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Abū Hanīfah's Use of the Solitary Hadīth as a Source of Islamic Law
Penggunaan Hadits Soliter oleh Abū Hanīfah sebagai Sumber Hukum Islam

SAHIRON SYAMSUDDIN

Introduction  Perkenalan

Abū Hanifah (d. 150/767), “the founder and first codifier of the speculative school of law”, 1 1 ^(1){ }^{1} was in some ways a controversial scholar. In his Ta’rīkb Baghdād, Aḥad ibn 'Alī al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī (d. 463/1070) cites many reports attributed to prominent members of the Ahl al-Hadith group of scholars which inform us that Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} Haniffah’s opinions relating to legal issues often contradicted the nasss (textual statements) of the Qur’an and the Hadīth, 2 2 ^(2){ }^{2} the two primary sources of Islamic law. 3 3 ^(3){ }^{3} One of the numerous reports is a statement attributed to 'Abd Allāh ibn al-Mubārak (d. 181/797): "Whoever looks at Abū Hanīfah’s books sees that Abū Hanīfah permits what Allāh
Abū Hanifah (w. 150/767), "pendiri dan kodifier pertama dari sekolah hukum spekulatif", 1 1 ^(1){ }^{1} dalam beberapa hal adalah seorang sarjana yang kontroversial. Dalam Ta'rīkb Baghdād, Aḥad ibn 'Alī al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī (w. 463/1070) mengutip banyak laporan yang dikaitkan dengan anggota terkemuka dari kelompok ulama Ahl al-Hadith yang memberi tahu kita bahwa Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} pendapat Hanifah yang berkaitan dengan masalah hukum sering bertentangan dengan nasss (pernyataan tekstual) dari Al-Qur'an dan Hadith, 2 2 ^(2){ }^{2} dua sumber utama hukum Islam. 3 3 ^(3){ }^{3} Salah satu dari banyak laporan adalah pernyataan yang dikaitkan dengan 'Abd Allāh ibn al-Mubārak (w. 181/797): "Siapa pun yang melihat kitab-kitab Abū Hanīfah melihat bahwa Abū Hanīfah mengizinkan apa yang Allah
forbids, and forbids what He permits." 4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} Likewise, al-Ghazzāli" (d. 505/111) says in his al-Mankb̄̄̄l that Abū Haniffah turned the sharī’ab completely upside down, confounded its method, and changed its structure. 5 5 ^(5){ }^{5}
melarang, dan melarang apa yang Dia izinkan." 4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} Demikian juga, al-Ghazzāli" (w. 505/111) mengatakan dalam al-Mankb̄̄̄l-nya bahwa Abū Haniffah membalikkan syarī'ab sepenuhnya, mengacaukan metodenya, dan mengubah strukturnya. 5 5 ^(5){ }^{5}
These claims are largely based on the assumption that Ab u ― H Ab u ¯ H Ab bar(u)H\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} \mathrm{H} (anifah relied on ra’y (personal judgment), i.e. qiy a ¯ s a ¯ s bar(a)s\bar{a} s (inferential reasoning) rather than on the nass of the Qur’ān and Prophetic traditions 6 6 ^(6){ }^{6} in deriving legal rulings. This assumption has been adopted by many orientalists. Ignaz Goldziher (d. 1921), for example, says in his book The Zāhirīs: Their Doctrine and Their History: “Abū Hanīfa made the first attempt to codify Islamic jurisprudence on the basis of qiyās.” 7 7 ^(7){ }^{7} The Ahl al-Hadīth’s criticism of Abū Hanīfah, whom they saw as a representative of the Ahl al-Ra’y, has been understood by many scholars, among them N.J. Coulson, as a crystallization of the conflict between the two groups. In this case, Coulson seems to support the traditional view that the former disregarded reason in forming legal decisions, and the latter the nass. 8 8 ^(8){ }^{8}
