BEARDED MEN IN PRE-COLUMBIAN AMERICA
(AMERICAN INDIGENOUS RACES)
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR
The True Interpretation of the Aztec Calendar, Cosmogony and American Indigenous Mythology, Bearded Men in Pre-Columbian America, Ancient Science and Zodiacs of the Old World and America
Published by Editorial Kier S.A.
DICK EDGAR IBARRA GRASSO
BEARDED MEN IN PRE-COLUMBIAN AMERICA
(AMERICAN INDIGENOUS RACES)
FIRST EDITION
EDITORIAL KIER s.a.
Av. Santa Fe 1260
(1059) Buenos Aires - Argentina
not so small times. Therefore, in anthropological studies done on series of ancient skulls and skulls of living natives (carefully choosing the most Mongoloid individuals), they can be easily discarded, as they disappear in the final average terms which are reached through the anthropological procedure of taking average terms.
Here we will proceed differently. We will take those minorities into special account, and not only that, but we will also put into complete doubt the assumption that American indigenous people are exclusively a lateral branch of the Mongoloid trunk, even denying many of the Mongoloid traits that are sought to be attributed to them.
We argue that, to a large extent, the following occurs. From childhood, we are taught that American indigenous people are of Mongoloid origin. So, when we see an indigenous person or more, we unconsciously look for traits that indicate that origin. Some appear, but other times they do not; consequently, we think it is, at least, a mestizo. This way we remain calm. If we happen to see an indigenous person - indigenous as they may be in their culture - with a beard and mustache, like those represented in ancient sculptures, we classify them as white or, at least, a mestizo resulting from some traveler's or missionary's adventure. We are speaking at this moment about readers and not from a personal point of view, since we have already learned to distinguish this quite well.
The following is an illustrative anecdote. We were once having lunch in a restaurant in Rosario, after our university work, along with a colleague professor who had dedicated himself to studying the Toba people. The waiter who served us had clearly Caucasoid features, with a dark complexion, but our companion looked at him for a moment and said: - You are Toba. The waiter denied it, and our companion let time pass until the moment we got up. Then, he said goodbye to the waiter by raising his right hand in a special way and saying a word in Toba that we do not remember. The waiter automatically raised his hand in the same way and repeated the same word.
2. Who are indigenous?
How many indigenous people - who we could more or less consider pure - exist today in America? When we began our studies, over half a century ago, it was presumed that barely fifteen million; a few years later, we developed the theme in a monograph and said thirty million. Currently, several authors presume that these thirty million exist - often looked upon with horror - but we suppose that the indigenous people have multiplied and that there must be around sixty million, not counting the mestizos, who would be a bit more.
Naturally, it happens that they have reproduced. Their reproduction is not inferior to that of whites who inhabit the continent; but in this, we must be very clear.
We all know - something that is supposedly well known - that indigenous people are becoming extinct. In Argentina, for example, there are just over 100,000 left, so our previous words sin\sin will have seemed absurd to more than one reader. But the case is that we are referring to one thing, while others allude to something different. Does a civilized (sic) indigenous person cease to be indigenous? We believe not. Those readers will suppose that they do.
Some time ago, we consulted the Buenos Aires Telephone Directory and looked for indigenous surnames in it, especially of Araucanian origin. In a couple of hours, we found eleven of them. There were doctors, lawyers, an engineer, etc. We suppose there are many more, but finding them requires more time and patience than we had then. Undoubtedly, some of these individuals will consider themselves white; others take pride in their indigenous origin.
In the remaining indigenous groups -especially those in the center, Northwest, and Cuyo- indigenous surnames have disappeared, generally replaced by Spanish surnames, upon converting to Christianity shortly after the conquest began, but this does not mean they cease to be indigenous, even though they sometimes have some European blood.
European. As for the indigenous people of the Chaco, they generally retain (as the Araucanians do) their own surnames, often "disguised" to resemble a similar Spanish surname. Not from the Chaco, but from Bolivia, we know many similar cases. For example, indigenous people who "civilize" themselves and have surnames in Quechua or Aymara, they disguise them with a similar Spanish one. Thus, the beautiful indigenous surname Quispe, which means "Free", is transformed into Gisbert.
In Jujuy, Salta, and Catamarca, we conducted some tests like the following. We stood in front of a church, a Post Office, or another busy public building and observed the people entering (twenty years of living in Bolivia, in contact with indigenous people, had given us good experience). We counted and classified the people entering these sites. In the city center, naturally, European-type individuals were the majority, though not by a large margin. In the neighborhoods, the percentage of people who could be classified as indigenous and mestizos generally did not fall below seventy percent; but they were civilized, dressed like us, etc., and therefore were considered white in statistics and censuses. The same occurred in Corrientes, where we were several times, with the additional note that a large part of that population preserves their language, although they speak Spanish. Now, according to Corrientes' censuses, there is not a single indigenous person.
According to our experience and what we know about the country, we believe that close to ten percent of the Argentine population can be considered of practically pure indigenous origin, and that individuals classifiable as "mestizos" are, at least, another similar proportion. Moreover, these are the well-known "cabecitas negras" (black heads), as the porteños say. How many of them are in Buenos Aires?
The same - and much more - occurs in the remaining countries of America. In Uruguay, where indigenous people are supposed to have disappeared a century ago, we counted more than a hundred of them (then we stopped counting) in the Northern departments. In Mexico, where officially only those who speak exclusively an indigenous language are counted as indigenous
(knowing Spanish, as those who know it are considered "mestizos") pure indigenous people, according to the censuses, are barely ten percent of the population. Nevertheless, they are the majority, however civilized they may be. We remember the astonished exclamation of a distinguished Spanish professor - who was Minister of Education in Spain during the Republic - when discussing the topic, she said: "Yes, Mexicans always seemed to me like Indians who spoke and behaved like Spaniards!"
Another anecdote. We were at an Argentine Archaeology Congress. An author presented a work about the current population of Northern San Juan and said it had a purely Spanish origin, without indigenous traits; it was integrated by ranchers, because the zone only allowed minimal agriculture of small gardens, on the edge of a stream. They had milk, but only children and the sick drank it; they did not make cheese. We asked the author how he identified indigenous traits. If, for him, an individual of indigenous origin had to wear a loincloth and carry some feathers on their head. Indeed, it is inconceivable that any population of pure Spanish origin - Galician, moreover, as was claimed - would have abundant milk and not drink it and especially not make cheese; this is a trait that cannot be lost. The rejection of cheese is a general indigenous trait. Indigenous people often make it, but do not eat it, they sell it...
3. Exotic Minorities in a Presumed Mongoloid Group
Later we will examine the classifications about the race or races to which American indigenous people belong, according to various authors, especially those who most diverge from each other. Overall, we will see how they maintain that the American indigenous population has a primarily Mongoloid origin; for some authors it is total, while others admit small minorities from other racial groups.
Ulloa's phrase is well known: Having seen one Indian, you have seen them all, they are so similar to each other. It is evident that, to say that, Ulloa had focused more on culture than on the physical traits of the natives; moreover, Ulloa only traveled through a small part of the continent, so he did not see all indigenous people. Would he have said the same if he had seen together a Patagonian, a bearded and bald Guayaquí from Paraguay, and a Motilón pygmy from Colombia?
The most recent anthropologists tend to insist heavily on the mongoloid characteristics of natives, but what mongoloid traits are they referring to? There is no general one - among those so called - just as there is no common trait to all Caucasoids. We can say, by way of example - as others have already said - that except for some exceptional skulls, it is impossible to distinguish a Mongoloid skull from a Caucasian one; the same occurs with the skin color of those called Mongoloids, since commonly, it does not differ from the color proper to those called "Caucasoids", on the Mediterranean shores, and thus it appears on several anthropological maps we possess, where this characteristic is marked.
Nevertheless, the most frequently cited anthropological trait as Mongoloid by anthropologists is the shape and color of hair.
It is evident that these anthropologists are "clutching at straws" to support an a priori indefensible theory. The maps on color and shape (section and straightness) of hair seem to give reason to the authors who tell us this, as they uniformly present the entire Asian Mongoloid group and American indigenous people as exclusively possessing black hair, circular section, thick and straight, however long they may be.
Is that true? We have been twenty years in Bolivia, in intimate contact with all kinds of indigenous people, in addition to the indigenous people we know in Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, Brazil, Mexico, and other countries. We can say that this is not so. It is only an application of the "middle terms" method in this type of study.
The divergent minorities that appear are eliminated when the majority is taken into account. The entire anthropological procedure we are talking about consists of basing itself on the "majority" and discarding, by ignoring, the minorities.
There is a high percentage of indigenous people - in Bolivia, no less than a third of the population - with dark brown and slightly wavy hair. The latter characteristic means that their hair does not have a circular section, but an oval one; there are even some undoubtedly indigenous individuals who have reddish hair yy , personally, we have found two pre-Columbian indigenous skulls in Bolivia with remains of reddish hair. We have also seen several hundred mummies and especially mummified heads in the Archaeological Museum of San Pedro de Atacama, Chile, which preserved their hair more or less intact, mostly brown and wavy. The same appears in collections from the Peruvian coast.
Even in pre-Columbian indigenous paintings, there are blonde hairstyles. From the Peruvian coast, several mummies and heads with this characteristic are known, but efforts are made to set them aside, saying that they have decolorized over time and were originally black. Contrary to this assumption, there are abundant references from old chroniclers and travelers from the time of the conquest, who tell us that they found indigenous people with reddish and blonde hair, and even blue eyes. To avoid the problems these data bring, they are simply ignored.
Typically thick and black hair is, without doubt, what most indigenous people and natives of the Chaco and Patagonia have, among whom brown hair is very scarce; consequently, their physiognomy should be of mongoloid type and their legs should also be relatively short. Unfortunately, these indigenous people behave in an ungrateful manner, as their legs correspond to the long forms of humanity and their faces, instead of being flattened - that is, pushed forward - are pushed to the sides, which gives them a
Europoid. That typical face was the one the Toba indigenous person at the Rosario restaurant had.
Other indigenous people do present the flattened face that is generally considered typical of Mongoloids; additionally, short legs appear, the Mongolian fold (which is normally accompanied by straight, not oblique eyes as supposed) and a somewhat flattened nose, not very wide, although the most common among indigenous people is to have a somewhat protruding nose.
We will "grab" a little bit of the nose, like others "grab" hair. It is common to represent indigenous people with a strong aquiline nose. This comes from a North American influence in the representation of Plains Indians. Do the Plains Indians have this type of nose? The American anthropologist Clark Wissler makes a good critique. He says that this is an exception among them, that among the Dakotas it is where this trait is most present, but even so, this trait is not found in more than ten percent of the Dacota population. In turn, this trait is typical of chiefs and the indigenous ruling class, not of the people. The truth is that it was used to characterize them.
Is the curved, aquiline nose Mongoloid? No; it is one of the most anti-Mongoloid types of noses known. It is typical of Caucasoid peoples of the Near Asia, from Anatolia to Persia. It is often considered the typical nose of the Jewish "race", but in its origin it is characteristic of the ancient Hittites and Assyrians (although it would be pre-Hittite and pre-Assyrian), as presented in their sculptures. The Hittites are the Hethites of the Bible, who from that time mixed with the Phoenicians and Hebrews.
In the regions of high American culture, we find that in Mexico there are numerous representations of men with big noses, bearded and mustached. The presence of the beard is one of the most characteristic features of the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, practically since Christ's times, in the Teotihuacan civilization. The same happens in the Mayan region and among the oldest Olmecs. In the Peruvian coastal region, we have the very ancient Mochica civilization, which has given us several
Dozens of thousands of huacos, sculptural portraits of human heads, well known by everyone. The faces represented in them correspond to three very distinct human types: Caucasoids, with a strong curved nose, which are the absolute majority and never present the Mongolian fold in their eyes (they must have had beards and mustaches, but shaved them, as proven by abundant Phoenician-Greek type razors that have been found); others, with the face flattened forward, would correspond to Mongoloid types, with those traits in view (they are a not very abundant minority) and, finally, a small minority of individuals with a frankly Negroid face, wide and flat nose and other usual traits.
Naturally, these huaco-portraits mainly represent individuals from the indigenous ruling class, therefore, it is possible that the real proportion of Caucasoid-type individuals among the Mochicas did not exceed the ten percent that Wissler indicates for the Dakotas. What matters is their existence - whether they are minorities or not - for which we must explain their origin, since they cannot be confused with the Mongoloid types coming through the Bering Strait.
4. The Asian origin, through the Bering Strait
The Asian origin following the route of the Bering Strait is the most accepted regarding the origin of American indigenous peoples. Naturally, this origin is considered - by the majority of researchers - within the context of the great Mongoloid race.
Regarding the antiquity of this Asian migration, until a few decades ago, a single migration was accepted, which would have originated all the varieties of indigenous peoples found in the American continent. Currently, several migrations are usually admitted, but the various authors who support this are not very much in agreement among themselves about which and how many they were.
Also a few dozen years ago, it was supposed that that single migration was not older than ten
Or, at most, fifteen thousand years. More recently, that antiquity has been multiplied, and Carbon 14 analyses were the main reason that forced acceptance of greater origin age. These analyses give us an antiquity that slightly exceeds forty thousand years, for some sites in California and neighboring islands, but even that figure is no longer satisfactory. We were the first to maintain - over thirty years ago - an antiquity prior to the beginning of the last glacial period, which at that time was calculated at around seventy thousand years. Now there is an author who speaks of between seventy thousand and one hundred thousand years.
Forty thousand years before the Era is sufficient for what we wish to discuss. At that time, in the Old World, the human form known as Homo sapiens sapiens did not yet exist, which appeared very shortly after. Instead, the form called Homo sapiens neanderthalensis existed, with its own Middle Paleolithic culture. Previously, the form had the culture of the Upper Paleolithic. We clarify that when Neanderthal forms are called Homo neanderthalensis - without inserting sapiens - they are considered a human species prior to the current one; when sapiens is inserted, they are considered a specialized racial form of the current species to which we belong.
Regarding America, it was taken for granted that there were no sites with lithic material from the Middle Paleolithic; it was maintained that the oldest settlers of America all corresponded to the Upper Paleolithic (some even claimed they were exclusively Neolithic), and that the entire American population belonged to the sapiens sapiens form. Now, many dozens of sites are known in which all the material found and studied fully belongs to the Middle Paleolithic, and it even seems to be from the late Early Paleolithic. This reveals the existence of Neanderthal-like human forms in indigenous America.
We will clarify the following. Generally, even a large number of anthropologists consider that the "Neanderthal race" was a human form prior to ours, very rough and primitive, provided with enormous projections above the eyes (supraorbital torus). The truth is that we have seen some skulls of
Patagonian indigenous (and living European individuals) provided with a torus of that type, which undoubtedly surpasses that of Neanderthal skulls we observe in Paris museums. It is equally supposed that they had very short and thick legs, but in complete skeleton findings of that type, made in France, there is more than one with well-long legs.
In truth, at least two well-characterized Neanderthaloid human types exist, that is, different from each other. We refer to Europe and nearby regions. The first and oldest is called generalized Neanderthal; its features, torus, etc., are never exaggerated, which is why numerous authors suppose that full Homo sapiens sapiens descends directly from them, without passing through the following form (chronologically next), which is called classical Neanderthal, with larger skulls and strong features as well as developed supraorbital torus.
According to us, both forms are present in pre-Columbian America, especially the first, which seems to be quite abundant; the second is relatively scarce and appears very mixed in all the skulls we know. Unfortunately, until now, all human remains we know of either form do not correspond to their origin levels or first epoch of their presence on the continent, but to later times, as we will see; but their industrial remains do indicate that they arrived on our continent no later than forty thousand years ago, that is, in the Middle Paleolithic.
Later - we will see better - full Homo sapiens sapiens arrives in America, with the culture of specialized hunters of the Upper Paleolithic. It is there where Mongoloid elements mainly appear, more precisely, mainly in their external, color features, but not in the bone features.
We consider the generalized Neanderthaloid individuals to be quite abundant in America, but, to our knowledge, no researcher recognizes them as such. The term is avoided, as it is believed that the "Neanderthal race" is extinct and, therefore, they are called Australoids. For us, the Australoids are ancient Caucasoids.
5. The Oceanic and South Asian origin
"Serious" scientific anthropologists normally consider that the indigenous American population has only one route of origin, that of the Bering Strait, at most accepting that there were more than one migration and that the first human forms that arrived there were of primitive Mongoloid type or, rarely, Australoids. Other researchers considered "less serious" - among which we undoubtedly count ourselves - admit a different route of origin: maritime navigation across the Pacific Ocean, which would be subsequent.
Through that route, more than one racial element would have also penetrated. Sometimes it is claimed that the American Australoids arrived in this way; more generally, it is indicated that what was brought from there was a dominant Mongoloid racial element to which, frequently, Caucasoid-type minorities are added. According to us, both elements arrived in our lands via the Pacific (as well as through Bering), but we estimate the Mongoloid racial element to be much smaller than commonly supposed.
The antiquity of these human contributions across the Pacific was initially considered to be from a few centuries before the Era, but currently the figures have increased significantly, due to archaeological discoveries made especially in Ecuador, Northern Colombia, and Southern California. Roughly, it can be supposed that the first date of these new migrations goes back to 3500-30003500-3000 before Christ and that they continued more or less intensively until shortly before the Era; then they continued weakly, thanks to commercial relations.
Now the problem shifts to South Asia and, to begin with, to Indonesia and neighboring areas. What racial forms existed there, then? We hardly know. The current population of that region is normally considered Mongoloid, better paleomongoloid, but there were and are also authors who classified Indonesians as a Caucasoid form akin to
The Mediterranean race. We count ourselves among them, although we undoubtedly admit a general and diffuse mixture with Mongoloid elements or traits. Additionally, in Indonesia, there are remains of previous populations, such as the Pygmies of the Philippines and Australoid forms in Sumatra, etc.
Both in Indochina and Indonesia, some ancient skulls of Melanesoid type have been found, which almost amounts to saying Negroid, but Negroid with special characteristics.
Pure Caucasoids, with aquiline noses, bearded, etc., also exist, although they are a small minority found in the ruling classes. Generally, when they are mentioned, they are attributed a Hindu origin slightly after the Era, a product of the Hindu colonization of the area, which would begin around the 2nd century after Christ.
We are now concerned with the existence of a developed and ancient navigation, made by merchants, throughout the South of Asia. Its origin date is undoubtedly prior to 5000 before the Era, but it is around 3000 that we begin to have some certain and direct information about it. This navigation extended through the Eastern Mediterranean, from where we have some indirect news (remains of obsidian trade, found far from their sources of origin), which would date back to around 7000 before Christ. This navigation was fundamentally made by merchant peoples, but it is known that where there are maritime merchants, there are also pirates and militarized states that seek to seize this trade and that, commonly, begin by being a people of pirates.
We are unaware of which peoples of the Far East were the first to develop navigation, but they undoubtedly existed in Indochina, Southern China, Indonesia, India, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Levant of the Mediterranean. Around 3000 before Christ, we have the first direct historical news about maritime merchants in Southern Sumeria and the Nile Delta, very shortly after, referring to the Levant of the Mediterranean and the civilization of the Indus Valley. These are the beginnings of the Bronze Age.
The development of the great civilizations of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley ultimately placed most of that trade in the hands of Caucasoid peoples, even towards the Far East. It is undoubtable—though still not well recognized—that the Egyptians had a significant maritime development around the middle of the third millennium before Christ (apart from later maritime development periods); the Cretans and Phoenicians followed afterward; of the maritime peoples of the Persian Gulf coast, we know practically nothing, except that they existed and that they reached distant lands, whose names we find in Sumerian tablets, but we are unaware of their locations. As we know, they went around Arabia and arrived in Egypt via the Red Sea. There is some mention of Ceylon as an intermediate point on the route to the East.
Later, the Phoenicians arrived, via the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, as far as Indochina and Indonesia. Around 800 BC they arrived in Sumatra (we believe they arrived earlier, around the middle of the previous millennium, and that this was a rediscovery). It is not unlikely that the Cretans also arrived in the East during the second millennium (a Bird of Paradise is represented in a Cretan palace). From the middle of the third millennium, that is, even earlier, there is a ceramic with the shape of an armadillo or tatú in the Greek culture of Cycladic merchants; let us remember that the armadillo is an exclusively American animal.
Around the 7th century BC, the Corinthian Greeks established themselves in Egypt, in an authorized commercial port, with great privileges; history says nothing about their relations with the East, but Greek names remain on the coasts of Indochina and their commercial products—especially clothing and weapons—have been found in recent times in Micronesia, Hawaii, and ancient America.
The history of that trade continues during Roman times, the Middle Ages and beyond, but this no longer interests us.
We have published a small book, abundantly illus-
trado with maps, which bears the title The Representation of America in Roman Maps of Christ's Time. In it, we show the knowledge about America that existed then, as American coasts from Mexico to Northern Peru appear in more than one ancient map, with geographical and city names. These names are mainly Sanskrit and Persian. We will soon make a new edition of the work.
This account about South Asian merchants and the intervention of Caucasoid peoples is important to explain the presence of Europoid individuals in American lands, in their great civilizations. The other human type that preferentially followed the same path - and undoubtedly preceded the Caucasoids on it - is the most typical Indonesian (mixed or not with Mongoloid features), that is, a relatively small, slender human type with delicate features, utterly devoid of an aquiline nose and facial hair, so that it is easily distinguishable. It is abundantly represented in Mexico, in the archaic statuettes called "pretty woman".
6. First Conclusions
The American indigenous population is not homogeneous. There is absolutely no American homotype postulated by the Czech-Americanized researcher, Ales Hrdliçka, which was obtained by using the system of mean terms and the complete elimination of minorities.
The treatment of these minorities has not yet been done in an organic way, since science does not have a good procedure to carry it out. But they exist and we will try to distinguish them conveniently in this work.
Especially, we are interested in distinguishing men with abundant beard and mustache found in America, both in living forms and in ancient sculptural representations, paintings and pre-Columbian ceramics, as their study will show us a practically unknown aspect of American prehistory.
From the beginning, we must say that there are, at least, two distinct types of human beings with abundant beard and mustache in the antiquity of our continent; of both we have already spoken. The first is quite easy to distinguish and, without doubt, comprises no less than two human types, both Neanderthaloid or Australoid (we will use both terms as synonyms from now on, although we believe this will horrify more than one. The reasons will be explained immediately) and is preserved especially in some very primitive peoples who have reached the present day, in addition to being present in relatively ancient skulls. They would have accessed the continent via the Bering Strait; their culture had the typical forms of the Middle Paleolithic.
The latter is what, necessarily, makes these human beings be considered Neanderthal-like. In the Middle Paleolithic, we know - or it is well known - that full Homo sapiens sapiens did not exist. It was during that era when these human beings arrived in our continent through Bering, bringing their culture. If we see them today - we have seen many and most readers will be able to recognize them in the illustrations - their human type is clearly Australoid (which, for us, means a primitive Caucasoid form). Hence we make both words synonymous, in terms of their practical use. Other reasons we will see later.
The second Caucasoid human type in America is the one that came via transpacific merchants. It is distinguished, in addition to having a beard and mustache, by the presence of a large aquiline nose and a strong chin. This type is never found in the most primitive American peoples, but only within the scope of the great American cultures. Its abundant representation in sculptures, etc., is what allows us to fully affirm its existence, apart from the fact that we have found and seen a dozen of its skulls (two complete skeletons) and measured half a dozen of them. Moreover, it is not unique, that is, it is not a single race, in its representations. There are at least two more types that we slightly add to its set: a type that seems more Mediterranean,
represented especially in some ancient ceramics from the Peruvian coast and an undoubted Hindu type, represented in abundant Mayan sculptures.
The primitive types provided with beard and mustache currently survive in primitive peoples; the same should happen with the more developed Caucasoid types we are dealing with now, but here we face a seemingly insurmountable difficulty: these last American Caucasoids were all, without doubt, part of the indigenous ruling class at the time of the conquest and, for the most part, were killed during it; their wives and daughters became part of the conquistadors' booty, who had sons and daughters with them. Their descendants are, naturally, "white", since both parents were. How can we distinguish them?
There are data provided by the conquest chroniclers, when they tell us that such or such a woman from the indigenous nobility was as white as if she were Castilian, but this is something that practically no one has paid attention to yet. The chroniclers give similar reports about male individuals.
Among the current indigenous people of Bolivia that we have seen, there are undoubtedly descendants of the human type we are discussing, without mixture with whites of Spanish origin; but through continued mixing with other native types, especially Mongoloid, they have come to lose their beard and mustache, while their skin tone is darker, like that of other Indians; brown and slightly wavy hair frequently appears in them; their facial features are Caucasoid, with a large and aquiline nose and - an important detail for us - light eyes, of a light brown color or rather a light tea color. The most common indigenous people we know have intensely pigmented eyes, in a brown or maroon tone, whose variations cover the white part of the eye in ramifications, like a spider web.
Much of what we have just said may be taken, especially at the beginning of reading this work, as the product of mental lucubrations without much basis, but
We should not rush. The proof of what we say is found in the illustrations, and to them we refer.
We strive to provide the necessary interpretation of each illustration, something which, apparently, has not aroused much interest. Without a doubt, the interpretation we present may have its defects and errors, but the truth is that we try to interpret the reality offered to us, instead of hiding our head like an ostrich, saying that all American indigenous people are of Mongoloid origin because they entered our continent through the nearly only quasi-terrestrial route, the Bering Strait.
In our exposition or examination to try to isolate - or better said, discriminate - these human types in America, we cannot ignore the rest of the indigenous American population, which is supposed to be of Mongoloid origin and which we will see is not quite so. Isolated (external) Mongoloid traits appear abundantly in America in various human types, but fully Mongoloid human forms in all their traits are relatively scarce, to such an extent that the situation arises of saying they are minorities, even though these minorities are quite larger in number than those corresponding to individuals with beard and mustache. Moreover, these Mongoloid human forms do not present a unity, but rather correspond to distinctly different races. There are very primitive forms of them and others highly developed.
Furthermore, there are other minorities that seem minuscule, represented by individuals with clearly Negroid traits - African and Oceanic Negroids - as well as pygmy and pygmoid human forms, which have been vainly attempted to be made to disappear through arbitrary statistical procedures.
The very base of the general indigenous American population, in its most representative types, especially its women, seems to us to come from the oldest migration made via the Bering Strait, that is, it is Australoid. Through continued mixing during many millennia with later emigrants, already of Mongoloid type, they have generally come to lose the beard and mustache (and early baldness), since the new
Invaders, of course, killed the men but kept their women, with whom they had mestizo children. In this way, the study of indigenous women is of primary interest to understand the origin of the most ancient American population. That study has not yet been done; all anthropological studies are fundamentally conducted on male individuals.
In the first chapters of this work, we will have to make a general review of the pre-Columbian American population, examining some of the classifications of their races that various authors have made, in order to situate ourselves in the general panorama. Naturally, we will begin by presenting the classifications most contrary to the thesis we are supporting here.
With the foregoing, we have offered the general panorama of the existing American population, according to our concept, and we have located the bearded human forms of the Caucasoid type. Now, in the body of the work, we must demonstrate what has been said. The fundamental aspect is our illustrations and their corresponding interpretation.
Classification of American Indigenous Peoples
1. Racial and Cultural Background of the Problem
The problem we are addressing initially had both a racial and cultural aspect, since these concepts were not conveniently separated in the early stages of research, as it was based on the idea that each people formed a race and that each race had its own culture. This was valid for the beginnings of scientific research, but it had already existed vaguely before.
The chroniclers of the very moment of conquest had to face the problem, since the Pope himself, shortly after the discovery, resolved that the American indigenous people were men, not animals that could be enslaved without a burden of conscience and, consequently, descended from Adam and Eve. For this reason, they had to find out how or by what route they had arrived in the newly discovered lands.
Where did the American Indians come from, in whole or in part? When studying a cultural element, it was always inextricably linked to the racial problem. If, for example, jade pieces found in Mexico were discussed, the origin of the Mexican race - which was supposed to come from China - was analyzed, rather than the provenance of that element in isolation. This continued until the existence of native jade in Mexico was discovered.
This went on for a long time until, in the middle of the last century, the attitude gradually changed and culminated with the triumph of a group of researchers who assumed an attitude
criticism. That faction was then called Evolutionist, claiming to be linked to the evolutionist ideas of Natural Sciences, but in reality, it had and has nothing more than an external, verbal aspect. In reality, it is nothing more than a form under which the polygenism of the human species was disguised, to at least sustain the polygenism of human inventions. Even numerous researchers who believed themselves to be monogenists fall within this qualification, such as Alfredo Trombetti, who defended the monogenism of language origin and did not realize that, in the way he presented that monogenism, he was supporting thousands of polygenetic facts for language. For example, he affirmed the unity of American languages and their grouping into a single linguistic group (already made and previously accepted) called Polysynthetic. But this common and unique origin (when dealing with a single group) of American languages automatically involves that the details of the languages must be independent inventions. Such is the case of the pure decimal numbering of the Quechua language, which could not have originally come from Alaska, or the decavigesimal numbering with high numerals of the Mayans; or the existence of gender in various languages of the Upper Amazon and the numeratives in Central American languages, etc. None of this could have come from Alaska and, therefore, would be independently invented, polygenetic. The linguist Morris Swadesh almost fell into the same error in our time.
Something similar happens, though more consciously, with current researchers who argue for the unique origin of the American man through the sole route of Alaska.
We must explain something about monogenism and polygenism. The Bible itself speaks of the unique origin of man: all human beings descend from Adam and Eve; but it also speaks of the multiple, polygenetic origin of animals and plants. It is, in reality, two different ways of thinking that have been combined in the common form of thinking. The following occurs: the things that matter to us - like the origin of man - we assume to have a unique origin, true inventions or works of art, we know are of
unique origin; but the things that do not matter to us or are of very ancient knowledge or invention, we easily assume as coming from multiple inventions, made at different times and places. That is why before, in natural sciences, it was supposed that mice were born spontaneously in garbage, worms in mud or in rotten things, etc., without having any kind of antecedents. Now we well know that nothing can exist without having its antecedents, but we continue to think that simple facts are produced or invented spontaneously.
For us, the polygenetic thinking, in its purest expression - which is confused with creationism, that is, when it is supposed that things can exist without having antecedents - is the survival of a very primitive way of thinking, we would say, Neanderthaloid. We leave that, since to clarify it well requires a series of long explanations that we cannot develop here. In American aborigines, the presence of such traits: abundant beard and mustache, aquiline noses, baldness, etc., cannot be considered as independent, polygenetic and spontaneous appearance, but must have their necessary biological antecedents. These are not found in our continent; the same happens with numerous cultural objects, whose necessary antecedents are not here but in the Old World.
Returning to the previous point. When, at the end of the last century and the beginning of the current one, the study of European prehistory made an organized form of "evolutionary" ideas triumph, the same idea was applied to the entire world, as an organized and comprehensive solution to prehistory. After a long struggle, monogenism triumphed over the origin of the human species, but it was a poorly conceived monogenism that, in turn, included the existence of countless polygenetic origin traits; the same occurred with the linguistic "monogenist" theses of Trombetti and Swadesh.
With that triumph, a racial interpretation was produced that was only concerned with determining the migration routes of the "great races": white, black, and yellow. The center of Asia was more or less accepted as the first origin of the human species; the different
Migrations were produced from there, without greater concerns. In other words, black races - considered the most primitive - would have spread towards South Asia and from that zone would have passed directly towards Oceania and Africa. The white race, which is later, migrated towards Europe and Southwest Asia. Another later race, the yellow race, preserved and expanded its territory in Asia and passed towards America via the Bering route, as the easiest and most probable. Afterwards, there would have been a yellow invasion, in a large part of Oceania.
Conceived in this way, racial evolution, the cultural interpretation could not be other than a polygenism of inventions produced after the separation of races from their original center. This interpretation occurred and dominated among most prehistory and history researchers and, even today, continues to dominate.
It is important to insist a bit on cultural facts. Nevertheless, with that approach to prehistory, some interpretations were already produced in which the high indigenous American culture - or rather, some of its elements - would have arrived here from Oceania. Naturally, those comparisons did not have greater demonstrative force, since if it was accepted that a large part of the high cultural elements of America were of independent origin on this continent, it would be difficult to sustain and demonstrate the allogenic origin of a few of them. If many inventions could be made in different sites, why would one accept that a few were not?
In this state, the triumph of the evolutionist-polygenist side occurred. The North American researchers - with whom this tendency was most developed, despite having many opponents in their own country - had an investigator with a notable critical spirit, but only towards the theories of their opponents. This is about Professor Ales Hrdliçka, of Czech origin.
Certainly, that tendency already had notable predecessors in North America; Samuel Morton - who maintained the total racial unity of North American indigenous people - and the Frenchman Du Ponceau,
who in turn maintained the unity, in a single original group, of all American indigenous languages. During those years, the scientific activity of Franz Boas stood out, also a supporter of the unique origin via Alaska. He formed a series of notable disciples to whom he imposed the idea that it was necessary to work on collecting materials before the indigenous peoples disappeared. One should not waste time on research about origin topics; the convenient thing was to collect materials and not dedicate oneself to thinking. Posed in this way, the research problem necessarily had to fall into the simplest interpretation about the origin of the American population: the direct Asian origin, through Bering.
2. The classification of indigenous people, according to Hrdliçka
Hrdliçka did quite a bit more regarding the topic we are discussing. It is said that his interpretation was the result of his investigation and not an a priori concept, but it is enough to examine it and the historical moment in which it occurred, to see that the a priori existed in his very criticisms, and that what he did with them was to accommodate American prehistory to the "logical" vision of world prehistory, which had already been constructed at that time.
Hrdliçka traveled through various parts of the continent, examining human remains and tools that were then postulated as proof of the great antiquity of the American man. The criticism he made of them was undoubtedly useful in part, as he concluded with a chaotic state of exaggerated interpretations. In this, we have nothing to reproach him for, except that his examinations were done very quickly. After completing this work, or in other words, after having well prepared and cleared the ground, Hrdliçka published his prized theory (which he undoubtedly already had before, and based on which he made his criticisms) where he maintained the unique origin of the American man in Asia, with exclusive entry through Bering and little antiquity, of ten thousand years, for this migration (later increased, with reluctance, to fifteen thousand years). Along with that, he sustained the racial unity of the American man, whom he subdivided into four subraces, which occupied different regions of the continen-
nt and would have arrived here successively. Naturally, the American population was a specialized form of the great Mongolian race. Discordant facts, such as the appearance of bearded men in America, do not merit a single word of explanation in his work. He ignores them with Olympian indifference.
In summary, here is Hrdliçka's thesis:
"The differences that appear among the Indians are more apparent than real, and in no case do they give us a racial difference; everything argues for a general original unity of the Indians. The same occurs with languages, which have grammatical similarities, etc., and which are grouped in a large original group - the Polysynthetic - which demonstrates the existence of a vast parentage of origin.
"In culture, we also find numerous proofs of a similar unity. There are methods in stone, wood, clay, weaving and basket-making techniques, for providing shelter and fire, in clothing and scarce furniture, in agriculture, games, medicine, religion and conceptions of nature, in folklore, social organizations, war customs and even in other important and intimate phases of Indian life. Moreover, essential similarities are discovered in the mind and behavior of Indians, across both continents.
"The constitution is also unitary: they are easy prey to alcohol; little exposed to diseases such as cretinism, cancer, madness, etc., while weak against tuberculosis, measles, smallpox, and syphilis.
"The fundamental color is soft or yellowish brown and varies to a brownish yellow and chocolate; the hair is black and straight; body hair is scarce; a characteristic racial odor is lacking; the pulse is slow; the size of the head and cranial capacity are slightly smaller than in whites; the skull a bit thicker. Eyes of dark brown color, with bluish conjunctiva in children, pearly white in adolescents and dirty yellow in adults; slightly oblique. The nasal bridge is curved, moderately or markedly; the nose robust, often aquiline in males, shorter and straighter and even concave in women; mesorhinic. The malar region is prominent and the canine or suborbital fossae less deep than in whites."
"The mouth is large and so is the palate. Lips medium,"
thicker than in whites. Prognathism intermediate between whites and blacks. Voluminous chin, sometimes square, larger and less prominent than in whites. Teeth stronger than in whites, with the inner surface of the upper incisors in the shape of a shovel. This constitutes a specific racial characteristic. The ears are large.
"The neck is of medium length and thick; the chest deeper than in whites; female breasts are medium or slightly more and conical. In women, the disproportion between the pelvis and shoulders is less than among white women. Absence of steatopygia; the lumbar curve is moderate. Lower extremities thinner than in whites; thin calf. Hands and feet of moderate size. An important characteristic of unity are the relative radiohumerus and tibiofemoral proportions, which are of a similar average value throughout the continent and intermediate between whites and blacks. Three common skeletal elements are platybrachyia, platymeria, and platyknemia."
"This applies to the race in general. Minor differences that may arise could even be extra-American.
"Regarding antiquity and origin, it is impossible for primitive peoples to have navigated from Europe or Africa. In contrast, the Bering Strait, which is only 30 miles wide, and the Aleutian Islands offer a possible path for peoples of limited culture. Returning to the racial question, the Indian does not resemble the white or black person, whereas in Siberia, on the East coast of the Asian continent, in Malaysia and even Polynesia, a type appears that is practically identical in its essential features to the Indian.
"This type is found today with particular purity in the Philippines (Igorot), in Formosa, in parts of mainland China, in Mongolia, and in many parts of Siberia. Equally in China, Korea, and Japan. The physical similarity between some members of this type and the American Indian is such that if a member of one or the other group were transplanted and dressed like those of the tribe in the midst of which they were situated, they could possibly not be distinguished by any means available even to a scientific observer.
"Such similarities are not fortuitous. They show that the American population came from Siberia, which is the only possible route. The Pacific Mongoloids have arrived there only recently yy , therefore they cannot be considered as possible original emigrants, although it is not impossible that some islanders subsequently came.
