, even the well-to-do approve of the peasant associations. Their
comment is, "The peasant associations? Well, to be fair, there is also something
to be said for them."
在我看來，從禹、唐、溫、武到清朝皇帝和共和國總統，任何朝代的統治者都沒有像今天的農民協會那樣在消滅土匪方面表現出如此高的實力。農民協會在哪裡強大，哪裡就沒有一絲土匪的痕跡。令人驚訝的是，在許多地方，甚至偷菜的行為也消失了。在其他地方，仍然有一些盜竊者。但在我訪問的縣，甚至包括那些以前土匪猖獗的縣，也沒有土匪的蹤跡。理由是：第一，農民協會的成員們分散在山丘和山谷中，手裡拿著長矛或棍棒，成百上千地準備出戰，使土匪無處可藏。其次，自從農民運動興起以來，糧食價格下降了——去年春天是六元一皮庫爾，去年冬天只有兩元——老百姓的糧食問題也變得不那麼嚴重了。第三，秘密社團[30]的成員加入了農民社團，他們可以公開合法地扮演英雄，發洩他們的不滿，這樣就不再需要秘密的“山”、“神社”和“河”組織形式了。[31]通過殺死當地暴君和邪惡紳士的豬和神社，並徵收重稅和罰款，他們有足夠的管道來發泄他們對壓迫他們的人的感情。第四，軍隊正在招募大量士兵，許多“不守規矩”的人已經加入。因此，土匪的罪惡隨著農民運動的興起而結束了。在這一點上，即使是富裕的人也贊成農民協會。他們的評論是，「農民協會？ 嗯，公平地說，他們也有話要說。"
In prohibiting gaming, gambling and opium-smoking, and in eliminating banditry,
the peasant associations have won general approval.
在禁止賭博和吸食鴉片，以及消除土匪方面，農民協會贏得了普遍的贊同。
As the country is not yet unifies and the authority of the imperialists and
the warlords has not been overthrown, there is as yet no way of removing
the heavy burden of government taxes and levies on the peasants or, more
explicitly, of removing the burden of expenditure for the revolutionary army.
However, the exorbitant levies imposed on the peasants when the local tyrants
and evil gentry dominated rural administration, e.g., the surcharge on each
mou of land, have been abolished or at least reduced with the rise of the
peasant movement and the downfall of the local tyrants and evil gentry. This
too should be counted among the achievements of the peasant associations.
由於國家尚未統一，帝國主義和軍閥的權威尚未被推翻，因此還沒有辦法減輕農民的政府稅收和徵稅的沉重負擔，或者更明確地說，沒有辦法減輕革命軍隊的開支負擔。然而，當地方暴君和邪惡紳士主導農村管理時，對農民徵收的高額稅款，例如每塊土地的附加費，隨著農民運動的興起和地方暴君和邪惡紳士的垮臺，已經被廢除或至少減少了。這也應該算作農民協會的成就之一。
In China education has always been the exclusive preserve of the landlords,
and the peasants have had no access to it. But the landlords' culture is
created by the peasants, for its sole source is the peasants' sweat and blood.
In China 90 per cent of the people have had no education, and of these the
overwhelming majority are peasants. The moment the power of the landlords
was overthrown in the rural areas, the peasants' movement for education began.
See how the peasants who hitherto detested the schools are today zealously
setting up evening classes! They always disliked the "foreign-style school".
In my student days, when I went back to the village and saw that the peasants
were against the "foreign-style school", I, too, used to identify myself
with the general run of "foreign-style students and teachers" and stand up
for it, feeling that the peasants were somehow wrong. It was not until 1925,
when I lived in the countryside for six months and was already a Communist
and had acquired the Marxist viewpoint, that I realized I had been wrong
and the peasants right. The texts used in the rural primary schools were
entirely about urban things and unsuited to rural needs. Besides, the attitude
of the primary school teachers towards the peasants was very bad and, far
from being helpful to the peasants, they became objects of dislike. Hence
the peasants preferred the old-style schools ("Chinese classes", as they
called them) to the modern schools (which they called "foreign classes")
and the old-style teachers to the ones in the primary schools. Now the peasants
are enthusiastically establishing evening classes, which they call peasant
schools. Some have already been opened, others are being organized, and on
the average there is one school per township. The peasants are very enthusiastic
about these schools, and regard them, and only them, as their own. The funds
for the evening schools come from the "public revenue from superstition",
from ancestral temple funds, and from other idle public funds or property.