Klaim ini sebagian besar didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa Ab u ― H Ab u ¯ H Ab bar(u)H\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} \mathrm{H} (anifah mengandalkan ra'y (penilaian pribadi), yaitu qiy a ¯ s a ¯ s bar(a)s\bar{a} s (penalaran inferensial) daripada pada nass Al-Qur'an dan tradisi kenabian 6 6 ^(6){ }^{6} dalam memperoleh keputusan hukum. Asumsi ini telah diadopsi oleh banyak orientalis. Ignaz Goldziher (w. 1921), misalnya, mengatakan dalam bukunya The Zāhirīs: Their Doctrine and Their History: "Abū Hanīfa membuat upaya pertama untuk mengkodifikasi yurisprudensi Islam berdasarkan qiyās." 7 7 ^(7){ }^{7} Kritik Ahl al-Hadits terhadap Abū Hanīfah, yang mereka lihat sebagai perwakilan dari Ahl al-Ra'y, telah dipahami oleh banyak sarjana, di antaranya N.J. Coulson, sebagai kristalisasi konflik antara kedua kelompok. Dalam kasus ini, Coulson tampaknya mendukung pandangan tradisional bahwa yang pertama mengabaikan alasan dalam membentuk keputusan hukum, dan yang terakhir nass. 8 8 ^(8){ }^{8}
On the other hand, Muhammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Khawārizmī (d. 665/1267), in his Jāmi’ al-Masānīd, rejects the above claim, saying that those responsible for it did not correctly understand the figh of Abū Hanīfah. In support of this notion, he offers several arguments in his work. 9 9 ^(9){ }^{9} Furthermore, Ibn Hāajar al-‘Asqalānī (d. 852/1449) did not consider Abū Henīfah and his followers to belong to Ahl al-Ra’y or to have neglected the nass in favour of personal reasoning. He said:
Di sisi lain, Muhammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Khawārizmī (w. 665/1267), dalam Jāmi' al-Masānīd-nya, menolak klaim di atas, dengan mengatakan bahwa mereka yang bertanggung jawab atas hal itu tidak memahami dengan benar gambar Abū Hanīfah. Untuk mendukung gagasan ini, ia menawarkan beberapa argumen dalam karyanya. 9 9 ^(9){ }^{9} Selain itu, Ibnu Hāajar al-'Asqalānī (w. 852/1449) tidak menganggap Abū Henīfah dan para pengikutnya sebagai milik Ahl al-Ra'y atau telah mengabaikan nass demi penalaran pribadi. Katanya:
You have no choice but to understand from the statements of al-ulama a → a → vec(a)\vec{a} almuta’akbkbirinn (the scholars of the later period), who say that Abū Hanīfah and his followers were Aṣhāb al-Ra’y (party of reasoning), that the purpose of these statements was to reduce their stature; it does not mean that they gave priority to personal reasoning over the sunnab of the Prophet (peace be on him) and the opinions of his Companions, the reason being that they were innocent of that practice. 10 10 ^(10){ }^{10}
Anda tidak punya pilihan selain memahami dari pernyataan al-ulama a → a → vec(a)\vec{a} almuta'akbkbirinn (para ulama dari periode kemudian), yang mengatakan bahwa Abū Hanīfah dan para pengikutnya adalah Aṣhāb al-Ra'y (pihak penalaran), bahwa tujuan dari pernyataan-pernyataan ini adalah untuk mengurangi perawakan mereka; itu tidak berarti bahwa mereka mengutamakan penalaran pribadi daripada sunnab Nabi (saw) dan pendapat para sahabatnya, alasannya adalah bahwa mereka tidak bersalah dari praktik itu. 10 10 ^(10){ }^{10}
It seems that Joseph Schacht (d. 1969) agreed with the above view, as is shown by his statement, “…The attitude of the Iraqians - including Ab u ¯ u ¯ bar(u)\bar{u} Hanifah to traditions is essentially the same as that of the Medinese, but their theory is more developed.” 11 11 ^(11){ }^{11}
Tampaknya Joseph Schacht (w. 1969) setuju dengan pandangan di atas, seperti yang ditunjukkan oleh pernyataannya, "... Sikap orang Irak - termasuk Ab u ¯ u ¯ bar(u)\bar{u} Hanifah terhadap tradisi pada dasarnya sama dengan sikap orang Madinah, tetapi teori mereka lebih berkembang." 11 11 ^(11){ }^{11}
One can see from the above that scholars disagree on Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} Hanifah’s treatment of the nass, particularly the Prophetic traditions on which he based his legal opinions. This paper, therefore, will examine the issue by looking at the extent of Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} Hanifah’s reliance on badīth reports, especially those that are considered a ¯ h a ¯ d a ¯ h a ¯ d bar(a)h bar(a)d\bar{a} h \bar{a} d (solitary), 12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} and how he dealt with the contradiction between legal decisions based on solitary abādīth and those reached by qiyās.