"In Siberia, no remains of the Old Paleolithic are found; almost"
everything is Neolithic. This leads to assert that the start of migration to America occurred during the last Paleolithic and first Neolithic periods, in numbers, around 10,000 or 15,000 years ago. The emigrants must have been small groups of hunters and fishermen, who later multiplied on the continent.
"The emigrants, although all belonging to the same main race, were not strictly homogeneous, but rather represented several distinct subtypes of yellow-dark peoples, with differences in culture and language."
"The first of these subtypes is the dolichocephalic Indian, represented today in North America by the Algonquins, Iroquois, Sioux and Shoshones; further South, by the Pima-Aztecs and, in South America, by many tribes that extend through large regions of that continent, from Venezuela and the coast of Brazil to Tierra del Fuego, the so-called 'Lagõa Santa race' are merely Indians of this type."
"Then came the type that Morton called 'Toltec', characterized by brachycephaly, which established itself along the Northwest coast, in the central region and eastern mounds, in the Antilles, Mexico (including Yucatan), the Gulf States, much of Central America, finally reaching the coast of Peru and other parts of northern South America."
"Even later, two new subtypes arrived, the Athabascans and the Eskimos. The Athabascans, of a virile brachycephalic type, related to common Siberians and to the brachycephalic subtypes of the previous type, occupy Alaska and Northwest Canada, with isolated penetration zones in California (Hupa), and in Arizona, New Mexico, Texas and parts of northern Mexico (Navajos and Apaches)."
This, in summary, seems to be the history of the genesis of American Indians, as derived from the current and generally acceptable anthropological evidence." (Hrdliçka, Ales: The Origin and Antiquity of the American Indians, 1925.)
As can be easily noticed, this theory - and it can only be called a theory, as it presents no more proof than a logical construction - implies the independent origin of the highest indigenous American civilization, since the great civilizations of Mexico and Peru could not have arrived fully formed, nor in their most remote beginnings, through migrations via Alaska. The entire interpretation is based on treating the indigenous majority through average terms,
The majority of which is not known how it was obtained; minorities are conspicuous by their absence, as are men with beards and mustaches.
Hrdliçka's thesis persists in most North American and world researchers, although it is generally denied; but we can say that what remains is the fundamental basis of the single Asian origin, via Bering, a thesis prior to Hrdliçka.
For our research, the racial subdivision presented by Hrdliça is of greater interest and offers an important detail. We will deal with it later. We regret that the author has not presented us with a map, as it would clarify many things.
Long before Hrdliçka, there were several racial classifications of Americans. Two are important to us, which were starting points for researchers in both Americas: Samuel Morton's in the United States and Alcides D'Orbigny's for South America. The first is easy to present in a few words, as it claims - like Hrdliçka - the unity of all American indigenous people and even their independent origin on our continent, that is, he was a supporter of the polygenism of the human species. In reality, Hrdliçka followed him, but with the difference of annexing the single American race to the Mongolian.
D'Orbigny's classification for South America was quite accepted in Europe and in South America, particularly in Argentina. It comprises the subdivision of South American indigenous people into three major races, which he studied more especially in the meridional regions and, in detail, in Bolivia. These three races are the following: Pampean Race, Brasilio-Guarani, and Ando-Peruvian.
The first important modification to D'Orbigny's classification was the separation of the Guarani indigenous people from the so-called Lagõa Santa race, which Deniker later called the Paleoamerican race. More recently, E. von Eickstedt called it the Laguid race (while considering all Americans as a particular specialization of the great Mongolian race),
(subdivided into eight minor races). This is a primitive racial type, very dolichocephalic and with a rough face, with strong superciliary arches. It was first formed based on a series of ancient skulls found in the Lagõa Santa region in Minas Geraes, Brazil; then living Botocudos and other primitive peoples in their culture from eastern Brazil were annexed, which D'Orbigny had incorporated into the Brasilio-Guarani race and the Fuegians, whom the same author had placed at the end of his Ando-Peruvian race.
3. Imbelloni's American Racial Classification
Dr. José Imbelloni subdivided that Laguid race into the two mentioned components, which were primitively separated, according to D'Orbigny's classification, but were united by Deniker and von Eickstedt. He called them: Fueguids and Laguid. Then, following especially von Eickstedt, he classified the other American indigenous races, with some important modifications.
We will present here the racial classification of this author, entirely American. The order in which we present it is not the same as Imbelloni's, as we follow an order from its greatest antiquity to the least, while the author follows a geographical order from North to South, and of origin. The order in which we present these races is what, according to the author, corresponds to their arrival on the continent, which seems more logical to us and provides us with greater clarity of vision. We also reproduce his map:
"a) Pre-Mongol Asian origin races (Australoids)
"1². Fuegians. Due to their fishing culture, they inhabit the coasts and are widely dispersed across the continent. The largest living group appears in the Magellanic territories and Chilean islands, south of Chiloé (Yámanas and Alacalufes and the extinct Chonos); then, the Changos of the Antofagasta coast and the remains found in shell middens along the entire Chilean and Peruvian coast; the living Urus and Chipayas in the Bolivian Altiplano; in Colombia
and Venezuela the type is abundant among the Chocó, Piaroa, Ibi-opoto, Goajiro, and Motilones. In Northern California, the remains of Humboldt Bay and some living tribes north of San Francisco. In Brazil, some remain among the Botocudos (Aymoré) and they inhabited much of the coast before the Guaraní invasion.
"They are of low stature (1.57 in males, and 1.4 in females), dolichocephalic (cephalic index 77 in the living; in the skull, from 73 to 77) with a low cranial vault (vertical-transverse index 84-95), narrow forehead, elongated face, leptomorphic nose, oblong palate. In summary, a dolichomorphic, platycephalic, leptoprosopic, leptorrhine canon. The skull conformation is keeled; the superciliary arches are marked. The bodily conformation is not very harmonious and the lower limbs often show a rachitic development."
"29. Laguids. They constitute the Lagõa Santa type, also called Paleoamerican, but from which the Fuegians have been separated. They inhabit the Brazilian Plateau (Gê linguistic group) and brief sectors and numerous deposits scattered in both continents, such as the southernmost tip of the California peninsula, the ancient burials of Coahuila, several shell middens on the Chilean coast, some ancient skulls from the Buenos Aires province, etc. Also several small groups from the Amazon forest."
"They are individuals of low stature (from 1.50 to 1.57), with a markedly dolichocephalic skull (index from 66 to 73), with a high cranial vault (vertical-transverse index from 101 to 105), wide and low face, widened nose, camerrhine, short palate. In the living, the nasal wings are pronounced and fleshy, the back concave and brief. The shoulders are wide, the pectorals well-developed, the arm muscular and the calf pronounced. Sexual difference is marked, both in height and in transverse dimensions, as graceful women are abundant. Light yellow skin color; soft and smooth skin; hair with brownish reflections, wavy and even curly. Roughly modeled face."
39. Pampids. They extend throughout the Chaco, the Pampas, and Patagonia, including the Onas of Tierra del Fuego, the Charrúas of Uruguay, and the Bororó group of Matto Grosso. The latter are separated by a Guarani intrusion. They are tall and even very tall: Chaco from 1.60 to 1.70 for males and 1.55 for females; Patagonia, from 1.73 to 1.83; in Tierra del Fuego 1.73 for males and 1.60 for females. Dolichocephalic skull (Onas, from 78 to 79; Chaco natives 77 to 78), but in recent Patagonians, it appears brachycephalic, due to Araucanian mixture. The skull conformation is large and voluminous, with very wide bones of notable weight,
AMERICAN INDIGENOUS RACES, according to Imbelloni. This author later published more complex maps, indicating mixing zones, etc., but we prefer to present the map of his first classification, for its simplicity and clarity. The classification system of races by their origin follows the order developed by Ibarra Grasso and not the geographical order given by Imbelloni; in the presented form, racial origins are more clearly exposed.
CLASSIFICATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES, according to S. Canals Frau. Map made by Ibarra Grasso, bringing together in a single map all the partial maps of the cited author and classifying the groups according to their origins.
The powerful cheekbones and thick, protruding chin, the face is elongated and the nasal index is leptorrhine. The skeletal construction is massive, sometimes enormous, with limb proportions in notable harmony, which makes the Pámpido one of the most superb models of the human organism. Sexual dimorphism is very scarce. The skin color is of intense pigmentation, with bronzed reflections. The iris is dark and the hair hard and straight.
"4². Plánids. They inhabit most of the North American plains. They are individuals of tall stature (males from 1.66 to 1.76; females around 1.58). Weakly dolichocephalic skull (from 79 to 81). Massive head construction; the thickness and prominence of the cheekbones and chin, thick and square, stand out. Long and curved nose, like an eagle's beak in males, while in females all straight lines are replaced in the face by rounded features, which translates into a marked physiognomic sexual dimorphism. The impression given by the body construction is Europoid, but there is a relative disharmony in proportions, since the notable development of the body and head corresponds to weak limbs. Bronzed skin color, rather light, dark hair and iris. The features of the Plánid are generally attractive; the expression of the face gives a vigorous appearance."
"5². Sound-based. They inhabit Northwest Mexico and Southwest United States (California). They are relatively tall in stature (males from 1.66 to 1.70 m; females from 1.52 to 1.58 m). Moderately dolichocephalic skull (cephalic index from 78 to 80). Small head with finer features than Planids, flat nose, narrow and receding forehead, rounded facial contours. The body construction is also characterized by a longilineal habit, less developed torso and especially notable length of lower limbs; generally, it is a more lightweight and agile human form with morphological infantilism traits. Skin color much darker, tending towards reddish reflections."
(The last three races, according to Imbelloni, that is, Pampids, Planids, and Sonorids, are local differentiations of a single original race, which integrates the third of the ancient peoples of the continent).
"b) Races of oceanic origin, with Mongolian mixture"
"6². Amazonids. They inhabit the Amazon region, the Guianas, Venezuela, the Antilles, Florida, the coasts of Brazil and, towards the"
Paraguay, descending to the Río de la Plata. They are individuals of medium and low stature (in the Northern Amazon region, males 1.55 to 1.58; females, 1.45; in the Southern Amazon, males 1.61). Moderately dolichocephalic skull, with a tendency towards brachycephaly (cephalic index: Caribs, 81 to 82; Arawak 81 to 84; Tupí 79 to 80). Robust body build, reminiscent of the pyknic constitutions of the Alpine race in Europe; broad shoulders, voluminous neck, and arms with well-developed muscles. The legs, on the contrary, are relatively weak and short, in contrast with the remarkable length of the arm. Women's bodies descend evenly to the hip, without a waist indent. The face lacks prominent features, due to its medium height, and mediocre development of cheekbones and nose, although the nostrils are somewhat open. Skin color of various shades, but relatively light with a yellowish undertone.
79. Pueblo-Andean people. They extend through the Andean zone, from Southern Colombia to Araucania. In the Central American zone, they are covered by the emigration of the following race, but reappear around the middle of Mexico and from there extend towards the North and Utah. Then they descend again and occupy the Gulf coasts and, in ancient times, Florida. Men of low stature (1.59 to 1.62). Brachycephalic skull (cephalic index 81 to 89). Small head, especially in women, but without platycephaly; short face, nose with wide base, but with sufficiently long, prominent dorsum; notably wide bizygomaticus diameter. Torso very developed compared to limbs, convex chest. Skin color variable, but with a predominance of intense pigmentations. Sparse body hair, hard and straight black hair; dark iris.
"8². Isthmians. They extend from central Mexico to Colombia; with their southern limits being somewhat uncertain. Men of low stature, commonly lower than the previous ones (from 1.50 to 1.58 in males; 1.45 in Maya women). Extremely brachycephalic skull (cephalic index from 86 to 89). Rough body construction, wide and very short face; what most tends to give a 'coarse' image is the shape of the nose, with a widened base and platyrrhine profile, and the chin, which loses its symphyseal relief and shows itself retreating backward. Skin color darker than in other Indians; black hair and eyes. Overall, their characteristics are an intensification of those presented by the previous type, that is, a much more Mongoloid type."
(In this entire zone, the presence of a more 'fine' element is noted, especially in the North, recognizable especially by the shape
of the nose and physiognomy, which presents a more harmonious aspect; additionally, they are dolichocephalic. The hypothesis can be formulated that the area was initially populated by a type similar to the Sonorida, over which the two brachycephalic types were poured: Pueblo-Andean and Isthmian). Imbelloni has constructed his Isthmian race on the most gross and coarse type that appears in the region).
"c) Races of recent Asian origin, more or less Mongoloid"
Abstract
"9². Columbids. They inhabit Southern Alaska, British Columbia, penetrating inland to touch the Athabasca and Slave Lakes; to the South, they extend slightly into California. More recent migrations have taken them to the central zone of the border between Mexico and the United States (Navajos and Apaches). Individuals of medium and tall stature (in males, from 1.61 to 1.70; in females, from 1.52 to 1.60). Intensely brachycephalic skull (cephalic index from 84 to 89). The torso is short and thick, legs are short, especially on the coast, while arms are very long. The general skin color is rather light, facial hair is scarce. Hair color is dark brown, dark iris; lighter colorations are not uncommon. The nose is noticeably smaller than in typical prairie inhabitants; shorter and less prominent. Two subregions are distinguished: an inland and a coastal one, with the latter showing more predominance of Mongolian features. It is probably the result of an influence on populations of greater height, whose action attenuates in the interior." 10^(2)10^{2} . Atids. These are the Eskimos and extend across all Arctic islands and continental edges. Their multiple phases of Mongolization, and the strict somatic and cultural relationship that links them to humanity from Asia, impose considering them as an element that cannot be understood in the Indigenous American phyletic history." (Imbelloni, J.: Three Chapters on American Man Systematics, 1937).
This is the complete summary of Imbelloni's American racial classification, which he presents in his work with very few additional details. His predominant interpretative idea about the history of the indigenous American population can be synthesized as follows: dolichocephalic-Australoids and brachycephalic-Mongoloids.
Imbelloni makes no reference to the existence of
bearded men in indigenous America, despite the fact that Australoids in Australia and neighboring islands are provided with abundant beard. Accepting - as he does - the Australoid origin of the mentioned peoples, he should have at least told us some words to try to explain that loss of beard, for example, simply saying that the Mongolian mixture they had in America, being dominant -and by the fact that Mongoloids were hairless- produced the disappearance of facial hair in American Australoids. We repeat, the author gives us no explanation.
Now it is interesting to focus on the concordances that this classification presents with Hrdliçka's, notwithstanding that Imbelloni classifies different races and Hrdliçka subdivisions of a single race. Hrdliçka's first subtype comprises all of Imbelloni's dolichocephalics, that is, his first five races (plus a large part of his Amazonids); likewise, Hrdliçka's second subtype, that is, the "Toltec", is quite identified with Imbelloni's Pueblo-Andid and Isthmid brachycephalics, but here there is an important point, to which we have alluded before as valuable. For Hrdliçka, the coastal Columbids belong to the same brachycephalic "Toltec" group, while the interior population of adjacent Canada forms a different and subsequent race, constituted by the Athapascans; Imbelloni brings both groups together in a way that seems completely arbitrary to us, since it is contrary to the physical anthropology facts of those regions that we know.
As can be observed, apart from the point discussed, when both authors use anthropological measurements of height and cephalic index, their divisions coincide quite well, even though Imbelloni, due to having used more measurements, presents us with a greater subdivision of the peoples of America.
According to our criteria, Imbelloni's classification is the most comprehensive we have to date, although it is still far from satisfying our study needs. The main criticism that can be made (the same as to Hrdliçka and Canals Frau - which we will discuss later) is that they use too many middle terms. This prevents them from seeing the important minorities. Additionally, in part, they resort to a bibliography already
old, not critically reviewed in detail, to delve deeper into points not sufficiently studied before.
4. The American racial classification, according to Canals Frau
In 1950, Salvador Canals Frau, drawing from von Eickstedt and Imbelloni, presented a new classification of American indigenous peoples that, like Imbelloni's, has some modifications compared to previous classifications. Especially in the South American region, he introduces a new race, the Huarpids, which he attributes a very primitive origin, extracted from the marginal territories of the Southern Andids. For him, the Lagids and Huarpids would be the oldest population in South America. At the same time, he considers that the Patagonids (Imbelloni's Pámpids) would not be an original race, but formed later, by local derivation of the Huarpids. He also believes that the Fuegians are not the oldest American population, as Imbelloni claims, but of a much later, Mesolithic origin. The oldest American population - which arrived through the Bering Strait - would be around twenty-five thousand years old and would correspond to an Aurignacian cultural level, that is, from the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic.
The Huarpid race is very important, as the author considers it to be of a completely Australoid type, especially noting the abundant beard presence among its members.
Canals Frau argues that America was populated by four distinct currents; the other two, more recent ones, would be of transpacific oceanic origin. Likewise, the author rejects the term "races" for the groups being discussed (reserving this word for what other authors call mother races or great races) and prefers to call them racial types.
What follows is a summary of what Canals Frau tells us, whose descriptions are much more extensive than those of Imbelloni.
"a) First population current: Australoid races"
"1. Salvido racial type. These are Imbelloni's Planids, reduced to half their size (See maps), mainly comprising Algonquian and Iroquois peoples. The physical characteristics we must consider typical of the Silvids are, first and foremost, a rather tall stature (average male height over 170 cm; females 160), athletic constitution and good skeletal proportions. The head, large in size, is weakly dolichoid (horizontal cephalic index around 78) and tall (medium height index, close to 85), characteristics that are more accentuated in peoples further from contact zones and also in ancient skulls of the Silvid occupation area. In ancient pieces from the current area of dispersion of this type, the horizontal cephalic index is close to 75; the medium height index is around 86. The face, rather long (facial index close to 87) and a very characteristic nose that, by its somewhat arched shape and large size, comes very close to that of Europids. Because of this trait, sometimes there is talk of components of that origin in the physiognomy of North American Indians from the forest and prairie regions. In this, we must see, more than the consequence of mixtures with Europeans, reminiscences of the common origin of our Silvids and certain Europid groups, in the North Asian populations of the Upper Paleolithic."
Contemporary, especially for their lower cranial vault height, that is, for their camecranial nature. The camecranial individuals of the second wave entered the continent after the hypsicranial individuals of the first wave.
"3. Láguid racial type. They almost completely coincide with Imbelloni's Láguid groups. That the Láguid represent a truly ancient human form is clearly evident from their own morphology: markedly dolichoid skull (horizontal cephalic index of 72 in ancient skulls and 75 in living beings) and high (average height index approaching 87), with pronounced superciliary arches, medium face, tending to low (facial index, in the skull, close to 84), relatively wide nose (nasal index, in the skull, 51) and stature - which should be considered low - around 160 cm for men and 153 cm for women."
"4. Huárpid racial type. Form and denomination created by the author, who considers it as the one that best preserved the Australoid characters of the primitive settlers. This implies that it is a human form of tall stature (average male height, around 170 cm, which in certain groups can reach up to 190), clearly leptosomes in build, long face (upper facial index above 88), pronounced dolichoidism (horizontal cephalic index, in the skull, around 75), and high head (average height index, 85 and more). Its robust hairiness, slightly wavy hair, and dark skin color are three anthropological characteristics quite unusual among Indians, which is why they have drawn the attention of many observers since ancient times. Allusions to these 'bearded Indians' have been frequent throughout the years."
Within this racial type, whose habitat is Argentine and Bolivian, the author places the tribes of the Huarpes, Comechingones, Sirionós, and Urus.
"5. Patagonian racial type. In every aspect, they correspond to Imbelloni's Pampids. Patagonids are robustly and tall statured, a characteristic that places them among the tallest peoples on Earth. As a general measure, their height can be considered around 178 cm for men and 168 cm for women. That notable height is accompanied by a corresponding athletic build, in the most typical groups, for both males and females, which undoubtedly results in a very slightly pronounced sexual dimorphism. The Patagonids' skull, voluminous and massive, with thick walls and strong superciliary arches, can be considered dolichoid (horizontal cephalic index, close to 78), and high"
(height index, around 85), despite certain circumstances that sometimes make it appear rounder. The face is also more elongated in shape (facial index, close to 88). The nose is mesorrhine, that is, medium (living nasal index, around 75).
"Canals Frau considers that the Patagonids are a relatively recently formed racial group, derived from the Huarpids and formed in the Patagonian solitudes, through mutation."
"b) Second current:"
Primitive Mongoloid Races
"6. Esquimoid racial type. They coincide with Imbelloni's Arctic types. The Eskimos constitute the arctic population, par excellence, of America. Of rather low stature, high and elongated head, wide face and high and narrow nose, they represent a distinct type from the neighboring Indians. Hence they are considered a separate racial type, which has been called Esquimoid. On the coasts of British Columbia, there are archaeological remains of a paleosquimal, dolichocephalic population, over which another brachycephalic population was superimposed, which we will see soon. The origin of the Eskimos would be Siberian; their cultural level, of mesolithic origin."
"The stature of the Eskimos is relatively low, although there is some difference between the eastern groups and those from Alaska. While the average height of the former does not usually exceed 162 cm in men, in the latter it can reach up to 166. The head is generally large, elongated (horizontal cephalic index around 78) and of great capacity, one of the largest on Earth. The cranial vault is high, with an index close to 86 in Greenland, and slightly lower in Alaska. The face, wide and long, with a facial index of over 90, shows prominent cheekbones. The nose is also high, with a nasal index bordering 70. The overall appearance is Mongoloid, but with some Europid characteristics, which is in agreement with the transitional nature that undoubtedly corresponds to this type."
"The beginnings of the proto-Eskimo wave should be placed at the start of the Recent (Holocene) period, that is, about seven thousand years ago."
"7. Pacific racial type. They form a second Mesolithic wave, already in Neolithic times. These are the fishing peoples of the Columbia coast and the Athabascans of the interior of Canada, as well as their Navajo and Apache relatives, who migrated very far South."
American descendants of this second Mesolithic wave currently constitute the racial type called Pacifid and is predominant, both on the Northwest coast and in the interior of Alaska and western Canada. This is a type of man of low to medium height, ranging from about 161 cm among the Lilluet, to 167 cm among the Shuswap. In the interior, where they border Sylvid peoples, height tends to be somewhat higher, according to the greater or lesser contact they have had with those Indians who, before them, occupied the interior regions east of the Rocky Mountains. The torso is short and thick, the legs are short and the arms long. The head is also short (horizontal cephalic index, around 83) and low (average height index, also around 83). Artificial head deformation is frequent, which increases the cephalic index. The face is wide and moderately high (facial index, near 87). The nose is straight and regular, not displaying the large size of their Sylvid neighbors. The color is quite light, a circumstance that led one of the first discoverers to say that the Indians of the Northwest coast were as white as the Spaniards themselves.
"8. Californid racial type. They occupy California, upper and lower. They derive from the proto-Eskimoid background. They were men of short stature, dolichoid and with a relatively high cranial vault, that is, they belonged to the racial type we have called Eskimoid. Being seafood consumers, their settlements formed shell middens, dating back to about four thousand years before Christ. They are frequently found mixed with the Sonoroid type in ancient deposits, which is why they often present a low cranial vault. The current Yuki, a small group of ethnic remnants with an independent language, who live somewhat north of San Francisco Bay, undoubtedly represent their most typical group. Their stature is reduced, not exceeding 158 cm on average in men. The head is small, elongated, with a horizontal cephalic index of 76. Face and cranial vault are equally low, with a facial index of 78 and a mean height index of around 81. The nose is relatively wide (nasal index, 81). Generally, it can be said that the physiognomic features of the Californids are not very pronounced and that there is an evident lack of harmony. This type of man is only abundant in central California."
"9. Fueguid racial type. They correspond to Imbelloni's Fueguids, although with a very different cultural interpretation. The physical characteristics of the Fueguids are very similar to those of other Eskimoid types. Their stature is low (around 156 cm for men and 146 for women). The skull is dolichoid (index close to 77) and low (mean height index, 83) and has a keeled roof shape"
discernible also in other Mesolithic groups of the first wave. The face should be considered low, as indicated by its facial index of about 84, while the nose is medium (nasal index of 47 in the skull and 75 in the living).
"c) Third current: Proto-Malayan Mongoloids"
Abstract
"10. Brasilid racial type. Corresponds to Imbelloni's Amazonids. Brasilids represent a human form of low stature (male height around 160 cm; females, 147 cm), with a moderately short head (cephalic index around 8) and low (mean height index, near 80). The face is relatively wide (facial index close to 79) and the nose medium (nasal index approximately 82). Their constitution, with soft reliefs, well-developed musculature, broad shoulders and wide chest tends to give them a rather stocky and friendly appearance. In their morphology, they have preserved to varying degrees some other proto-Mongoloid traits."
"11. Sudéstid racial type. Its dispersion can be seen on the map. They are a separation from the Eastern Pueblo branch, by Imbelloni. Sudéstids constitute an Indianid form, of relatively tall stature (around 170 cm for men and 153 cm for women, on average). Their head is short (cephalic index, near 8) and high (mean height index, around 85). The tall stature and equally tall cranial vault clearly separate this type from other brachyoids, which are always of low stature and low head. The face (facial index in the skull, around 87) and the nose (nasal index in the skull, near 49) can be estimated as medium. This racial type is considered to be mixed with a Silvid substrate."
"d) Fourth current:"
mixing with Polynesian white race
"For Canals Frau, the following two racial types are mixed forms (metamorphic races) made in America, through the emigration of the Polynesian race (accepted as Caucasoid, with origin in India before emigrating to Polynesia) and its mestization with pre-existing local peoples; the first of these being the Andid"
(corresponding to the Andean part of the Pueblo-Andean race of Imbelloni) would be a Polynesian mixture over Huarpids, especially; the second, called Central (the Isthmian of Imbelloni), by mixture of the same Polynesians, over ancient Brasilids. The Polynesian emigration to America would have occurred about five hundred years before the Era. They would be carriers of megalithic culture.
"12. Andean racial type. The Andeans constitute a type that is a product of their adaptation to mountain life. Their height is low, approximately 160 cm in men and 145 cm in women. Their protruding chest and short limbs in relation to the trunk clearly denote their mountain origin. The head is short (horizontal cephalic index, around 82), the cranial vault medium (medium height index, near 84), face and nose also medium, somewhat more elongated in the center and North than in the South. Above all, among the central Andeans of Bolivia and Peru, the physiognomy is characteristic: accentuated features, slightly pronounced cheekbones, and a prominent and elongated nose, often of an aquiline shape. They are the bearers of the high Andean cultures."
"13. Central racial type. This is the most brachycephalic racial type in America. The Centrals are of low stature (around 157 cm for men and 143 for women) and have a short head (cephalic index, around 85) and low (medium height index, near 81). The face is medium, with little marked contours and soft reliefs. The nose approaches wide forms (nasal index, close to 80). In their general appearance they are more gracile than neighboring types and lack the roundness of forms of the Brasilids, with whom they border to the Southeast."
"Centrálidos and Ándidos are of undoubted metamorphic formation. The somatic and physiognomic differences that exist between them must be considered as a consequence of two distinct factors. The first is the different population that the elements of the Polynesian current found in both areas: predominance of dolicoids of inferior culture in the Andean region; of brachyloids of medium culture in the Central American region. The second factor, on the other hand, stems from the preponderance of Polynesian elements among the Ándidos - where the last immigrant element settled - and the primacy of Sub-Asiatics among the Centrálidos, where Polynesian influences arrived only mediately. The numerous physiognomies that Mochica art - on one side - and Mayan sculpture - on the other - have preserved for us, clearly indicate the differences and are, at the same time, good proof of the pre-Hispanic existence of both types." (Canals Frau, Prehistory of America, 1950).
Now we have two comprehensive racial classifications of American indigenous peoples. Despite differences in some names (Silvids for Planids, Brasilids for Amazonids, Centrálidos for Isthmusids, etc.), the racial distribution made by Imbelloni and Canals Frau coincide in most cases, because both are mainly based on von Eickstedt's classification, who in turn followed previous classifiers.
Before proceeding, it is important to remind the reader that the measurement of skull height in Imbelloni and Canals Frau is something completely different, as can be seen from their resulting numbers. Imbelloni gives much higher skull height indices, because he uses the vertical-transverse index; Canals Frau gives a combination of this with the vertical-longitudinal (a combination that does not convince us at all). Such is the origin of the differences, but this does not alter the fact that what both authors call "high skulls" are truly high and low skulls, respectively.
Significant is the difference in the origin of Mongoloids in America, according to both authors. For Imbelloni, all American Mongoloids (except the Columbids and Artids) would be of trans-Pacific origin, while Canals Frau points out the important Mongoloid contribution through Bering, in his second population current.
But what interests us most about these classifications of American Indians, regarding the topic we are discussing in the work, is the possibility of the existence of bearded men in different races. In principle, all Australoids presented by both authors should have a fairly abundant beard, but in Imbelloni this does not exist at all and he does not worry about explaining it; in Canals Frau, it only appears in his Huarpids, without clarifying at all why his other four Australoid races have lost their beard. The truth is that they could have done so with a relatively good chance of success, suggesting that continued subsequent mixing with Mongoloids within the American continent was weakening that trait until making it disappear, but it seems that this or another explanation did not occur to them.
The transpacific races, by Imbelloni, becoming increasingly mongolized through mixing, naturally do not present facial hair, but in Canals Frau's work things are different: his Andid and Centralid races, even if mixed, should have some beard, since they would be of white Polynesian origin. However, it happens that Polynesians mostly lack beard (although some are quite bearded), despite the Hindu origin assigned to them by the author. The Andids, especially, should have quite a beard, due to their mixture with the Huarpids, in whom this characteristic is found and would consequently have been intensified.
5. Comments on Previous Authors
Before continuing, it would be interesting to refer with a few brief words to the procedures used by previous authors for their presentation and distribution of indigenous races.
Ales Hrdliçka has possibly been the researcher who measured the most American indigenous skulls, as according to a reference - which we do not know if it is true - he measured nearly ten thousand. We, personally, have measured close to five hundred, most of which we found in ancient caves yy burial sites in Bolivia. All of them, with only two exceptions, already belonged to agricultural levels that began a thousand years before the Era. Consequently, we have experience and can speak with considerable knowledge on the subject of measurements.
Imbelloni and Canals Frau, without doubt, came to measure hundreds of skulls from ancient indigenous people - especially from Argentina - where, on our part, we have only measured some dozens. Therefore, they would also have direct experience.
The problem is what to do with these measurements? Normally, in these studies, we begin by finding ourselves facing
to a series of skulls or living individuals who need to be measured. And also normally, or almost always, that series (which can be large or not) does not present us with any homogeneity. It is usual for two or more distinct types of skulls to appear, sometimes more than half a dozen, distinguishable by their shape and other characteristics, as can be observed at first glance. Someone with sufficient experience in the case can calculate with very little error the possible indices resulting from the measurements to be made, as well as classify in advance the various shapes that are presented. That preliminary examination has great importance for forming a first idea of what is going to be studied.
But that is generally not done, starting from the premise that a supposed objective impartiality must be maintained. Everything is measured together and results are drawn from the whole, that is, the procedure of so-called mean terms is used. Therefore, any minority that might exist in said series cannot appear in those mean terms, and even worse, the majority (which may well not be a majority, if three or four different forms are found in the studied series) is completely distorted by the contradictory indices resulting from the minorities, indices that can be greater or lesser than the final mean terms. Here is an example, taken from the reality of a study done in Bolivia some time ago. A fairly large series of individuals was measured, with heads presenting two distinct basic forms, more or less in the same quantity. A first type had a cephalic index between 75 and 79; the other, an index between 82 and 85. The final mean term resulted in an average of slightly over 80, and this was taken as the final measurement result, although none of the measured individuals had that cephalic index.
The above is included as a general critique of the system. Hundreds of skull series and living individuals were measured this way. As a general result of the system, when trying to do a broad classification work, only the final results are consulted, their average terms, and they are applied to the map. Fortunately, the individual measurements taken from skulls or living individuals are generally published,
But it also frequently happens that only the final results of mean terms are published. Therefore, in a work that should have been valuable, about skulls from Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego - where the existence of four distinct racial forms was distinguished - only the mean term of those four types was published as the final result, with results that, undoubtedly, did not correspond to any of the studied skulls.
Even worse. One proceeds with preconceptions about what must exist in each geographical zone (a geographical zone that, moreover, always varies somewhat in each author) and the results obtained in a few zones are extended to their totality. We can verify an example of the pernicious consequences of a preconception in what happened with the Patagonians or Tehuelches. D'Orbigny measured a series of them and concluded that they were round-headed (brachycephalic), and Patagonians were classified as brachycephalic for a time; later, several series of ancient skulls were obtained - prior to the Araucanian invasion and influence in Patagonia - which turned out to be dolichocephalic (long-headed). Since then, Patagonians were classified as dolichocephalic, and more recent Patagonians were explained as Araucanian mixed (even though the resulting index was higher than that of the Araucanians). Other authors supposed that it was the result of cephalic deformation, a custom well extended to the North of the zone, but it happens that the few current Patagonians have very brachycephalic heads and are not deformed.
The last point is quite clear. About thirty years ago, in expeditions organized by the Ethnographic Museum of the University of Buenos Aires, the few and last living Patagonians were sought and measured. They were less than a dozen, considered absolutely pure. All of them turned out to have a strongly brachycephalic index, much higher than that of the Araucanians. This occurred at a time when cephalic deformation was no longer practiced anywhere in the zone. How was this data explained? Simply, it was not explained; therefore, people have continued talking about dolichocephalic Patagonians.
Hrdliçka resorted to the system of middle terms and obtained the result that we have presented. Von Eickstedt, for his part, used the same system and, using geographic-cultural zones previously established by other authors, increased the number of indigenous races using the same procedure. It should be noted here that the Brazilian indigenous people that Imbelloni and Canals Frau use to form their Amazonid or Brasilid races, Hrdliçka, as we have seen, considers them within his primitive dolichocephalic group, but our two cited authors magically transform them into brachyoids, because they must be so, by supposing they have a strong Mongolian mixture. At the same time, both authors carefully forgot that von Eickstedt defined those peoples as having a Europoid physiognomy...
Although they follow von Eickstedt - who basically uses geographical and cultural zones to establish his races - Imbelloni and Canals Frau make small modifications in the regions whose cranial series they have studied in particular. Then, each of them presents us with a new race: Imbelloni the Fueguid, which he separates from von Eickstedt's Laguid; Canals Frau, his Huarpid race. These racial separations have been the main contribution of these authors to American raciology. Moreover, they present interpretations in which both show several of these races arriving on our continent via the transpacific route (in this, Canals Frau follows Imbelloni), something that von Eickstedt denies, as he determines an exclusive origin for the entire American population through Bering, following Hrdliçka.
Imbelloni, to establish his Fuéguida race - separated from the Láguida - basically used only four skulls from one and the other set, separating them from their respective series which were naturally much more extensive and, as we suppose, with other very different skulls. Canals Frau used very few skulls - less than a dozen, counting those he later added, chosen from various series - to establish his Huárpida race. In this way such races were established.
Apart from the criticism we have regarding the use of such little material, we observe that here both authors have resorted to an anthropological procedure completely different from the one treated.
before the mean terms and geographical and cultural zones. A similar procedure is the one that, without doubt, we must use to carry out our investigation, while we must also put into practice an absolutely different interpretive criterion. That different criterion begins by discarding geographical and cultural zones, to focus on the biological facts represented by the different forms presented by the skulls and the respective heads of living beings. In this, it must be recognized that it is much easier to focus on cranial forms than on living forms, since we can see and measure skulls many times, but not living beings.
Moreover, or perhaps primarily, there are a series of historical and current news reports that point to the existence -in various and numerous places in America- of indigenous individuals (and sometimes even entire populations) with Caucasoid physical characteristics. Most of these references compare the indigenous people they refer to with Southern Europeans, dark-skinned and with brown hair, but there are also quite abundant reports revealing the existence of indigenous people with blonde hair -and even red hair- as well as the presence of various indigenous people with light eyes, blue eyes, as is directly stated quite frequently. The most serious anthropologists, for example Hrdliçka, do not cite these reports at all, not even to deny them. However, some of the informants are as respectable as we could ask for. One of them is Captain Cook, who mentions indigenous people with light skin and blonde and reddish hair, on the coasts of British Columbia, at a time when the region was being visited by Europeans for the first time, so no supposition of miscegenation is possible there.
Chapter II
Bearded Americans, in various authors
1. A different panorama: whites in America, according to P. Rivet
The French researcher Paul Rivet, known especially for his linguistic comparisons between Australian and Patagonian languages and Melanesian and Californian languages, gains greater public dissemination with his work The Origins of the American Man, of which multiple translations and editions have been made. We use a Mexican edition revised and expanded by the author, published in 1960 (the original work by Rivet was published in 1943).
Rivet presents the American population as a product of four distinct origins, two by land and two by maritime interPacific routes. The interPacific comparisons were made by Rivet, especially based on linguistic facts, to which he later added cultural elements and some craniometric racial comparisons. As he directly adopted the Asian migrations via the Bering route from Hrdliçka, Rivet's contribution refers only to oceanic emigrations, a point for which he should be considered the most important modern precursor.
The summary of Rivet's four migrations is as follows:
1^(@)1^{\circ} . Asian migration through Bering, with 10,000 years, etc., as developed by Hrdliçka.
2^(2)2^{2} . Australian emigration, passing through Antarctica, with cranial and linguistic comparisons with the Patagonians.
and onas. This migration would have occurred around 4,000 BC.
32. Melanesian emigration, navigating the Pacific to California and continental diffusion from there. Cranial comparisons with the lagid race and linguistic comparisons with the Californian Hoka family. The antiquity of this migration is around 2,000 BC.
4^(2)4^{2} . Asian emigration through Bering, with the Eskimos, as in Hrdliçka.