The county education boards wafted to use this money to establish primary
schools, that is, "foreign-style schools" not suited to the needs of the
peasants, while the latter wanted to use it for peasant schools, and the
outcome of the dispute was that both got some of the money, though there
are places where the peasants got it all. The development of the peasant
movement has resulted in a rapid rise in their cultural level. Before long
tens of thousands of schools will have sprung up in the villages throughout
the province; this is quite different from the empty talk about "universal
education", which the intelligentsia and the so-called "educationalists"
have been bandying back and forth and which after all this time remains an
empty phrase.
在中國，教育一直是地主的專屬，農民沒有機會接受教育。但是地主文化是由農民創造的，因為它的唯一來源是農民的汗水和鮮血。在中國，90% 的人口沒有受過教育，其中絕大多數是農民。當農村地主的權力被推翻的那一刻，農民的教育運動就開始了。看看迄今為止憎恨學校的農民今天是怎樣熱心地開設夜校的！他們一直不喜歡「洋式學校」。。學生時代，當我回到村裡，看到農民反對「洋式學校」時，我也常常把自己與一般的「洋式學生和教師」相提並論，覺得農民在某種程度上是錯誤的。直到 1925 年，當我在農村生活了六個月，已經是一名共產黨員並獲得了馬克思主義的觀點時，我才意識到我錯了，農民是對的。農村小學使用的文本完全是關於城市事物的，不適合農村的需要。此外，小學教師對農民的態度非常惡劣，不僅沒有幫助農民，反而成為人們討厭的物件。因此，農民更喜歡老式學校（他們稱之為“中國班”）而不是現代學校（他們稱之為“外國班”），更喜歡老式教師而不是小學的教師。現在農民們熱情地開辦了夜校，他們稱之為農民學校。有些已經開放，有些正在組織中，平均每個鄉鎮有一所學校。 農民對這些學校非常熱情，把它們，而且只把它們看作是自己的學校。夜校的資金來自「迷信的公共收入」、祖廟基金以及其他閑置的公共資金或財產。縣教委大肆揮霍這筆錢建小學，即不適合農民需要的「洋式學校」，而後者則想用它來建農民學校，爭論的結果是雙方都得到了一些錢，儘管有些地方農民得到了全部。農民運動的發展導致了他們文化水準的迅速提高。不久之後，全省各地的村莊將湧現出數以萬計的學校;這與“普及教育”的空談截然不同，知識份子和所謂的“教育家”一直在來回討論，畢竟這仍然是一個空話。
The peasants really need co-operatives, and especially consumers', marketing
and credit co-operatives. When they buy goods, the merchants exploit them;
when they sell their farm produce, the merchants cheat them; when they borrow
money for rice, they are fleeced by the usurers; and they are eager to kind
a solution to these three problems. During the fighting in the Yangtze valley
last winter, when trade routes were cut and the price of salt went up in
Hunan, many peasants organized co-operatives to purchase salt. When the landlords
deliberately stopped lending, there were many attempts by the peasants to
organize credit agencies, because they needed to borrow money. A major problem
is the absence of detailed, standard rules of organization. As these
spontaneously organized peasant co-operatives often fail to conform to
co-operative principles, the comrades working among the peasants are always
eagerly enquiring about "rules and regulations". Given proper guidance, the
co-operative movement can spread everywhere along with the growth of the
peasant associations.
農民確實需要合作社，尤其是消費者合作社、行銷合作社和信用合作社。當他們購買商品時，商人會剝削它們;當他們出售農產品時，商人欺騙他們;當他們借錢買米時，他們被高利貸者騙取了;他們渴望為這三個問題找到解決方案。去年冬天長江流域戰爭期間，湖南貿易路線被切斷，鹽價上漲，許多農民組織合作社購買鹽。當地主刻意停止放貸時，農民多次嘗試組織信貸機構，因為他們需要借錢。一個主要問題是缺乏詳細、標準的組織規則。由於這些自發組織的農民合作社往往不符合合作社的原則，在農民中工作的同志們總是熱切地詢問「規章制度」。。只要有適當的指導，合作社運動就可以隨著農民協會的發展而擴展到任何地方。
This, too, is one of the achievements of the peasant associations. Before
there were peasant associations the roads in the countryside were terrible.