Dari hal di atas dapat dilihat bahwa para sarjana tidak setuju dengan Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} perlakuan Hanifah terhadap nass, terutama tradisi Kenabian yang menjadi dasar pendapat hukumnya. Oleh karena itu, makalah ini akan mengkaji masalah ini dengan melihat sejauh mana ketergantungan Ab u ― Ab u ¯ Ab bar(u)\mathrm{Ab} \overline{\mathrm{u}} Hanifah pada laporan-laporan badīth, terutama yang dianggap a ¯ h a ¯ d a ¯ h a ¯ d bar(a)h bar(a)d\bar{a} h \bar{a} d (soliter), 12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} dan bagaimana ia menangani kontradiksi antara keputusan hukum berdasarkan abādīth soliter dan yang dicapai oleh qiyās.
  1. 1 1 ^(1){ }^{1} This description is Ignaz Goldziher’s, taken from his book Introduction to Islamic Theology and Lawe, tr., Andras and Ruth Hamori (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 49. See also Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1974), 1: 327; and Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A yān wa Anbā’ Abnä’ al-Zamān, ed., Ihsān 'Abbās (Beirut: Dār ṣādir, 1977), 5: 409. Ibn Khallikān also calls him imāam fì 'l-qiyās (a leader in inferential reasoning).
    Deskripsi 1 1 ^(1){ }^{1} ini adalah karya Ignaz Goldziher, diambil dari bukunya Introduction to Islamic Theology and Lawe, tr., Andras and Ruth Hamori (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 49. Lihat juga Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1974), 1: 327; dan Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A yān wa Anbā' Abnä' al-Zamān, ed., Ihsān 'Abbās (Beirut: Dār ṣādir, 1977), 5: 409. Ibnu Khallikān juga menyebutnya imāam fì 'l-qiyās (pemimpin dalam penalaran inferensial).
    2 2 ^(2){ }^{2} See Aḥmad ibn 'Alī al-Khaṭịb al-Baghdādī, Ta’rīkh Baghdād aw Madīnat al-Salām (Baghdad: alMaktabah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1931), 13: 394-423. In his book al-Khatịb al-Baghdādī quotes numerous reports attributed to Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah (d. 198/814), Mälik ibn Anas (d. 179/795), Hammād ibn Zayd (d. 179/796), 'Abd al-Rahmān ibn al-Mahdì (d. 198/814), 'Amr ibn 'Abd al-Raḥmān alAwzā̄1̄ (d. 157/773), Sufyān al-Thawrī (d. 161/778), Sulaymān ibn Ḥarb (d. 224/839), ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Mubārak, Muhammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāifii (d. 204/819), Aḥmad ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855), and many others.
    2 2 ^(2){ }^{2} Lihat Aḥmad ibn 'Alī al-Khaṭịb al-Baghdādī, Ta'rīkh Baghdād aw Madīnat al-Salām (Baghdad: alMaktabah al-'Arabiyyah, 1931), 13: 394-423. Dalam bukunya al-Khatịb al-Baghdādī mengutip banyak laporan yang dikaitkan dengan Sufyān ibn 'Uyaynah (w. 198/814), Mälik ibn Anas (w. 179/795), Hammād ibn Zayd (w. 179/796), 'Abd al-Rahmān ibn al-Mahdì (w. 198/814), 'Amr ibn 'Abd al-Raḥmān alAwzā̄1̄ (w. 157/773), Sufyān al-Thawrī (w. 161/778), Sulaymān ibn Ḥarb (w. 224/839), 'Abd Allāh ibn al-Mubārak, Muhammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāifii (w. 204/819), Aḥmad ibn Hanbal (w. 241/855), dan banyak lainnya.