In reality, these comparisons do not matter much to us here, but we will not fail to point out that, in his second comparison of Australians with Onas and Patagonians, since Australians are bearded (the same as Southern Melanesians), this trait should have been abundantly present in the mentioned peoples of the southern continent. However, we know of only two or three cases of bearded Patagonians and none that are Ona.
We are more interested in Chapter VII of the aforementioned work by Rivet, which does not appear in his first editions. It is titled, ElE l white element and the Pygmies in America, and its first four pages are dedicated to the presence of the white element in America. We reproduce them here, though without the footnotes, about their sources. "Simultaneously and independently of each other, Thor
Heyerdahl and Jean Poirier have gathered an impressive set of
traditions and evidence relating to the existence in America of
individuals, or groups of individuals, that present in their
teguments, in their hair and sometimes in the iris, a coloration
light that differs from the usual pigmentation of the Indian, as well as
of individuals notable for a facial hairiness that contrasts with
the absence of beard and mustache in the vast majority of Indians.
"The blond element has been noted among the indigenous people of"
Notka of Vancouver Island, among the Mandan of Missouri, among
the Indians of Mexico, among the Waiwai, the Oyariculet, the Emerillones
of the Guianas, the Huaharibo, Waika or Shirína, the Motilones of
Venezuela, the Pauishana of the Branco River, the Nahukwa, the Bororó,
the Bakairi, the Botocudos of Brazil, the Chachapoyas Indians of Peru,
the Indians of Chile. Some mummies from the
Peruvian coast (around Lima, Nazca, and Paracas) as well as from the Chilean coast, have hair that varies between blonde and brown, wavy and tied with ribbons. Pre-Columbian iconography confirms these facts. Heyerdahl has counted more than one hundred characters with light brown hair among the 275 represented in the Tonalámatl de Aubin codex. A fresco in the Temple of the Warriors, in Chichen Itza, represents a fight between the natives and the attackers who arrived by sea, who have white skin and blonde hair. The vessels from Chimbote and Trujillo (Peru) represent black-skinned warriors facing light-skinned warriors. On two vessels from Puno and Santiago de Cao, near Trujillo, black-skinned and white-skinned masons can be seen working together on a construction.
"Documents related to bearded men abound in pre-Columbian representations from Mexico (Tabasco, Guerrero, Veracruz, Oaxaca, Valley of Mexico, Yucatán, Chiapas), Guatemala, Honduras (Copán), El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama (Cocle), Upper Peru (Tiahuanaco region), and Lower Peru, where they have been frequent since the origins of the Chimú civilization and perhaps even from the Nazca civilization. The Mayan god Itzamná is often represented with a mustache and beard."
"Moreover, travelers have repeatedly noted the presence of bearded men among indigenous populations, without this characteristic being explainable by racial mixing with white invaders (Plate XIII, a)."
"Can the element of light skin and hair and the bearded element refer to the same ethnic type? It is very probable, but as Jean Poirier rightly points out, iconographic documents presenting both characteristics together are rare. The fresco from the Temple of the Warriors in Chichén Itzá sin\sin undoubtedly constitutes the most typical example we can cite of individuals with white skin, blonde, and bearded. As for the light-skinned warriors represented on the Chimbote vessel we previously discussed, the certainty is much lesser. Indeed, some ornaments placed on the lips or nose can create the illusion of a beard or mustache."
"The truth is that, in many regions, tradition preserved the memory of white and bearded men who had preceded the current populations, especially in Peru, in the Guamanga region, and on the islands of Titicaca."
"The origin of this light-colored and bearded ethnic element
seems to be sought in Asia. Indeed, ethnologists have noted the presence of a human type similar to the one we are addressing in Armenia, India, Turkestan, Mongolia, Siberia, Hainan, and Japan, where the affinities of the Ainu with whites have been highlighted. Its antiquity is proven by the presence of a representative of the Cro-Magnon race in the Upper Quaternary deposits of Zhoukoudian, near Beijing, because it is certain that men of this ethnic type belonged to the white race.
"Everything leads us to believe that this white element followed the same path as Asian emigrations to reach America and that, either separately or together with them, it arrived in the New World through the Bering Strait and the string of Aleutian Islands. Contrary to Jean Poirier's opinion, we do not think that the Normans contributed even a secondary part to the formation of this white and bearded element. Their penetration into the American Continent was much less profound than some documents seem to suggest." (Rivet, Op. cit., pp. 142-145).
The author's conclusions are somewhat disheartening, due to the incomprehension shown at the end of the cited text, without detracting from the valuable summary he provides of the case.
At no point does he realize that he is facing several distinct human forms, equipped with beards and mustaches, in addition to blonde hair, etc., despite the fact that, elementally, the cultural conditions of their bearers should have given him, from the beginning, a good indication of this. Manifestly, according to his own words, there exists a primitive bearded type, more of an Ainu type -which undoubtedly entered through Bering at a very ancient time- which of course, among other things, could never have blonde hair. This type rarely appears in indigenous iconography; as for its living representatives, many of them are distinguished by a receding chin. There is another type, or better said, others, that appears abundantly in that iconography: paintings in codices, murals, sculptures and ceramics. It is typical of important characters, gods, kings, high priests and warriors, that is, the indigenous ruling class. Our author, by not understanding that difference - as happens with other authors - brings them all together into a single racial type and makes them enter through the Bering Strait at an indeterminate time.
In his comparisons, this gathering of the Armenoid and Ainu races is notable, as if it were a single white race.
But there is something extremely important in the entirety of his exposition. The fact is that, to support the existence of this unique white race in America, he is forced to present us with a series of more or less ancient references from old chroniclers and travelers, who normally speak of individuals, not of homogeneous races or populations, provided with beards or other traits we are discussing. This is undoubtedly the path we must follow to seek clarification of the problem we are addressing, both for ancient and current times.
2. The "White Indians", according to Jacques de Mahieu
The author we are discussing now, contrary to what Paul Rivet states in the last cited lines (where he tries to diminish the possible influence of the Norman colonizers of Greenland in the formation and diffusion of bearded whites in pre-Columbian America), places himself at the opposite extreme, that is, he greatly increases the importance of the Normans, recognizing them as the practically unique source from which all American bearded men would have originated, which falsifies all knowledge.
To be able to do this yy , since it is not possible to place the Normans in America before the end of the 11th century, he is forced more than once to deny the proven antiquity of the fact of the presence of beards and other traits in American iconography, for example in Mexico, where the existence of the bearded god Quetzalcoatl appears on a vessel from Teotihuacán shortly after the Era. For our author, the god Quetzalcoatl would be of Norman yy origin, therefore, from a millennium later than stated. The same happens with the remains of the Tiahuanaco civilization, whose real beginnings correspond to the time of Christ and whose last times are situated in the 13th century;
according to his interpretive ideas, Mahieu transfers the entire Tiahuanaco civilization to an era where only its endings are found, that is, to the 13th century.
But criticizing this is outside our theme. What matters to us here is one of his works, titled The Great Journey of DiosSoh, in which we find a chapter, Chapter II: The White Indians. In it, the author provides us with important information on the topic we are discussing, which at first seem to be complementary to the text by Paul Rivet, already cited. For this reason, we will quote it quite extensively in several of its parts.
To begin:
2. The white and blond Indians: testimonies
"From the dawn of Discovery to our days - since the American territory has not yet been fully explored - conquistadors, 'travelers', as they were called then, and scientists have often been amazed to find, in Amerindian tribes, individuals who, by one or several of their essential anthropological characteristics, if not from every point of view, resembled Nordic Europeans. In some cases, one could suspect some incidence of a post-Columbian mestization process. But, in others, such a possibility was excluded, as it involved tribes until then completely isolated from any contact with the new colonizers. We will mention, going from North to South, the main data available on this matter and, for reasons that will become clear in Chapter III, we will add some indications of the same nature relating to Oceania. We will limit ourselves to following the works of Jean Poirier and Thor Heyerdahl."
"The first testimonies that should be cited, referring to the current Labrador, that is, a region located north of Vinland proper and Markland and facing Helluland (Newfoundland), concern 'white Eskimos'. Louis Jolliet, who explored the region in the 16th century, writes: 'Along the coasts of Labrador, a large number of Eskimos can be found... They are of tall stature and have white faces and bodies, and curly hair. Each has several wives, very white and well-formed: their hair reaches to the ground. They are very skilled at sewing. Like the men, they dress in sealskin"
and are very industrious in everything'. Brouage, son-in-law and assistant of Courtemanche, Commander of the North Coast, had to confront these 'Eskimos' of such a peculiar type at the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries. He describes them as white and bearded men.
"Samuel de Champlain, the great French explorer of Canada, refers to white Indians settled, in the early 17th century, west of the Great Lakes: 'The savages with whom we had contact... told us several times that some prisoners from one hundred leagues away told them that there are peoples similar to us in their whiteness and other things, having seen through them locks of hair from these peoples, which is very blonde, whom they greatly esteem for what they say is like us. I can only think about this that they are a more civilized people than themselves and that they say we are similar to them'."
"Even stranger, at first glance, is that 'white Indians' were found on the Pacific coast of Canada. A transfer of Vinlanders by land route, along some 4,000 km, is difficult to admit. But we must remember that, during the time of Scandinavian colonization, the northern climate was much less cold than today and, therefore, the northern trans-oceanic route must have been open several months per year. The incredible similarity noted between the large war canoes of the Northwest indigenous people and Viking ships (Plate I) comes to reinforce the hypothesis of maritime voyages from Greenland or Vinlandia to the Pacific."
"Captain Cook, the first post-Columbian European to make contact with the Nootka tribes, on the oceanic coast of Vancouver Island, says of these indigenous people: 'The whiteness of the skin seems almost equal to that of Europeans and rather recalls the pale tint that distinguishes those from our southern nations. Their children, whose skin has never been covered with paint, are also similar to ours in terms of whiteness'. Cook adds later, speaking of the tribes of Prince William Sound in Alaska, that 'the complexion of some of the women, and children, is white, without any mixture of red'."
"Cook's testimony confirms the travel account of Captain Dixon, who writes a few years later: 'As for their complexion, it is not easy to determine what color they have; but if I can judge by the few people I saw reasonably clean, these Indians are very little darker than Europeans in general'. Vancouver, speaking of the indigenous people of the Burke Channel, in the same region, is even more precise: 'By the nobility of their bearing and the regularity of"
their features, they resemble Nordic Europeans'. And he adds that, if not for the oil and paint, 'there are good reasons to think that their color would have been very little different from that of European farmers who are constantly exposed to the inclemency and variations of the climate'.
"Later, Scouler reaches the same conclusions regarding the Haida tribes of the Queen Charlotte Islands: 'Their complexion, when they are washed and without paint, is as white as that of the people of Southern Europe'. And Niblack, speaking of the indigenous people of the same region, says: 'As for complexion, both sexes are strangely light-colored. This is in no way due to miscegenation with whites... The Haidas are markedly lighter-skinned than others, but even the dark tint is totally apparent and exposure to the sun always reinforces it'. Other travelers - La Pérouse, Maurrel, Merares, Marchand, etc. - confirm the aforementioned and define the indigenous people of the northwest coast as pure white race."
"We find a similar picture if we consider the indigenous tribes of the Central and Southern United States. We already referred, in the previous chapter, to the Mandans of Missouri, carefully studied in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries by travelers (Kurz, Wied, Catlin, Henning, La Vérendrye, etc.) who noted among them the existence of a strong minority of individuals with blond, red, and brown hair, and blue and gray eyes. But this is not a unique case, far from it. The Kiarvas, Kaskaias, and above all the Lee-Panis of the Upper Missouri appeared, even in the last century, as white people with blond hair and blue eyes. Verrill mentions concurrent testimonies from Dampire, Ringrose, Esquemeling, and many other travelers."
"Neither the Conquistadors nor, logically, the subsequent explorers found European-type individuals among the Indians of Mexico. But local traditions explain this gap satisfactorily: 'On the date Chicunahui Tochli,' says Prince Ixtlilxochitl, whom we quote according to Goupil, 'a young white child with very beautiful blond hair was found in the mountain. He was taken to the palace. Topilzin (the last Toltec king, with a 'long beard between gray and red', according to the chronicler Father Diego Durán. N. of A.) judged that this finding was a bad omen, although he himself was white and bearded, and gave the order to return the child to the place where he had been found. But soon, the child's head fell into putrefaction and spread an unbearable odor, as a result of which a plague broke out and decimated the population'. Goupil adds that then a special law was enacted, which remained"
in effect until the arrival of the Spaniards, by virtue of which every blond child was sacrificed at the age of five years.
If we do not have, regarding the population of Central America, more than terminant but imprecise indications about the 'white Indians' of the Darién Isthmus, the data abound as soon as we approach South America and, first and foremost, the Guianas. Coudreau says of the Wai-Wai: "They are the most beautiful Indian race I have ever seen. Blond-orange types with blue eyes are not few among them... Their skin color is light yellow and has nothing of the reddish-brown of other tribes." The Dutch ethnographer De Groeje, cited by Poirier, mentions "grayish green eyes, with something of brown or blue." In an unpublished memoir, also cited by Poirier, the geographer engineer J. Hurault writes: "Some claim that blue-eyed white Indians never existed... We can somewhat clarify the matter... During a mission in 1935, we found in the Emerillon tribe, in the Upper Tampoc, an almost white woman with blue eyes and black hair. We were told that this Indian had been collected near the mouth of the Ouaqui River... The observations we could make about the women found allow us to affirm that they truly belong to a particular race. They have white, almost milky skin. The eyes are blue. The hair is hard and black." Also regarding Guiana, Crevaux mentions that, in the Upper Maroni, a wild tribe, the Bonis, pursued by Dutch and French, found a band of men collecting iguana eggs. They were of tall stature, pale complexion, and blond hair and beard. They were similar in everything, except for clothing, to the Dutch. Several authors, says Poirier, noted the light eyes of Wayacules and Triometesems, also in the Guianas.
"There is no shortage of similar information about the Puinaves, Bacairis, Bororos, and Nahuacas from Colombia and adjacent areas, the Arawaks, Botocudos, and Nambicuaras of the Amazon, and a tribe from the Envira River, also in Brazil, which Stegelmann discovered in 1903 and whose members had light red hair."
"The Arawaks deserve a special place in this enumeration, as they are referenced in a letter sent in 1502 or 1504 to the Catholic Monarchs by Angelo Trevisano, who describes them as having light skin, long hair, and beards. These 'white Indians' still exist in the Amazon: they are the Waikás of Maracá Island, in the Veljo Veneno river, white, with high foreheads, large eyes, and long, soft hair of light brown color. This is how Marcel Homet saw them in 1955, whose testimony is reliable, though not his theories. Unfortunately, we do not know of any studies on the matter."
"Colonel Fawcett, who was not to return from his last expedition in search of the 'lost cities' of the Purima Sierra, in the Upper Xingú, had also found, in 1925, 'white Indians', red-haired and blue-eyed, and declares emphatically in his travel notes: 'They are not albinos'. […]"
"Further north, in Venezuela, the presence of a group of white Motilones is noted, whose hair has the flax or straw color characteristic of Scandinavian peoples. Several authors, including Thor Heyerdahl, mention a study that a certain Harris would have dedicated to them in 1926. Unfortunately, we have not been able to find him."
"Regarding Peru, testimonies abound, starting with Pedro Pizarro's, who notes that members of the Incan aristocracy had skin whiter than the Spanish and hair the color of ripe wheat. Pizarro adds that indigenous people considered white and blonde individuals 'sons of the Sky Gods'. Ancient documents collected by Izaguirre mention several times 'these white and blonde infidels, just like us'."
Continuing southward, we find Frezier's reference to white and blonde Indians, which José Toribio Medina confirms by citing Molina's Civil History Compendium, alluding to an indigenous group from the Boroa province as 'white and blonde without being mixed' and, according to Rosales in Spiritual Conquest of Chile, the Chonos who 'were completely white and blonde, (due to the) coldness of the land and proximity to the pole'. Even in Tierra del Fuego, Skottsberg could note the chestnut hair of the Alacalufes, in contrast with the black hair of other Fuegians, and the dark blue eyes of children.
Some comments. The author uses, in his description, the same two basic documentary sources as Paul Rivet, which we have not obtained. Regarding the 'white Eskimos' from Labrador, etc., it is not difficult to accept an early mixture with later Vikings and Normans; but the situation changes concerning the indigenous people of British Columbia and the Queen Charlotte Islands, Nootkas, Haidas, etc., despite the author's attempt to relate them to Vikings in terms of their boat similarities, a similarity that does not even exist, since local indigenous boats were large monoxylous (up to more than 20 meters long) and the
Viking ships were made of planks. These whites from British Columbia must be of trans-Pacific origin, similar to those who traveled to the Pacific coasts of western Mexico and the Andean zone. Moreover, and as in other instances, they were likely minorities that especially stood out by being in the indigenous ruling class.
The Mandans of the prairies and their white-type characteristics, especially their reddish hair, have been mentioned by numerous authors and travelers, more than one of whom considered them descendants of Welsh people and even compared their language.
The "white Indians of Darién" belong to the Cuna tribe and are not truly white but albinos, which is clearly evident in their eyes, which cannot see well in light and are red in the iris, due to blood transparency, while their hair is naturally white, due to lack of pigment.
Regarding the various tribes of the Guianas and the Amazon, cited with their characteristics, there are numerous similar data scattered by diverse travelers. Let us recall that von Eickstedt attributed an "European-like physiognomy" to the Amazonids. As for the Waikas and Botocudos, they are remains of the most primitive populations of the continent.
The data regarding Peru are interesting, as Pedro Pizarro, a conquistador from the first moment, who observed well, points out that it was the members of the aristocracy - the Inca ruling class - who had light skin and blond hair. The same is said of the indigenous people of Chachapoyas and Puno, North of Lake Titicaca. Also in the chroniclers we find references to a people of "huiracochas", whites, who would have built the city of Tiahuanaco and would have been destroyed by indigenous people of Aymara language.
Regarding the Araucanians of the "Boroa" group, as white and blond and even with reddish skin "like the Frisians", we find reports in several ancient authors and even in La Araucana.
3. The "White Indians" of Paraguay, according to de Mahieu
We omit the fragment from Chapter II of Mahieu where he speaks of white Polynesians and Antis from Bolivia, part of whom we have personally studied and who are not as "white" as claimed, despite the fact that the name of the Yuracaré tribe means "white-man". Certainly, they are a bit lighter than common Andean indigenous people, but they are not white. We were with them and have photos.
Our author dedicates long pages to describing the Guayakí people of the interior of Paraguay, towards the border with Brazil. Their white color has been cited by numerous authors. This is complemented by an abundant beard and mustache and frequent complete baldness, even occurring before thirty years of age. For us, this is a very primitive American group with clear Australoid features, but it is better to first see what Mahieu says about them:
"5. The 'white Indians': the Guayakís
"A race on the verge of extinction, the Guayakís live in the subtropical virgin forest of Eastern Paraguay. They remain, according to estimates, between 300 and 500, divided into small groups. They walk completely naked and feed on hunting, wild fruits, and wild honey. Their Neolithic cultural level is very low, and they seem to practice a certain ritual cannibalism. The territory they occupy, or more precisely constantly traverse, since they are nomadic, is uncontrolled, and at their poorly defined borders, bloody clashes often occur.
"The Guayakís have drawn the attention of ethnologists, and important studies have been dedicated to their way of life and the Guarani-rooted dialect they speak. This has not been the case regarding their somatic characteristics, except for a few measurements taken from an insufficient number of subjects. The ethnologists in question could not, however, fail to mention some physical aspects, non-existent in all Amerindian races, and especially the white skin color of most of them. Of the five known groups, four are composed of white Guayakís and one of dark-skinned Guayakís. There are very good reasons to think that the latter
Mestization of white Guayakís with a group of Mataco Indians who, escaped from the Argentine reduction of Santa Ana, took refuge, at the end of the last century, in Guayakí territory.
"The differential characteristics of the white Guayakís made us consider the possibility that they might be descendants of Aryans of European origin. To confirm or reject this working hypothesis, the Institute of Human Science in Buenos Aires sent, at our request, a mission in January 1970 exclusively charged with verifying it. Most ethnologists had previously been able to work with some ease: in 1961, in effect, the Paraguayan government had managed to settle, in the Arroyo Morotí camp, near the town of San Juan Nepomuceno, a group of white Guayakís and one of brown Guayakís: some sixty adults in total. The high mortality, due to changes in diet - cassava and corn - and contact with the local population, [...] recently led to the transfer of survivors further north, in the San Joaquín region [...]"
"Let us specify that the study in question could be carried out under excellent scientific conditions. The camp population, which divides its time between the village and the forest, has regained its health, although cassava and corn, which continue to constitute the basis of their diet, cause a permanent intestinal swelling in its members. It has been enriched with elements from wild groups in the region. On the other hand, all subjects studied were pure Guayakís. [...] No mestization with white individuals could have occurred, therefore."
"The first verification made by the Mission is that white Guayakís and dark Guayakís offer the same somatic characteristics, except for skin color and the Mongoloid features of the latter. They are individuals of low stature: 1.57 m on average, among males (maximum, 1,61m1,61 \mathrm{~m} ; minimum, 1.43 m) and 1,49m1,49 \mathrm{~m} among females (maximum, 1,56m1,56 \mathrm{~m} ; minimum, 1.43). Their legs are relatively long, and the trunk is extremely developed: 85 cm chest circumference in males, which would be equivalent to 97,5cm97,5 \mathrm{~cm} in an individual of 1,80m1,80 \mathrm{~m} . Let us note, by way of comparison, that the average of the Nordic Aryan race is, for individuals of this height, 93,5cm93,5 \mathrm{~cm} . The cephalometric index of the Guayakís is, on average, 81.4 among males (maximum, 86.7; minimum 76.7) and 82.8 among females (maximum, 86.1; minimum, 78.3). The race oscillates, therefore, between the mesocephaly of males and the sub-brachycephaly of females. From this point of view, it is situated between the Alpine Aryans (84.3 among males and 84.2 among females) and the Nordic Aryans (79.2 and 78.3, respectively)."
"Guayakí males have a genital apparatus, with a configuration similar to Nordic Aryans (particularly an elongated penis), much more developed than that of Amerindians. They are provided with an abundant pilous system, on the legs and arms and, above all, on the face. They carefully shave, but the Mission was lucky enough to photograph a subject carrying a splendid beard (see Plate II). This is not a particular case: examination of the faces of the others shows that they were all extremely hairy. Now then: Indians are generally hairless, and those who are the exception, almost always elderly, only have a sparse beard, and only on the chin. Guayakí women have very hairy legs, unlike Indian women."
To this pilous system, characteristic of Aryan races, is added, in males, a strong tendency towards baldness (see Plate II), a phenomenon totally unknown to Amerindian populations.
"The skin of white Guayakís does not differ at all, in terms of color, from that of Europeans, and numerous women have the milky complexion of Nordic women. Hair color ranges from black to light brown, often with reddish highlights. Eye color, from black to light brown. Older individuals - but they are few - have gray or white hair and beard, which does not occur among Indians. Generally, the hair seems as fine as that of Europeans, and some males have wavy hair. The analysis of samples brought by the Mission is being done at the moment we are writing these lines, but the Laboratory of Pathological Anatomy at the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Buenos Aires, which has kindly taken charge of it, has already transmitted its first results, and these are highly significant: the hair of five studied samples has an ovoid section in the European manner and not rounded as is the case for Indians."
"Facial features offer considerable variety, aside from signs of degeneration. Some men could circulate in any region of Europe without drawing attention. Others have the appearance of Japanese from the upper ethnic layer, as is also the case with almost all women. Others could pass for Polynesians. Finally, some elderly individuals have the appearance of Ainu. These resemblances are not the result of chance. Japanese, Polynesians yy , to a lesser extent, and Ainos have a common origin: they are the products of mixing between whites and Mongoloids. Let us add that Guayakís often laugh, which Indians cannot do with their facial muscles."
"The study has therefore left no doubt regarding the racial origin of the Guayakís. These are whites mixed with Guaraníes. The mixture is recent: the lack of homogeneity in facial features and cephalometric index proves this."
Abstract
Who were the primitive whites? Anthropological analysis provides us with precise data on this point. The Guayakís indeed have a composite biotype. Below the waist, they are long-limbed; above, they have short respiratory limbs. They have the hypertrophied thorax of the Quechua and Aymara Indians from the Bolivian Altiplano, but not their short legs. There are only two possibilities: either the Guayakís are short-limbed mountaineers who acquired long legs on the plains; or they are long-limbed individuals who developed a thorax in the highlands. The first hypothesis is to be discarded, as the Guayakís have nothing more than the trunk that brings them closer to the Andean Indians. Therefore, they descend from long-limbed whites - like the Nordics - established for a long time in the Altiplano, where low atmospheric pressure causes an increase in thoracic capacity. What considerably reinforces this conclusion is that the word Guayakí is Quechua and means 'whitish of the plain' (from huailla, whitish, and kellu, plain: the double y and the l are pronounced the same way; the e and the i merge into a single vowel in Quechua). No more appropriate name could have been found for white inhabitants of the mountain who took refuge in the forest, at the foot of the Cordillera. There, in an environment and climate hostile to all civilization, these men degenerated and then, recently, mixed, driven by a biological phenomenon also noted among the Waikás of the Amazon: the numerical insufficiency of female births. These two negative factors explain both the low stature and the low cultural level of the Guayakís.
New comments. The author supposes that the Guayaquíes studied are the final product of the mestization of a Viking group that would have arrived earlier in the Bolivian Altiplano, where they would have built the Tiahuanaco civilization; after being defeated by the Andean indigenous people, they emigrated to Paraguay. In Paraguay, they would have recently mixed with Guarani indigenous people - of Mongoloid origin - thus forming the current Guayaquíes populations.
First of all, we are struck by the statement that "the
legs are relatively long and the trunk extremely developed," because the length of the legs is calculated by its relation to the length of the trunk-neck-head, that is, it is a proportion of the total body height; consequently, long legs and a long trunk cannot exist at the same time. By necessary consequence, the legs are relatively short. We consider all other anthropological references dubious. Important are the information about abundant hairiness, baldness, and that some elderly have the appearance of Ainos. The mixture with the Guarani and another similar previous people is also undoubtable.
On the other hand, the idea that the "Indians," due to their facial muscles, cannot laugh, is a fantasy. Regarding the translation of the Guayaquíes' name into Quechua, the truth is that both words are mistranslated by the author: huailla means "green, fresh" and, by extension, "plain"; kkellu, "yellow," without a doubt. So the real translation turns against what the author says.
At the end of the title we are discussing, the author claims to have found the use of runic, Scandinavian letters among the Guayaquíes, a topic that is now outside our field of study.
For us, the Guayaquíes, just like the Waikas, part of the Sirionós of Bolivia, etc., are descendants of the most primitive population layer of the continent, that is, Australoid of the Ainu type. For now, we leave this point aside.
In a title that carries the number six, corresponding to the same Chapter II that we are discussing, Mahieu talks to us about "The mummies of the white and blond 'Indians'". He especially deals with the ancient mummies, found in the deserts of the Peruvian coast, whose extremely dry climate has allowed their complete preservation as well as that of other easily perishable remains, for several thousand years. For us, the topic also deserves a separate title.
4. "The mummies of white and blond 'Indians'"
This is the title that Mahieu gives to the fragment we are discussing from his Chapter II and of which we will reproduce here only a part. First, the author deals with various ancient mummies found on the continent; then he tells us, regarding what interests us:
"In one case, however, the situation has presented itself very differently: that of hundreds of mummies discovered, starting from the end of the last century, in pre-Hispanic tombs in Peru and, especially, those found in 1925 in caves of the Paracas peninsula, 18 km from Pisco. These mummies are not representative of the entire population. Because while some were naturally preserved due to the dry climate of the region or from being buried in sand, most of them were embalmed and therefore belonged to leading family members of their time.
"The mummies in question correspond to two well-differentiated racial types. Some are undeniably Mongoloid: short stature, flattened face, brachycephalic head, and bluish-black hair, belonging to individuals similar to the indigenous people who still inhabit the region. The others, by contrast, are tall, with elongated faces, dolichocephalic heads, and light hair, with variations ranging from brown to straw-blonde, passing through all shades of red, without artificial discoloration. Anyone who saw the mummy reproduced in Plate VII without indications of origin would not hesitate to attribute it to a Nordic woman. These are not mere appearances, and specialists agree. Some initially thought that the facial and skull measurements could result from artificial deformation, as the Peruvian Indians often produced on children, and that the hair color might be a consequence of the passage of time. These hypotheses had to be discarded."
"The dolichocephalic head and elongated face are indeed found in mummies that show no unmistakable signs of artificial deformation. The hair, moreover, could not have been discolored over time, since such a phenomenon would have also affected the bluish-black hair of the Mongoloid individuals, which did not occur. Furthermore, the hair of white-race individuals differs not only by color but also by texture: it is a 30%30 \% finer and lighter than that of the Indians, when desiccation does not produce a reduction of more than 5%5 \% , and has an oval section, distinctly different, as we have seen above, from the round section of the black hair of indigenous Amerindian race."
of the indigenous Amerindian race.
The presence, in pre-Columbian Peru, of white individuals of Nordic biotype cannot, consequently, be doubted. The problem is to know to which era the mummies that prove it belong. As always when it comes to pre-Hispanic chronology, opinions vary in this respect by hundreds and thousands of years. Thor Heyerdahl prudently mentions that the Carbon 14 method 'suggests' that the Paracas mummies date from the year 500 BC, with a margin of error of 200 years more or less. Unfortunately, the method in question is very unreliable, as it is based on the hypothesis of a constant intensity of cosmic radiation over time, which not only lacks all scientific confirmation but, moreover, seems highly doubtful. On the other hand, we are unaware of how the Carbon 14 dating of Peruvian mummies was carried out, and it seems difficult to us that a kilo of organic matter—that is, of mummy—has been burned in each case, which is essential, according to the method's supporters, to obtain a valid result.
Two possibilities, then: either the dating is as fanciful as many others made on different bases, and the blonde mummies may belong to descendants of Scandinavian and Irish from Vinlandia and Huitramannalandia, or to their immediate ancestors from the same origins; or Carbon 14 is right and we would have to admit a Nordic migration, much earlier than the one history indicates, which would date back to the 12th century BC, when the Hyperboreans invaded central and southern Europe and unsuccessfully attacked Egypt during the reign of Pharaoh Meneptah, of the III dynasty, retreating to Palestine where the Bible mentions them by the name of Philistines. The Hyperboreans came from Denmark and Southern Norway, from where they had been expelled by natural cataclysms. They were exceptional sailors and had seagoing ships: it would not be strange that part of them had headed west by sea. […]
The reports given here about Peruvian mummies are manifestly accurate, and there is no doubt about them; we have seen a great number of these mummies and most perhaps had brownish hair, more or less dark; in some of them, they were completely straw-blonde, yellowish. But the reports about these mummies having tall stature and dolichocephalic heads, as well as elongated faces, are not as reliable; certainly,
We have not measured the mummies we saw in the National Museum of Lima, but we have already said that we have enough experience to appreciate at first glance whether a skull or a head is dolichocephalic or brachycephalic. Without a doubt, most of these mummies had a brachycephalic head, whether blonde or not, and aside from whether they were deformed or not. Those straw-colored blonde hairs were, indisputably, from Caucasoid individuals, but that does not mean they were of Nordic origin.
It turns out that not only Nordic peoples have blonde hair, in its various shades (incidentally, they do not have reddish hair; that corresponds to other races, for example, Irish and Finnish. Of this color was the hair of the Mongol Emperor of China, Kublai Khan, who was personally seen and described by Marco Polo). We are interested in another race that, also quite frequently, has blonde hair and a pinkish skin tone. These are the white peoples of North Asia Minor, from Anatolia to Persia, whose racial form is variously denominated: Armenoids, Assyriods, etc.; its finest form has been called 'Prospectors', "seekers" of metals. Armenoids and prospectors have a medium or somewhat low stature, their head falls into a low limit of brachycephaly and their hair is brown more or less dark, but among them abound people with pink skin, blonde hair and blue eyes; these characteristics can be found dissociated, in various individuals. Ancient Hittite and Assyrian sculptures show us people of this type, with curly hair.
The same occurs with people belonging to the white race of the Balkans, called Dinaric, whose main nucleus - found in Yugoslavia - is described as tall, brachycephalic head, dark skin, dark hair and eyes; but there exists a variety of it, located more to the North and extending sporadically from Northern Spain to Turkestan, which has pink skin, blonde hair and blue eyes. It is especially differentiated from the Armenoid race by presenting a straight nose, while the Armenoids have a curved one.
Returning to the Peruvian mummies, we already said that their type is not Nordic, but the Armenoid racial type, with all its characteristics
characteristics and, relatively, abundant blond individuals are common in Polynesia. To that racial form is where the Peruvian mummies can primarily belong, although, without a doubt, they have been mixed locally in various ways. Good proof of this we have in a nearby zone, a little further North, in the territory of the ancient Mochica civilization, where thousands of huaco portraits represent individuals with Caucasoid features and prominent aquiline noses.
Regarding the antiquity of that race on the Peruvian coast, Mahieu tries to deny the antiquity of the Paracas culture, invalidating Carbon 14. But that antiquity cannot be seriously discussed, since the Paracas culture is, in every way, prior to the Era, in its entirety of its sites; as for its beginnings, it goes back to 800 before Christ. Additionally, it is good to clarify that Carbon 14 can give us lesser dates than the real ones, if the sample has been infected by later carbon additions, but never greater. Pharaoh Meneptah is not from the III dynasty, but from the XVIII, but we suppose that this is a printing error. Regarding the Hyperboreans (nobody knows what they were. By the way, the "sea peoples" invaded Egypt), they have nothing to do with the Philistines, who would indeed be of Armenian race, especially.
5. Mesoamericans and their sculptures, according to Cyrus Gordon
Professor Cyrus Gordon, from Brandeis University, is quite well-known for his interpretations and publications about Phoenician and Hebrew inscription findings that would have appeared in various parts of pre-Columbian America; we have several articles and a work titled L'Amérique avant Colomb. We have also personally known him at a scientific meeting held in Buenos Aires in 1971 about pre-Columbian American relations with the outside world, via maritime routes.
The first chapter of that work is the one that most interests us here. It is translated as: The Mesoamericans, represented
Two of their own sculptures. We will refer to him without specifically citing his words, that is, without transcriptions of them, since at the moment we have already extended ourselves too much.
The author tells us that, just as the United States produces automobiles today, Neolithic peoples have produced countless ceramic objects, and ancient Mesoamerica, in turn, produced hundreds of thousands of sculptures representing the human beings they naturally knew. It happens that in them, in the most ancient ones, Amerindian human types are not represented - such as Aztecs or Mayans - but rather show other types: Far Eastern, African blacks, Caucasians yy , above all, Mediterranean types, especially Semites.
The proof of the foregoing is contained in an important, richly illustrated work by Alexander von Wuthenau, called The Art of Terracotta Pottery in Pre-Columbian Central and South America. Cyrus Gordon especially analyzes a series of illustrations - which are older than 300 before the Christian Era - and finds that in them, the types considered Amerindian do not appear, but rather the other races cited.
Our author begins by reproducing and analyzing a Mixtec ceramic sculpture, from Oaxaca, which would be postclassic, that is, much later than the indicated date. It is tall, 18 cm high, and represents absolutely unquestionably an individual of the black race. He adds that no artist could invent such features without knowing them. This is correct but, unfortunately, based on his illustration, the piece seems simply falsified, so we discard it.
The other illustrations presented by the author seem authentic to us, although we somewhat doubt his illustration 1 of Plate II, where a black person is also represented and which comes from Veracruz. The following seven illustrations seem to be absolutely authentic; in three of them we find an eminent aquiline nose. In one, figure 4 of Plate II, we find the undoubted representation of a Caucasoid type of Armenian type, which the author tells us is 15 cm high and belongs to the Tulane University collection. He adds: "a man from the Near East, who could be Semitic, but who
"recalls more an old Armenian". He adds that this plate shows us well the nature of the problem: at the beginning of the classical era, the Mesoamerican scene was complex, comprising Caucasians from Eurasia and African blacks, plus Amerindian types, which begin to appear around 300 before the Era.
His other plate, number III, has four illustrations. The first of them shows the face of a young woman, beautifully treated with few Amerindian features; the last illustration of this plate represents the sculpture of a woman, from the classical period, whose negroid features are undeniable.
Then, the author, without presenting illustrations to support, refers to other Mexican sculptures with eastern Caucasoid features. Of one of them he tells us that we could interpret it as corresponding to a "merchant prince of the ancient Mediterranean", since from the beginning of the Iron Age until the Roman era, frequent contacts with Central America were carried out by individuals of this type. Regarding this, we are basically in complete agreement. He adds that the merchant-princes of the Mediterranean were the aristocrats of Mesoamerican society and that their features were especially represented by the Maya Indians who succeeded them. We also agree with this. We would add here the testimony of a large part of the Moche huaco-portraits.
Our author adds other reports: in the oldest sculptures, we find abundant representations of individuals with prominent noses, elongated heads, and wavy hair, in opposition to the flat nose (?), round head, and straight hair possessed by typical Mongoloid types. He especially cites an archaic group of sculptures that has been described by von Wuthenau as "a series of Semitic types", which come from Guerrero, Veracruz, Tlatilco, the Mayan region, and Chiapas, all pre-classic; the beards and prominent noses suggest Semitic subjects, rather than Indians. Of the nine sculptures from Guerrero - pre-classic heads, with an absence of Indian types - von Wuthenau identifies one of them as Ainu, the white aborigines of Japan.