Roads cannot be repaired without money, and as the wealthy were unwilling
to dip into their purses, the roads were left in a bad state. If there was
any road work done at all, it was done as an act of charity; a little money
was collected from families "wishing to gain merit in the next world", and
a few narrow, skimpily paved roads were built. With the rise of the peasant
associations orders have been given specifying the required width--three,
five, seven or ten feet, according to the requirements of the different
routes--and each landlord along a road has been ordered to build a section.
Once the order is given, who dares to disobey? In a short time many good
roads have appeared. This is no work of charity but the result of compulsion,
and a little compulsion of this kind is not at all a bad thing. The same
is true of the embankments. The ruthless landlords were always out to take
what they could from the tenant-peasants and would never spend even a few
coppers on embankment repairs; they would leave the ponds to dry up and the
tenant-peasants to starve, caring about nothing but the rent. Now that there
are peasant associations, the landlords can be bluntly ordered to repair
the embankments. When a landlord refuses, the association will tell him politely,
"Very well! If you won't do the repairs, you will contribute grain, a tou
for each work-day." As this is a bad bargain for the landlord, he hastens
to do the repairs. Consequently many defective embankments have been turned
into good ones.
這也是農民協會的成就之一。在農民協會出現之前，農村的道路很糟糕。沒有錢就修不修路，而且由於富人不願意掏錢，道路狀況不佳。如果有任何道路工程，那也是一種慈善行為;從“希望在來世獲得功德”的家庭那裡籌集了一點錢，並修建了幾條狹窄、簡陋的鋪砌道路。隨著農民協會的興起，已經下達了規定所需寬度的命令——根據不同路線的要求，三英尺、五英尺、七英尺或十英尺——並且命令沿路的每個地主建造一段。一旦命令下達，誰敢違抗呢？在很短的時間內，出現了許多好路。這不是慈善的工作，而是強迫的結果，這種一點點強迫根本不是一件壞事。堤壩也是如此。無情的地主總是從佃農那裡拿走他們能拿的東西，甚至不願意花哪怕幾塊銅幣來修繕堤壩;他們會讓池塘乾涸，讓佃農挨餓，只關心房租。既然有農民協會，就可以直截了當地命令地主修堤了。當房東拒絕時，協會會禮貌地告訴他：「很好！如果你不做修理，你就捐出糧食，每個工作日一頭。由於這對房東來說是一個糟糕的交易，他趕緊進行維修。因此，許多有缺陷的路堤已經變成了良好的路堤。
All the fourteen deeds enumerated above have been accomplished by the peasants
under the leadership of the peasant associations. Would the reader please
think it over and say whether any of them is bad in its fundamental spirit
and revolutionary significance? Only the local tyrants and evil gentry, I
think, will call them bad. Curiously enough, it is reported from Nanchang
[32] that Chiang Kai-shek, Chang Ching-chiang
[33] and other such gentlemen do not altogether approve
of the activities of the Hunan peasants. This opinion is shared by Liu Yueh-chih
[34] and other right-wing leaders in Hunan, all of whom
say, "They have simply gone Red." But where would the national revolution
be without this bit of Red? To talk about "arousing the masses of the people"
day in and day out and then to be scared to death when the masses do rise--what
difference is there between this and Lord Sheh's love of dragons?
[35]
上述十四件功事，都是農民在農民協會的領導下完成的。請讀者仔細考慮一下，並說說它們中的任何一個在基本精神和革命意義上是否是壞的？我認為，只有當地的暴君和邪惡的士紳才會說他們是壞的。奇怪的是，從南昌[32]傳來的消息說，蔣介石、張慶強[33]和其他類似的紳士並不完全贊成湖南農民的活動。劉月智 [34] 和湖南其他右翼領導人也持相同觀點，他們都說，“他們簡直變紅了。但是，如果沒有這點紅色，民族革命會在哪裡呢？日復一日地談論「喚起人民群眾」，然後在群眾起來時被嚇死——這和佘大人對龍的愛有什麼區別呢？[35]
1 Hunan Province was then the centre of the peasant movement
in China.
1 湖南省當時是中國農民運動的中心。
2 Chao Heng-ti, the ruler of Hunan at the time, was the
agent of the Northern warlords. He was overthrown by the Northern Expeditionary
Army in 1926.