    3 3 ^(3){ }^{3} See Muḥammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāfí’í, al-Risālah, ed., Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir (Cairo: Maṭbáat Muṣtafā al-Bābī al-Halabī, 1940), 73; Muhammad ibn Aḥmad ibn Abī Sahl al-Sarakhsī, Uṣūl alSarakbsī, ed., Abū’l-Wafā’ al-Afghān̄̄ (Cairo: Mațābi’ Dār al-Kitāb al-‘Arabī, 1954), 1: 65; 'Abd Allāh ibn 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Turkī, Ușūl Madhbab al-Imām Aḅmad: Dirāasab Uṣūliyyab Muqāranab (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Riyāḍ, 1977), 102; and Muḥammad Zāhid al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-Irāq wa Hadītbubum, ed., 'Abd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ghuddah (Beirut: Maktab al-Maṭbūāt alIslāmiyyah, 1970), 18.
    3 3 ^(3){ }^{3} Lihat Muḥammad ibn Idrīs al-Shāfí'í, al-Risālah, ed., Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir (Kairo: Maṭbáat Muṣtafā al-Bābī al-Halabī, 1940), 73; Muhammad ibn Aḥmad ibn Abī Sahl al-Sarakhsī, Uṣūl alSarakbsī, ed., Abū'l-Wafā' al-Afghān̄̄ (Kairo: Mațābi' Dār al-Kitāb al-'Arabī, 1954), 1: 65; 'Abd Allāh ibn 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Turkī, Ușūl Madhbab al-Imām Aḅmad: Dirāasab Uṣūliyyab Muqāranab (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Riyāḍ, 1977), 102; dan Muḥammad Zāhid al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-Irāq wa Hadītbubum, ed., 'Abd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ghuddah (Beirut: Maktab al-Maṭbūāt alIslāmiyyah, 1970), 18.
  2. 4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} Al-Khaṭī al-Baghdādī, Ta’rīkh Baghdād, 13: 403.
    4 4 ^(4){ }^{4} Al-Khaṭī al-Baghdādī, Ta'rīkh Baghdād, 13: 403.
    *There is some disagreement about the spelling of this name. While most scholars call him al-Ghazālī, a few scholars prefer to call him al-Ghazzālī. This latter is now very rare, nevertheless, in deference to the author’s preference, in this article the name has been spelled as al-Ghazzālī. -Ed.
    *Ada beberapa ketidaksepakatan tentang ejaan nama ini. Sementara sebagian besar ulama memanggilnya al-Ghazālī, beberapa cendekiawan lebih suka memanggilnya al-Ghazzālī. Yang terakhir ini sekarang sangat jarang, namun, untuk menghormati preferensi penulis, dalam artikel ini namanya telah dieja sebagai al-Ghazzālī. -Ed.
    5 5 ^(5){ }^{5} Abū Hāāmid Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Ghazzāāī, al-Mankhūl min Ta 〔 ı ¯ q q ¯ t a l − U s ̣ u ̄ l , e d . , 〔 ı ¯ q q ¯ t a l − U s ̣ u ̄ l , e d . , ^(〔) bar(ı)q bar(q)tal-Uṣūl,ed.,{ }^{〔} \bar{\imath} q \bar{q} t ~ a l-U s ̣ u ̄ l, ~ e d ., ~〔̣ Muḥammad Hasan Haytū (Damascus: Dār al-Fikr, 1980), 500. See also Abū’l-Qāsim al-Mūsawī al-Khū’ī, Mu’jam Rijāl al-H.Hadīth wa Tafṣīl Țabaqāt al-Ruwāt (Qumm: Manshūrāt Madīnat al’Ilm, 1983), 19: 164. In his book, al-Khū’ī quotes another statement attributed to al-Ghazzālī saying: “Abū Hanifah completed the roots of the shar’ (the canonical law of Islam) with a root by which he destroyed the shar’ of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him). Whoever does this, regarding it as lawful, he is an infidel. Whoever does it, regarding it permissible, he is a sinner.” However, the present author have not been able to find this statement in al-Ghazzāli’s al-Mankhūl.