The author concludes that the Caucasians of America would come from Eurasia, the blacks from Africa, the Mongoloids from Chinese and Japanese types of the Far East; from the Mediterranean shores, in different eras, came Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Egyptians, Greeks, Etruscans, Romans, etc. A continuous subsequent mixture with older local peoples, Mongoloids, would have continuously absorbed these ethnic types, until making them disappear during the conquest era.
We believe that the author somewhat exaggerates in his interpretations, but that basically, what he tells us is acceptable. Not so much of what he manifests in following chapters, in which we find extremely valuable information, but which does not directly refer to the theme we are discussing. Regarding the set of his interpretation, it seems to us that a better systematization of the information is still lacking, much of which appears quite disconnected from each other, thereby losing value in what he tells us, especially concerning a better systematization of the racial types he presents, not only the Caucasoid and Negroid types, but also the various Mongoloid or "Amerindian" types that appear on our continent.
6. Caucasoid features in America, according to O. Menghin
The distinguished Austrian researcher, Prof. Osvaldo F. A. Menghin, who resided for a long time in Argentina until his passing, published here a small work - the result of a series of conferences - titled Racial Origin and Development of the Human Species, from whose second edition we now extract a series of information. Unfortunately, in what concerns us most, it is very brief, despite referring to an important group for us, the Pampid group.
We will begin by seeing other interesting details, included at the beginning of his chapter VI, which is titled Racial History of the Western Hemisphere (America):
all'. Is this true? If an ona is seen, is it known what an Araucanian is like? If a Guayaki is seen, is it known what a Guarani is like? All who know these peoples will answer no. It is not surprising that such an erroneous judgment was accepted at that time, but it is surprising that currently there are specialists who maintain the racial unity of the American Indian. One of the most intransigent defenders of this theory was Ales Hrdliçka, the dean of North American anthropologists in the first decades of our century. For him and his supporters, the populating of America occurred barely 10,000 years ago by men of Mongolian race, although belonging to several branches of the same. According to this theory, all inhabitants of America immigrated through the Bering Strait; [...] This theory is closely linked to another of a cultural nature, according to which America was, in pre-European times, in an almost complete cultural isolation. The North Asian immigrants were essentially hunters, of late Paleolithic or backward culture, affected by certain Neolithic influences. In this way, all the progress of the civilizations that developed on this continent are the result of an internal development, without connection to the cultures of the Old World. [...] Special reference was made to the absence of the plow in America, of the cart, of all domestic animals and cultivated plants, typical of the eastern hemisphere. [...]
We already know all of the above, but it is convenient to remember it, even to properly situate the author in his interpretations.
A little further on, Menghin locates the problem for us:
... The tenacity with which the majority of North American anthropologists insisted on the monogenesis of American races and cultures was gradually silencing the opinion of opponents. But in 1934, the great work 'Racial History of Humanity' by Egon von Eickstedt appeared, who, for the first time, presents the outline of a taxonomic system of world races from a biodynamic point of view. Eickstedt still speaks of 'Indians' as a race cycle corresponding to the Europids and Negrides, but the context of his book suggests that he already glimpses the enormous complexity of the racial structuring of America and the very heterogeneous character of the different immigrant waves that populated the western hemisphere. He highlights the Europoid morphology of many racial groups on the continent and correctly explains it by the fact, until then not properly valued, that northern Asia, the territory of origin of
"a large part of the American Indians, was originally the domain of the white race and that its Mongolization occurred only during the Post-Glacial period. However, Eickstedt still does not take into consideration immigration from Southeast Asia across the Pacific. The last step was taken by José Imbelloni. His decisive works on the racial taxonomy of American aborigines appeared between 1937 and 1939. For Imbelloni, there is no longer an 'Indian race' or 'Indic', but only a series of bodily form groupings, which we can call subraces, but by no means subraces of a single racial trunk, but coming from several. [...]" (Menghin, Op. cit., pp. 108-109).
We already know this, at least in part. It is also convenient to keep it in mind, to properly situate the things we are discussing.
We can also remember that, for Imbelloni, the Mongoloid traits in America fundamentally enter through the Pacific, via maritime route; that the Fuegians are the oldest population of the continent and that he classifies the Guayaquies as belonging to this race.
Then, skipping cultural information, Menghin talks to us about the Upper Paleolithic cultures discovered by him in Patagonia, which he called Toldense and Casapedrense. He tells us:
"... they basically have their root in the miolithic cultures of the Old World. Their bearers are among the ancestors of the Tehuelches, a fact confirmed by the relationships of their archaeological heritage with the culture of the Tehuelches. Racially, the Pampid peoples correspond to this cultural complex, a term already created by D'Orbigny; others speak of Patagonids. It is a very tall, athletic and vigorous race, quite dark in color, somewhat bronzed, of a Paleoeuropoid model yy , indeed related to the miolithic man of Western Europe. They arrived in America very probably sin\sin , or only with a minimum of Mongolian mixture, since at the time of their transfer to America, the yellows would not have existed in Siberia. The old theory of Pampid brachycephaly is illusory and originates from an error: it was not duly considered that the skulls of the last thousand or two thousand years of Patagonian inhabitants are almost always artificially deformed. This factor also intervened unfavorably in the definition of other American races. The Pampid race also forms the basic element of the Chaco Indians, also of superior hunters. According to some authors, the Pampid skulls of Patagonia give an 'Australoid' impression. As we already know, that term is criticizable, but those who used it were probably thinking of the Murrayan race characterized by its Europid affinity. […]" (Menghin, Op. cit., pp. 118-119).
rably in the definition of other American races. The Pampid race forms, moreover, the basic element of the Chaco Indians, also of superior hunters. According to some authors the Pampid skulls of Patagonia give an "Australoid" impression. As we already know, that term is criticizable, but those who employed it were probably thinking of the Murrayian race characterized by its Europid affinity. […]" (Menghin, Op. cit., pp. 118-119).
As we see, the author clearly indicates that the pampids are of a Paleoeuropoid model, related to the myolithic man (Upper Paleolithic) of Europe, that is, the well-known Cro-Magnon man, and at the same time warns us that they have a minimum of Mongoloid mixture. Here we can recall the Toba Indian from the Rosario restaurant, whom we mentioned in the introduction. Unfortunately, he does not inform us about what - however minimal - Mongoloid traits the pampids have, but we can easily do so: the hair of the pampids and Imbelloni's planids in North America is black, thick, and hard, with a cylindrical section, that is, the form considered most typically Mongoloid. Moreover, most of the facial "reconstructions" of Cro-Magnon Man clearly present a kind of red skin.
We will see the "Murrayana race" of Australia extensively in the next chapter. As for the author's explanation of the brachycephaly of the Patagonians, we already know that it is false.
There is another group or race of hunter peoples, which we have seen very little of so far, despite Hrdliçka directly pointing them out with the name of Athabascans, clearly separating them from the Columbids, with whom all subsequent authors confuse them, in the same way our author does, who gets himself into a real mess with them, as we will see:
"... However, there exists another type of hunters who populated especially the vast subarctic regions of Eurasia. They invaded northern North America at a time we cannot determine exactly, but certainly from an ancient phase of the Holocene. We call them subarctic hunters or fishing hunters, insofar as they concentrated preferentially around the
Lakes and rivers were dedicated primarily to their economic exploitation. They are divided into two well-defined racial and ethnic groups. The oldest corresponds, linguistically, to the primitive core of the Algonquins, racially to Neumann's Lenapes, named after an Algonquian-speaking tribe. Imbelloni's Appalachids would represent more or less the same form. It is a fairly tall race, with relatively light skin, long head and face, and, in contrast to the Pampids, with many progressive features. Their area of diffusion is the Northeast of the United States and Southeast of Canada. In this zone, there are abundant preceramic and ancient ceramic sites, from a period between 6000 and 1000 BC, which show astonishing similarities with contemporary cultures of Finland, Northern Russia and Western Siberia, although we still lack sufficient archaeological knowledge of Northeastern Asia. Because of this and the large exploration gaps in Alaska and Western Canada, it is impossible to verify the route of these migrations, both from a racial and cultural perspective. It is interesting that in the Magellanic zone there are also indications of sub-Arctic immigration elements, in a remote era, which would be carried out along the coastal route.
We do not know the period that separates the migration of this older group of subarctic hunters from that of the more recent one, which perhaps took place in a relatively modern period. This can be deduced from the fact that in the tribes of the more recent group, the relationship between race, culture, and language has been very well preserved. This refers to Neumann's Deneid race, Imbelloni's Columbids, Eicksted and Canals Frau's Pacifids. The right of priority corresponds to the name Pacifids, introduced by Deniker. Dene is a gentilicio that means the same as Athabascans. This great linguistic trunk, to which the famous Apaches belong as the southernmost tribe, practically coincides with the Pacifid race. It is of medium height, with wide head and face, quite clear skin, and hair less dark than that of other Indians. Very similar types can be found in Siberia; the Sibirid race can almost be considered the prototype of the Pacifid, which also indicates that the latter is a transitional form between Mongoloid and Europid." (Menghin, Op. cit., pp. 122-124).
It is evident the confusion made by the author, as well as the others cited, between the Athabascan race of Hrdliçka and the Pacifid or Columbid, which does not correspond (apart from various mixtures) to the Algonquian tribes. Regarding the Appalachian people of Imbelloni,
COMPARISON MADE BY ALFONSO CASO TO PROVE CONVERGENCES. According to Caso, Relations Between the Old and New Worlds (fig. 8). First: Merovingian figure from Ratisbona, Bavaria. Second: figure from the Balsas River, Mexico. The relationship between these figures is undeniable, but in principle, no relationship would be possible between the German and Mexican figure, which would prove the convergence, or non-relation. But Caso forgot to tell us that the Merovingian figure copies forms that are originally from before the Era, from Etruria, Greece, etc.; then the relationship is possible. Moreover, are the large beards on the Balsas River figure Mongolian? We believe nothing more European could be requested. We even think it might be an imported piece.
it is a subsequent subdivision made by Imbelloni, which we did not consider necessary to address and which partially corresponds to Canals Frau's southeast groups, which, incidentally, have little to do with the group we are analyzing. The group we are dealing with is short-headed and short-faced, like the true Thabascas, who fundamentally inhabit the interior of Canada, while also constituting the main part of the leadership class of the Prairie tribes, especially the Sioux or Dakotas.
Two more facts are important, cited by our author; that cultural influences from that race reached the Magellanic zone - something that undoubtedly had to be done with the contribution
THE BEARD IN AMERICA AND THE PROOF OF "CONVERGENT" INVENTION, according to Alfonso Caso, in Relations Between the Old and New Worlds (fig. 7). The first figure corresponds to the back of a mirror from Veracruz, Mexico. The second, to an Etruscan sarcophagus. The third, to a relief from pre-dynastic Egypt. The similarity of the figures is undeniable, but with it there is no proof of convergent invention: from the pre-dynastic to the Etruscan figure there is a continuation of similar artistic figures - evidently, more developed in Etruria - whose tradition was transferred to America, already fully formed. The figure on the Mexican mirror is certainly not Mongoloid; its oblique eyes are typical of the Eastern Mediterranean.
of some racial group, which we will see later, although the author does not cite it - and the fact that demonstrates that this race, in its base the Sibirid, is a transitional form between Mongoloids and Europids.
On our part - and to begin - we will point out three important cultural facts that this race has had to bring to South America: first, the national game of the Araucanians, called chueca, widely spread also in the Chaco, and which is absent in the intermediate regions south of the Navajo and Apache Athabascans; second, the proto-snowshoes for walking in the snow, a kind of small platforms that expand the surface of the feet, covered by the moccasin (possibly moccasins are also added here), known by the Patagonians and Araucanians; third, the counting method we call decimal by pairs, with one hundred made by ten-by-ten, used by the Thabascas, Shoshones, and Patagonians.
The culture of these peoples is an Upper Paleolithic developed at a Mesolithic level, with some Neolithizing influences.
Finally, Menghin accepts, along with Imbelloni, that all Mongoloid racial influences in America come from migrations produced across the Pacific Ocean, which would have begun around 2,500 years before Christ; but, with von Eickstedt, he points out that among the Amazonian types there are "many Europoid characters" (p. 126), and that the Isthmian race has a "somewhat different, more Europoid character" (p. 127), noting influences that Imbelloni had forgotten.
Chapter III
Birdsell and the Origin of Australian Australoids
1. Birdsell and the Origin of Australians
The American researcher Joseph B. Birdsell, from the University of California, has published a very important work on the races of Oceania, Asia, and the problem of the first peopling of America, titled The Problem of the Early Peopling of the Americas as Viewed from Asia, 1951. This work or monograph is quite long, so we can only reproduce its essential parts.
Unfortunately, the author does not deal with all American indigenous peoples but almost limits himself to some groups from the Californian region of the United States, which present very primitive, Australoid-type characteristics. The existence of clearly similar groups in South America is unknown to him (these are Australoids with abundant beards); the other indigenous peoples are considered all Mongoloid, without being concerned about demonstrating this. That is to say, overall, he admits the existence of small residual remains of a very primitive bearded race in California (which could have already arrived mixed, according to him) and that all other indigenous peoples are of more recent Mongoloid origin. In truth, this part of his work is not the most important, but rather the study he makes of the primitive population of Oceania and continental Asia, discriminating the existing races there, before and now, to then compare them with America. That part of his work is the one that is of greatest interest to us, as it clarifies several previously unsolvable problems from the first moment. We add that
The author has worked extensively, in the field, on the physical anthropology of Australians.
Our author begins by denying the racial unity of Australians, which we must agree with in principle, since long ago - and before series of photographs of these indigenous people - we had reached the same conclusion; instead of a single Australian race, he speaks of an "unequal mixture of three major racial elements", all of which would come from Asia, in the final times of the Pleistocene. The entry route to Australia would have been land-based, as strange as that may seem, initially. Indeed, during the last glacial period, sea levels dropped extraordinarily (supposed to be about one hundred meters) and the Asian continental lands united into a single mass (called Sahul Shelf), or almost, with Australia, as well as with all of Indonesia. Therefore, the path offered the least difficulty, although some sea spaces between the islands may have remained, as some claim.
We will begin a series of long quotes, due to the fundamental importance we give to this author, in order to understand and explain the oldest peopling of America.
"II. Racial data of Australasia"
The origin of American Indians inevitably leads to Asia. The characteristics of the present population of Asia offer suggestive data for the attempted solution to these racial interpretations, which have been obscured by a number of complicated factors. Of these, two seem to be of great importance. First, the accessible evidence suggests that the Mongoloid race has reached its present geographical limits through a very rapid, possibly explosive expansion. Anthropologists seem to be in general agreement on this point. Second, the advent of the essential elements of Neolithic culture seriously disrupted the pattern of hunter-gatherer populations. Potential farmers can potentially reach a higher population density than peoples limited to a hunter-gatherer economy. This factor has important repercussions in terms of population genetics. It seems likely that the emergence of agriculture and the
RECONSTRUCTIVE BIRDSELL MAP OF THE TERMINAL PLEISTOCENE POPULATIONS IN ASIA. From The Problem of the Early Peopling of the Americas as Viewed from Asia fig. 1. The explanation is given in the same, and in the text. It would correspond to the last advance of the last glacial period. The archaic Caucasoids, Amurians, would originally extend to China and Japan, and from them the first Mongoloids would derive, due to their isolation during the glacial period in the extreme North. From the same Amurians, the Murrayans of Australia would derive. The Negritos would be the first population of Indochina, and from there they would have spread through Oceania and Australia in early times. The Carpentarians would be a fourth primary race (there are almost always four major races), and they would also have arrived in Australia at a later time. They could not have reached America due to the extreme southern territory they occupy, but it turns out that there are quite a few living types and ancient skulls of this racial type in America. It is worth noting the reduced extent that the author gives to the Asian glacial periods, contrary to what von Eckstedt, Valiois, etc. suppose.
The expansion of the Mongoloids are not separate factors but rather appeared together in Asia. In any case, the living peoples of continental Asia today do not provide the complete evidence necessary to solve the racial origins of the American aborigine.
"It is generally accepted that marginal areas offer effective refuges that can preserve elements of more primitive populations. In terms of East Asia, there are two major regions. One of these consists of the Americas; the other is Australasia. Apparently paradoxical at first glance, but I believe that a cautious interpretation of the settlement of Australia and Melanesia can shed important light on the nature of racial elements attributed to Asia for migration to the New World, in the terminal Pleistocene and the beginning of recent times."
"The aborigines of Australia have thus posed a problem in terms of their ultimate racial origins. Anthropologists who have conducted recent work on Australian materials, such as Howells, Klaatsch, Jones and Campbell, Gray and Hackett, have vigorously supported the idea that Australian aborigines represent a primitive, but essentially homogeneous racial entity. Others, and Hooton is the principal among these, have insisted that Australians are a composite population to which various racial elements have contributed. Fieldwork carried out by the author during 1938 and 1939 validates the latter point of view. These aborigines are in reality an uneven mixture of three major racial elements, all of which seem to have migrated from the Asian mainland in the late middle Pleistocene."
"Geographic relationships are important in interpreting the origin of populations in Australia and New Guinea. During the last eustatically glacial sea level displacement, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and the adjacent smaller islands, merged into a single emergent landmass, representing a peninsular extension of the Asian continent [...]. Thus, the fourth glacial period was in an unusual way favorable for human migration in Australasia..."
"Three major racial elements have been identified in the population of Australian aborigines. They are: the Oceanic Negrito, the Murrayán (a primitive representative of the Caucasoid racial group) and the Carpentarian. The Oceanic Negrito seems, according to distribution data, to have been the first migratory current of Homo sapiens that reached the Sahul Shelf, at a date attributed early in the fourth glacial period. There is no archaeological evidence for the time of their passage. Today they are best represented by the Andamanese, but in a more hybrid form they are clearly present among the Semangs of the Malayan peninsula, the Aetas of Luzon and in the marginal areas of Australia, including Tasmania. They form the matrix of the racially mixed populations inhabiting New Guinea and the rest of Melanesia."
In their unmixed form, they are characterized by minimal stature and a type of generally infantile features. The color of their skin is dark, but not extremely so. The form of their hair is an extreme Negroid variety, which whitens late in life and baldness is rare. Body and facial hair is reduced. If there is a safe inference in the field of racial anthropology, it is that the Oceanic Negritos must be considered as very intensely related, genetically, to the Negritos of the Congo basin in tropical Africa.
"The second current of peoples arriving in Australia has been called the Murrayans. They appear in their least mixed form at the mouth of the Murray River and nearby coastal regions. The date of their migration is tentatively placed in the middle of the last glacial period. Osteological evidence of their passage, or the survival of descendant groups, has been discovered in Keilor, Victoria, in Aitape, on the North coast of New Guinea, in the two Wadjak skulls from Java, and in the small series of skulls from the Upper Cave of Chu-ku-tien in Northern China. This element is characterized by a moderately low but comparatively stocky physical construction, with a type of rough Caucasoid features. The skin color, when not exposed to the sun, is moderately light. Hair texture ranges from straight to wavy, graying appears at an early age, and baldness is very common.
"Body and facial hair is extraordinarily abundant. The skull is absolutely and relatively long and low. The superciliary arches are large. The nose is wide but shows high relief. The nasion depression is deep, but this feature has been exaggerated in literature. The teeth are very large, but prognathism is not very notable in living individuals. The overall impression of the face is of massiveness. This population shows its most intimate affiliations with the Ainus, and the two groups together can be considered as the Asian representatives of the Caucasoid race.
The third and final group entering Australia has been called the Carpentarians, due to their present distribution around the Gulf of Carpentaria, on the northern coasts of the continent. Their geographical point indicates that they entered Australia through the Sahul Shelf before its submersion and by inference, in the last part of the Glacial Age. Archaeological evidence of their external migration from Southeast Asia has not yet been discovered. They are characterized by a very tall and extremely thin body shape. The skin color is very dark. The hair ranges from straight to wavy. Hair grays very early and baldness is very rare. Their cranial vault is characterized by small absolute dimensions and is relatively narrow and high. The width of the face notably exceeds that of the skull. The superciliary arches are pronounced and the nasion depression is deep. The nose is wide and moderately low in its relief.
"The general type of Carpentarian features can be described as extremely primitive. These peoples show racial affiliations with the so-called Vedda elements, present in aboriginal populations and lower castes of central and southern India. Taken together, these groups validly represent a fourth major racial category, taxonomically equivalent to the Caucasoid, Negroid, and Mongoloid groups." (Birdsell, pp. 2-4)
In light of this description of the original elements that would constitute the set of Australians, we believe that many ideas about the first origin of American man are significantly transformed, since the comparison cannot be made with 'Australians' as a whole.
But, before continuing, there is something extremely serious. The author considers that agriculture and the expansion of Mongoloids appeared together in Asia. We will see other data about the problem later, but from now on a serious problem is raised: if Mongoloids appear along with agriculture (not well explained, as we will see later), they would have had to arrive in America already equipped with that agriculture, which would be directly contradicted by the reports we can gather on our continent.
Moreover, it is not clear now with what type of Australians the aforementioned comparisons have been made. The Oceanic Negrito, certainly, according to the author's interpretations, seems to be excluded from the beginning (we will see that not so much; his Oceanic Negrito does not coincide with ours), but the traits assigned to the Australoids in America usually belong to both the Murrayans and the Carpentarians, preferably to the former. Let's recall that, for Canals Frau, for example, the fundamental cranial features of American Australoids would be the long and high skull, which corresponds to the Carpentarians; on the other hand, he himself considers
That the medium-length and low skulls would be more likely of primitive Mongoloids, their second migration wave, which here seems directly related to the Murrayans, for being low.
The Lagids from our various authors, who compare them especially with Melanesians, due to their long and high skull, and especially by the very distinctive feature that the face (cheekbones) is wider than the skull, are evidently related to the Carpentarians.
Before continuing the comments, it is better to see the continuation of what Birdsell tells us:
"The populations of the Aboriginal Australia and New Guinea differ in many ways, and the latter have been labeled as Papuans and Melanesians in the literature. Some authors have discussed that Melanesians have made a genetic contribution to the more primitive populations of the New World..."
"The Australian population represents a mixture of Negritos, Murrayans, and Carpentarians as racial elements. Here the contribution of Negritos is relatively unimportant concerning living peoples, and can only be found in marginal areas. In a general sense, the inhabitants of the southern portion of the continent show a Murrayan predominance; in the Northern half, Carpentarian elements are clearly a majority. Geographical factors suggest that these three elements should be present in New Guinea. The impression one gains from the literature, however, is chaotic. The hypothesis of the tri-hybrid origin of Australians applied to New Guinea brings some appearance of order to this confusing picture. Clearly, the basic racial element in all of New Guinea and Melanesia is the oceanic Negrito. Their important contribution is perfectly reflected in hair form and to a lesser extent in facial morphology and stature..."
"...The Asian evidence suggests that the Murrayans developed and adapted better to life in open regions. Thus, it is not difficult to explain the differential preservation of the ancient Negrito population in the jungles of New Guinea. In such areas, they were subject to less population pressure from arriving groups. The same general conditions apply to the third emigration, of the Carpentarians..."
In the high plains of the interior of New Guinea, people seem to show a majority of Negrito characteristics and a minority of Murrayan ones. Such populations can be considered as di-hybrid. In the coastal areas of this island, both in the North and South, this basic di-hybrid combination has been more vitiated by the introduction of Carpentarian elements. These populations are, consequently, tri-hybrid in their racial origins.
"Long after the sinking of the Sahul Shelf, the vanguard of a fourth major racial group, the Mongoloids, arrived from Indonesia. The genetic traits of their presence are generally evident where Melanesian languages are spoken. Melanesian populations are quadri-hybrid in nature. The Mongoloid ingredient seems to have been added as late as four or five thousand years ago. It is probably contemporary with the introduction of Neolithic cultural elements."
"The racial composition hypothesis for New Guinea has considerable influence on the origins of American Indians. First, outside of the oceanic Negritos, there is no evidence of the presence of other negroid types in Australasia. Several authors have described individuals believed to represent a complete negroid element. I believe that any called negroid, in opposition to the negritoid type, in New Guinea and Melanesia, results from the hybridization of negrito and Carpentarian elements present in most of the archipelago. Since there are no data to indicate that complete negroids ever inhabited India, their easternmost area in Asia remains in Arabia. Their presence there is a relatively recent consequence of the institution of slavery. Hence, neither in Asia nor in Australia were there such tall negroids that could have contributed to the American aborigines." (Birdsell, Op. cit., pp. 4-5).
The important result of this, for America, is that what is being called the "Melanesian" element in Melanesia and supposedly emigrated to America is a mixture of the Oceanic and Carpentarian Negrito, since it is characterized by having a long and high skull. It is with this mixed element that the American Laguid is compared. Now it occurs that Birdsell, whose knowledge of American indigenous races seems to be lesser than that which he has about Oceania and Asia, hardly tells us about the Laguid and their comparisons with Melanesians and Australians. His comparisons of the human types treated are limited to
to find a few traces of Murray elements in Southern California, as we shall see, of which he even doubts whether they arrived in pure form to our continent or if they did so already mixed.
The date the author estimates for the first introduction of Mongoloids into Melanesia, which is only two or three thousand years before the Era, is important to us. If that date is local, it could even be considered somewhat high, but if it refers also to their first appearance in Indonesia, that could have important repercussions in the American context.
Naturally, it can be objected that what has been said - the discrimination into three distinct racial forms of Australians and others - are personal interpretations by Birdsell; it is possible to oppose what many previous authors have said about the unity of that population, but the reality is that he is still one of the most recent authors who have studied these populations and, consequently, must be taken into account, if only to refute him with facts, that is, with measurements that contradict what he tells us. Also, by looking at an abundant series of photographs of the indigenous people of those regions, it is easy to distinguish their types (and perhaps some others that he did not differentiate), which means that the idea that Australians form a homogeneous group, Melanesians another, etc., can no longer be sustained.
2. Birdsell and the Primitive Populations of Asia
If what we have just seen about the first origin of the population of Australia, New Guinea, and Melanesia changes many ideas about the ancient populations of Asia, it has no lesser repercussion. In this regard, we have reproduced Birdsell's map in detail, so that his points of view can be understood without difficulty.
In this interpretation, it is accepted that Homo sapiens sapiens did not develop in Northwest Asia, but rather entered there at a time not earlier than the third interglacial period, nor later than the beginning of the fourth glacial period. This is much about the "third interglacial"
cial". All the interpretations we know about the origin of Homo sapiens sapiens place him at an age that does not exceed 40,000 years, that is, in the last interstadial of the last glacial period, a figure that would be more than doubled if we locate him in the third or last interglacial period.
We continue. The oceanic Negrito people, in an unknown era, would spread through Southern Asia and from there passed to Oceania, without expanding North of the Himalayas or North of Southern China. The Carpentarians first occupied India and also did not pass North of the Himalayas, but left abundant traces of mixing in Indonesia, before moving to Australia.
We would like to have an interpretation and a map even earlier than the one the author presents - hypothetical as it might be - but naturally, that is asking too much. However, according to the author, the place of origin of full Homo sapiens sapiens is Africa, from where it successively migrated towards Asian lands, at least towards Western Asia. The first of these emigrants were the Negritos, then the Murrayans, and finally the Carpentarians; the Mongoloids would be a later specialization of the Murrayans, apparently, the recent Caucasoids another, which would remain more faithful to the original type.
Important is the fact that the author, as we will soon see in the quote, locates a paleanthropological population, that is, Neanderthaloid, in Siberia - before the Murrayan-Caucasoids arrived there - which supposes that it may have left traits, through mixing, in subsequent populations. We already know that these two human forms would be the same thing for us, at most at different stages of development.
We will make another series of quotes, which this time correspond to Part III, pages 6-16 of the mentioned work.
"III. The populations of Asia during the terminal Pleistocene"
of human populations in Asia during the terminal phases of the Pleistocene, must belong to the reign of the hypothesis... The following reconstruction of the populations of continental Asia during the fourth glacial period is based on the distribution and sequence of major racial elements, recently determined for Australia. The following basic theories have been used and must be made explicit:
"1. It is presumed that Homo sapiens did not develop in Northwest Asia but entered there probably not earlier than the third interglacial period, nor later than the beginning of the fourth glacial period. The paleoanthropological hominids characteristic of this region, previously, did not develop directly into living populations but may have contributed to them through hybridization."
"2. It is presumed, according to Coon's hypothesis, that one of the main factors in the differentiation of modern racial groups has been natural selection operating in terms of the constraints and stimuli inherent in the external environment. As a corollary, the major racial groups of the Old World differentiated or developed somewhere within the nuclear regions they populated at the beginning of the Recent geological period."
"3. Using another facet of Coon's hypothesis, it is presumed that the Mongoloid race was the last of the major groups to differentiate. Its definitive phase of evolution occurred late in the fourth glacial period, as a result of extreme environmental constraint in a dry arctic environment.
"4. In the author's opinion, the methodological attempts currently in vogue for racial analysis are neither based on a valid theory nor yield reliable results in practice. It is necessary to presume, however, that they are sufficient to allow an approximate identification of human populations in terms of major racial groups.
"The first task is to attempt to reconstruct the distribution of human populations in Asia during the fourth glacial period, in pre-Mongoloid times. Australian evidence shows that the first migratory type of modern man who headed East was the oceanic Negrito... Attenuated traces of their previous presence are found throughout Southeast Asia and extend into India, as well as at the foot of the Himalayan mountains and among the mountain tribes of the Malabar coastal region. When and how they migrated from the Congo basin to the tropical forests of South and Southeast Asia cannot be determined
now, [...] This subspecies of modern man can be excluded from having contributed to the pioneers who entered the Americas.
In terms of spatial relationships, it is convenient to set aside the Murrayans at this point and examine the last major migratory group of the Pleistocene, the Carpentarians. These tall, thin, dark-skinned people are linked to an evident racial substratum in the aboriginal populations of India. In terms of Coon's hypothesis, they represent a racial group that differentiated in a warm and dry environment. Carpentarian and Negrito populations occupied India and Southeast Asia contemporaneously. Some isolating mechanism existed that prevented these two vastly different types of humans from forming a single hybrid group... Coon's hypothesis suggests that ecological isolating mechanisms were the most important to maintain the Carpentarians, still developing, separate from the Negritos of India. Negrito populations adapted to life in humid forests and were able to maintain their genetic integrity. The Carpentarians probably underwent their definitive differentiation in the remaining warm climatic zones of peninsular India, and exerted a relative population pressure on the Negritos at this time. There is no geological evidence for the chronology of Homo sapiens' arrival in India. Certainly, a very long period of time was required for the selective forces inherent to this environment to transform an unspecialized Caucasoid into the Carpentarian type. The interval between the beginning of the third glacial period probably represents a necessary minimum of time.
"The Carpentarians dispersed less profusely in the Old World than other major racial groups... There is no evidence of their penetration North of the Hindu Kush or the Himalayan chain. Towards the East, there is reason to believe that a Carpentarian substratum is an important underlying element in all of Southeast Asia, now populated by so-called generalized Mongoloids. Unpublished evidence about Australians indicates that in populations of known hybrid origins, the Mongoloid phenotype acts to mask the presence of Carpentarian genes. In hybrids in which the genetic contribution of each of"
B
these racial types is equal, the superficial appearance is characteristic of Southeast Asian Mongoloids. Plate 1 illustrates three F-1 Chinese-Carpentarian individuals. As racial examples, they could have been selected from any Indonesian or South Asian continental groups. These data imply that such populations may contain an appreciable genetic contribution derived from the Carpentarian phylum. This element apparently is present in mountain peoples such as the Nagas and Lolos... The Carpentarians, like the Negritos, do not seem to have gone further North in China than the northern limits of the Hungshui drainage system. […]
Passing comments. As we see, the author makes the Negritos originate in the Congo basin and, from there, migrate to South Asia; this, in order to deny their possible participation in the aboriginal population in America. Then, following Coon (and other authors who assume the same) he attributes the formation of races to 'geographical isolation' maintained for a long time and the consequent influences of that environment, a hypothesis that seems inadmissible to us, as we will see.
Important is the phrase in which he explains to us that some type of geographical environment transformed "a non-specialized Caucasoid into the Carpentarian type". The truth is that before we had understood that the Carpentarians were "a larger group" at the level of Caucasoids, Mongoloids, and Negroids, but here we have something else, which makes that group a Caucasoid derivation. Even more important is what he tells us afterward about how, in the first generation, Mongoloid genes mask the Carpentarians, something we had noted for a long time, but not about those racial types but about human biotypological beings
that present comparable characteristics and that are present in all so-called "races". We will see that better later.
We continue:
"Up to this point, our analysis of the first populations of continental Asia indicates that the peopling of the Americas did not include either the Negrito or Carpentarian racial groups. It is time to place the Murrayans on the scene. They and the closely related Ainus are members of the Caucasoid race. This eastern branch could be collectively called 'Amurian' (Note: Name derived from the Amur River in Siberia). Scarce archaeological evidence reveals that as recently as the Neolithic and even in the earliest historical times, whites were more widely spread in Central and North Asia than they are now. Anthropologists agree that the Mongoloid race has widely diffused in recent millennia at the expense of these Asian Caucasoids. During the terminal Pleistocene, white populations that apparently were around the Mediterranean regions in Europe, North Africa, and the Near East, extended through the ice-free regions of Russia, Siberia, and China, reaching the Pacific margins of the continent, from the Sea of Okhotsk in the North to a point opposite Taiwan Island in the South. Thus, the northern basin of the Hungshui River can be taken as an approximate boundary between the Amurians of the temperate zone and the Carpentarians and Negritos of the tropical zone..."
The regions inhabited by Caucasoids in North Africa, Europe, and Asia probably represented a geographical continuum during the last glacial era...
The Amurians, similar to the Mediterranean subrace, belong to the Caucasoid race, but differ appreciably from the better-known latter groups. These last groups are today primarily centered around the Mediterranean and extend eastward through Asia Minor, towards Northern India, Afghanistan, and Turkestan. They do not seem to have effectively penetrated beyond a line generally drawn from the Tienshan along the Oxus River to the Aral Sea and from there in a Northwest direction to the Gulf of Finland. No factor seems to have been effective in suggesting the extension of Mediterranean racial types beyond such a line during the fourth glacial period or in early recent times...
"Thus entering into our discussion, we have carefully ignored the problem of the origin of the Mongoloid."
offers a wide variety of explanations, these hypotheses seem to have in common: 1) a general sense that the Mongoloid race is relatively recent in origin, and 2) that their present distribution suggests they originated somewhere in East Asia. Carleton Coon, however, has not only provided a reasonable theory of Mongoloid origins, but is also making an important contribution to understanding the principles of race formation.
Coon's attempt is mainly based on the postulate that natural selection has been and continues to be an important evolutionary force in the evolution of human races. He suggests, and I am convinced of his essential correctness, that the Mongoloid race developed in response to the extreme constraint of a dry arctic environment. Environmentally speaking, the high selection pressure of such an environment acting on the Aurmian form of Homo sapiens, which was poorly adapted to it, produced the racial group now known as Mongoloid. This race possesses many specialized traits, centralized in the facial region. Coon's hypothesis assures in an intellectually satisfactory manner the development of such Mongoloid features as: lateral physical formation (?), small stature, reduction of facial and body hair, along with the development of characteristic straight hair, decreased nasal width, decreased nasal profile, anterior and lateral prominence of the cheekbones, a general reduction in the size of the superciliary bridge, the epicanthic fold of the eye in conjunction with fatty deposits above and below the eye and narrowing of the palpebral opening. All these traits are of genetic origin and represent well-adapted modifications to provide survival advantages in a cold and dry environment... Coon places the time of Mongoloid differentiation in the late fourth glacial period. He suggests that a population of moderate size was trapped by glacial advances in Northeast Siberia. During a short period, possibly a minor glacial advance in some final sub-phase of the glacial period, these people underwent such a rigorous environmental selection that they emerged as widely developed Mongoloids... Coon suggests that the critical differentiation of the Mongoloids may have taken place in a period so short that it covered five or possibly ten thousand years... […]
With the retreat of the mountain glaciation, in the first recent time, the reduced surviving population, now Mongoloid in its racial type, expanded. Much of this diffusion took place towards the South and West within the limits of the mainland.
On the other hand, some of these peoples may have crossed the Bering Strait. Thus, a second racial ingredient for the peopling of the New World was made accessible. In general terms, the Amurian branch of the Caucasoid race and the recently developed Mongoloid race present the only discernible elements that are found in the appropriate place and time as important contributors to the aboriginal populations of the New World.
We confess that we do not like Coon's hypothesis about the origin of the Mongoloids, thanks to geographical isolation and the aggression of the Arctic climate, and therefore we will put a small stone in his path. It will be recalled that, according to the first part of Birdsell's work transcript, the newly created or born Mongoloids are supposed to have spread with Neolithic culture and agriculture. Now we ask: How did those Mongoloids manage to create agriculture, with which they could multiply and spread so widely, in that terrible dry Arctic environment that formed them?
It seems like an appropriate indiscreet child's question.
Continues Part IV, titled: A Brief Analysis of Data Obtained from East Asia, pages 17-20. Here, Birdsell comments, at the beginning, that Hooton's work on the Pecos Pueblo Indians is based on accepting Weidenreich's interpretation of the three skulls found in the Upper Chu-kutien Cave, of which Weidenreich considered skull number 101 as a primitive Mongoloid, and a kind of Ainu (Amur, for Birdsell, or Caucasoid), with a low skull; the second, number 102, as Melanesian, and the third, number 103, as Eskimoid. Weidenreich supposed that these three population types would be involved in the first peopling of America.