2 當時湖南的統治者晁恒帝是北方軍閥的代理人。他於 1926 年被北伐軍推翻。
3 The Revolution of 1911 overthrew the autocratic regime
of the Ching Dynasty. On October lo of that year, a section of the Ching
Dynasty's New Army staged an uprising in Wuchang, Hupeh Province, at the
urging of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois revolutionary societies. It was followed
by uprisings in other provinces, and very soon the rule of the Ching Dynasty
crumbled. On January 1, 1912, the Provisional Government of the Republic
of China was set up in Nanking, and Sun Yat-sen was elected Provisional
President. The revolution achieved victory through the alliance of the
bourgeoisie with the peasants, workers and urban petty bourgeoisie. But state
power fell into the hands of the Northern warlord Yuan Shih-kai, and the
revolution failed, because the group which led it was conciliationist in
nature, failed to give real benefits to the peasants and yielded to imperialist
and feudal pressure.
3 1911 年的辛亥革命推翻了清朝的專制政權。同年10月10月，清朝新軍的一部分在資產階級和小資產階級革命社團的敦促下，在湖北省武昌市發動起義。隨後其他省份也發生了起義，很快清朝的統治就崩潰了。1912年1月1日，中華民國臨時政府在南京成立，孫中山當選為臨時大總統。革命通過資產階級與農民、工人和城市小資產階級的聯盟取得了勝利。但是國家政權落入了北方軍閥袁世凱手中，革命失敗了，因為領導它的集團本質上是和解主義的，沒有給農民帶來真正的利益，屈服於帝國主義和封建的壓力。
4 These were the virtues of Confucius, as described by one
of his disciples.
4 這些是孔子的美德，正如他的一個弟子所描述的。
5 The old Chinese phrase, "exceeding the proper limits in
righting a wrong", was often quoted for the purpose of restricting people's
activities, reforms that remained within the framework of the established
order were to be permitted, but activities aiming at the complete destruction
of the old order were to be forbidden Actions within this framework were
regarded as "proper", but those that aimed at completely destroying the old
order were described as "exceeding the proper limits". It is a convenient
doctrine for reformists and opportunists in the revolutionary ranks. Comrade
Mao Tse-tung refuted this kind of reformist doctrine.
5 中國古語「越權正誤」，經常被引用以限制人們的活動，允許在既定秩序框架內進行的改革，但禁止旨在徹底破壞舊秩序的活動。在此框架內的行為被認為是「適當的」 但那些旨在徹底摧毀舊秩序的方案被描述為「超出了適當的限度」。對於革命隊伍中的改良主義者和機會主義者來說，這是一個方便的教條。毛澤東同志駁斥了這種改良主義的學說。
His remark in the text that "Proper limits have to be exceeded in order to
right a wrong, or else the wrong cannot be righted" meant that the mass
revolutionary method, and not the revisionist-reformist method, had to be
taken to end the old feudal order.
他在文中說「必須超過適當的界限才能糾正錯誤，否則就無法糾正錯誤」，這意味著必須採用群眾革命的方法，而不是修正主義改良主義的方法，來結束舊的封建秩序。
6 Chiang Kai-shek had not yet been fully exposed as a
counter-revolutionary in the winter of 1926 and the spring of 1927 when the
Northern Expeditionary Army was marching into the Yangtze valley, and the
peasant masses still thought that he was for the revolution. The landlords
and rich peasants disliked him and spread the rumour that the Northern
Expeditionary Army had suffered defeats and that he had been wounded in the
leg. Chiang Kai-shek came to be fully revealed as a counter-revolutionary
on April 12, 1927, when he staged his counter-revolutionary coup d'état
in Shanghai and elsewhere, massacring the workers, suppressing the peasants
and attacking the Communist Party. The landlords and rich peasants then changed
their attitude and began to support him.
6 蔣介石在1926年冬、1927年春北伐軍進軍長江流域時，還沒有完全揭露蔣介石的反革命身份，農民群眾還以為他是支援革命的。地主和富農不喜歡他，散布謠言說北伐軍戰敗，他腿部受傷。蔣介石於 1927 年 4 月 12 日在上海和其他地方發動反革命政變，屠殺工人時，被完全揭露為反革命。 鎮壓農民，攻擊共產黨。地主和富農隨後改變了態度，開始支援他。
7 Kwangtung was the first revolutionary base in the period
of the First Revolutionary Civil War (1924-27).