    5 5 ^(5){ }^{5} Abū Hāāmid Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Ghazzāāī, al-Mankhūl min Ta 〔 ı ¯ q q ¯ t a l − U s ̣ u ̄ l , e d . , 〔 ı ¯ q q ¯ t a l − U s ̣ u ̄ l , e d . , ^(〔) bar(ı)q bar(q)tal-Uṣūl,ed.,{ }^{〔} \bar{\imath} q \bar{q} t ~ a l-U s ̣ u ̄ l, ~ e d ., ~〔̣ Muḥammad Hasan Haytū (Damaskus: Dār al-Fikr, 1980), 500. Lihat juga Abū'l-Qāsim al-Mūsawī al-Khū'ī, Mu'jam Rijāl al-H.Hadīth wa Tafṣīl Țabaqāt al-Ruwāt (Qumm: Manshūrāt Madīnat al'Ilm, 1983), 19: 164. Dalam bukunya, al-Khū'ī mengutip pernyataan lain yang dikaitkan dengan al-Ghazzālī yang mengatakan: "Abū Hanifah melengkapi akar syar' (hukum kanonik Islam) dengan akar yang dengannya ia menghancurkan syar' Nabi Muhammad (saw). Siapa pun yang melakukan ini, menganggapnya sah, dia adalah orang. Siapa pun yang melakukannya, mengenai hal itu yang diperbolehkan, dia adalah orang berdosa." Namun, penulis saat ini belum dapat menemukan pernyataan ini dalam al-Mankhūl al-Ghazzāli.
    6 6 ^(6){ }^{6} See Muḥammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Khawārizmī, Jāmī‘ al-Masānīd (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al’Ilmīyyah, n.d.), 1: 41-43; Al-Khū̀’ī, Mu 'jam Rijāl al-Hadīth, 19: 164; and al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-'Trāq, 21.
    6 6 ^(6){ }^{6} Lihat Muḥammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Khawārizmī, Jāmī' al-Masānīd (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al'Ilmīyyah, n.d.), 1: 41-43; Al-Khū̀'ī, Mu 'jam Rijāl al-Hadits, 19: 164; dan al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-'Trāq, 21.
    7 7 ^(7){ }^{7} Ignaz Goldziher, The , āhirīs: Their Doctrine and Their History, trans. and ed., Wolfgand Behn (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971), 13.
    7 7 ^(7){ }^{7} Ignaz Goldziher, The , āhirīs: Their Doctrine and Their History, diterjemahkan dan died., Wolfgand Behn (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971), 13.
    8 8 ^(8){ }^{8} N. J. Coulson, A History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh: The University Press, 1964), 52.
    8 8 ^(8){ }^{8} N. J. Coulson, Sejarah Hukum Islam (Edinburgh: The University Press, 1964), 52.
    9 9 ^(9){ }^{9} See al-Khawārizmī, Jāmi’al-Masān̄̄̀d, 1: 41-53.
    9 9 ^(9){ }^{9} Lihat al-Khawārizmī, Jāmi'al-Masān̄̄̀d, 1: 41-53.
  3. 10 10 ^(10){ }^{10} Al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-Irāq, 21.
    10 10 ^(10){ }^{10} Al-Kawtharī, Fiqh Abl al-Irāq, 21.
    11 11 ^(11){ }^{11} Joseph Schacht, The Origins of Mubammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1959), 27.
    11 11 ^(11){ }^{11} Joseph Schacht, Asal-usul Yurisprudensi Mubammadan (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1959), 27.