Birdsell tells us that Weidenreich rejected the relationship of skull 101, an old man, with Australians, but that this comparison and rejection was made with the Carpentarian type; in contrast, the comparison with Murrayans would be perfect; that the comparison of skull 102, female, with Melanesians was made based on cranial height, for which he rejects the comparison and says that "there is no reason why not"
could be accepted as a hybrid produced by mixing a dolichocephalic Mongoloid type with a high vault, on one side, and the Amur population of East Asia, characteristically with a low and long vault". Regarding skull 103, also female, considered Eskimoid, he directly declares it Mongoloid with a long and high skull, with some "Ainu-like" traits. With this, he concludes that there, in the Upper Cave, only two types exist: 1) An archaic Caucasoid, presumable ancestor of Ainus and Murrayans, and 2) a primitive Mongoloid form, with a long and high head (avoiding telling us how it was formed), which would have been submerged in Asia by more recent brachycephalic Mongoloids, but found in some marginal populations of America. With this, his di-hybrid thesis for the origin of the American population remains clean of inconveniences, in Asia.
At the end of this title, he tells us:
Regarding the peopling of the New World, the situation in Northeast Asia can be summarized as follows. The population of the first glacial period, reconstructed based on evidence from the distribution of marginal peoples in Australasia, indicated that neither the Negritos nor the Carpentarians could have genetically contributed to the American Indians. Similarly, any so-called 'Melanesian' contribution must be eliminated from all consideration... One can speculate that if human populations arrived in the New World during the third interglacial period, they would be expected to be purely Caucasoid, that is, Amurian, and show no Mongoloid characteristics. On the other hand, any migratory group crossing the Bering Strait from the end of the Pleistocene would show some Mongoloid morphology through hybridization. Due to the recent expansion of the Mongoloid people, the first immigrants would appear relatively less Mongoloid, but this racial element would be expected to increase over time...
3. Birdsell and Poly-racial and Biological Theories, Criticisms
Our author then dedicates Part V of his monograph to
Theme: Poly-racial Theories of Indian Origin, pages 21-23. We transcribe the main points:
...Since Hrdliçka slowly buried the European group of the poly-racialists, an American anthropological school has emerged that has proposed the thesis of a multiple racial origin for the American Indian. Today this hypothesis is so firmly defended that it is incorporated into the literature. The mono-racialists have made themselves noticed by their silence. The postulated non-Mongoloid racial elements in the American Indian are summarized in Table I, from the works of seven relatively recent authors. The first five have published complete schemas covering the origins of the New World. It is more than a passing interest that the first four claim the presence of an Australoid element in these Indians. The fifth, Hooton, concluded that this primitive element could be better described as 'Ainoid'. Three authors find evidence of a Mediterranean genetic contribution representing the Caucasoid race. Under the Negroid race, four authors identify complete Negroid elements, three suggest in rather vague terms that a Negritoid element could be present, and two see evidence of Melanesoid contributions. Gladwin claims the presence of all three elements. Count and Weidenreich join this general poly-racial view, but fall into a separate category since neither attempted to describe all the elements that can be found in the American Indian. The work Count carried out with some skulls from California led him to conclude that both Australoid and Melanesoid elements were indeed present. Weidenreich indicated his belief that a Melanesoid type migrated through the Bering Strait.
Table I
Major Race
Australoid
Caucasoid
Negroid
Sub-race
Australoid
Aninoid
Mediterranean
Negroid
Negritoid
Melanesoid
Author:
Taylor
x
-
X
X
-
-
Dixon
X
-
X
X
-
-
Gladwin
X
-
-
X
(Unknown)?
x
Imbelloni
X
-
-
X
X
X
Hooton
-
X
X
X
0
X
Count
X
-
-
-
-
X
Weidenreich -
Weidenreich
-| Weidenreich |
| :--- |
| - |
-
-
-
-
X
Raza mayor Australoide Caucasoide Negroide
Sub-raza Australoide Ainoide Mediterránea Negroide Negritoide Melanesoide
Autor:
Taylor x - X X - -
Dixon X - X X - -
Gladwin X - - X (X)? x
Imbelloni X - - X X X
Hooton - X X X 0 X
Count X - - - - X
"Weidenreich
-" - - - - X| Raza mayor | Australoide | Caucasoide | | Negroide | | |
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
| Sub-raza | Australoide | Ainoide | Mediterránea | Negroide | Negritoide | Melanesoide |
| Autor: | | | | | | |
| Taylor | x | - | X | X | - | - |
| Dixon | X | - | X | X | - | - |
| Gladwin | X | - | - | X | (X)? | x |
| Imbelloni | X | - | - | X | X | X |
| Hooton | - | X | X | X | 0 | X |
| Count | X | - | - | - | - | X |
| Weidenreich <br> - | | - | - | - | - | X |
This Table is not complete, but sufficient for its purpose. It is important to note that all its authors (Gladwin, somewhat less) use cranial study methods to establish the races they postulate are present in indigenous America, something that Birdsell deeply criticizes, as we will see. We also notice some "flaws" in the Table, for example, Gladwin spoke of elements of Greek origin that would form the Mochicas, and as for Imbelloni, the fact that he points out negroid and negritoid elements in America is completely new to us, despite knowing practically all of his works perfectly well.
Next, Birdsell enters his Part VI: An evaluation of the biological theories used by polyracialists, pages 2336. There he dedicates himself to criticizing the authors cited in the Table and their work methods, cranial measurements, and interpretations. We are interested in what he tells us about Imbelloni:
Gladwin and Imbelloni presented systems of eight major migrations, which differed in detail but contained many conceptual parallels... They explained the emergence of high culture in Mesoamerica as a consequence of relatively late transpacific emigrations. Imbelloni's reconstruction of American origins was much less capricious than Gladwin's, but the final result was very similar... The contributions of both authors should be considered as sin\sin speculative control, without criticism, derived from a primary conceptualization in the field of culture rather than biology...
We do not quite agree, but from the author's point of view, what he tells us is understandable. Let's continue:
"Professor Ernest A. Hooton has established himself as the most influential figure in modern physical anthropology. His development of the typological attempt for racial analysis has become the main bastion on which the polyracialist theory of the origin of American man now rests. The exposition of this methodology is contained in his classic book The Pecos Pueblo Indians, 1930. This study has been made with great authority, meticulous care, and complicated statistics. With his method of using anatomical judgment to select a total series into sub-series of types"
Through morphological analysis, Hooton concluded that there existed in the American Indian non-Mongoloid substrates derived from Ainoid, Negroid or Negrito, and Mediterranean elements. His analysis of the sub-series comprised a triple evaluation plan: 1) statistical assessment of differential traits in both metric sub-series and indices, 2) a demonstration that the morphological traits of the sub-series types could not have been randomly selected from the total population, and 3) composite photographs revealing that Hooton's types cluster around markedly different norms from those of the total series. It will be granted that in terms of Pearsonian statistics, the sub-series types chosen by Hooton from the Pecos population have statistical validity.
Accepting the statistical and visual importance of the types Hooton extracted from Pecos, there remains a very difficult interpretative aspect of the problem. What is their biological importance. While Hooton does not critically delineate the basic biological assumptions underlying his typological attempt, if I understand his position, these can be summarized in the following terms:
1) The typological attempt for racial analysis is biologically justified because the oldest elements represented in a mixed population, due to their recessive character, are occasionally Mendelized in individuals approximating the phenotypic appearance of the racial elements that originally sustained them. (Hooton, p. 336, 1930). The individual is the appropriate unit of such analysis.
"2) Racial relations between geographically separated groups must be judged by a long series of important indices. Absolute metric similarities are not prerequisites for genetic affinity. When the differences between the means of these indices are smaller than those expected from random samples of the same population, separated peoples are racially related. (Hooton, p. 247, 1930)."
"There can be no dispute with the typological intent for racial analyses if these assumptions are biologically valid. If one or another test is uncertain in part or in whole, then the typological method is reduced to the status of a subjective operational procedure rather than a scientific method of racial analysis..."
...The typological attempt at a racial analysis was tacitly based on the combination of phenotypic traits that took place in the individual. Modern genetic knowledge requires that population replace the individual
as the unit of study and that the frequency of variable genes be substituted by a constellation of phenotypic traits as the variables of analysis. These variations are qualitative in nature. They mark the change from an over-elaborated descriptive phase to a necessarily primitive aspect due to the youth of the analytical phase.
We suspend the appointment to make the necessary comments. We strongly agree with the question of _("¿Cuál es la importancia "){ }_{\text {¿Cuál es la importancia }} biological? of the typological procedure used, basically cranial measurements, although Hooton completed it with photographs, etc. However, we maintain that the individual is the appropriate unit of analysis. For example, the belonging to a race of horses, dogs, potatoes, or apples is not done with populations but with the individuals themselves. In other words: a racehorse is a racehorse, whatever color it may have, and even if it presents some mixed traits, it does not cease to be basically a racehorse, wherever it may inhabit.
There are no horses that are completely mixed or intermediate between racehorses and draft horses; their bones are different. The same occurs with the difference existing between hard and soft wheats (that is, this difference exists in all biological species). They are of much finer (hard) texture and not spongy (soft), as presented in the bone structure of draft horses. We repeat that there are no intermediate forms between these two basic biological facts, and this is true in all biological species.
What we said directly means that the individual, not the population, is the unit of study. More directly: in so-called population genetics, it is considered that all units of human inheritance have the same democratic value; however, we maintain that there are basic inheritance units more important than others, which are internal, while external ones, especially color, are secondary.
We believe that what we have just expressed is something completely new in genetics, as we do not even know of precursors. There may be some, but we repeat that we do not know of them. Nevertheless, this is not the moment to elaborate on this. It is the result of our particular studies on the subject.
But, to present it in due form, another work like this is required.
Here we will make a digression, citing another author, to better see Hooton's interpretive ideas regarding the populating of America:
"... Hooton's ideas about the colonization of America (1930) deserve to be fully transcribed:"
"'In a relatively remote period, probably shortly after the beginning of the thawing era, groups of dolichocephalic individuals spread across the New World, coming from Asia via the Bering Strait route, in which at least three races were merged: one closely related to that fundamental dark-skinned species of long-headed Europeans and Africans called "Mediterranean"; another more primitive form, with marked supraorbital ridges, low and wide face, and dilated nostrils that we must probably identify as an archaic type frequently represented today (although mixed with other elements) among Australians and less frequently among those called "pre-Dravidians" such as the Vedas, and also among the Ainus; yy , third, a certainly negroid (not black) element. These peoples, already racially mixed, spread across the New World, bringing with them a primitive hunter and fisherman culture. Their arrival must have occurred in a period prior to the occupation of Asia by the predominantly Mongoloid peoples that currently occupy it, since the purest types among these dolichocephalic individuals do not show the characteristic Mongoloid features'."
In a slightly later period, groups of Mongoloids began to arrive in the New World, following the same path as their predecessors. Many of these were probably of purely Mongoloid race, while others were mixed with some other racial element characterized by a high bridge and often convex nose, which were perhaps Armenoid or proto-Nordic (or neither of these). These later invaders must be attributed with the development of a superior agricultural culture and the notable achievements carried out by the New World civilization. In some places they probably displaced and replaced the long-headed men, but it seems that most frequently they mixed with them, giving rise to the multiple types of today's American Indians, types that are Mongoloid to varying degrees, but never purely Mongoloid. And finally the Eskimos arrived, a culturally primitive Mongoloid group, already crossed with some non-Mongoloid elements before their arrival in North America.
"These same ideas are reproduced in a fairly similar form in a later book." (Martínez del Río, Los origenes americanos, pages 263-264).
It is a good summary, but personally we would place Hooton's interpretation much closer to Hrdliçka's than to Imbelloni's, even in the postglacial era from which he derives all his migrations through Bering. In reality, it is another way of appreciating the same things that Hrdliçka presents to us, however many variations it may have. As far as this work is concerned, his racial forms Mediterranean, Australian-Aino and Armenoid should have beards, but we do not know if the author has dealt with that point.
We return to Birdsell. Continuing from what was previously cited, he is determined to deny the existence of Negroid traits in pre-Columbian America, dedicating extensive paragraphs to this. Since his objections can be directly applied to the facts of other postulated races, we are obliged to extensively transcribe his paragraphs:
Regarding the problem of the origins of the New World, the emphasis on the individual has led many anthropologists to believe that they could identify a Negroid element in East Asia and North America. Montandon (1927) made such assumptions based on a single skull of unknown origin in Northeast Siberia. Hooton (1930) and others (for example Hrdliçka, 1935) saw the same substrate in some American Indian skulls. The specimens brought as proof admittedly seem very Negroid. Should they be considered as a biologically satisfactory testimony for the genetic presence of Negroids in those areas? There are four objections to such skulls, which appear sporadically in non-Negroid populations and can be considered conclusive evidence of Negroid genes.
"1. The race defined on the basis of living data
essentially defined in terms of morphological traits present only in the living. The basic diagnostic characters in many cases cannot be identified in cranial materials. The concept of the Negroid race is based on a unique combination of hair shape, skin color, nasal width, and labial protuberance (Hooton, pp. 619-620, 1946). Of these, only nasal width can be related to the skull.
"2. Cranial criteria of race necessarily different from those of the living, and of secondary derivation"
"Since hair shape, pigmentation, and lip protrusion cannot be reconstructed from osteological remains, negroid population skulls are defined by other traits. They are generally characterized as having long heads, moderately high, small superciliary arches, bulging foreheads, wide and low noses, faces of moderate length and width, relatively high orbits, and alveolar prognathism. Many of these traits are also present in dolichocranial mongoloid groups, however it has been frequently claimed that a skull showing this combination of traits is a true negroid skull."
"3. The range of biological variation within populations, although poorly explored"
"The study of intragroup variations has been primitively done in terms of statistical constants and sample theories. The range of variation of individual traits within a population and the constellations of characters within the individual are not adequately known, not even at a descriptive level. The analysis of the biological processes involved in such variation has barely been attempted. The entire problem has been conceptually confused by the attempt to consider non-modal phenotypes in hybrid groups as reincarnations of ancestral forms."
"4. The Functional Interrelations of Undefined Racial Traits"
"While statistical methods of analysis are postulated on the independence of variables comprised in racial identification, the biological nature of their interrelations remains undefined. Washburn (1946) has suggested that the width of the nasal aperture in the skull is functionally related to the space between the roots of the maxillary canine teeth and thus to the tooth measurement in the anterior portion of the upper dental arch. Additionally, a macrodont dentition correlates with the presence of prognathism. In terms of our problem, I suspect that individuals from a mongoloid population with long heads who combine large teeth with a narrow face often surprisingly resemble the phenotypic appearance of a true negroid skull."
In light of the preceding reasons, it would seem reasonable to consider the cranial identification of negroid racial elements as unproven in those regions where living populations do not present indisputable evidence of their presence...
Comments are in order. Unfortunately, we do not know Hrdliçka's work on the 'negroid' skulls of American Indians, which the author cites, and we would like to become well-informed about his ideas on the matter, as Birdsell does not expose them. Then we say the following: all his reasoning and interpretative criteria must lead us to deny the negroid character of the well-known 'Grimaldi race', constituted, let us remember well, with only two skulls and their complete skeletons.
The fact that the cranial traits of Negroids also exist among Mongoloids is something we do not doubt, but it is about the presence of some of those isolated traits, not the entire set; in this regard, we recall that Hrdliçka clearly said that a Caucasoid skull was, in most cases, indistinguishable from a Mongoloid one, and that the true differentiation was presented between both groups as a whole and the Negroids.
Regarding Washburn's interpretation, we have known it for a long time. With her, in the Archaeological Museum of the
University of Cochabamba, which we founded, we have examined many skulls; we found macrodont teeth in numerous Pampid and Laguid skulls, whose face tends to be medium and narrow, especially in Laguid skulls, but in no case did we find that it was related to the presence of prognathism. There is undoubtedly a relationship with the face in general, but it is not necessarily linked to the appearance of prognathism.
Our author talks a lot about biology, but in truth enters very little into the subject. All his effort is directed against considering possible the reappearance of ancestral forms in hybrid groups, through occasional recombination in their descendants. This is against Mendel's Laws. For us, that problem does not exist, since ancestral forms are transmitted directly in individuals, either in their phenotypes or in the genotype, which reappears in full form because these traits are transmitted through genes of greater hereditary category.
The German-American anthropologist Franz Boas seems to have better approached the biological problem by saying that race should be studied first in families and their inheritance, that is, in the individuals that constitute families, not in populations. This also means that study procedures based on statistics, even when dealing with families arbitrarily grouped into populations, are secondary.
Birdsell, following what was previously cited, continues with his critique directed at comparisons made with cranial measurements, criticisms that are now directed against the presence of Australoids and Melanesoids in America, insofar as the comparisons have been made with measurements. We will cite this quite extensively.
By the same reasoning, Australoid skulls have also been described in many unexpected areas. The presence of large superciliary arches in a narrow cranial box is frequently considered sufficient proof for this identification…
I have had the privilege of examining the original Punín skull in considerable detail. In its cranial proportions
The general characteristics seem similar to those of the Australian Murrayans of the Southeast. On the other hand, these same extraordinarily combined diameters are equally characteristic of the Indians from the Santa Catalina Islands on the Southern California coast... The congenital absence of upper third molars is more characteristic of Mongoloids than of Amurians. The Punín skull can safely be interpreted as representing a Mongoloid type similar to the one that inhabited the Southern California Channel Islands...
"In my own limited work on cranial series, I have come to face materials that illustrate some of the inherent dangers in this attempt to resolve racial problems. The main data are tabulated in Table 2. The small series of Santa Catalina islanders was first published by Carr in 1879. I re-measured this same series in 1947 at the Peabody Museum, the deviations between our means for index measurements were partly due to technical differences and partly to personal equations in sex. By using pelvic materials, some of Carr's males have been switched to females. All Australian data in the Table were derived from the Southeastern portion of that continent and comparatively represented unmixed Murrayans... Four of these six series represent skulls derived from the territory of a single tribe..."
"Our first comparison between the Carr skull from Santa Catalina (SC-1) and the generalized series of Murrayans ( C-\mathrm{C}- 0), provides an extraordinarily low value of 0.39 for the smallest differences of five indices. The minor difference could be interpreted as representing a degree of racial relationship that leads to a virtual identity. Although Dixon (1923) had previously argued that the Santa Catalina islanders had a very strong Australoid element, this is clearly too good to be true for populations separated by the entire extent of the Pacific Ocean and presumably by 40,000 years. It is a well-known fact that measurements vary with the person taking them. Therefore, a comparison was made between the author's measurements, based on the same Santa Catalina series and the basic Murrayan model. This comparison is shown in the column heading SC-2 less C-0. The values for the minimum index differences rise to 1.47 and 1.95 mm for measurements, both being extraordinarily low. It is of some interest to note that the comparison between Carr and myself, shown in the column heading SC-2 less SC-1, shows higher values for both types of racial affinity differences. In"
TABLE 2
DATA ILLUSTRATING THE METHOD OF COMPARATIVE INDICES
Raw data from HrdliCka, regrouped by Birdsell, with 1 mm subtracted from HrdliCka's raw data to remove differences in personal equations.
^(**){ }^{*} Calculated from the means.
In Carr's case, his personal equation made the channel island population appear even more intimately related to the Murrayans than they seem through my measurements. The data analyzed by this methodological system erroneously suggest that these mongoloids from Southern California are virtually racially identical to the archaic white populations of Southeast Australia.
We interrupt the quote to ask another customary indiscreet question. We accept that these cranial measurements, despite the similarity they present, do not demonstrate any relationship with Australia, but on the basis of what facts does the author consider and demonstrate that these skulls from Southern California belonged to "mongoloids"? Naturally, there is no answer. We say the same for the Punín skull.
for a racial analysis it lacks biological validity although it carries the Pearsonian measurement.
We interrupt the quote again, because what our author has recently expressed is serious, since it results in the absolute uselessness and even falseness of all cranial measurements. We discuss them, but not in that way. From what Birdsell says, if a practical identity is demonstrated between Californian skulls and others from an Australian group, that same identity demonstrates that it cannot be and is absurd, thereby invalidating the craniological method. Such an interpretation can only proceed from the existence of an a priori, by which the relationship cannot exist, even if demonstrated.
The fact that neighboring Australian populations have different indices means nothing different from what occurs, for example, in Tierra del Fuego, where Yámanas and Onas have very diverse skulls and measurements, despite being neighboring tribes. We could say the same for Norway, where the racial type of Borreby, dark-skinned, with dark hair and brachycephalic, is surrounded by Nordic people with pink skin, blonde hair, and dolichocephalic. Immediate proximity does not mean racial identity.
Our author continues to say:
"With the exception of a morphological typology, the relative height of the skull has been the most misleading factor used to infer the racial origins of American aboriginals. Hrdliçka (1935) concluded that a narrow and relatively high vault among Indians did not constitute an indication of genetic relationship with Melanesian peoples..."
"The myth that relative cranial height can be used as a primary factor in the racial analysis of complicated hybrid groups still persists, hence a brief summary of certain data from Australia may be enlightening. Using the same six previously mentioned localized skull series, with the addition of another series C-7, representing 47 skulls from the middle extensions of the Murray River, the following points were noted. These seven series are drawn from an essentially genetically homogeneous and relatively little-crossed area in the Murray people. The most opposite values are obtained when comparing two series that are separated by only about two hundred and fifty miles, C-"
2 from Coorong at the mouth of the Murray River, with C-7 from the middle Murray River. The minimum basio-bregmatic height of the first is 126.96, and for the second. The width-height index for the Coorong series is 94.59, compared with 103.11, ± 1.47. This index shows a variation range of 15 units among 31 individuals, while for C-7 the range reaches 19 index units across 47 skulls. Thus, two population samples drawn from genetically related groups differ in both absolute heights and width-height index almost as much as the total range among dolichocephalic populations of the world. From these data, one must conclude that the basio-bregmatic height of the skull and its derived indices cannot be safely used to postulate supposed genetic relationships between geographically distant peoples. The variation range of these traits among localized Murray groups provides several specific inferences. The great variability demonstrated by Homo sapiens skulls from Chu-ku-tien does not need to be interpreted in Weidenreich's terms. A relatively high skull, whether found in the Mesolithic of Indochina or among American aboriginals, is not genetic evidence of a Melanesoid trace...
Apparently, things are made quite clear: the cephalic index of height-width completely lacks diagnostic significance when it comes to racial classification.
Unfortunately, we possess the little-appreciated quality of having memory of what we write and read, and therefore we remember what Birdsell previously said, which we have transcribed when describing the three Australian types: The Murrayans are characterized, among other traits, because "The skull is absolutely and relatively long and low", the Carpentarians, because "Their cranial vault is characterized by small absolute dimensions, yy is relatively narrow yy high."
The contradiction with the last cited paragraph is absolute, and certainly the author has not sought to explain it in any way. We will do so with his own system of interpretation. The Murrayan skulls with a high vault (which, naturally, presents itself in medium terms in its series, meaning there must be some skulls higher and some lower) must come from individuals mixed with Carpentarians, from whom they have inherited
that high vault, while their other traits appear to correspond to the Murrayans.
The author, Birdsell, provides ample proof of this in the transcribed part of his Part III, when he says: "the Mongoloid phenotype acts to mask the presence of Carpentarian genes", etc., where he describes several individuals of Chinese-Carpentarian mixture. Exactly the same would occur with the Carpentarian-Murrayan mixture, as the traits of the latter would mask the former, but not completely, because some internal, cranial traits would persist in the mixture.
4. The American Panorama, according to Birdsell
We have already said that our author hardly deals with South American indigenous people, except to criticize the "supposed Melanesoids", but these, according to all we know, are the ones who should present us with the best traces of another primitive population of the continent. This greatly limits his comparative possibilities.
For him, the entire population of the continent - except for small, almost individual groups from the Californian region - is of Mongoloid origin. Unfortunately, following the common procedure in North America, he accepts these Mongoloids en bloc and does not present the slightest subdivision of them, nor does he describe them.
What the author states is contained in Part VII, which bears the title Evidence of the Americas and occupies pages 3639. He begins by telling us the following:
"Having exceeded the scientific privilege of criticism, I am obliged to attempt a synthesis of evidence that could have some support for the proposed hypothesis of di-hybrids from aboriginal origins..."
"Studies of living indigenous populations have, in each case, revealed evidence of Mongoloid elements. In many groups, a Caucasoid trait also seems to be present. In some"
A
C
B
D
Californian indigenous people, with archaic Caucasoid features. According to Birdsell, plate 4. From the Cahuilla tribe, Southern California. All, with Amurian, Caucasoid features. The beard and mustaches, in addition to the general facial features, clearly show this type, very distinct from the later Mongoloid aboriginals.
Few areas suggest an Amurian origin. To my knowledge, the Cahuilla, a Shoshone-speaking tribe from the mainland of Southern California, demonstrate this presumed component very convincingly. Plate 4 illustrates four Cahuilla men. Individual A in Plate 4 was chosen by Georg Neumann to indicate the modal tendency in this tribe. I chose men B, C, and D from the same Plate as representative types. This example deviates from the broad norms for indigenous peoples, in the unusually low amount of facial hair (and presumably physical hair), in the relatively early graying of beard and hair, in a concave profile nose and unusually wide breadth, in the greatly developed ear lobe, and in a marked tendency towards obesity. The photographs suggest that the nasal depression may be deeper and the vault lower than is usual in American groups. Similar traits characterize the Murrayans of Southern Australia, of which three examples are given in Plate 2. They are also present in the Ainu representatives of Hokkaido and Sakhalin, as shown in Plate 3. Anthroposcopically, some Cahuilla could pass as true Ainus. This photographic evidence, slight as it is, is the best testimony of an Amurian element in the Americas.
The cranial remains of the Cahuilla are either non-existent or very rare in collections, due to the tribal custom of cremation. Boas measured 194 subadult Indians from the Missions, including 83 Cahuillas. His observations are of interest (895, p. 26).
"It is worth noting that the Mission Indians, those we discovered belonging to the same type, come from three different linguistic branches, and that other members of the Shoshon branch belong to quite distinct physical types. We then have in this region another exemplary case in which the same language can be spoken by people representing very different types, and that peoples belonging to the same type can speak very different languages, meaning that linguistic and racial classifications are in no way identical."
"A few words remain to be said about the general appearance of the Indians. Their skin is very dark, which I generally recorded as 33L or 33 m on Radde's color scale, but I found that color 33 was not sufficiently red. The creatures frequently show a certain degree of epicanthus, which gives the eye a Mongoloid appearance, but this trait is not as marked as I found it in British Columbia. The nose is often"
concave, rather short, but wide with thick alae. The lips are not as thick among indigenous people living near the Columbia River. The ear lobe is better developed than among indigenous people from Oregon and Washington, it is generally round and often detached. The hair color turns white very early.
I infer from Boas's exposition that the features he suggests as Amurian in origin among the Cahuilla were equally characteristic among the Cupeño, Luiseño, and Serrano, the other Shoshonean-speaking tribes he measured in his series. Since he includes the Diegueño, Yuma-speaking people, of whom he measured 35 subadults, in the same physical type, these traits must extend along the coast to a certain point to the South... It is worth noting that Boas does not extend the Cahuilla type to the vast expanses of the northernmost Shoshonean plateau tribes, which are numerically dominant. In any case, the portraits reveal these traits in greatly diminished frequency when reaching Northeast to Las Vegas, Nevada. The two elders, Plate 6, A, are not typical of the Chemehuevi but at least suggest it. The Mohave seem to represent the easternmost limit for the decreasing lines of these demarcative traits. The vigorously bearded 'Paiute', presumably a Tübatulabal, A, from the same Plate, represents the type found among the Cahuilla. Further North, the Western Mono show these traits more diluted, which tend to disappear among the Eastern Mono. Thus, the Shoshonean tribes of Southern California are markedly different from the Shoshonean of the Great Basin in physical characteristics. Despite linguistic uniformities, the Cahuilla bloc suggests the marginal survival of an older racial trait than that generally represented in the Utes and Paiutes...
Once again, we interrupt the quote to make some comments. The description he gives of the Amurian type in America, limited to a series of small zones in California, shows us a kind of Sancho Panza. We find his location as an ancient population submerged by subsequent populations good, and the same goes for the observations about how they now speak different languages. It is very important that all his descriptions are made based on photographs and descriptions by Franz Boas, so that cranial measurements are completely lacking, despite the measurements on living individuals, which Boas carried out.
We suppress in the quote some paragraphs where he comments on Boas
And seeks to explain the previous exclusion, as Murrayans, of the Santa Catalina islanders, insisting that the traits of living Indians are more valuable for tracing racial relationships than the metric data and indices of skulls. Then he tells us: Mongoloid.
The skeletal data offer no support. The Punín skull, as previously exposed, should be aligned with those of the Santa Catalina islanders and, similar to them, should be placed in a waiting account. The Lagõa Santa skulls, the Fuegians, the selected series of dolichocephalic skulls from Paltacalo, and the so-called Pericue from Baja California, have all been exposed by various authors to document the presence of an ancient and primitive non-Mongoloid trait in indigenous people. After scrutinizing the literature, I am not convinced that these groups demonstrate any Amurian affinities. Among the skulls attributed to primitive man, only Brown's Valley Man markedly suggests that type. The rest reveals only a poorly defined Caucasoid element. One can conclude that the cranial materials offer even less validity to the Amurian-Mongoloid hypothesis than that given by living peoples.
Interestingly, in the first paragraph cited now, the Yuki - from the Californian coast - are noted as having representatives of this type. It is valuable to remember that these Yuki are presented by Canals Frau as typifying his Californoids, which he supposes to be of primitive Mongoloid origin. To this effect, in his Prehistory of America, he presents a drawing, taken from a photograph, of a Yuki woman; her Amurian features seem to us undoubtable.
Birdsell's thesis, in all this, is that the American population is of di-hybrid Amurian-Mongoloid origin and that Amurian features easily disappear in the mixture, being dominated by Mongoloid traits; in this way, mestizos who would have less than a 30%30 \% of Amurian features would be completely unrecognizable.
In the continuation of the quote, Birdsell tells us that, outside of California, the Amurian element is unsatisfactory in the known evidence; he does not cite South American facts that are evident, as we will see, even greater than those of California, as is logical that they would occur due to the greater possibility of their conservation in more distant places.
We now arrive at Part VIII of his monograph, which is titled The Doctrine of Intermediate Hybrids, pages 49-53. There we also find interpretive doctrine worthy of transcription:
The data from the Cahuilla and Pomo may seem very fragile to the reader to support their weight. In my understanding, however, an appropriate interpretation of these populations, already so far away, can confirm the possibility of this di-hybrid hypothesis. The answer to the dilemma lies yet in another basic assumption that has been almost universally used in racial analysis. I cannot help but cite Andrews' exposition (43, p. 105) on the case:
'When investigating anthropometric data for evidence of racial mixing, which is historically supposed to have taken place, and on the contrary, when investigating a mass of data to construct a hypothetical pattern of racial origins and mixtures that respond to the themes, anthropologists make almost exclusive use of a single unproven hypothesis: the assumption that a mixed population can produce mean values of physical traits that are intermediate between the minimum values for the same traits in the two component trunks.'
'This doctrine of hybrids intermediate between parental types needs analysis and confirmation.'
"It seems possible that some traits might show such intermediate values in hybrid populations. In genetic theory terms, one could anticipate that metric and morphological characteristics whose phenotypic expressions are determined by multiple factors would show a tendency towards intermediation predicted as a result of a statistical synthesis of their individual effects. On the other hand, characteristics that are expressions of a relatively simple genetic origin would be expected to deviate from such expectation. In addition to the genetic basis of the trait, the type and composition of the sampled population also enter into the problem. Mass hybridization that appears in a population could possibly express this postulated intermediation more clearly than a mixture among the same racial ingredients appearing in a small population. In the latter case, over time, the effects of the original intermediation could be highly distorted by the operations of random genetic movement. The author has considerable data material to suggest that in Australia, a region characterized by the formation of small populations, the intermediation predicted for hybrids is frequently not realized and even exceeds the extremes shown in one of the related groups. For this reason, it is suggested that the doctrine of intermediate hybrids does not offer a"
reliable guide, either for predicting the results of hybridization or for attempting the reconstruction of related types in a mixed population. This result is important, since most human groups are presumed to have had small populations, until the advent of Neolithic agriculture.
"Hybrid intermediates do not characterize some racial crossings in terms of appearance. The three mongoloid Carpentary F-ls shown in Plate 1 show a marked tendency towards the paternal element. This point is much more demonstrated in Plate 7-, A-F. These three men are first-generation crosses between mongoloid fathers and Australian aboriginal women. In this case, the women were from tribes that had been predominantly, though not exclusively, Murrayian. Two of the hybrids are descendants of immigrants from Southern China, the third is a Malay. This crossing approximates what I have suggested as a hypothesis for the formation of populations in the Americas."
"The visual impact provided by these hybrids seems to me to be dominant. All three are certainly predominantly mongoloid in appearance, but whether the Carpentary-mongoloid F-ls were reminiscent of Southeast Asian and Indonesian populations, these hybrids are suggestive of certain indigenous American types. The Murrayian genes are expressed, albeit weakly, in the phenotype and are specifically shown only in the nasal depression, which is more pronounced than usual in the New World, although remaining well within the range of individual variation. The hybrid in Plate 7 A-B is abundantly bearded, but no more than some Cahuilla and Pomo. The wavy hair in C-D of the same Plate may be due to Negrito genes present in the tribal area of the mother of this individual. Many of the demarcative Murrayian traits have disappeared. Baldness and obesity are absent. The large, pendulous ear lobes are reduced to normal proportions. The nasal morphology is more mongoloid than Murrayian. The nasal roundedness is more refined and the nasal width is diminished to almost the averages of American Indians. Physical hair is suppressed, and hair graying seems delayed."
"It should be noted that the two hybrids in Plate 7 C-E are shown as generalized Caucasoid rather than Murray-like in features, but their appearance is reminiscent of a Mediterranean white type. I am certain that Amurian heritage in a Mongoloid mixture often misleadingly suggests the latter very distant racial group."
Finally, these hybrids allow for an approximate estimation of the racial composition of the Cahuilla and Pomo. There is reason to suppose that the three F-1s illustrated are representatives of this cross, in which the gene frequency is shown as 50%50 \% Murray and 50%50 \% Mongoloid. To my eyes, both Cahuilla and Pomo reveal more Amurian phenotypic traits than these F-1s. Even if one were to presume that the indigenous people in Plates 4 and 5 are not a completely random sample of their tribes (although I consider it close to the modal type), sin\sin nevertheless it is necessary to consider that the Amurian gene frequency among the Cahuilla and Pomo is comprised within the range of 40.-60%40 .-60 \% . The Ainu of today, who are clearly mixed, may contain Mongoloid gene frequencies between 10-20%10-20 \% . In terms of these milestones, and the evidence of Mongoloid preponderance in phenotypic traits in crosses involving Amurians, I believe that when the gene frequency of the former reaches or exceeds 70%70 \% , no visible or measurable traces of the archaic Caucasoid element that I consider underlying in American populations remain.
We leave most of the comments for the next chapter, since we have already exceeded the length of the present one. Nevertheless, we will make a small comment about the penultimate paragraph, where it is stated that individuals of the 7C-E7 \mathrm{C}-\mathrm{E} Plank are reminiscent of the Mediterranean racial type. For us, Mediterraneans are something very different, but we do recognize that among them there are abundant elements of allogenic origin, among which there are traits similar to those discussed. The type represented by the author in his two illustrations, E-F, seems to us that in South America would be considered a common indigenous person, Pampid type, like the Toba from the Rosario restaurant that we have already mentioned, is extremely far from what we consider Mediterranean.
We arrive at Part IX of our author, Birdsell, titled Redefinition of the problem in terms of conceptual approximation, pages 54-62.
In those pages, half of the text is occupied discussing and denying, as we shall see, the importance of the prominent and curved nose that appears among indigenous people, which has been considered of Caucasoid origin of the Armenoid race. To this
The author includes this race among his "Mediterranean" groups, a classification that seems arbitrary to us, as it comprises very distinct racial forms, beginning with the fact that this curved nose appears among these "Mediterraneans", normally accompanied by brachycephaly.
We will transcribe most of the text, as it directly concerns what we will address in the following chapters:
"The trait I have called 'nasal protuberance' is a common variation in skulls of Indians and others. If it has been described in the literature, its probable racial importance seems to have been diminished. The condition is illustrated in Figure 3, along with the 'normal condition' of nasal growth and the opposite condition, which could be called 'nasal decrease'. In what is conceived as the 'normal' condition of nasal bone growth, the free lower lateral margins of the nasal bones are paired with the upper maxillary border of the nasal opening. Thus the border of the opening is generally continuous across the naso-maxillary suture. In the condition called 'protuberance', the nasal bones project so far beyond the upper maxillary border as to give a positive stepped appearance with an abrupt discontinuity that appears at the suture. In nasal decrease, the opposite, a negative stepped appearance appears suggesting that the nasal bones have been deficient in their growth, compared to what was expected, based on the height of the frontal processes of the maxillary bone."
I suggest that nasal bone growth models are inherited independently of the maxillary bone's genetic growth trends... the lower edges are not restricted in their growth trends by the need to adapt to relationships imposed by other bones. In cases of excessive growth, nasal bones may have inherited a genetic growth pattern that exceeds that of the frontal processes of the maxillary bone. In nasal recession, the opposite would be true. In cases of normal growth, both regions have inherited compatible normal growth trends.
"This digression is not without importance in the analysis of American populations. There is an impression that living Indians are generally characterized by convex nasal profiles. A number of authors have introduced a special racial element"
that gives validity to this trait. Thus Hooton suggested ('46, pp. 642-649) that the highland subspecies of the Iranian, hook-nosed type of the Mediterranean race could be responsible for the presence of this trait in the Americas. Anthropologists have considered the convex profile nose as a unitary character. This is a possible assumption, but not the only feasible one. In light of the racial complexities that the concept has created, it is directed towards a reinvestigation...