7 廣東是第一次革命內戰（1924-27年）時期的第一個革命基地。
8 Wu Pei-fu was one of the best-known of the Northern warlords.
Together with Tsao Kun, who was notorious for his rigging of the presidential
election in 1923 by bribing members of parliament, he belonged to the Chihli
(Hopei) clique. He supported Tsao as the leader and the two were generally
referred to as "Tsao-Wu". In 1920 after defeating Tuan Chi-jui, warlord of
the Anhwei clique, Wu Pei-fu gained control of the Northern warlord government
in Peking as an agent of the Anglo-American imperialists; it was he who gave
the orders for the massacre, on February 7, 1923, of the workers on strike
along the Peking-Hankow Railway. In 1924 he was defeated in the war with
Chang Tso-lin (commonly known as the "war between the Chihli and Fengtien
cliques"), and he was thereupon ousted from the Peking regime. In 1926 he
joined forces with Chang Tso-lin at the instigation of the Japanese and British
imperialists, and thus returned to power. When the Northern Expeditionary
Army drove northward from Kwangtung in 1926, he was the first foe to be
overthrown.
8 吳培夫是北方軍閥中最有名的軍閥之一。他與因賄賂國會議員操縱 1923 年總統選舉而臭名昭著的曹坤一起，屬於 Chihli （Hopei） 集團。他支援曹氏作為領袖，兩人通常被稱為「曹武」。1920 年，在擊敗安徽集團軍閥段濟瑞后，吳培孚作為英美帝國主義的代理人控制了北京的北方軍閥政府;正是他下令於1923年2月7日屠殺京漢鐵路沿線罷工的工人。1924 年，他在與張作霖的戰爭（俗稱“赤利和奉天集團之戰”）中戰敗，隨後被趕出北京政權。1926 年，他在日本和英國帝國主義的煽動下與張作麟聯手，從而重新掌權。1926 年，當北伐軍從廣東北上時，他是第一個被推翻的敵人。
9 The Three People's Principles were Sun Yat-sen's principles
and programme for the bourgeois-democratic revolution in China on the questions
of nationalism, democracy and people's livelihood. In 1924, in the Manifesto
of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang, Sun Yat-sen restated the
Three People's Principles, interpreting nationalism as opposition to imperialism
and expressing active support for the movements of the workers and peasants.
The old Three People's Principles thus developed into the new, consisting
of the Three Great Policies, that is, alliance with Russia, co-operation
with the Communist Party, and assistance to the peasants and workers. The
new Three People's Principles provided the political basis for co-operation
between the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang during the First
Revolutionary Civil War period.
9 《三民主義》是孫中山關於中國資產階級民主革命的民族主義、民主和民生問題的原則和綱領。1924年，孫中山在《國民黨第一次全國代表大會宣言》中重申了三民原則，將民族主義解釋為反對帝國主義，並表示積極支援工農運動。舊的三民主義就這樣發展成新的，包括三大政策，即與俄羅斯結盟、與共產黨合作和援助農民和工人。新的三民主義為第一次革命內戰時期中國共產黨和國民黨之間的合作提供了政治基礎。
10 The Chinese term for "long live" is wansui,
literally "ten thousand years", and was the traditional salute to the emperor;
it had become a synonym for "emperor".
10“萬歲”的中文術語是萬歲，字面意思是“一萬年”，是對皇帝的傳統敬禮;它已成為“皇帝”的同義詞。
11 Rich peasants should not have been allowed to join the
peasant associations, a point which the peasant masses did not yet understand
in 1927.
11 富農本來不應該被允許參加農民協會，這一點在1927年農民群眾還不明白。
12 Here the "utterly destitute" means the farm labourers
(the rural proletariat) and the rural lumpen-proletariat.
12 在這裡，“完全貧困的人”是指農場工人（農村無產階級）和農村流氓無產階級。
13 The "less destitute" means the rural semi-proletariat.
13 「較貧窮的人」是指農村的半無產階級。
14 Yuan Tsu-ming was a warlord of Kweichow Province who
controlled the western part of Hunan.