    12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} What is meant by ābād in this paper is the badittb reports which are not categorized under the term al-mutawoätir. Scholars such as al-Khatịb al-Baghdādī and Zayn al-Dīn 'Abd al-Rahịm ibn al-Husayn al-Irāqī (d. 806/1404), define al-mutawātir as a Prophetic tradition (badīth) which is reported by a sufficiently large number of transmitters to ensure, according to common experience (al-ädab), the impossibility of their having agreed at any given time to lie, the unlikelihood of any obscurity being introduced into the badith’s text, and the absence of any factors that would have motivated the transmitters to lie. The mutawätir reports yield immediate or necessary knowledge (al- cilm cilm cilm\operatorname{cilm} al-darū r ¯ I ― r ¯ I ¯ bar(r) bar(I)\bar{r} \overline{\mathrm{I}}. It is, therefore, necessary that Muslims be guided in their lives by the mutawätir traditions. The abādīth which do not fulfil the above conditions are called a ¯ b a ¯ d a ¯ b a ¯ d bar(a)b bar(a)d\bar{a} b \bar{a} d. In terms of the quality, which depends on the sanad (chain of transmitters) and the matn (content of the report), the āhäd could be sabaīb (sound), basan
    12 12 ^(12){ }^{12} Apa yang dimaksud dengan ābād dalam makalah ini adalah laporan badittb yang tidak dikategorikan di bawah istilah al-mutawoätir. Para sarjana seperti al-Khatịb al-Baghdādī dan Zayn al-Dīn 'Abd al-Rahịm ibn al-Husain al-Irāqī (w. 806/1404), mendefinisikan al-mutawātir sebagai tradisi kenabian (badīth) yang dilaporkan oleh sejumlah besar pemancar untuk memastikan, menurut pengalaman umum (al-ädab), ketidakmungkinan mereka telah setuju pada waktu tertentu untuk berbohong, tidak mungkin ketidakjelasan apa pun diperkenalkan ke dalam teks badith, dan tidak adanya faktor apa pun yang akan memotivasi pemancar untuk berbohong. Laporan mutawätir menghasilkan pengetahuan langsung atau yang diperlukan (al- cilm cilm cilm\operatorname{cilm} al-darū r ¯ I ― r ¯ I ¯ bar(r) bar(I)\bar{r} \overline{\mathrm{I}} . Oleh karena itu, umat Islam perlu dibimbing dalam hidup mereka oleh tradisi mutawätir. Abādīth yang tidak memenuhi syarat-syarat di atas disebut a ¯ b a ¯ d a ¯ b a ¯ d bar(a)b bar(a)d\bar{a} b \bar{a} d . Dalam hal kualitas, yang tergantung pada sanad (rantai pemancar) dan matn (isi laporan), āhäd bisa berupa sabaīb (suara), basan
    sabīb and al-basan can serve as sources in legal matters but not al-daif. More detailed information about these terms is available in many books of usūll al-badiuth and usiullal-fiqh. See alKhaṭīb al-Baghdādi, al-Kifāaah fi ’ Ilm al-Riwāyah, ed., Aḥmad 'Umar Hāshim (Beirut: Dār alKitāb al-'Arabī, 1986), 32; Muhammad Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, Qawā̄̄́d al-Tabdīth min Funūn Mustalah al-Haditht, ed., Muhammad Bahjah al-Biṭār (Beirut: Dār al-Nafā’is, 1987), 151; Wael B. Hallaq, “On Inductive Corroboration, Probability and Certainty in Sunnī Legal Thought” in his Law and Legal Theory in Classical and Medieval Islam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994), ch. IV: 331; Nicholas Aghnides, Mohammedan Theories of Finance with an Introduction to Mohammedan Law and a Bibliography (Lahore: The Premier Book House, 1961), 39-47.
    Sabīb dan al-Basan dapat berfungsi sebagai sumber dalam masalah hukum tetapi tidak al-Daif. Informasi lebih rinci tentang istilah-istilah ini tersedia dalam banyak kitab usūll al-badiuth dan usiullal-fiqh. Lihat alKhaṭīb al-Baghdādi, al-Kifāaah fi ' Ilm al-Riwāyah, ed., Aḥmad 'Umar Hāshim (Beirut: Dār alKitāb al-'Arabī, 1986), 32; Muhammad Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, Qawā̄̄́d al-Tabdīth min Funūn Mustalah al-Haditht, ed., Muhammad Bahjah al-Biṭār (Beirut: Dār al-Nafā'is, 1987), 151; Wael B. Hallaq, "On Inductive Corkuatration, Probability and Certainty in Sunnī Legal Thought" dalam Law and Legal Theory in Classical and Medieval Islam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994), bab IV: 331; Nicholas Aghnides, Teori Keuangan Mohammedan dengan Pengantar Hukum Muhammad dan Daftar Pustaka (Lahore: The Premier Book House, 1961), 39-47.