"This scarce yet suggestive evidence will require further corroboration, but is sufficient to cast doubt on the inheritance of the convex nasal profile as a genetic unity character. A small series of Santa Cruz islanders shows that among 23 observed men, eight have some degree of protuberance, thirteen display normal growth, and two reveal decrease. The protuberance condition extends from +0.5 to +3.0 mm. In nineteen women, with the exception of one, eight have protuberance, eight have normal growth, and ten have decrease. Their range was for the decrease. These limited data suggest that nasal protuberance may be common enough to account for most of the nasal convexity found among Indians. Women in this series show a much lower frequency of protuberance and a higher incidence of decrease […]"
It seems reasonable, for the present, to conclude that the commonly found convex nasal profile in aboriginal indigenous America does not require the introduction of an exotic racial element with a hooked nose for its explanation, but can result from the mixture of various mongoloid and amurian elements characterized by differentiated nasal and facial gene growths.
We are facing a hypothesis, certainly reasonable, but not a proof. It occurs to us that a consultation with a medical specialist in nose plastics would have been extremely clarifying, but neither we nor the author have done that. In any case, there is something clear: those noses were bothersome and Birdsell presents us with an adequate explanation to set them aside. Also, in our series of skulls measured in Bolivia, we have abundantly found the three expressed forms, but it did not occur to us to study them in that way.
We finally arrive at Part X of the work we are commenting on.
It consists of its Conclusions (pages 63-64), which we will reproduce in large part:
"... The reconstructed model of peoples in East Asia, as well as the scarce archaeological evidence, suggests a di-hybrid origin for the American Indians. The two racial elements present at the right time and place for the peopling of the New World were the amurians and the mongoloids. If modern man arrived in the New World as early as during the third interglacial period, it is predicted that this type will be purely amurian in its characteristics. Any group of people who emigrated across the Bering Strait in post-glacial times should be di-hybrid in origin. It is believed that the mongoloid component in the immigrants should increase over time."
"The di-hybrid hypothesis finds little confirmation in American skulls, due to the nature of the data currently obtained. However, living indigenous people reveal two apparent foci of Amurian marker traits: the Cahuilla tribe block from the interior of Southern California largely suggests a high frequency of these archaic Caucasoid characteristics; the Pomo and Yuki tribes of Northern California's coast show parallel traits. In both areas, there is some suggestion that the physical type is marginal and predates the arrival of the languages currently spoken."
The doctrine of hybrid intermixing is considered dubious in some cases. Murrayanomongoloid hybrids are predominantly Mongoloid in phenotype. A comparison suggests that the Cahuilla and Pomo may contain Amurian genes in a similar frequency range. In a Mongoloid-Amurian hybrid population where the gene frequencies of the latter element fall below a certain threshold, it is believed that it could not be detected by sight or instrument.
Now, two brief comments; we will elaborate on the second one later. The first is the author's acceptance of the possibility that the first modern humans who populated the American continent did so as early as during the last interglacial period, with which we completely agree, but we disagree on the fact that, in all the authors we know, the appearance of Modern Man is located at a much later date, during the last interstadial of the last glaciation. In the author we are discussing, nothing explains this.
Australoid indigenous people in NEVADA. According to Birdsell, plate 6, upper part. They belong to the Southern Paiute tribe of Las Vegas, Nevada, Shoshon linguistic group. The author tells us that similar individuals exist in other neighboring Shoshone groups. Their racial type is, according to Birdsell, Amurian, or Ainoid, immediately related to his Murrayian group, that is, to the most typical Australians corresponding to archaic Caucasoids. The truth is that we find their facial and overall bodily features more Carpentarian than Amurian, as can be seen by comparing them with the illustrations of the Sirionó Indians from Bolivia, which we present. Their lack of baldness is manifest.
The second point or comment refers to the last paragraph treated, where we are told that if the Amurian element in America fell under a 30%30 \% , it could not be discovered by sight or by instrument. We are sorry, but this is in disagreement with the first and most elementary of Mendel's Inheritance Laws, according to which inheritance units do not mix but persist through generations. That interpretation in a 30%30 \% corresponds to a coffee-with-milk interpretive idea, in contradiction with the inheritance laws that we know today.
Chapter IV
The Primitive Bearded Men in America
1. Primitive Bearded Men in South America
In the pages of the previous chapter, we have extensively exposed the studies and interpretations made by Birdsell about the earliest origins of the indigenous American population, their sources of origin in the Siberian territory and their marginal survivals in Oceania, as well as his biological interpretations of the case. This monograph seemed to us, from the moment we knew it, extremely valuable; for this reason, we have dedicated so much extension and so many transcriptions to it.
The biological part, especially regarding the inheritance of human types, is of the utmost importance to us. We commented on it extensively, as well as its other points of interpretation, and we will give it special dedication in the next chapter, although it is also necessary to say a few words about it here. In his interpretive thesis on the inheritance of human forms or types, he basically follows Hrdliçka's theories (we do not say with this that this author is the original creator of these ideas), regarding which are the most important traits that characterize races. It is well known that, in this regard, there are two fundamental theses, which consist of authors focusing - as a basic norm - on cephalic and cranial measurements (in addition to body measurements) and on external traits, especially the color of skin, hair, and eyes, as well as the general visible facial features of individuals. Birdsell focuses especially on the latter; Imbelloni and Canals Frau on the former. We try to take
both into account, although we consider that the first allows a more complete study, in this case.
Also, and this is a common defect in almost all researchers, the author focuses only on the male individuals of the races they study. Of the authors we have dealt with, only Canals Frau presents female figures, in drawing, to characterize his races (in his Prehistory of America), but in the text he does not refer to them at all and describes male averages. The cited drawings were included by our direct influence, when he had already written the text of his work, but the author did not acknowledge it, as we were then working under his orders at the National Ethnic Institute of Buenos Aires.
The summary we can make, personally, of what Birdsell expresses is that for him, the visible external characteristics are the only basis for recognizing the presence of Amurian-type individuals in America. This is what he clearly finds in a series of photographs of current and recent indigenous people from the Californian region; at the same time, he dismisses all comparable materials from South America. Evidently, he does not know the latter very well, unlike the North American materials, which he has full knowledge of. In reality, with respect to South America, he only refers to archaeological findings to reject them, according to his interpretive basis, as occurs in the case of the Punín skull and the Laguid race individuals.
The latter have, basically, the cranial measurements that he points out in his Carpentarian race, but not only does he refrain from saying this, but he even makes a great effort to eliminate the Carpentarians from any possible ancient path to pre-Columbian America, carefully avoiding their possible existence in Siberia and North China, as he does with the female skulls of Chu-ku-tien, which present those somatic characteristics.
In South America, individuals of the so-called Laguid race present the same features, which are distinguished especially by their very high skull, with a vertical-transverse index that
always exceeds 100 and whose bizygomatic width is normally slightly greater than the maximum cranial width. This latter trait is sometimes present in individuals - or better said, in skulls - of the Pampid race, but then, normally, it is not accompanied by that high skull height. All other American races always present a cranial width less than the maximum bizygomatic width, except for the Huarpid of Canals Frau.
In this chapter and the next, we will do something uncommon: we will try to adhere to the rules proposed by Birdselh, about the fact that external traits, visible in photographs and text descriptions, are fundamental for determining races. We will inevitably make some references to internal measurement traits, but this will be minimal; we will be guided fundamentally by the illustrations we have been able to obtain.
For the same reason, we set aside cranial series, although personally they may seem important yy , in any case, we try to refer only to some measurements in living individuals. This will be our general norm for description, but we repeat that we will inevitably have to deviate from it sometimes.
With such a perspective, the first thing we find in South America is the presence of a small but compact group of population similar to what Birdsell presents to us in California. This results both from the illustrations we include and from the descriptions in the texts. Nevertheless - and in honor of Birdsell - we especially note that most of what refers to this case has been published and clarified in years subsequent to the edition of our author, who, without a doubt, when faced with these illustrations, would have recognized there a population similar to his Californian Amurians.
This population is located in eastern Paraguay. It consists of indigenous people called Guayaquies, whose cultural level is extremely low.
2. The Guayaquies and their belonging to the Murian Caucasoid race
We already know quite a bit about these indigenous people, as we have extensively transcribed what the French author Jacques de Mahieu says in his work The Great Journey of the Sun-God, published in 1976, while Birdsell's monograph was published in 1951. Let's recall that Mahieu supposes that these Guayaquies belong to the Nordic race, mixed with Mongoloid, Guarani elements, which we will not attempt to discuss here, as we simply want to present our interpretation.
To begin, we will make another series of citations from a new author longrightarrow\longrightarrow or rather, authors - of a brief monograph of anthropological study. We refer to Luigi Miraglia and E. Saguier Negrete, whose work is titled Somatic and Serological Observations in the Guayaki Race. The work is brief and consists of two parts, successively signed by both authors. The work was published in 1969, that is, quite before Mahieu's, but also later than Birdsell's.
We will quote quite extensively what the first author tells us in the First Part, whose title is Somatic Observations. We begin the citations from its first lines:
"I. Generalities - Development and Investigation Method
"The only existing description of the physical characteristics of the Guayakí race is the one I published in 1961. This is due to the fact that previous observers never had, as I did, a sufficient number of adult males under their gaze. Before my cited work (as can be deduced from the bibliography at the end of this article) a skeleton, some skulls had been studied, and in addition, a live adult male, the corpse of an adult male (killed in an ambush), and eight adolescents of both sexes had been summarily observed. The purpose of this article is to complete my previous description of the physical characteristics of the interesting Guayakí race, which is on the verge of extinction, with the observations I have collected in a recent expedition. A very important contribution to my research is given by the observations of blood, height, and great wingspan of the Guayakíes collected by Dr. Emilio Saguier Negrete, graduated
from the Medical Faculty of Asunción (Paraguay). Dr. Saguier Negrete's observations have been literally translated from the Spanish manuscript to Italian by me and constitute the second part of this article.
"No more than 700 of these aborigines still free, roaming the Paraguayan jungle, along the sources of the tributaries of the Paraguay and Paraná rivers. The springs meander along the 56 West Longitude, Greenwich meridian.
"In 1908, the first friendly contact was made, which lasted several years, between a horde of Guayakíes and the German F. Mayntzhusen. On August 20, 1959, a horde of 20 Guayakíes wandering along the Ypety, a tributary of the Monday River, which in turn is a tributary of the Paraná River, continuously pursued, settled at the source of the Morotí stream, establishing peaceful contacts with the Paraguayan Manuel Pereira who lives in a ranch on the edge of the jungle. To protect these aborigines, the state intervened and the Guayakí colony number one was founded in Arroyo Morotí, with its direction entrusted to the aforementioned Pereira.
"Arroyo Morotí is located 50 km, in a straight line, by air, from the city of Villa Rica, to the southeast and about a dozen kilometers from both the town of San Juan Nepomuceno and the village of Abaf. This is connected by a 65 km railway branch to San Salvador, a station located on the main Asunción-Encarnación railway line.
"In the small world of Ethnologists, sociologists, linguists, and anthropologists, the news of the appearance of the Guayakíes gave rise to a subdued competition.
"From October 13 to 16 (4 days) in 1959, I observed the Guayakí horde of Ypety, which appeared on August 20 of the same year, consisting of 10 adult males, 5 adult females, and 5 adolescents. I observed that this group was very homogeneous in all its somatic characteristics, including the white skin color. Subsequently to my visit, another 5 individuals belonging to this horde joined their relatives in Arroyo Morotí. As I wrote in my cited work, I was prohibited from taking photographs and measurements. I had planned to limit the measurements to height and great wingspan, given that craniometric measurements made by great masters are abundant, as can be deduced from the bibliography."
"Approaching the Guayakíes, barefoot and knowing well the height of my acromion which is 1.40 mts, I could compare their height and calculated that they were around 1530 millimeters tall."
Dr. Saguier Negrete with the anthropometer, in 28 adult males, found that the average height was 1544 millimeters. We can now provide exact measurements of the wingspan, which in my previous description I had to limit myself to noting as simply greater than the height. We can now present original photographs, while to illustrate my previous description - which was published despite all the obstacles - I had to resort to the kindness of the Andrés Barbero Museum in Asunción. In July 1962, another horde of 50 individuals was captured, living in the highland of Ybyturuzú, which, with its steep and inaccessible valleys, rises near the city of Villa Rica. With this capture, the Guayakies of Arroyo Morotí reached 75 individuals.
"Upon contact with the 'civilized', a mortality began among the 'savages', caused in the latter by the lack of antibodies. Mortality was also contributed to by the change in diet and customs."
"On September 17 and 18, 1965, the aforementioned Dr. Saguier Negrete, Dr. Ramón Juste, a Spanish Jesuit philosopher, and I were in Arroyo Morotí. We found 25 Guayakíes there, of which 8 were adult males, 4 were adult females, and 13 were adolescents of both sexes. In this group, I again saw only Pyky, Gūiragui, and two other Guayakíes that I had studied during my first trip to Arroyo Morotí from October 13 to 16, 1959. Pereira showed me the 5 individuals from the same horde who arrived at Arroyo Morotí after my first visit to that locality. They are completely white-skinned like all other members of the horde. Among the remaining 18 individuals from the Ybyturuzú group, I observed two adult males and two male adolescents who, despite displaying all racial characteristics, have more pigmented skin than the others. We noted that the 25 indigenous people were recovering from smallpox (see fig. 4). Pereira explained that we had found only 25 Guayakíes because they come and go between the camp and the forest where they procure honey and hunt. Pyky and Güiragui accompanied us to the graves of two horde companions whom they themselves had buried. With their help, we exhumed two adult male skeletons. With the skeleton collected by Ten Kate in 1896 (female) and these two (male), the skeletons exhumed to date are three."
"The photographs illustrating this article were captured on-site by the three expedition members, who, upon returning to Asunción, published a communication that appears in the bibliography N^(@)8.^('')\mathrm{N}^{\circ} 8 .{ }^{\prime \prime} (Op. cit., pp. 139-142)."
THE OLDEST POPULATION OF AMERICA. Indigenous person from the Guayaqui tribe, from eastern Paraguay. According to Luigi Miraglia, Fig. 4. The author tells us: "Note: the lack of the plica and Mongoloid aspect; the dense beard, rare among Amerindians; the camerrinia; the prominence of the supraorbital arches; ..." We add: the frontal entries at the beginning of the clavicle.
We interrupt the quote to make a few brief comments. First, we do not find it appropriate to call these indigenous people "males" and "females", as in Spanish this sounds quite pejorative. It should have been written "men" and "women", which is what corresponds in our language.
Moreover, we have extensively reproduced the author's words, including paragraphs that do not concern us much, but which we consider useful to have a better view of the living conditions of those natives. As for the color manifestly
The fair skin of these indigenous people is clearly and completely affirmed by the author, as well as by Mahieu, and is completely absent from the descriptions of the oldest Cahuilla and Pomo described by Birdsell; on the contrary, he sometimes tells us that their skin is very dark. Are they perhaps mixed with carpentry elements, to whom, in Australia, he assigns a very dark skin? This could be investigated by measuring the head height or bizygomatic width of these natives, but we have no reports on this.
We continue the quote, in a second part of the same author:
"II. The Guayakí race remained pure due to geographical isolation and the continuous persecution it was subjected to"
"The Guayakí hordes wander naked, without building dwellings, in completely isolated zones from one another. This has been demonstrated by the fact that the hordes of Ypety and Ybyturuzú, before being captured, never had contact with each other. The 'hunting zone' of each horde is divided into sectors. They 'rest' the forest animals by returning to a certain sector where they had already hunted, only after a long time. They hunt: with bare hands, with bows, and with 'pit-traps'. For honey collection, they use stone axes."
"The 'islands' of the Guayakíes are surrounded by the habitat of tribes that call themselves Avá. This demonstrates that the former are aborigines and the latter immigrated later. The Avá speak the Guaraní language. To avoid confusion, I indicate to the Italian reader that there is not a race, but only a Guaraní language, a fact known by South American ethnologists and linguists."
"The Avá tribes belong, somatically, to the Amazonid race, which extends over a vast territory of tropical America and includes, in addition to the Avá, many other tribes that speak different languages."
"The absolute isolation in which the Guayakíes have been enclosed since very ancient times has made it impossible for them to hybridize with other races, among which is the Amazonian race.
"BALDNESS IN THE CAUCASOID AMURIANS OF AMERICA. Indigenous person from the Guayaqui tribe of Eastern Paraguay. According to L. Miraglia: Somatic and serological observations in the Guayakí Race, Fig. 3. Note the baldness, which does not appear in subsequent American populations and is remarkably present here. The skin color of these individuals is white.
"The Amazonian Avá (from the Monday River and Itakyry) have told me, more than once, with contempt, that they consider the Guayakíes inferior to many animals. Pride, more than geographical isolation, prevents the mixing of two human races. We have examples of this in India and the United States of North America, where slaves and owners - of two diverse races - live mixed together. Currently, in the Congo, pygmoid hunters exchange meat for vegetable products from the tall agricultural tribes surrounding them in certain areas of the jungle. A similar exchange, probably in a remote time, was carried out between the Avá who practice primitive agriculture and the Guayakí hunters. These, to facilitate exchanges, would have adopted the Guarani language of the Amazonian race tribes surrounding them.
"These brief preceding notes are directed to those few ethnologists and linguists who classify the Guayakíes as a 'Guaranized tribe'. This denomination erroneously leads one to think about the fusion of two races, which never occurred.
"Be that as it may, affirming that the Guayakí and the Avá are of the same race would be like arguing that white and black North Americans are of the same race because they currently speak English."
"Advancing eastward, the Paraguayan colonizers exterminate the Guayakí because they eat their corn, their cassava, and their horses, which they kill with arrows. It is evident that hybrid formations are impossible among the persecuted Guayakí hordes. Guayakí captured in their childhood, after the massacre of their parents, can engender hybrids, but these remain within the Paraguayan population."
"Racial pride opposes the formation of hybrids between Paraguayans and aboriginals. Moreover, the former attribute a repugnant racial odor to the latter, which they call 'catinga'." (Op. cit., pp. 142-143).
New observations. The use of stone axes by the Guayakí is something that has been used by several authors to classify their cultural level as Neolithic, but although it is true that the shape and work method of these stone axes are Neolithic, the rest of this people's culture is not, it is much more primitive, of primitive gatherers at a fully Paleolithic cultural level, which would correspond to a Mousterian, according to our interpretation. Also, the bow and arrow have
GUAYAQUI WOMAN, according to Luigi Miraglia. The author tells us: "Note: the large camerninia; the deeply sunken nasion; the trilobed base of the nose; the equilateral triangle shape of the nose; the large distance between the inner corners of the eyes; the visible lacrimal caruncles; prominence of the supraorbital arches". (Photo by the authors). Compare the physiognomy of this woman with those of the Amur Ainos that we present.
must have been taken from later tribes, undoubtedly pre-Guarani, as it is of a very large type, larger than the height of those who handle it, its section is circular, etc., while the Guarani bow is small. Additionally, agriculture already fully exists at the Neolithic level, which the Guayaquí lack.
Regarding the neighboring "avá" tribes, for us and based on their way of counting, they are also pre-Guarani peoples who have been fully Guaranized. These tribes, although
even though they use Guarani words, they count by two and at most by five, while the true Guarani counted by five and twenty (hands and feet).
Regarding the difference between the Guayaquíes and the Amazonian peoples, the author points it out very well and fully expands on it in a part of his work, which constitutes a broad Racial Table, which we copy in its entirety.
"III. Physical characteristics of the Guayakí race compared with those of the Amazonian race
Somatic Elements
Guayakí Race
Amazonian Race (AVA)
Height
Uniformly low. Average of 10 males: 1.530. Average of 24 males: 1.544.
Average and not uniform.
Physique
Uniform Eurosomatics. Large chest circumference. Very developed musculature.
Leptosomatic. Regular thoracic period. Median muscle developed.
Pigmentation
Subpigmented (leucoderms).
Medially pigmented.
Hair
Lisotrichs. 3 individuals with baldness. Dense or sparse beard.
Lisotrichs. No baldness exists. Sparse or generally absent.
Head
Notably large in relation to the body.
Normal.
Skull
Generally brachycephalic and orthocephalic.
Generally mesocephalic and orthocephalic.
Forehead
Notably flat and vertical. 2 males and 1 female with supra-orbital reliefs.
Notablemente chata y vertical.
2 varones y 1 mujer con relieves supra-orbitarios.| Notablemente chata y vertical. |
| :--- |
| 2 varones y 1 mujer con relieves supra-orbitarios. |
Convex and slightly inclined backwards.
Face
Mesoprosopic.
Meso-brachy-prosopic.
Cheekbones
Outstanding more previously than laterally.
Outstanding more laterally than previously.
Elementos somáticos Raza Guayakí Raza Amazónide (AVA)
Estatura Uniformemente baja. media de 10 varones: 1.530 . media de 24 varones: 1.544. Media y no uniforme.
Complexión Eurosomática uniforme. Perímetro torácico grande. Musculatura muy desarrollada. Leptosomática. Per. torácico regular. Musc. median. desarr.
Pigmentación Subpigmentada (leucodermos). Median. pigmentada.
Pelos Lisotricos. 3 individuos con calvicie. Barba tupida o rala. Lisótricos. No existe calvicie. Rala o generalmente ausente.
Cabeza Notablemente grande con respecto al cuerpo. Normal.
Cráneo Generalmente braquicéfalo y ortocéfalo. Generalmente mesocéfalo y ortocéfalo.
Frente "Notablemente chata y vertical.
2 varones y 1 mujer con relieves supra-orbitarios." Convexa y ligeramente inclinada hacia atrás.
Cara Mesoprosópica. Meso-braqui-prosópica.
Pómulos Sobresalientes más anteriormente que lateralmente. Sobresaliente más lateralmente que anteriormente.| Elementos somáticos | Raza Guayakí | Raza Amazónide (AVA) |
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
| Estatura | Uniformemente baja. media de 10 varones: 1.530 . media de 24 varones: 1.544. | Media y no uniforme. |
| Complexión | Eurosomática uniforme. Perímetro torácico grande. Musculatura muy desarrollada. | Leptosomática. Per. torácico regular. Musc. median. desarr. |
| Pigmentación | Subpigmentada (leucodermos). | Median. pigmentada. |
| Pelos | Lisotricos. 3 individuos con calvicie. Barba tupida o rala. | Lisótricos. No existe calvicie. Rala o generalmente ausente. |
| Cabeza | Notablemente grande con respecto al cuerpo. | Normal. |
| Cráneo | Generalmente braquicéfalo y ortocéfalo. | Generalmente mesocéfalo y ortocéfalo. |
| Frente | Notablemente chata y vertical. <br> 2 varones y 1 mujer con relieves supra-orbitarios. | Convexa y ligeramente inclinada hacia atrás. |
| Cara | Mesoprosópica. | Meso-braqui-prosópica. |
| Pómulos | Sobresalientes más anteriormente que lateralmente. | Sobresaliente más lateralmente que anteriormente. |
Somatic elements
Guayakí Race
Amazonian Race (AVA)
Nose
Mesorhinic for the most part.
Generally with marked platyrrhiny. It has the shape of an equilateral triangle. Very sunken nasion. The dihedral angle formed by the suture of the two nasal bones is very obtuse. Trilobed base very accentuated in some individuals. Very concave profile.
Generalmente con marcada platirrinia.
Tiene forma de triángulo equilátero.
Nasión muy hundido.
El ángulo diedro formado por la sutura de los dos huesos nasales es muy obtuso.
Base trilobada muy acentuada en algunos individuos. Perfil muy cóncavo.| Generalmente con marcada platirrinia. |
| :--- |
| Tiene forma de triángulo equilátero. |
| Nasión muy hundido. |
| El ángulo diedro formado por la sutura de los dos huesos nasales es muy obtuso. |
| Base trilobada muy acentuada en algunos individuos. Perfil muy cóncavo. |
Nation not sunk. Normal.
Right or slightly convex profile.
Long nostrils, often turned upwards.
Medium nostrils always turned downward.
Eyes
Internal eye angles separated by a great distance due to the flattening of the nasal bones.
Eyes normally separated.
Mouth
Moderately thick lips, some with slightly raised lips due to a slight alveolar prognathism.
Mongolian plica always present.
Ears
With a lobe always "cecil" (attached to the face).
"Cecil" or not "cecil".
Neck
Thick, due to the great development of the trapezius muscles.
Normal.
Trunk
Long, with respect to height.
Normal.
Chest
Large thoracic perimeter.
Normal.
Pelvis
Narrow.
Normal.
Vertebral column
Very marked curvatures, especially in the lumbar region.
Normal.
Chest muscles
Very developed, especially the pectorals
Normal.
Elementos somáticos Raza Guayakí Raza Amazónide (AVA)
Nariz Mesorrina en mayor parte.
"Generalmente con marcada platirrinia.
Tiene forma de triángulo equilátero.
Nasión muy hundido.
El ángulo diedro formado por la sutura de los dos huesos nasales es muy obtuso.
Base trilobada muy acentuada en algunos individuos. Perfil muy cóncavo." Nasión no hundido. Normal.
Perfil derecho o poco convexo.
Narinas largas, vueltas con frecuencia hacia arriba. Narinas medianas vueltas siempre hacia abajo.
Ojos Ángulos internos de los ojos separados por una gran distancia a causa del achatamiento de los huesos nasales. Ojos separados normalmente.
Boca Labios medianamente gruesos, algunos con labios un poco levantados debido a un ligero prognatismo alveolar. Plica mongólica siempre presente.
Orejas Con lóbulo siempre "cecil" (unido a la cara). "Cecil" o no "cecil".
Cuello Grueso, por el gran desarrollo de los trapecios. Normal.
Tronco Largo, con respecto a la talla. Normal.
Tórax Perímetro torácico grande. Normal.
Pelvis Estrecha. Normal.
Columna vertebral Curvatura muy marcadas, especialmente la lumbar. Normal.
Músculos del tórax Muy desarrollados, especialmente los pectorales, los Normales.| Elementos somáticos | Raza Guayakí | Raza Amazónide (AVA) |
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
| Nariz | | Mesorrina en mayor parte. |
| | Generalmente con marcada platirrinia. <br> Tiene forma de triángulo equilátero. <br> Nasión muy hundido. <br> El ángulo diedro formado por la sutura de los dos huesos nasales es muy obtuso. <br> Base trilobada muy acentuada en algunos individuos. Perfil muy cóncavo. | Nasión no hundido. Normal. |
| | | Perfil derecho o poco convexo. |
| | Narinas largas, vueltas con frecuencia hacia arriba. | Narinas medianas vueltas siempre hacia abajo. |
| Ojos | Ángulos internos de los ojos separados por una gran distancia a causa del achatamiento de los huesos nasales. | Ojos separados normalmente. |
| Boca | Labios medianamente gruesos, algunos con labios un poco levantados debido a un ligero prognatismo alveolar. | Plica mongólica siempre presente. |
| Orejas | Con lóbulo siempre "cecil" (unido a la cara). | "Cecil" o no "cecil". |
| Cuello | Grueso, por el gran desarrollo de los trapecios. | Normal. |
| Tronco | Largo, con respecto a la talla. | Normal. |
| Tórax | Perímetro torácico grande. | Normal. |
| Pelvis | Estrecha. | Normal. |
| Columna vertebral | Curvatura muy marcadas, especialmente la lumbar. | Normal. |
| Músculos del tórax | Muy desarrollados, especialmente los pectorales, los | Normales. |
Trapezius and straight abdominal muscles. Small but prominent buttocks due to the strong lumbar saddle.
trapecios y los rectos del abdomen.
Glúteos pequeños pero prominentes por la fuerte ensilladura lumbar.| trapecios y los rectos del abdomen. |
| :--- |
| Glúteos pequeños pero prominentes por la fuerte ensilladura lumbar. |
They do not present these characteristics.
Thoracic Limbs
Long (character that imposes itself at first glance), normal hands.
Normal.
Muscles
Deltoids, triceps, and biceps greatly developed.
Normal development.
Abdominal limbs
Notably brachyskelic. Femoral neck, notably short. Calluses around the knee.
Notablemente braquiskelos.
Cuello del fémur, notablemente corto.
Callos alrededor de la rodilla.| Notablemente braquiskelos. |
| :--- |
| Cuello del fémur, notablemente corto. |
| Callos alrededor de la rodilla. |
Generally mesoskelos. Normal.
Foot
Large, in proportion to the limb. Triangular shaped plant. Slightly marked plantar arch.
Grandes, en proporción al miembro.
Planta de forma triangular. Arco plantar poco marcado.| Grandes, en proporción al miembro. |
| :--- |
| Planta de forma triangular. Arco plantar poco marcado. |
Normal. Normal.
Normal.
Normal.| Normal. |
| :--- |
| Normal. |
Comparison between height and wingspan
Great wingspan greater than height. In 24 males: wingspan 1.570. Height, 1.544 (Saguier N.)
La gran envergadura mayor que la estatura.
En 24 varones: envergadura 1.570.
Estatura, 1.544 (Saguier N.)| La gran envergadura mayor que la estatura. |
| :--- |
| En 24 varones: envergadura 1.570. |
| Estatura, 1.544 (Saguier N.) |
Great wingspan equal to height.
Proportion between members
The humerus + radius are notably long in proportion to the femur + tibia, both in the skeleton collected by Ten Kate and in the one I unearthed.
Normal.
Radius-humeral proportion
The radius is very long in proportion to the humerus.
Normal.
Blood
Absence of 100%100 \% the mongoloid "Diego" antigen in red blood cells (Saguier N.)
Presence of the mongoloid "Diego" antigen in red blood cells.
Elementos somáticos "Raza
Guayakí" "Raza
Amazónide (AVA)"
"trapecios y los rectos del abdomen.
Glúteos pequeños pero prominentes por la fuerte ensilladura lumbar." No presentan estos caracteres.
Miembros torácicos Largos (carácter que se impone a primera vista), manos normales. Normales.
Músculos Deltoides, triceps y biceps grandemente desarrollados. Desarrollo normal.
Miembros abdominales "Notablemente braquiskelos.
Cuello del fémur, notablemente corto.
Callos alrededor de la rodilla." Generalmente mesoskelos. Normal.
Pie "Grandes, en proporción al miembro.
Planta de forma triangular. Arco plantar poco marcado." "Normal.
Normal."
Comparación entre la estatura y la envergadura "La gran envergadura mayor que la estatura.
En 24 varones: envergadura 1.570.
Estatura, 1.544 (Saguier N.)" Gran envergadura igual a la estatura.
Proporción entre los miembros El húmero + el radio son notablemente largos en proporción al fémur + tibia tanto en el esqueleto recogido por Ten Kate como en el desenterrado por mí. Normal.
Proporción radio-humeral El radio es muy largo, en proporción al húmero. Normal.
Sangre Ausencia del 100% del antígeno mongoloide "Diego" en los glóbulos rojos (Saguier N.) Presencia del antígeno mongoloide "Diego" en los glóbulos rojos.| Elementos somáticos | Raza <br> Guayakí | Raza <br> Amazónide (AVA) |
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
| | trapecios y los rectos del abdomen. <br> Glúteos pequeños pero prominentes por la fuerte ensilladura lumbar. | No presentan estos caracteres. |
| Miembros torácicos | Largos (carácter que se impone a primera vista), manos normales. | Normales. |
| Músculos | Deltoides, triceps y biceps grandemente desarrollados. | Desarrollo normal. |
| Miembros abdominales | Notablemente braquiskelos. <br> Cuello del fémur, notablemente corto. <br> Callos alrededor de la rodilla. | Generalmente mesoskelos. Normal. |
| Pie | Grandes, en proporción al miembro. <br> Planta de forma triangular. Arco plantar poco marcado. | Normal. <br> Normal. |
| Comparación entre la estatura y la envergadura | La gran envergadura mayor que la estatura. <br> En 24 varones: envergadura 1.570. <br> Estatura, 1.544 (Saguier N.) | Gran envergadura igual a la estatura. |
| Proporción entre los miembros | El húmero + el radio son notablemente largos en proporción al fémur + tibia tanto en el esqueleto recogido por Ten Kate como en el desenterrado por mí. | Normal. |
| Proporción radio-humeral | El radio es muy largo, en proporción al húmero. | Normal. |
| Sangre | Ausencia del $100 \%$ del antígeno mongoloide "Diego" en los glóbulos rojos (Saguier N.) | Presencia del antígeno mongoloide "Diego" en los glóbulos rojos. |
The description of the "external" characteristics of the indigenous people we are treating is broad enough to see that this is something new and distinct from what was previously seen in the classifications of Imbelloni and Canals Frau; even the description is somewhat exaggerated in its details, but we have preferred to expose it in full to clearly show that we are not overly highlighting the traits that interest us. The general traits treated are only comparable to those of Birdsell's Murian Caucasoid race and its American derivatives. It even seems undoubtable that their skin color is much lighter than the examples given by Birdsell for his Californian forms.
In our author, a Part IV follows. Considerations on some somatic characters, of which we will only reproduce some paragraphs, since we have already cited him quite a bit:
"Beard. In my previous work, on page 90 I say: 'Of the ten adult males, four have a face without beard, four present some hairs; of two only can it be said that they have a very sparse and hard beard limited around the mouth'. In reality, the four Guayakíes that I had indicated as beardless are, on the contrary, bearded, as I was able to confirm on my second trip. The error was due to the fact that Pereira had the mania of shaving his Guayakíes, a fact that I was unaware of then. Also among the members of the Ybyturuzú horde, I observed other bearded individuals, like the one in the photograph that appears in this article (Fig. 4).
"The presence of many bearded individuals among the Guayakíes contrasts with the absence or scarcity of facial hair in most Aboriginal American races. […]
"Eyes. The semilunate or Mongolian plica - as is known - is an upwardly retroflexed upper eyelid that generally covers the lacrimal caruncle of the eyes of Native Americans. In the Guayakí, however, the lacrimal caruncle is always visible due to the absence of the Mongolian plica.
"This 'Mongolian plica' is also present in some African races. It represents a regressive characteristic, because in Mongoloids, it is more visible in children than in adults. Previous authors, who have studied only children, by generalizing, have said that all Guayakí have the Mongolian plica. In conclusion: the Guayakí have eyes as 'Mongoloid' as any European.
"Another very notable racial characteristic in the Guayakí is the great
distance existing between the internal angles of the eyes, which is due to the flattening of the nasal bones. […]
^(n){ }^{n} Skin. In this article, I reaffirm that the Guary constitute a sub-pigmented race (leucoderma)." (Op. cit, pp. 149-150).
Later, we find in our author other important references:
"IV. Pigmoid Characters in the Guayakí
"The Babinga of Congo, the Andamanese of the homonymous islands, the Sakai of the Malacca peninsula, the Aeta of the Philippines, and the Tapiros of New Guinea have in common with the Guayakí, not only low stature but also the following somatic characteristics: brachycephaly, large head in proportion to the trunk - Platyrrhinia - thoracic limbs notably long g _("1, ")_{\text {1, }} compared to the abdominal ones. Long trunk in relation to kk abdominal limbs (brachyskelos). Very marked curvatures of the vertebral column. Very narrow pelvic belt.
"Ethnologists and anthropologists unanimously agree to consider these 'marginal' races living in geographical isolation as very ancient and pure.
"With the Guayakíes, the circle of races with pygmoid characteristics living around the planet is closed.
"I limit myself to presenting the facts without investigating the causes for which similar somatic characteristics exist in different, isolated races in different environments such as islands, deserts, hills, and especially tropical forests.
"Conclusion. The Guayakíes are pure, sub-pigmented (pale skin), and pygmoid. They, based on the facts mentioned above, and published here for the first time, cannot be classified into any of the other indigenous races of America. For greater clarity, it would be appropriate to classify the Guayakíes as a separate race' (Op. cit., pp. 151-152).
From the Second Part of this monograph, signed by Dr. Emilio Saguier Negrete, we will only cite the main paragraphs:
I traveled twice to Arroyo Morotí, the first time from June 25th to July 1st, 1964, and the second from September 17th to 19th, 1965. In the first trip - which I made alone - I saw seventy aborigines (Guayakí), while in the second, carried out in the company of Doctors Miraglia and Juste, I saw only twenty-five.
distance existing between the internal angles of the eyes and which is due to the flattening of the nasal bones. […]
"Skin. In this article, I reaffirm that the Guayakí constitute a sub-pigmented race (leucoderma)." (Op. cit., pp. 149-150).
Later, we find other important references in our author:
"IV. Pygmoid Characters in the Guayakíes
"The Babinga of Congo, the Andamanese from the homonymous islands, the Sakai of the Malacca peninsula, the Aeta of the Philippines, and the Tapiros of New Guinea have in common with the Guayakíes, not only low stature but also the following somatic characteristics: brachycephaly, large head in relation to the trunk-Platyrrhinia-notably long thoracic limbs when compared to abdominal ones. Long trunk in relation to abdominal limbs (brachyskelos). Very marked curvatures of the vertebral column. Very narrow pelvic belt.
"Ethnologists and anthropologists are unanimously in agreement in considering these 'marginal' races living in geographical isolation as very ancient and pure.
"With the Guayakíes, the circle of races with pygmoid characteristics living around the planet is closed.
"I limit myself to the exposition of facts without investigating the causes for which similar somatic characteristics exist in different, isolated races, in also different environments such as: islands, deserts, hills, and especially tropical forests.
"Conclusion. The Guayakíes are pure, sub-pigmented (leucoderms) and pygmoid. They, based on the facts mentioned above, and which are published for the first time, cannot be classified in any of the other indigenous races of America. For greater clarity, it would be appropriate to classify the Guayakíes in a separate race." (Ob. cit., pp. 151-152).
From the Second Part of this monograph, signed by Dr. Emilio Saguier Negrete, we will only cite the main paragraphs:
"In these two expeditions, I have been able to extract seventy blood samples, which is the maximum currently obtainable and represents almost the 100%100 \% of the 'reduced' Guayakíes available for study."