14 袁祖明是貴州省的軍閥，控制著湖南省的西部。
15 A tenant generally gave his landlord, as a condition
of tenancy, a deposit in cash or kind, often amounting to a considerable
part of the value of the land. Though this was supposed to be a guarantee
for payment of rent, it actually represented a form of extra exploitation.
15 作為租賃的條件，佃戶通常以現金或實物形式向他的房東支付一筆押金，通常相當於土地價值的相當大的一部分。雖然這本應是支付房租的保證，但實際上卻代表了一種額外的剝削形式。
16 In Hunan, the tu corresponded to the district
and the tuan to the township The old administrations of the
tu and the tuan type were instruments of landlord rule.
16 在湖南，土對應區，團對應鄉。土和團類型的舊政府是地主統治的工具。
17 The tax per mou was a surcharge on top of the regular
lent tax, ruthlessly imposed on the peasants by the landlord regime.
17 每畝的稅是地主政權無情地強加給農民的常規借貸稅之上的附加費。
18 Under the regime of the Northern warlords, the military
head of a province was called "military governor". But he was the virtual
dictator of the province with administrative as well as military power gathered
in his hands. In league with the imperialists, he maintained a separatist
feudal-militarist regime in his locality.
18 在北方軍閥的政權下，一個省的軍事首腦被稱為“軍事總督”。但他實際上是該省的獨裁者，行政和軍事權力都集中在他手中。他與帝國主義結盟，在當地維持著一個分離主義的封建軍國主義政權。
19 The "standing household militia" was one of the various
kinds of armed forces in the countryside. The term "household" is used because
some member of almost every household had to join it. After the defeat of
the revolution in 1927 the landlords in many places seized control of the
militia ant turned them into armed counter-revolutionary bands.
19 “常備民兵”是農村各種武裝力量中的一種。使用「住戶」一詞是因為幾乎每個住戶中的某個成員都必須加入它。1927年革命失敗后，許多地方的地主奪取了民兵的控制權，將他們變成了武裝的反革命樂隊。
20 At the time, many of the county headquarters of the
Kuomintang. under the leadership of the Kuomintang's Central Executive Committee
in Wuhan. pursued Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three Great Policies of alliance with
Russia, co-operation with the Communist Party and assistance to the peasants
and workers. They constituted the revolutionary alliance of the Communists,
the left-wingers of the Kuomintang and other revolutionaries.
20 當時，許多縣總部都是國民黨的。在武漢的國民黨中央執行委員會的領導下。奉行孫中山先生的三大政策，即與俄國結盟、與共產黨合作和援助農民和工人。他們構成了共產黨人、國民黨左翼分子和其他革命者的革命聯盟。
21 Lord Pao (Pao Cheng) was prefect of Kaifeng, capital
of the Northern Sung Dynasty (A.D. 960-1127). He was famous in popular legend
as an upright official and a fearless, impartial judge with a knack of passing
true verdicts in all the cases he tried.
21 包爺（包城）是北宋（西元 960-1127 年）的首都開封的知府。在流行的傳說中，他以正直的官員和無所畏懼、公正的法官而聞名，他擅長在他審理的所有案件中做出真實的判決。
22 This reference to archery is taken from Mencius.
It describes how the expert teacher of archery draws his bow with a
histrionic gesture but does not release the arrow. The point is that while
Communists should guide the peasants in attaining a full measure of political
consciousness, they should leave it to the peasants' own initiative to abolish
superstitious and other bad practices, and should not give them orders or
do it for them.
22 這裡提到射箭的語氣是來自孟子。 它描述了射箭專家老師如何以滑稽的手勢拉弓但不放箭。關鍵是，共產黨人應該引導農民充分地實現政治覺悟，但應該讓農民自己主動地去廢除迷信和其他不良風氣，不應該發號施令，也不應該為他們發號施令。
23 The Eight Characters were a method of fortune-telling
in China based on the examination of the two cyclic characters each for the
year, month, day and hour of a person's birth respectively.
23 八字是中國的一種算命方法，其基礎是檢查兩個迴圈字，分別表示一個人出生的年、月、日和小時。
24 Geomancy refers to the superstition that the location
of one's ancestors' graves influences one's fortune. The geomancers claim
to be able to tell whether a particular site and its surroundings are auspicious.
24 風水學是指一種迷信，認為祖先的墳墓位置會影響一個人的財富。風水師聲稱能夠判斷特定地點及其周圍環境是否吉利。
25 Lord Kuan (Kuan Yu, A.D. 160-219), a warrior in the
epoch of the Three Kingdoms, was widely worshipped by the Chinese as the
God of Loyalty and War.
25 關倆（Kuan Yu，西元 160-219 年）是三國時代的武士，被中國人廣泛崇拜為忠神和戰神。
26 Tang Sheng-chih was a general who sided with the revolution
in the Northern Expedition. Yeh Kai-hsin was a general on the side of the
Northern warlords who fought against the revolution.
26 唐聖智是一位在北伐中站在革命一邊的將軍。葉啟新是北方軍閥一方反對革命的將軍。
27 Sun Chuan-fang was a warlord whose rule extended over
the five provinces of Kiangsu, Chekiang, Fukien, Kiangsi and Anhwei. He was
responsible for the bloody suppression of the insurrections of the Shanghai
workers. His main army was crushed in the winter of 1926 by the Northern
Expeditionary Army in Nanchang and Kiukiang, Kiangsi Province.
27 孫傳方是一個軍閥，他的統治範圍遍及江蘇、浙江、福建、江西和安徽五個省。他負責血腥鎮壓上海工人的起義。1926 年冬天，他的主力軍在江西省南昌和九江被北伐軍擊潰。
28 In China a dish is served in a bowl or a plate for the
whole table, and not individually.
28 在中國，一道菜是裝在碗或盤子里，供全桌食用，而不是單獨食用。
29 "Oriental Culture" was a reactionary doctrine which
rejected modern scientific civilization and favoured the preservation of
the backward mode of agricultural production and the feudal culture of the
Orient.
29 「東方文化」是一種反動的學說，它拒絕現代科學文明，贊成保留落後的農業生產方式和東方的封建文化。
30 For the secret societies, see "Analysis of the Classes
in Chinese Society", Note 18, p. 21 of this volume.
30 關於秘密社團，見《中國社會階級分析》，注18，本卷第21頁。
31 "Mountain", "lodge", "shrine" and "river" were names
used by primitive secret societies to denote some of their sects.
31“山”、“山”、“神社”和“河”是原始秘密社團用來表示他們某些教派的名稱。
32 When Nanchang was captured by the Northern Expeditionary
Army in November 1926, Chiang Kai-shek seized the opportunity to establish
his general headquarters there. He gathered around himself the right-wing
members of the Kuomintang and a number of Northern warlord politicians and,
in collusion with the imperialists, hatched his counter-revolutionary plot
against Wuhan, the then revolutionary centre. Eventually, on April 12, 1927,
he staged his counter-revolutionary coup d'état which was marked by
tremendous massacres in Shanghai.
32 1926年11月南昌被北伐軍攻陷後，蔣介石趁機在那裡設立總司令部。他召集了國民黨的右翼成員和一些北方軍閥政治家，與帝國主義勾結，策劃了針對當時的革命中心武漢的反革命陰謀。最終，在 1927 年 4 月 12 日，他發動了反革命政變，在上海發生了大規模的大屠殺。
33 Chang Ching-chiang, a right-wing Kuomintang leader,
was a member of Chiang Kai-shek's brain trust.
33 張清強是國民黨右翼領導人，是蔣介石智囊團的成員。
34 Liu Yueh-chih was head of the "Left Society", an important
anti-Communist group in Hunan.
34 劉月智是湖南重要的反共團體「左社」的負責人。
35 As told by Liu Hsiang (77-6 B.C.) in his Hsin Hsu,
Lord Sheh was so fond of dragons that he adorned his whole palace with
drawings and carvings of them. But when a real dragon heard of his infatuation
and paid him a visit, he was frightened out of his wits. Here Comrade Mao
Tse-tung uses this metaphor to show that though Chiang Kai-shek and his like
talked about revolution, they were afraid of revolution and against it.
35 正如劉祥（西元前 77-6 年）在他的《新旭》中說，佘勛爵非常喜歡龍，以至於他用龍的圖畫和雕刻裝飾了他的整個宮殿。但是當一條真正的龍聽說了他的迷戀並拜訪了他時，他被嚇得失去了理智。在這裡，毛澤東同志用這個比喻來說明，雖然蔣介石等人談論革命，但他們害怕革命，反對革命。