"It is particularly striking that the 'Diego' mongoloid antigen is entirely absent in the Guayakíes and appears in a variable proportion - around the 20%20 \% - in the blood of the surrounding Guaraní. The blood group of the 100%100 \% of the studied Guayakíes is ZERO (0), and the Rhesus factor (with anti-D serum) is positive in all cases."
"According to Junqueira's research, the Kaingangs from the state of Paraná have the highest index of the 'Diego' antigen: 45%. Also, several tribes of the Pampide race, living in the Paraguayan Chaco, as I have studied and published, present the 'Diego' antigen in variable proportions. The Angaité at 30%30 \% , the Tobas at 27%, the Sanapanas and Lenguas at 18%, and the Guaná at 17%17 \% ."
"After the two expeditions to Arroyo Morotí, I can consider that the indigenous people of Paraguay - immunologically studied to date - are of Mongoloid origin by having the DIEGO antigen in their blood in variable proportions. There is only one exception: THE GUAYAKÍES." (Op. cit., pp. 155-156).
"To take advantage of this favorable opportunity, I brought with me - in addition to the material for extracting blood samples - an anthropometer to measure height and wingspan.
"Having arrived at the destination, I was able to take measurements of a group of 24 adult males and 18 adult females. "Here are the results:
Group of 24 males
Height
Wingspan
Average, in millimeters
1544
Average, in millimeters
1570
Maximum, in millimeters
1625
Maximum, in millimeters
1650
Minimum, in millimeters
1475
Minimum, in millimeters
1500
Estatura Envergadura
Media, en milímetros 1544 Media, en milímetros 1570
Máxima, en milímetros 1625 Máxima, en milímetros 1650
Mínima, en milímetros 1475 Mínima, en milimetros 1500| Estatura | Envergadura | | |
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
| Media, en milímetros | 1544 | Media, en milímetros | 1570 |
| Máxima, en milímetros | 1625 | Máxima, en milímetros | 1650 |
| Mínima, en milímetros | 1475 | Mínima, en milimetros | 1500 |
Group of 18 women
Average, in millimeters 1447 Maximum, in millimeters 1515 Minimum, in millimeters 1370
Average, in millimeters Maximum, in millimeters Minimum, in millimeters
1361
1540
1370
(Op. cit., pp. 155-158).
Some brief comments. The assertion and conclusion of the first author of this monograph, that this population is pygmoid, we believe would not be accepted by most researchers, especially considering there are individuals who reach a height of 1625 millimeters. This is quite a bit more than what is usually accepted for pygmies and also exceeds what is considered pygmoid.
But the second author presents us, following what was cited, a Table with the individual measurements of the measured men and women, which we did not consider necessary to reproduce; there, for the two males who exceed the height of 1600 millimeters, we find that the great wingspan (maximum distance with arms open) is less than the height, or that they could be considered mestizos, although more of their other characteristics would need to be known. Specifically, the details are:
Number 8, height 1610 mm, wingspan 1590.
Number 17, height 1625 mm, wingspan 1550.
Here we clearly see the alteration that derives from the average measurements, contrary to the author's own interests. In the summary we saw before, the maximum in males is shown with a maximum height of 1625, maximum wingspan 1650, however, that maximum wingspan corresponds to an indigenous person with a height of 1550 mm.
With women, something similar partially occurs; of four women who exceed 1500 mm in height, we have the following: number 1, height 1515, wingspan 1540; number 2, height 1510, wingspan 1535; number 4, height 1505, wingspan 1500; number 5, height 1500, wingspan 1490, meaning that in the two tallest, the wingspan exceeds the height, but in the two following cases the opposite occurs.
There should be a better individual description of the six cited cases, to see if they are mestizos, but with respect to individuals of smaller stature, in all cases the wingspan exceeds it.
Neither of the two authors we are discussing makes the slightest reference to Birdsell and his monograph, nor compares to
Nothing to the individuals of Guayaquí race with others from the continent, but in the illustrations that the first presents to us and in those of other authors about the same indigenous group, the relationship with the Californian indigenous people that we have seen before is manifest, both in their racial characteristics and in the primitivism of their culture.
In summary, they are Amurians, Ainus, of a primitive Caucasoid race.
3. Other bearded individuals in South America: the Carpentarians
The Guayaquíes seem to be the primitive concentrated population that presents in almost all of its individuals the physical characteristics we are discussing, which are Caucasoid-Amurian, of the Ainu type, that is, very primitive forms of the white race, even Neanderthaloid, according to our interpretation. We would thus have two residual locations in America, where these same traits are abundantly present: Southern and Central California, and also the eastern interior of Paraguay.
In other parts of America - and especially in South America - the same human type with characteristics directly related to what we discussed appears relatively abundantly or exceptionally. These are individuals or small minorities that appear in populations whose human type or types are basically different and which can be direct survivors of ancient forms, or Mendelian, atavistic reconstructions that reappear through genetic recombination that was in a recessive state.
We say again, but that archaic Caucasoid human type is not the only primitive bearded type that appears in South America. Upon closer examination, in this path of discriminating South American indigenous types, another racial form appears that closely resembles one of the Australian types previously presented: the Carpentarian. Sometimes it would seem to be a mixed form with Carpentarian-Murrayian traits, but it is usually clearly defined. Its archaic Caucasoid traits are also undoubtedly present.
Archaic traits are undoubted, despite Birdsell telling us that the Carpentarians form a fourth basic human racial type, but he also says that they would be a derived and specialized form of the Caucasoid race. Let's remember here an important feature of Birdsell's classification, which separates Carpentarians from Murrayans: the former are very dark in color.
We already know the American Carpentarians, in Canals Frau's classification. They appear quite clearly in their Huarpid race, which this author postulates as being provided with abundant beard. This data, for the Argentine territory, is presented with abundant historical accounts specially referring to the province of Córdoba, in which the chroniclers of the conquest constantly allude that the local indigenous were bearded: "with beards like us" says more than one chronicler. Canals Frau adds: "The Huarpid type has, moreover, the merit of being one of the American racial types that have most pristinely preserved the Australoid characters of the most primitive immigrants." (Prehistory of America, pages 295-296).
The description that Canals Frau makes of his Huarpids does not align well with the Murrayana Australoid race, which we have been seeing. His comparison with the "Australians" is general, that is, he considers Australians as forming a single race, which, as we have seen, is manifestly incorrect. In reality, according to his description, the relationship is established directly with the Carpentarian type, in accordance with everything we can see, despite Birdsell having done his best to eliminate this human type from the native population of America. Indeed, Canals Frau assigns to his Huarpids the following characteristics: tall stature, leptosome complexion, long face, dolichoidism, high head, robust hairiness, and dark skin color. None of those characteristics, except for hairiness, are proper to the Murrayans and are instead typical of the Carpentarians. Those who would be more Murrayanans in Canals Frau's classification are his Californids, whom he considers proto-Mongoloid. It happens that his illustration 71 - where a Yuki Indian of that racial type is shown - clearly displays the Murrayana racial type.
Now, moreover, we find another quite distinctive characteristic, which Birdsell presents to us as proper to the Carpentarians and not the Murrayans. The latter have early baldness, 154
The carpenters do not have total baldness, although the forehead does sometimes recede quite a bit. In the individuals we are dealing with now, the same occurs: total baldness is absent, initiated in the "monk's tonsure".
The láguidos of Canals Frau and Imbelloni, according to their descriptions, do not have beards, but due to their high skull, great bizygomatic width, etc., they would have to be carpenters mixed with Mongoloids, with dominance of external Mongoloid features, which caused them to lose their beard. In general, they are quite short, but we do not want to continue discussing internal traits, so we suppress analyzing them in greater detail.
In the current population of Mendoza, descendants of the historical Huarpes frequently present the type described by Canals Frau. To demonstrate this, we present some illustrations.
Canals Frau also refers to various ceramics from the ancient culture of La Candelaria, from Salta and Northern Tucumán, which he considers typical of the disappeared Lules tribe, which show modeled individuals with abundant beards. Here we do not consider the case as proven, because we are evidently dealing with a people of high culture, with knowledge of developed agriculture, metallurgy, etc., in which these bearded men would have to be more likely of oceanic origin, which would be demonstrated by the constant presence of a large nose.
Canals Frau also places the uruchipayas of the Bolivian Altiplano in his Huarpid race, whom we personally know well (we are the discoverers of the only group of urus, about 500 people, that currently exists, although they have lost their language). We have not yet published anything about them. They do not present beard, but their individuals have both Carpentary and Murrayian traits, both dominated by external Mongoloid features.
As Huarpids, Canals Frau also presents the Sirionós from the Bolivian forests, about whom he tells us the following:
"... It is, above all, the region of the Río Grande, in Eastern Bolivia, where the Sirionós and Quruñguás live. Both peoples speak Guaraní language today; but there is no doubt that this is a recent acquisition, imposed in a certain way by their neighbors, the Chiriguanos. Sirionós and Quruñguás are peoples of great
HUARPID WOMAN FROM MENDOZA, according to Carlos Rusconi: Ethnography, 1961. Named Pascuala Nievas, from front and profile. She lived in the locality of Bal de la Vaca, Lagunas del Rosario; photographed in 1937. Her Carpentary traits are clear in her head height, great width of cheekbones, strong subnasal space and relatively narrow nose at its base, contrary to the Murayans, who have it very wide; also the chin is slightly protruding. The hair is evidently straight. She does not present any Mongolian traits; her eyes are slightly oblique and the canuncle is visible.
stature, dolichoid, hypsicranial, with a leptosomic complexion, with strong pilosity and dark skin tone. Until recently they could remain apart from white influences. But their time has also arrived, and they will soon succumb." (Prehistory of America, pages 297-298).
We personally know seven or eight Sirionós and have several works and abundant photographs of them. They are several groups, geographically separated. Those we know are from the Northern zone, already forested, of Cochabamba; four of them were small creatures, very light in color, manifestly mixed with Mongoloids; a Sirionó skull we obtained was neither Carpentarian nor Murrayian, but apparently Mongoloid. Of the adults we saw, none were tall, but of medium or slightly more height; they were also not dolichocephalic but meso or sub-brachycephalic.
Amuranian man, from Mendoza. According to Carlos Rusconi: Pre and Post-Hispanic Populations, etc., photos 101 and 102. The author tells us: "Claudio Brunas, 88 years old, Chilean and settled in Uspallata since 1888^('')1888^{\prime \prime} . Amuranian race men are much more easily distinguished when they are older, and here his features are clear in both photographs."
AMURANIAN TYPE WOMAN, FROM MENDOZA. According to Carlos Rusconi: Pre and Post-Hispanic Populations, etc., photo 129. The author tells us "Liberata Avila, Pehuenche mestiza, 69 years old and settled in Chilecito, San Carlos, Mendoza. Photo and exc. C. Rusconi. Oct. 17-19 of 1944". The features this woman presents are Amuranian, as seen by her wide nose and non-Mongolian eyes, although the straight hair shows an external Mongolian influence.
We saw an adult male who had been captured when small, that is, who had been "wild" according to local expression. He had medium height and very dark color and lacked a beard, simply because he shaved but, as was visible, it widely covered his cheeks. His type was leptosomatic, as he had quite long legs, that is, he would be Carpentarian.
At that time, we did not obtain photographs of said natives, but we have other published ones, of which we give their
Current Chaco indigenous person. Old indigenous man from the Chulupí tribe, from Puerto Moreno (Paraguayan Chaco). According to O. Paulotti and A. Dembo: Materials to Serve the Somatology of Chaco Indigenous Peoples, 1949. He presents strong Huarpid, or carpentary-like features, as seen in his high head, strong cheekbones, abundant beard, etc.
References in the illustrations. We clarify here that bearded individuals are only a minority among the Sirionós, forming known families distinguished by such a characteristic. In the photographs, their human type can be well seen: they are individuals with a good Australian aspect, with long legs, large head, manifestly wavy hair, and dark brown hair in the individuals we saw, even somewhat light in children; their hair on the beard and mustache is abundant, as can be appreciated. The musculature is manifestly strong, the nose wide at the bottom, with the nasion not very sunken. The head is high, without a doubt.
Regarding the culture of these peoples, they are forest gatherers, although some carry out small plantations, especially of tobacco. Their bows are enormous - up to two and a half meters long - and their arrows, like spears. This large size of the bows, which are cylindrical in section, does not signify development but primitivism; as described, the arrows are relatively slow, can be seen coming, and can be dodged. The Yuracarés, their neighbors, use flat and small bows; their arrows arrive like a bullet, unseen, due to their velocity.
SIRIONÓ INDIGENOUS PERSON FROM BOLIVIA. According to Stig Ryden: A Study of the Siriono Indians, fig. 4. His human type is clearly similar to the Guayaquies of Paraguay, as seen by the frontal entries and his abundant beard and mustache. His archaic Caucasoid physiognomy cannot be disputed.
SIRIONÓ WOMAN OF TYPE F-2. Primitive Mongoloid. Photo Wagner. This type appears with some frequency in the Sirionó tribe and seems to represent an older American race, pygmoid. Other women in this tribe correspond well with their common men.
There are several other South American indigenous groups in which similar characteristics to those treated, both Murrayian and Carpentarian, are present, but in what we know so far, they are only minorities among sets, where the external Mongoloid influence has made the external characteristic of the beard disappear; however, the aspect of their face undoubtedly shows them as primitive Caucasoids, from both of the mentioned races.
Throughout the Andean zone, the same occurs, that is, the appearance of that type of individuals, who sometimes become quite numerous, but since there - due to four centuries of mixing with European whites, it can be postulated that they have a mixture with them - we prefer to lightly treat the regions where there is a greater possibility that they have preserved their racial characteristics.
In the first place, we will refer to the Southern zone of Brazil, where the Kaingang linguistic family is located, which was previously considered united with the Gê family of the Brazilian highlands, but which more recently has been completely separated, justifiably. Both Imbelloni and Canals Frau consider the indigenous people who speak these Kaingang languages as belonging to their láguid race, but according to the illustrations of individuals from these tribes, which we know from photographs, it does not seem to correspond.
AMERICAN AUSTRALOID TYPE. Man from the Sirionó tribe of the forests of Bolivia, whose Australoid aspect is manifest, while also presenting abundant beard and mustache. Photo by Gerstmann and Wegener.
In part, they are rather short individuals, with short legs, somewhat wavy hair, short face, wide nose, straight eyes without Mongol fold and with a marginal European-type fold, somewhat retreating chin, abundant mustache and beard, which completely covers the cheeks. The head seems to be rather low. In other words, their racial type is Amurian, like that of the Guayakí.
It is possible that the racial type of these indigenous people presents, in more than one of their numerous tribes, a racial predominance of this human form - as occurs among the Guayakí - but we lack sufficient material to better examine the problem. In any case, it is evident that the Amurian type of the Guayakí is much more widespread in the area than it first appears.
In other numerous groups of the Amazon, the Guianas, and the Orinoco, similar cases are found, both of types amu-
ARCHAIC CAUCASOID IN AMERICA. Indigenous person of the Painguá tribe, of the Kaingang linguistic group, named Raimundo Rosa, in Southern Brazil. Front and profile. No possible trace of being considered Mongoloid appears in him, as can be seen by the abundance of beard and mustache, nose shape, etc. The eyes, straight, have precisely the opposite fold to the so-called "Mongolian", as it is external and does not cover at all the inner side of the eye, where the canthus is clearly visible. According to Manuel Pereira de Godói, The extinct Painguá of the Emas waterfall (State of São Paulo - Brazil). Córdoba, 1946.
Amureans as well as Carpentarians, as we have seen in photographs, but we equally lack materials to extend our study.
We will now refer to a special group of indigenous people, from Southern Venezuela, and neighboring Brazil: the Guaicas or Waikas, a tribe of primitive culture, comparable to the Sirionó and Guayakí, that is, forest gatherers equipped with the large bows and arrows previously mentioned. These indigenous people have been extensively studied recently by various scientific expeditions, but most of those works have not reached our hands. Yes, however, we have abundant photographs, although we lack good descriptions of their physical characteristics.
The Guaicas are also called Guajaribo, Shirianá, etc. In a small work about them, signed by Otto Zerries: The Guaika Indians and their Cultural Situation, the author - Head of the Frobenius Expedition to the Upper Orinoco - gives us a preliminary report on the culture of this people, makes comparisons with other primitive South American groups and includes valuable photographs. He reports that the Guaicas visited by the expedition cultivate plantains and tubers and pijiguao palms, which would be their oldest crop, but that at their base, they are collectors. They practice endocannibalism, like several other primitive peoples in the South American jungle region. It consists of burning and grinding the bones of their dead, and drinking them with chicha. Curiously, the same custom appears in Japan, where the bones of heroes killed in war are handled the same way: they are consumed in the same manner by the geishas. They chew tobacco, do not smoke it, placing a rolled leaf on the front of their lower lip, against the teeth.
The physical details provided by Otto Zerries, our friend, are scarce and are limited to the following:
"Another ancient custom of the Guaika is the tonsure that was previously widely spread in South America. In contrast to the general practice of hair removal observed among more civilized South American tribes, the Guaika do not depilate.
I consider it fundamentally important to report that the physical type of the Guaika approaches, in part of its population, that of the most primitive peoples of the Old World, such as the pygmies of AFRICA and the Veda of Ceylon, among others. I must add that
the average height of men slightly exceeds 150 centimeters -one and a half meters-, the limit below which peoples are classified as pygmies; and the average height of women slightly exceeds 140 centimeters. Nevertheless, the Guaika do not present a marked uniformity in their physical appearance across their entire population, as a diversity of types has been observed, which could correspond to the complexity of their culture, which we have just described. (Zerries, O., Op. cit., p. 19).
The description is too brief to obtain valid conclusions, but the described height coincides with that of the Guayaquí of Paraguay. In the illustrations we possess, bearded men do not appear; however, the author clearly informs us that they do not depilate themselves.
In another small monograph, signed by Hans Becher and
GROUP OF GUAICA INDIANS, IN FRONT OF A HUT. From a German publication whose file we have lost. The head tonsure is clearly highlighted in all individuals, in a shape that mimics an ancient lost baldness, due to the Mongolian mixture.
MAN AND WOMAN OF THE GUAICA TRIBE, according to Otto Zerries, plate III. The author tells us: "The photo shows on the right an old Guaika, of a coarse primitive type, and on the left a Guaika indian who shows finer mongoloid features. (Photo "Frobex Ven"). It is the same that we say in the text. The men have similar Amurian features to those of the Guayaquí, while the women show mongoloid features, finer but also primitive.
Titled A Research Journey through the Demini and Araca Rivers (Brazil), these are two small related tribes, from a region located further West than the previous ones, the Pakidai and the Surara. These tribes pay food tributes to a stronger Shiriana tribe (Xiriána writes the author) and evidently better organized. They have the same customs as the Guaica.
The author dedicates himself especially to giving us a cultural description of what he saw and even took banana soup mixed with ground bones of the deceased, for which he was considered as belonging to the Surara people. It is a good example of how a good ethnographic researcher should act, to open the doors of the people he wishes to study.
We said that it provides an ethnographic description, not a physical one, of these peoples, but gives a few physical reports, extremely valuable, as we will see right away:
The Surára and Pakidái are of small stature: men, of 1,501,601,501,60 meters; women, of 1,40-1,501,40-1,50 meters, but well-proportioned, and distinguished by a relatively light skin color.
The language and culture of both tribes are the same." (Ob. cit, p. 154).
"Short hair is typical for both sexes, along with a tonsure, which even the smallest children are provided with. All women and older girls wear a dotted tattoo that goes above the upper lip and down both sides of the mouth; this tattoo is done on young girls during their first menstruation. Men and women have pierced ear lobes; both sexes also have a perforation in the central part below the lower lip, and women, additionally, on both sides of the mouth." (Ibid., p. 155).
Valuable data, we said. The height is the same as previously discussed, but the most important report is that of a relatively light skin color, which would correspond to the Guayakí.
The tonsure - which was also mentioned for the Guaicases - is important, because for us, and according to the illustrations we have, it completely imitates a disappeared form of baldness, which would have the prestige of being typical of the elderly. The tattoo shown by the women immediately reminds us of the custom of Ainu women, who tattoo a mustache and beard to imitate their hairy husbands. The perforation used by women, on both sides of the mouth, corresponds to one of the oldest oceanic influences in America, as it appears among the Olmecs of Mexico and, in South America, reaches as far as the Condorhuasi culture in northwestern Argentina.
We present photographs of individuals from this people. In them, the men have a rough Caucasoid appearance, with slanted eyes but without any Mongol fold, the noses are very wide at the bottom and clearly trilobulated, like those of the Guayakí, the hair seems straight but fine; the existence of strong supraorbital features is even highly marked in the photograph of a young woman. The photos of several women, which we have, show a more Mongoloid physiognomy, of a very primitive Mongoloid type, as appears in some regions of the interior of Indochina; the eyes are very slanted but the Mongol fold is so weak that it does not cover the caruncle.
Otto Zerries informs us that, among the Guaicas, a diversity of physical types has been found, but we do not possess sufficient material to properly study the topic. However, as
YOUNG WOMAN FROM THE SURARA TRIBE, according to Hans Becher, fig. 1. The Surara belong to the Shiriana group. The type of woman represented here is manifestly a primitive Mongoloid, although she presents strong Amurian features, as seen in the wide distance between the eyes, which do not have a Mongolian fold yy in the notable prominence of the supraorbital arches, which even form a continuous whole over the forehead base. The noses are trilobed. See the tattooed dots that represent a mustache, as in Ainu women.
American indigenous people, with predominant Amurian features. Katio tribe, from the Chocó linguistic group, of Colombia, neighboring Panama. According to Leonel Estrada, New contribution to the odontological study of Katio Indians, 1960. A slight Mongolian mixture has made them lose their beard and mustache, but their facial features are Amurian. In both men and the woman (who seems more Mongolian), a deeply recessed chin is notable. The men's hair, as can be observed, is slightly wavy and their nasion is very sunken.
Based on our interpretation, it seems quite evident that the racial group appearing in the various Shiriana tribes (this being the most used linguistic name for this human group) presents an undoubted mixture of, at least, two basic elements: an Amurian, Aino-like human type - clearly detectable in most photographs of male individuals - and a very primitive Mongoloid form, mostly represented in illustrations of women. In this mixture, which produced a very marked sexual dimorphism, the Mongoloid element would have made beard and general body hair disappear in men.
The problem now lies in knowing the origin of this primitive Mongoloid element. We first consider that it could have much to do with some primitive Pygmoid form, not yet discriminated, with primitive Mongoloid features. Until now, Pygmoid traits have always been sought to be identified as exclusively related to Negroid forms, but at the moment we do not have sufficient materials to delve deeper into the problem.
4. Ainu women and American Indian women
The reference to sexual dimorphism that occurs among the Shiriana indigenous people places us before a very important racial problem that, as far as we know, has never been addressed. This problem has its resonances throughout the world, not only in indigenous America, and it is, to put it in very simple words, that in some populations women present a different racial physical aspect from that presented by men.
This occurs in Europe itself, where, to begin with, we have the so-called Dinaric or Adriatic race, of tall stature and brachycephalic head; then the Alpine race, of low stature and equally brachycephalic head; both with dark hair and dark skin. They are too well-known for us to discuss their other details.
With women of the Dinaric race, the following usually occurs: in some places they have the tall stature and corresponding traits of their males; in others, the women show a
low stature, short legs and other characteristics, clearly corresponding to the Alpine race. It is a notable sexual dimorphism that has been interpreted as dynamic conquerors exterminating men from Alpine populations, but keeping their women and having offspring with them. As a result of that mixture and, due to unknown inheritance facts, such sexual differentiation occurred.
Something similar appears in Nordic race populations, where women with a clearly Mediterranean physical structure in their bone structure and features are somewhat frequent, while their external appearance is usually Nordic; we knew a young Lithuanian woman who was a prototype of this. Some Mediterranean colonizing population must have arrived in the prehistory of the beginning of the Bronze Age in Nordic regions - later dominated by Nordics - and there a similar sexual differentiation occurred.
In America, the same occurs in various regions. Imbelloni especially highlights that among the Pampids, men and women have great physical similarity, whereas among their North American Planids, sexual dimorphism is very strong and women generally present a much more fragile physical appearance than men. He explains the case with an interpretation similar to that expressed for the Dinarics and their Alpine-type women: a previous population was exterminated and their women, of more fragile structure, were integrated into their people by the great Planid hunters.
We believe the same must have occurred on many other occasions, even though we know nothing about the inheritance mechanism that has intervened in the functioning of this sexual differentiation.
It happens now that this has intervened in the formation of American indigenous populations to a much greater degree than could be supposed at first glance; this, when one realizes it, has great importance in understanding the origin of indigenous races. We remember another similar fact: Captain Cook, in his voyages through Polynesia, expresses more than once that Polynesian men were, visibly, much finer and more physically pleasant than their women, who were often coarse. We recall the illustrations and agree with him. In Polynesia there
is a sexual differentiation similar to the one mentioned regarding the Dinaric people: there are women with fine features, corresponding to those of the dominant men, and others who are extremely coarse.
We return to South America. In the many thousands of indigenous people we have seen and known in our studies and travels, we have seen indigenous women of all kinds; some, indeed, true beauties, but that has not been the most frequent. In most cases - as happened to Captain Cook - we found that women, in their physical features, were manifestly inferior to men; simply, they were very rough and only truly pleasant in their youthful stage. Reaching around thirty years old, they would become unpleasant old women. This occurs not only in current primitive populations, but also - and perhaps more especially - in native populations culturally assimilated for a long time, that is, who no longer speak their original languages but Spanish. What is sometimes called in the Argentine interior "pure criolla", an older woman, represents that human type; the same occurs among the indigenous people we know from Bolivia, whether they are Quechua or Aymara. Naturally, Mongoloid elements are also abundant among them, but we repeat that the number of women presenting (internal) physical traits of Amurian type is much greater than that of men, and this has not yet been studied.
We know of a work by George Montandón, a now-deceased French anthropologist, who especially studied the Ainu of Northern Japan and published an extensive work about them in L'Anthropologie (1927), titled Ainou, Japonais, Bouriates. There, at the end, there are 48 plates or sheets with photographs of individuals from that people, men and women; the men present the types already known and discussed by Birdsell, whose illustrations we reproduce.
To compare with America, we reproduce a part of those illustrations, since we cannot do so with all of them; they are facing forward and in profile and can be seen clearly. The general appearance is the one presented to the imagination and common knowledge, as the most typical of indigenous women, and more than one can be directly compared with the physiognomy of the Guayakí woman in Luigi Miraglia's photograph. On the other hand, if for example we
INDIGENOUS ELDER FROM NORTHERN MEXICO, from the Mayo tribe, San Ignacio, Sonora. Her face is clearly carpentered, as can be seen by her very high head and prominent cheekbones, etc., while there is nothing Mongolian in her eyes. Social Research Institute, Ethnography of Mexico, p. 156. Work directed by Dr. L. Mendieta y Núñez.
Looking at the women in the Shiriana illustrations - of Mongoloid appearance - by Hans Becher and Otto Zerries, we must recognize that they do not show us the common image we can form about what indigenous women are.
Montandón's figures 133 and 134, which show a seventy-year-old Ainu woman from the front and in profile, remind us not only of more than one indigenous elder we have known, but also of the well-known illustrations of the last Tasmanian woman - of Murraian race for Birdsell - called Lalla Rock. In her, the receding chin is notable, a topic we have not discussed until now, but which constitutes a characteristic that must be added to the typical traits of American Neanderthal-Amurians.
The absence of the chin or its very receding shape appears very often among indigenous people, without, to our knowledge, this having drawn attention so far. Naturally, among American Amurian individuals, a well-developed chin appears abundantly, due to later Mongolian mixtures, but here we must also clarify that, among those we consider primitive Mongoloids, this receding chin shape is frequent, both in primitive Mongoloid Americans and Asians. Moreover, it is a well-known Neanderthal trait.
Of course, among indigenous women there are others who are highly developed, of various human types, whose beauty can satisfy even the most demanding individuals; this occurs both in some current more or less primitive peoples and among descendants of high cultures. In this regard, it must also be clarified that, naturally, they were the preferred ones by the conquistadors, so there was a rapid absorption. This happened thus, when events like that of Puno did not occur, where the Spanish conquistador chief ordered all beautiful indigenous women to be hanged, to prevent fights among his soldiers. We do not consider it necessary to comment further, as the event speaks for itself.
Briefly returning to the illustrations of Ainu women that we present, it is manifest that among them some are quite satisfactory. We say this sincerely, as we do not wish to denigrate them, but what matters to us is their general and undeniable similarity to indigenous American women and the fact, which we consider indisputable, that they seem much more typically indigenous American than those with dominant Mongoloid features. We refer to the proof of the illustrations and leave individual comments for their text.
It is evident that the Amurian population in America was much more widespread than the two small remains in Southern California and Eastern Paraguay demonstrate. Its culture of origin remains to be established. For us, it would have to be a primitive Mousterian from the early Middle Paleolithic; the entry via Bering would have had to be carried out in the period immediately prior to the last glacial period, which leads us to a date between 50,000
AINO WOMEN, According to G. Montandón, in Aïnou, Japonais, Bouriates, figs. 90,91,12590,91,125 and 133. Women aged 35, 45, 65, and 70 years old, respectively. All these types of women are found among American indigenous peoples, as is easy to see. The second of them has some Mongolian blood, and her type is more common among Patagonians. The last one has an extraordinarily sunken chin. The features of this type or human types, by predominating among indigenous American women, clearly show the very abundant existence of this substrate in America. Never would a group of Japanese or Chinese women present such an appearance of indigenous Americans.
and 70,000 years, a period in which the Mongoloid race would naturally not have been developed, even more so if we accept (which personally we do not) Birdsell's interpretation that the Mongoloid origin occurs during the last glacial advance and through the geographical isolation of an Amurian group in Siberia.
For us, the first origin of the Mongoloids would have to be much older; the proposed origin in the Amurians does not convince us. But the problem is more complex than it seems at first glance, because the first thing we would have to ask ourselves is, what is a Mongoloid? We confess not to know. We recognize the existence of a series of "Mongoloid" physical traits, starting with cylindrical, thick, and straight hair, but this trait is very frequent in individuals whose other facial features have nothing of what is recognized as typical of the Mongoloid race. And so it happens with the other traits.
The so-called "Mongolian fold", which is so arbitrarily confused with slanted eyes, simply does not exist in perhaps half of the considered Asian Mongoloids. It appears predominantly in Siberia, North and Central China, Korea, Japan, etc., but in South China, it is already scarce (South China is populated by peoples of non-Chinese origin, but sinicized by the Chinese conquest, which occurred a few centuries before Christ) and almost disappears in Indochina and Indonesia. In America, it is relatively scarce, a true minority; but there exist another type of folds that have given rise to the supposition of the existence of an "Indianid fold", not well clarified as to what it consists of and which, naturally, is also a minority.
By contrast, there exists another type of fold -very rarely cited by anthropologists- which consists of the sometimes called malomarginalis fold. It extends from the external upper part of the eye, at least to its middle part and sometimes near the nose, without naturally affecting the caruncle. This fold is common throughout Europe, in older individuals (we personally have it, quite strongly), but is very scarce in regions towards the Mediterranean. Instead, it is abundant in Siberia and common in many American regions. Many older blacks also present it. Perhaps because of this it has been little
and 70,000 years, an epoch in which, naturally, the Mongoloid race would not have been developed, even much more if we accept (something which, personally, we do not do) Birdsell's interpretation about the Mongoloid origin occurring during the last glacial advance and through a geographical isolation, in Siberia, of an Amurian group.
For us, the first origin of Mongoloids would have to be much older; the origin postulated in the Amurians does not convince us. But the problem is more complex than it seems at first glance, for here the first thing we would have to ask ourselves is what is a Mongoloid? We confess not knowing. We recognize the existence of a series of physical "Mongoloid" traits, beginning with cylindrical, thick, and straight hair, but that trait is presented very frequently in individuals whose other facial traits have nothing of what is recognized as proper to the Mongoloid race. And so it happens with the other traits.
The so-called "Mongolian fold", which is often arbitrarily confused with slanted eyes, simply does not exist in perhaps half of those considered Asian mongoloids. It appears predominantly in Siberia, North and Central China, Korea, Japan, etc., but in Southern China it is already scarce (Southern China is populated by peoples of non-Chinese origin, yet Sinicized by the Chinese conquest, which occurred a few centuries before Christ) and almost disappears in Indochina and Indonesia. In America, it is relatively scarce, a true minority; but there are other types of folds that have given rise to the supposition of the existence of an "Indianid fold", not well clarified in what it consists of and which, naturally, is also a minority.
By contrast, there is another type of fold - very rarely cited by anthropologists - which consists of the sometimes called malomarginalis fold. It extends from the upper external part of the eye, at least to its middle part and sometimes near the nose, without affecting the caruncle, naturally. This fold is common throughout Europe, in elderly individuals (personally we have it, quite strongly), but is very scarce in regions towards the Mediterranean. In contrast, it is abundant in Siberia and common in many American regions. Many elderly blacks also present it. Perhaps because of this, it has been little
studied, as it was not considered a characteristic of any race, but is sometimes cunningly confused with the "Mongolian fold", which is internal (next to the nose) and covers the caruncle.
This is the case with other traits considered Mongolian, of which none is truly representative of what we consider a supposed race. For us, what is considered "Mongolian" is a set of traits that, not too frequently, are presented together, both in America and in Asia.
One of those traits, undoubtedly important, is the absence of beard, mustache, and general scarcity of body hair, but this trait is also present - and in the same form - among those considered black. This trait has the important characteristic of being dominant in inheritance, especially when accumulated over several generations yy , and for the same reason, it has been dominant in pre-Columbian America, but it is an isolated trait that does not affect other physical traits, especially the internal ones, that is, particularly the bone traits.
Without doubt, this trait affects women little, at least in their most visible traits abundant in American women of the Amurian racial type and in other Caucasoid women, even Carpentarian, as seen in some Australian women of that race.
The first of those Mongoloid traits that entered - naturally through Bering - was in a fairly later period to the arrival of the Amurians; personally, we suppose it arrived with human types of large size, such as the planids and pampids. Regarding their physical appearance, let's recall that Menghin points out that it is a "Paleoeuropoid model", indeed genetically related to the Miolithic man of Western Europe. It arrived in America very probably without, or only with a minimal Mongolian mixture, since at the time of its transfer to America, the yellow people would not have existed in Siberia." (Menghin, pp. 118-119).
By "Miolithic man", Menghin refers to the Cro-Magnon race, classically "white" according to all authors, but regarding which all physiognomic reconstructions we know show a kind of reddish skin, without
beard, more than a bearded Caucasoid, as would correspond with good logic.
These large American indigenous people with strong physical build seem to us to be the first who most characteristically introduced into America the Mongoloid trait of cylindrical, black, thick, and straight hair; this is observed in the Plánids, Sonórids, and Pámpids (just as in the more primitive Pueblo-Andids and Isthmids, but we will have to treat these separately). Along with this Mongolian trait appears the other one just mentioned, the disappearance of beard and strong body hair; this is what gives a first impression that these indigenous people are "yellow", but the physical features of their face generally belie that first impression. These features are of more developed Caucasoids than those presented by the Amurians; especially their physiognomy is more spread out to the sides, that is, a more lateral and not frontal physiognomy, as considered typical of Mongoloids.
The era in which the first migration of these large individuals to America occurred is not clarified; generally it is considered as taking place during the last retreat of the last glacial advance, that is, roughly, about 12,000 years before the Era. For us, it is much older and proper to the beginning of the second advance of that last glacial period, that is, in numbers, double or a little more than the expressed figure. Their culture would be a developed Mousterian; they were already provided with the first stone-pointed spears, worked by percussion and in the shape of a laurel leaf, but not yet thrown, with the form that was subsequently obtained through the use of the stolithic, propulsor or atlatl, to say it with its Aztec name.
Moreover, it happens that this population is partly confused with another much later racial type, which possibly was the last to pass through the Bering Strait, before the Eskimos. We refer to Hrdliçka's Athabascans, which von Eicksted so badly confused with the Columbids, a confusion repeated by Imbelloni and Canals Frau. They distinguish themselves, in their languages, by their way of counting, whose derivations reach as far as Patagonia, according to our personal study.
There are also another or other racial forms that are
spread among Imbelloni's pueblo-andid and isthmid peoples, which similarly presents this type of hair, while also seeming to have more mongoloid traits; but we do not distinguish them well. Everything that various authors have said about them is nothing more than the result of average terms that encompass very distinct forms, for which we can barely say that they are quite dark in color, with a straight nose, sub-brachycephalic head, a flatter face than the Pampa peoples, and a height of just over 1.60 meters. Their human type does not surpass that of the most primitive Pampa peoples.
The two groups of peoples that we have just cited are those that have given a "mongoloid" physiognomy to the set of American indigenous peoples, but we repeat that, especially in the first case, it is only an external detail or a set of external details, which do not affect the basic structure of these individuals, which is not truly mongoloid.
In America, there are other peoples who are more clearly Mongoloid or considered as such. An interesting group of them is found among the Bororós of Matto Grosso and the indigenous people of the Gê linguistic group in Brazil. The latter are considered láguidos by Imbelloni and Canals Frau, but as soon as a few photographs of these indigenous groups are known, it is demonstrated that this is an error.
Among the Bororós, numerous individuals of the Pámpida race appear; Imbelloni consequently included them in this race, but there is another very distinct group that, this time, we can consider as more clearly Mongolian. This other human type appears with greater evidence among their women, although also among men. It is very important that we do not know this human type in Siberia, while it does appear in various regions of Indonesia. Possibly, then, these are the first oceanic interpacific migrations.
Chapter V
Biology and Heredity in Indigenous America
1. Our Biotypological Classification of Human Races
We are speaking here of a classification that we will not use in the present study, but about which we have made several publications. The main reason why we must cite it is that we do not want any critic to suppose that we have abandoned it. Quite the contrary, it is now much more developed than it appears in our publications—which date from several years ago—but we soon hope to expand what we have written about it before.
We also have another, extremely important reason for not using it in this work. It is that, as much as possible, we wish to remain within the interpretive line of the author Birdsell, whom we have cited so much, and this despite a fundamental and insurmountable difference in the form of study we are conducting: Birdsell deals with—or according to him, starts from—population genetics, we start from individual genetics. However, when Birdsell treats the Cahuilla and Pomo, in terms of their Amurian traits—as we have seen—he does so with respect to individuals.
Our classification—which is not originally ours but that of the Argentine writer and poet Carlos Albert, only that we have applied it more especially to racial anthropology—is extensively published in the work signed by both authors, The Bases of a New Science and in summaries, in our works Indigenous Argentina and American Prehistory and Introduction to American Studies, as well as numerous separate articles.
The classification is not properly racial but biotipological, or in other words, more medical than anthropological, as are
the known biotipological classifications by authors N. Pende, Krestmer, MacAulife, Sheldon and others. For us, this differentiation of classifications lacks meaning, since the differentiation in anthropological and medical classifications only occurs in the classification of human beings. In effect, upon studying the subject more deeply, we inevitably encounter the undeniable fact that, in animals, biotype and race are the same thing. Then, the same must occur in human beings.
There is another extremely important trait, present in almost all biotipological classifications that classify human constitutions and not races, more especially present and clear in Sheldon's classification. It concerns the fact that the existence of mixed or hybrid individuals is not accepted. Every human type is pure in its constitution, and this is directly heritable, according to Mendel's Laws. Such an interpretation is possible by the fact that, when classifying constitutions, external characteristics of skin color, hair, and eyes are automatically excluded, traits so intensely used by anthropologists, as we have been seeing.
The fact of declaring and accepting that biotype and race are the same thing is something completely new regarding the classification of human beings, which will undoubtedly surprise more than one reader with knowledge on the subject. However, we repeat that, in animals, biotype and race are the same thing. The reason for this is that we have been able to study animals (even plants, that is, living beings in general) in a better way than humans, without the weight of a classificatory tradition that has hindered seeing things more clearly. It also becomes—or will become clear in the following exposition—that we must classify human beings in the same way we use for animals.
In other words, and to better explain the case, we classify horses by their constitution, not by their color. If someone were to classify horses by their color instead of by their constitution, that is, forming white, black, red, etc., horse races, all of us (with even a little knowledge about horses) would automatically know that such an individual knew nothing about horses, because a racehorse is a racehorse, regardless of its color.
Personally, when we were young, we had the experience
following. At our parents' house, there was a large chicken coop with Orpington chickens of three colors: white, leonine, and red (or white, yellow, and red. Later we learned that there were also black Orpingtons, but at the time we did not know them). Apart from that, we knew the white Leghorn chickens, naturally of a very different constitutional form compared to the Orpingtons, as they were small and very active, in contrast to the large and sedentary forms of the Orpingtons. In other words, they are commonly known as meat chickens (the large ones) and egg chickens (the small ones).
Years later, when we began reading about physical anthropology, we found the common description of human races by their colors, white, yellow, black, etc., and subsequently realized that if we applied that classification to human beings to chickens, we would have to separate Orpington chickens into four distinct races and also group white Orpington chickens with white Leghorn chickens. The absurdity of such a result was evident, but this is the absurdity that is done with the classification of human beings. We can give a clear example of the case. No one would think of classifying Don Quixote and Sancho Panza within the same human type, but if we think about the race to which those characters belonged, we tell ourselves: Both belong to the white race, and we remain calm and secure of having obtained a total truth, in what we can now manifestly see is an evident falsehood. If there is no white race in horses and chickens, neither can it exist in human beings.
We will enter directly into the matter, but we will be very brief. We will expose only the basic points of that classification, which may be important to have an idea of it. In the new classification, human beings are distributed into two basic groups, which would also be those of all living species (animals and plants). They are called Branch F and Branch H. The most extensive demonstration of their real existence is found in the cited works. As a first example, we will begin by saying that racehorses and Leghorn chickens belong to Branch F; the other horses and Orpington chickens belong to Branch H. In other words, it is an agile, light, and nervous form,
opposed to another that is thicker, heavier in its movements, and calmer.
In humans, branch F is represented by true Mediterranean types, Indonesians, Japanese, Watusis, and Bushmen of Africa, all of whom present slender and graceful human forms, despite the great height of the Watusis. Nordics, Murrayans, Carpenters, Patagonians, Armenoids, etc., represent Branch H. Based on what we have presented in this work, all cited American races correspond to type H (apart from the very occasional presence of some F element among them), except for the Mongoloid types found among the Bororo and Gê, as well as in the women of the Shirihana and Sirionó. It is important to note that the Indonesians described by Imbelloni and Canals Frau are H, while we consider what they describe to be proto-Indonesians and that the true Indonesians are F types.
It is very important to note the difference that can be observed at first glance in the bones. The bones of human FF are always thinner, with a fine and lustrous surface like porcelain; the bones of H individuals are thicker, proportionally in the long bones, and up to twice as thick in the skull bones, while their surface is rather rough, smooth at most and not fine and lustrous. When cut, in the same place in the skull bones - especially in the thinnest parts - F bones show an interior that is spongy only in its middle part, while on their sides they have a wide diploe or compact mass; in contrast, the bones of H individuals are spongy up to their very edge and rarely have a weak diploe. We repeat that it is possible to differentiate bones at first glance, especially those of the skull, where the difference can even be noticed in a small piece.
When we discovered the expressed difference in the bones of our two human types, after some time we realized that there must be another fundamental difference, or better yet, that it should be due to a difference existing in their constituent element, that is, in their cells. As a consequence of that idea, we managed to perform four cell examinations in Cochabamba,
Bolivia, with the collaboration of Dr. Ana Kruger, biologist, and the results of those experiences were extraordinary. Personally, we had supposed a difference in shape, but it turned out to be a difference in size: the bone cells of type F had an average length of 21 microns, those of type H, 40 microns.
Unfortunately, the experiment could not continue due to a complete lack of economic means and was only carried out with a sample of two human skulls (from pre-Columbian indigenous people), taking a small sample from the same location in each. The same was done with two roosters obtained from the market and belonging to the two mentioned branches. In both cases, humans and roosters, the same difference appeared.
The aforementioned experience needs to be expanded to hundreds, and its importance does not need to be emphasized, not only in physical and biological anthropology but especially in medicine. If the expressed difference extends to all cells of the human body, as we believe, it means that work on transplants is being done in the same way as blood transfusions before even knowing the four elementary groups of 0,A,B0, A, B and AB.
Returning to our topic. When classifying animals by their constitution, not by their color, we distinguish their degrees of development, that is, we distinguish in horses, as an example (which occurs with all animals and even plants) what their primitive forms are, considered as "inferior" and what their more developed forms are. The same applies to human beings.
As a result, human beings have been classified on an evolutionary scale, numbered from one to eight, where the highest number means the greatest development. This occurs both in individuals from Branch F and Branch H. We add - although this is not easy to understand at first, for which we refer the reader, for a better explanation, to our work The Bases of a New Science - that number 1s are not the lowest on the scale, but rather number 2s are. Number 1s have - it is not easy to explain - their own evolutionary scale and are distributed as being equivalent, in their development, to common numbers, especially 3, 5, and 7, that is, odd numbers. We cannot explain this more extensively here.
We continue with the description of numbers. In each of the forms, F and H, various degrees of development are found, which refer both to the biological form or constitution of the treated individuals, as well as to their forms of feelings and intelligence. In other words, physical traits are intimately and absolutely related to mental traits and feelings. The greater the physical development, the greater the development of feelings and intelligence. All of this is especially denied in anthropological classifications, and we agree completely if it refers to relating feelings and intelligence to color traits, but if related to constitution, the matter is different. Regarding physical appearance and feelings and intelligence, no one would think of attributing Sancho Panza's feelings to Don Quixote and vice versa, so it becomes evident that constitution is related to the spiritual part of individuals.
The first form of this classification made by Carlos Albert was realized on the female sex of the human species (the letters F and H respectively mean: F, woman or feminine, light and agile form, and HH , female woman, or heavy and slower type form. We, in expanding the classification, reduce these names to their initial letters). Form FF , in the developed theory, means the ascending and mutable force that drives evolution forward in its progressive march, and whose development steps are fixed or made permanent by its assimilation by Branch H, which is the conservative and stable part of the species.
We expanded the first classification to apply it to all living beings, animals and plants. Hence the need to reduce the original names to their initial letters.
Regarding mental traits, to give an easy example, Branch F is what is generally supposed to be the female character and psychology, while H traits are supposedly masculine. Another example: mental traits are those supposed to be Latin, in opposition to Germanic traits, which are typically H. Moreover, in Latin peoples, the F elements are around half or more, while the Germanic peoples present the H element in a proportion that exceeds ninety percent.
The classification is based on the sexual traits of individuals and their evolution, given by those sexual traits. The lower numbers on this scale correspond to the most primitive human forms, originating in the Middle Paleolithic, thus continuing in evolution. What has been said about the forms proper to the Middle Paleolithic does not mean they are disappeared forms, since they are still abundant today, although their traits are softened by continuous mixing with more recent forms.
Each type has its own physical and psychological characteristics, in every sense, in its constitutional biotypes. Color has no importance in the classification. The types are hereditary, according to Mendel's Laws, and unalterable in the life of individuals, just as blood groups are. Sexual traits give the degrees of biological evolution and, through their development - in quality, not quantity - provide greater development to individuals. The key to development lies in how life develops according to age: the possibility of advancement in indefinite stages, that is, in periods called childhood and adolescence, which are not merely a matter of years, since in a good part of people there is no proper childhood and, in the majority, there is almost no adolescence.
In other words, in the most primitive human beings (the same in any living species), individuals reach old age early (often around 30 years); in average beings, they quickly reach a state of maturity that lasts a long time; in more developed beings, an extension of adolescence occurs, which properly suppresses maturity and old age and forms a kind of prolongation of adolescence. Human evolution, thus, appears as a prolongation and greater development of the first stages of life, pre-maturity, where the creative capacity of adolescence dominates, with all its possibilities of sublimation.
Type F individuals, when considered as a whole and mainly on their average types, have a finer and more graceful bone structure than type H. On the face, the features are more angular; the forehead is bulging and wide; the eyes are large and oblique, normally without folds; the typical nose has straight and upturned forms, especially; the jaw is reduced in width towards the back, resulting in prominent, though small, cheekbones.
Human individuals of type H are larger and thicker, with thick and heavy bones; on the face, the features are more rounded and large; the forehead is rather flat; the eyes are normally horizontal, with several external folds; the nose is straight or aquiline; the jaw is larger and thicker; strong superciliary arches frequently appear. In older individuals, the elderly, type F tends to dry out; type H tends, in turn, to a fatty, flabby degeneration, etc., unless they are hyperthyroid.
Each of the features can appear in the opposite type, but the rule is that one or a few of them appear within a set of contrary features. The base does not mix, that is, there are no true mestizos, individuals who are both F and H. Every individual is pure in their constitutional base. The same is told to us in Sheldon's biotypological classification.
In psychic traits, inextricably linked to the previous ones in this classification, individuals FF have greater mental agility, faster thinking; at the same time, their way of thinking is less organized. This is a difference similar to the one generally attributed to the typical difference in thinking between sexes, or between Latin and Germanic thinking, as we have already mentioned. H individuals work in a more organized and consistent manner, compensating for the speed of action, which is more typical of F individuals.
Regarding the innate mental expressions of both types, we can clearly see them expressed in their artistic forms, especially in the drawings each of them can make. By looking at any drawing, one can see the human type that created it. For example, in the prehistoric drawings of Spain, we can clearly see the H type in the Altamira paintings, while the F type appears in an unmistakable form in the drawings of Southwest Spain, in the Levantine art.
The same - and perhaps to an even greater degree - occurs with comic drawings and caricatures. As an example, F individuals tend to exaggerate the size of the forehead and reduce the face, while H individuals tend to suppress the forehead and increase the size of the face.
In current Western Culture, it is considered that the male human form corresponds purely and exclusively to H forms, and the female form to F forms. The representation is made according to this previous idea or concept in sculptures, paintings, drawings, 186
Caricatures, etc., in most cases. The most typical aspect of this is the fact that female mannequins in stores are always of type FF in their features, while in tailoring shops, male mannequins are of type H. We know of no exceptions to this rule: we have been to Holland, where all Dutch women we met were H, but in their stores, the mannequins were always F.
The most primitive human forms from both branches are characterized sexually by having a profound fear of sex. In other words, they suffer from "sexual terror". Everything related to sex inspires fear in them; in contrast, in more developed types, there are feelings of sexual exaltation, closely related to religious feelings. Sexual and religious facts always go together; in the inferior types, along with that fear, there is the idea and fear of "sin" (which is always sexual); in the more developed, however, the sexual act itself becomes directly a religious act.
To better understand this entire classification, it is important to see how we conceive the origin and development of the human species, which follows the same process as all living beings.
The origin of our species is found in a previous, now-extinct anthropoid form (apparently the Australopithecus of Africa) from which, through mutation, a new species emerged, with Pithecanthropus as an intermediate form. This type of mutation that forms new species occurs through an alteration in the birth state. The mutation that produced our species was of a type called fetalization, meaning that the new species was born as a seven-month fetus of the previous species, from which its development began. This fact is very rare in mammalian evolution, whose evolutionary type has been to be born increasingly in a more developed state, or in other words, through gerontization or aging; it suffices to consider the birth state of primitive mammals, such as marsupials, whose birth state is, let's say, at five months, in contrast to more developed mammals, like the horse, which is born at least in a thirty-month state—in comparison to humans—and starts walking half an hour after birth.
In contrast, insects have followed an opposite evolutionary process, from more to less, meaning their most primitive forms are born completely developed (such as the sin\sin metamorphosis: thysanurans) and the more developed forms, which are born as tiny worms, go through the nymph state and finally reach their perfect or adult form.
The process of human appearance, then, is inverse to that of almost all mammals and resembles that of the most developed social insects; this process continues within the same species: from the most primitive human forms to the most developed, in terms of their birth state, there is a difference that must be about a month. It is notable that this, which has been noted for a long time regarding the existence of remarkable differences in the birth state of human beings, has not served until now as a classification criterion.
From this comes what was said before, that is, that the most primitive human forms quickly reach old age, a prolonged old age; the middle forms have a prolonged maturity, and the superior forms extend their adolescence for a long time.
Compared to the ancient forms of the human species - the "disappeared" fossil forms - apparently, we find that, as a general rule, the bone remains of F human beings have been "eliminated" by prehistory researchers, since by presenting more "fine" features they have been considered as belonging to more recent forms. Therefore, the remains of pithecanthropes are all H, with the exception of the third jaw of the Atlanthropus from Morocco, which is F-1 or F-2. Then, individuals of the Neanderthal race are all of type H-2 and H-3, with some H-1, as occurs with the Rhodesian skull.
In the so-called Homo sapiens sapiens that begins - it is said - in the Upper Paleolithic, about 35,000 years ago, we find the first human types H-4, typified in the Cro-Magnon Man and also F-3 individuals, such as the Grimaldi negroids. In the final epochs of the Upper Paleolithic, in the Magdalenian, some individuals of type H-5 already appear. In contrast, the Chancelade skull is clearly of type H-1. The
More developed forms are already characteristic of the Neolithic and Metal Ages.
At the same time, all human forms we have mentioned - from the most primitive to the most developed - exist today in the human species, not only in peoples who maintain a primitive culture, but also in the most developed cities. The same occurs in animals: in horses or dogs, we find today both highly developed and specialized forms, along with preserved primitive forms.
In the current world population, type F individuals especially occupy the warmer central areas of the world, from the Mediterranean, throughout Southern Asia and up to Indonesia and the indigenous Amazonian region. Type H individuals dominate in the more temperate and cold regions, but some FF individuals are not absent among the Eskimos.
The proportion of both types is not uniform in the current world; it can be considered that there are approximately three type H individuals for every one type F. Naturally, individuals of the most primitive type are generally a minority, as are the most developed; the normal human predominance is found in the middle types.
From this new classification, there are many other points to discuss, but we cannot extend ourselves further. We have already developed it quite extensively.
In what interests us for the present work, the human types of indigenous America that we have been preferentially treating until now - that is, those of the Murray race - are all basically of human type H-2, while the carpentry types are H-1, at a development level equivalent to H-3. In contrast, those we will treat later in this chapter, that is, those of the Armenoid race, are predominantly of human type H-5-6\mathrm{H}-5-6 , which does not mean that there are no more or less developed individuals among them. We will only slightly see individuals of type F, in their various degrees of development, in this work. Suffice it to say here that their most primitive forms also entered through the Bering Strait, and that their most developed American forms - Indonesians of type F-4-5-6 - did so via the transpacific route.
2. Problems in the Study of Races and Inheritance
Now we have a series of problems concerning the inheritance of human races and, undoubtedly, of other living beings. Some of the points, as we have already seen, are addressed by Birdsell, especially with criticisms of the existence of so-called "average values" among mestizos. We are very much in agreement with this, as we also consider that these average values do not exist, but rather the predominance of one of the two mixed elements, which sometimes reaches total predominance.
That total predominance is especially cited by Birdsell regarding individuals, or better, Carpentarian women crossed with Mongoloid men. Here we must also agree, although our reasons are partly different: Carpentarians are H-1 type individuals, equivalent to 3 in our classification. It turns out that we have observed that, in all cases, F-1 and H-1 elements are recessive before any of the other numbers; only one trait of theirs is dominant in inheritance: cranial height. Consequently, an H-1 individual crossed with an H-2 (that is, Carpentarian-Murray mix) produces a resulting individual whose skull height is elevated and who is always Murray or Amurian.
This means that type 1 individuals are only visible when both their elements, both recessive and dominant, are type 1; all other human types cover the type 1 elements.
In contrast, Birdsell, in his racial interpretation, follows the interpretive theory of population inheritance. Here we do not agree. That is not what forms races. This is not to say that we deny the existence of "population inheritance" - without a doubt, it exists and, in the long run, forms groups that can become very homogeneous - but it does not mean that a race has been formed there. Moreover, Birdsell himself has to resort to individuals when it comes to showing us the races he deals with.
The idea that inheritance is found in populations is a direct derivative of the interpretive thesis that, to form new races, this must occur through a
A group of individuals found in geographical isolation, which allows them to "homogenize" their physical characteristics over the crossing of centuries or millennia. We consider that maintaining this is a complete arbitrariness. It is well known that in cases of geographical isolation that occur, for example, in birds that are left isolated, as soon as the relationship with the mother group is resumed, the new form produced is doomed to disappear. Secondly - and this is more important - such homogenization can only occur if the isolated group was already relatively homogeneous in origin.
A very clear example. The best and most controlled cases of "geographical" isolation are artificially produced by us, with our domestic animals, isolated in different corrals for many generations. If we place Orpington and Leghorn chickens, both white, together in the same henhouse and cross them for many generations, will an intermediate generalized form occur? By no means. We can theoretically even suppose that the strongest rooster, the Orpington, eliminates its adversary and then remains as the only possible father of the new chickens, but the Leghorn element does not disappear in the mixture, that is, chickens (and roosters) of both types continue to be born, even if the Orpington element is dominant and the Leghorn recessive. As soon as the recessive elements reunite, the graceful form of the Leghorn chicken reappears.
This is what the Laws of Inheritance that we know tell us and which, above all, need to be significantly revised, because in the way they are commonly presented, they are full of errors, especially when simplified in examples from physical anthropology works and in common teaching. Some basic errors are even in the specialized works themselves.
There are three little tables about inheritance, according to Mendel's Laws, which we commonly find in specific works - at least one or two of them - and which serve as the basis for teaching. When one of these "little tables" is missing, it has been replaced by another similar one or one that appears to be such. These little tables represent the inheritance of crossing round and wrinkled peas, white and gray mice, and Maravilla or
Red and white Dondiego flowers. We believe that all readers will at least know some of these "little tables". However, unfortunately, the explanations given about these tables, in the first two cases are poorly done, and in the last case, the little table itself is simply falsified.
Let's start with the mice. There, the table is well done, but it is often forgotten to tell us that the white mouse is not such, but albino (that is, without color, which is recognized by its red eyes). The result is that the presence of a color gene (the gray one) is used here against an absence of color gene, corresponding to white. This table is real and valid, but in no way can be compared with the other two, where two inheritance genes exist.
We continue with the peas. There, round peas are crossed with wrinkled ones, Parent generation; the resulting plants self-fertilized (F1 generation), it is claimed that all seeds produced are smooth yy , again self-fertilized (F2 generation), would give three round seeds for each wrinkled one; the latter is pure, and when self-fertilized, gives only wrinkled seeds in its offspring; of the three round seeds, one gives only round seeds and the other two segregate again.
The entire explanation is false. Mendel, who conducted the first experiment, did not say that. Things have been confused, with the result obtained with the little mice, which, as we have already seen, is not comparable. Mendel said the following: if we cross these plants (Parent generation), we obtain round seeds and, from them, we are in the F1 generation, that is, this generation comes from round seeds, but does not produce them. What it produces is what is attributed to the F2 generation, that is, the proportion of three round seeds for one wrinkled, and that is the F2 generation, which is counted from the seeds that produce them, not from the ones they give, which are already the F3 generation.
Another important fact, never presented as we do here, is that pea plants that produce round seeds have white flowers, and those that produce wrinkled seeds have purple flowers. For seed shape, in their inheritance, round seeds are dominant and wrinkled seeds are recessive, but in flowers the opposite occurs, so that in the F1 generation, the flowers
are purple, although the seeds produced by their fertilization will be round. This fact is of extraordinary importance, as we will soon see.
We move to the third small table. We said that things are falsified here, and indeed, it is claimed that in the results of the first generation, F1, all flowers are pink, and in the F2 generation, out of every four plants, one has red flowers, two have pink flowers, and another has white flowers, and at the same time, both the plants with red flowers and those with white flowers have returned to their primitive forms and are pure in their descent, while those with pink flowers continue to segregate.
We must repeat that all of this is false. We have worked for several years with the inheritance of these plants, and the results can be summarized as follows. First, we fertilized several white-flowered Four O'Clock plants with pollen from plants with red flowers, and we began by obtaining a dozen seeds. We planted those seeds, and they gave us plants (F1 generation), whose floral results were as follows: on the same plant, flowers were produced in the proportion stated for the second generation in different plants, that is, out of every four flowers, one was red, two were "pink," and one was white. We repeat that this occurred on the same plant, F1 generation, not in different plants of the F2 generation. And there, in the F1 generation, it is claimed that there are only pink flowers.
Then, the facts we have just presented are not comparable with either of the two previously cited cases, since they occur within the plant's development, not in its descendants, and moreover, the red and white flowers of that plant are not pure, as being on the same plant they must carry the other color as recessive. If the recessives of two red flowers are united, for example, they can produce a plant that gives white flowers and that is of pure white flowers in its descent. We have not finished. Now it happens that pink flowers are never truly pink, but are white-based with red-dotted spots, also very frequently, they have alternating stripes or bands of white and red, or else can be half red and half white. We have seen several hundred plants with the so-called pink flowers, both in Argentina and Bolivia and Spain, and we have never seen that they have a truly pink flower, that is, a true fusion of the original colors.
Although we have not conducted experiments with them, the same occurs with carnations, as everyone can verify in a flower shop.
The matter is even more serious than it appears. It is always claimed that dominance and recessiveness are established at the moment of fertilization, thanks to a genetic struggle. But here it happens that, in flowers with a white base dotted with red - or in flowers with red and white bands - there is neither complete dominance nor a fusion of colors, one and the other color appear alternately. There can be no other explanation except that, in each flower, the same occurs, or rather, in each of the cells that constitute it, the same struggle must be produced.
Here lies the greatest importance of the matter. In these cells, where each color can be dominant or recessive, no destruction of genes occurs, as happens before fertilization. As a necessary consequence, this is not a struggle, but something we have had to call genetic dance, where one of the factors directs and the other is directed, in close collaboration, which is a harmony of the parts.
In current biology - beginning with genetics - Darwin's ideas about the struggle for life still dominate, but in what we have just seen, things have changed completely. Within the cells of a living being, from the very moment of its fertilization, there is no struggle (before fertilization there is also no struggle, but rather a rivalry to arrive first at fertilization and destruction of sperm that lost the race), but rather a genetic dance, on whose harmony the development of the living being depends. The biological concept of what life is changes completely with this. Certainly, in the vast majority of cases, there is complete dominance, but since there is also no destruction of genes, we are simply faced with the fact that one of the factors is a better dancer and always guides the other.
We were forgetting another important point. Since Mendel himself, we are always told that the direction between the cross between the two elements that are first crossed does not matter at all, that is, it is indifferent whether one or the other of the two beings to be crossed is used as a father (or mother), because the result is always the
Same. It seems evident to us that this occurs in most cases, but -there's always a but that tends to be bothersome- it happens that since our adolescence we knew there's a strong difference between a mule and a hinny. Undoubtedly few readers will know what a hinny is, but it's simply a mule "made the other way around". Its shape is different and its size smaller; the mule is the daughter of a donkey and a mare, the hinny is the son of a stallion and a female donkey, and its result, as we just said, is different; a smaller animal with several distinct traits. This must mean that it's not the same to use pollen from a giant pea plant to fertilize a dwarf plant and vice versa, but we haven't done experiments on the case.
It's time to return to our basic theme, that is, men with beard and mustache, Caucasoid or Australoid, in pre-Columbian America. With what we've just exposed, we have sufficient material to adequately understand some of the main problems that present themselves to us.
We can try to understand things from the following perspective: in peas, the round and wrinkled forms are constitutional forms that undoubtedly depend on their internal elements (amylaceous and waxy as we believe, since it occurs thus in wheat and corn, but we don't know this regarding peas), so that this is the basic element: the purple color of wrinkled pea flowers is dominant over the white of round peas and that is secondary. We already know this and now we can apply the case to human beings. In this we see that the color of wrinkled pea flowers is an external element, although it is undoubtedly internal in its cells.
In no way do we assume that the facts are as simple as we present them here, but as the case requires an explanation, we try to provide it and, necessarily, in the most simple and easy-to-understand way. We are working on this interpretation based on only a few hereditary elements, when we know that in humans there are some thirty thousand hereditary elements. It is supposed that they combine randomly, which means there are many billions of different mixing possibilities, but we directly object to that. For us, the vast majority of hereditary elements are secondary in nature and do not have greater importance in the way their inheritance is produced, but there are a few primary hereditary elements, among which the constitutional ones we are addressing are primarily counted.
Color traits are manifestly secondary, as we have seen, and here it corresponds to provide further explanation.
Skin color in humans corresponds to a single hereditary element that is probably governed by more than one gene, at least two or three; this element is called melanin. Its complete absence corresponds to albinos, a small amount in the skin, which allows blood to be transparent through it, gives the characteristic white-pink tone of Nordic peoples, many Slavs and Armenoids; a greater amount, just enough to prevent blood from being transparent, gives a matte white; a larger amount leads to a white-brown tone and a large amount is what is called black, which is never truly black, since melanin has a chocolate, brown, or coffee color, as we want to call it.
However, the differentiation of colors that occurs in the human species also appears in our domestic animals, but not in wild animal species, which usually have a single color, or rather, a specific coloration that may consist of several colors, such as in the lake bird, called sietecolores, in hummingbirds, etc. This is common in birds, but not in mammals.
Franz Boas explained the case well, in a work that we do not have at hand to cite. We base ourselves on this to speak about the variation of colors in the human species and in domestic animals. It is the following: wild animals, in their natural environment, need an appropriate protective coloration that hides them from their enemies or their prey. Color mutations naturally occur in them, but as they are less favorable, their carriers have fewer opportunities to reproduce. For example, a black or red lion would be more easily seen by its prey and would find it much more difficult to "make a living" and perpetuate itself. When man learned to domesticate animals, these color mutations also occurred, caught his attention, and he reproduced those mutated animals in greater quantity, who did not need their natural protective color, since man defended them. However, before
In domesticating animals, man had to domesticate himself, living in large groups capable of defending themselves and which, therefore, no longer needed their original natural color that, originally, should not have been found at either of the two color extremes previously mentioned. Even, "color spots" must have occurred in humans, as in cows, horses, and dogs, but human aesthetic sentiment rejected this and such people could not reproduce adequately (such spotted people exist). Result: the original color of humans must have been a white-brownish tone, more or less; from this, the extreme variations of color reduction and increase were produced, which were indeed perpetuated, producing the white-pinkish and black (chocolate) forms.
We return to our hereditary elements, that is, to the shape and color of peas, the round ones with white flowers and the wrinkled ones with purple flowers. We already know how their inheritance, dominance, and recessiveness occur. And here we do have to face the topic of population genetics, accepting its postulates. We can accept the existence of a pea population that originates from a mixture of both types, necessarily cultivated by human hand, but which we will suppose in a natural state. At the beginning of that mixture - in its first generations - the results exposed by Mendel's Laws would be produced, since for every four pea plants, three would be round and one wrinkled, and for every four flowering plants, three would have purple flowers and one white flowers; but after dozens or better hundreds of generations, a homogeneity would be reached, where plants would produce round peas and purple flowers, while the appearances of the contrary elements would be rare.
We consider that this is what has occurred in the oldest population of America, which arrived via the Bering Strait no less than half a millennium of centuries ago. The Amurian elements in America, which correspond to an H-2 form in our classification, and which by being H-2 are dominant in terms of their constitutional inheritance, are perpetuated in their form, while the external color traits, coming from Mongoloids or yellows, have dominated more or less completely with respect to color.
Imbelloni already said that a Mongoloid element had uniformly dominated the external features of American indigenous people, but he did not provide any genetic explanation of the process that would have occurred.
We note that we have not explained well - or to our satisfaction, at least - what dominance and recessiveness are in inheritance. In all the case studies we know, it is assumed that the dominant elements in inheritance are superior, but it happens that we consider them inferior.
According to our belief, this difference has resulted from the following fact: naturally, the study of dominance and recessiveness in inheritance has been done almost exclusively on our domesticated animals and plants. As a result, it has been considered that the inheritance traits most beneficial to our interests are the superior ones, but we have asked ourselves (we have always looked at the "other side" of things), whether this was the most convenient for animals and plants.
Evidently, this is not the case. All of our domestic animals and plants tend to return to their original forms when they escape human control, becoming wild again, because the new forms we have obtained in them - which are useful to us - cannot persist without human care and, certainly, harm these beings in their natural state, where they follow their own evolutionary process. We cultivate these beings so that they provide us with more profit: more meat in cattle, more bacon and ham in pigs, more flour in wheat, etc. What we do is degenerate them, with respect to their species evolution, in our favor; but cows have no interest in producing more meat or milk, nor do wheat have an interest in providing more flour, as these are degenerations, just as happens among us, with human beings who weigh more than one hundred twenty kilos (we have known several. They could never live like that in a natural environment, where they would have to make a living through their own effort) and with athletes who are pure muscle.
In inheritance - following our classification - the dominant elements are always the lower numbers (except for one); they dominate all other numbers. In the latter, we refer to the number 2, and so on.
We allude to their basic, constitutional, internal traits, not external ones like color, which are completely secondary in inheritance, since we do not think or feel according to the color of our skin, hair, or eyes. All of that is governed by internal elements, in immediate relation to constitutional traits.
Consequently, with everything said, the elements of Amurian origin in America are much more abundant than it seems, but are mostly "masked" by the external mongoloide dominance that has given them their skin color (in reality, not different from white-brown) and especially the black color and thick, round shape of their hair, while also causing them to lose their beard. The last detail is important, moreover, by the contradictory fact that beard is normally dominant, but undoubtedly the millennial crossing with individuals without beard ended up weakening that characteristic until making it disappear. Another important detail of the Amurians in America is their receding jaw shape, which persists in numerous individuals of H-2 type among indigenous people, just as it occurs among whites and some mongoloids.
We have stopped addressing another series of important traits: the sunken nose root - which is not mongoloide but Amurian - its trilobulated base, etc., since we cannot deal with everything here, while we consider that we have already developed the theme sufficiently.
3. Population Genetics
It is necessary that we deal somewhat with the procedure for studying human beings, which is called "population genetics"; it is applied to humans as well as animals and plants. We have already spoken about this on several occasions, but since Birdsell's interpretation for the American lands is based quite a bit on it, we must expand on what has been said.
In our previous critiques, we have already exposed our position: we need to study individuals more. The study of populations and their heritage is something apart.
In our way of working, we must start from the indigenous people we have known by sight and from illustrations, that is, we must deal with individuals and not with populations. All population genetics is useless to us if we have to classify a skull, a person who appears in a photograph - whether alive or represented in a sculpture or painting - or even any person we know.
But it becomes necessary to know more about the population genetics invoked by Birdsell. For this, the best we can think of is to reproduce a text where the topic is discussed. From the material we have available, the best is found in the work Introduction to Anthropology, by Ralph Beals and Harry Hoijer, who on pages 155-159 address this point. Therefore, we reproduce it in its entirety.
"7. Selection and Evolution in Populations"
"In sexually reproducing organisms, more than one individual is involved in the production of offspring. If more than one generation is considered, there are a number of individuals who are effectively or potentially involved in the selective process. Not only does reproduction involve the action of chance at the cellular level, but there is also a fortuitous element or selection that determines which two individuals from an entire population will be involved in a particular act of reproduction."
"The unit of study at this level is the population. In genetic language, a population is the group of individuals among whom marriages occur when considered over several generations. All species composed of large numbers of individuals are formed by a variable number of isolated procreations or populations, in which most matings occur, and in some extreme cases, all matings. Such populations characteristically vary in the genes carried by their members. The sum of all genes and alleles found in a given population forms the genetic pool [gene pool] of that population. While the genetic pool of a population can vary with respect to the presence or absence of specific genes or alleles, they more characteristically vary in the percentage of alleles found in each. If populations are capable of interbreeding (and most populations interbreed to some extent with neighboring populations), the sum of the genetic pools of all related populations forms the genetic pool of the species."
"Given the special nature of the inheritance process, with segregation and recombination that occur in sexual reproduction, an intercrossed population will show a constant genotypic composition across successive generations, with perfectly random mating, and no external factors affecting the genetic composition of the group. This principle, independently stated by Hardy and Weinberg in 1908, is now known as the Hardy-Weinberg law. It exposes the static situation of a quite large population in total isolation, in a uniform environment, with the resulting absence of selection, without mutation and without random genetic drift. But selection, mutation, and random genetic drift (defined later) always prevent perfect equilibrium and are the dynamic causes of evolution at micro and macro evolutionary levels."
"In the previous section, we have studied the problems that arise in the establishment of a mutation at the cellular and individual levels, with a mutation being a new allele or another new genetic combination. If such new genetic material is to have any meaning beyond the individual level, it clearly must become established in the population to which the individual belongs. As we have shown, becoming established is, to a large extent, a matter of chance."
"Many of the same problems exist in established alleles if the breeding population is small. The number of such alleles in a small population will fluctuate along 'sampling errors' in the process of segregation and recombination. If, in a given generation, the percentage of individuals possessing a particular allele is small, there is the possibility that none of them will transmit the allele to their offspring. Consequently, the allele will disappear from the genetic pool of the population. This process is known as random genetic drift. Through its action, the genetic pool of small populations will progressively change over time and the amount of variations will decrease if there is no compensatory completion through new mutations or through casual cross-breeding with neighboring genetic pools."
"In large populations, the effects of random genetic drift are limited. Genes may disappear from certain family lineages, but the chances of disappearance are small if the genetic frequency is not too low. If its distribution is contracted through random genetic selection in one generation, it will expand through the same process in successive generations. In small populations, however, random drift can have significant effects. But it must be noted that the first humans existed in small populations."
"To clarify this, let's take the example of a genetic locus with two alleles: A and aa , and let a be lethal or recessive. To simplify the problem, we will assume that all homozygous individuals regarding aa die sin\sin reproducing. Being equal in other things, the percentage of the aa gene in a given population will reach an equilibrium point, and the percentage will remain constant."
"This final is reached through the process of fortuitous segregation and recombination of chromosomes and their corresponding genes. Assuming we are dealing with a simple Mendelian characteristic, hybrid F_(1)@F_{1} \circ heterozygous individuals will reproduce gametes with equal numbers of alleles A and a, and the zygote generation F_(2)F_{2} will reproduce the normal proportion of 1 aa 2Aa2 \mathrm{~A} a : 1AA. In this generation, we still have an equal number of genes A and aa , but the aaa a individuals do not reproduce: AA will reproduce as AA without gene loss, while A individuals will continue reproducing in the normal proportion of 1:2:1. But in the F_(3)\mathrm{F}_{3} generation, 50 percent of the aa genes will have been lost, because the homozygous individuals carrying them died before reproducing. In each surviving generation, the same process will be repeated. But as the heterozygous A aa individuals of each generation produce additional homozygous AA, which lose half of the aa genes, the percentage of aa genes and heterozygotes will progressively decrease until, through the action of fortuitous factors in segregation and recombination, a may theoretically disappear from the population."
"In reality, all other things are rarely equal. In many cases, the gene a is not immediately lethal. Then the homozygotes a a reproduce, but in a smaller proportion than heterozygotes or homozygotes AA. In this case, a certain balance can be achieved; however, in general, the final results are analogous to the previous case, although the decline extends over a greater number of generations."
"In many cases, heterozygotes can be better adapted to the existing environment than homozygotes AA. A pertinent example is the sickle cell characteristic in humans, which we have already mentioned (see 2). Homozygous individuals aaa a , it will be recalled, rarely reproduce, with most dying before reaching reproductive age. However, heterozygous individuals Aa\mathrm{A} a are more resistant to malaria than homozygous AA. Consequently, heterozygous individuals have a higher chance of surviving and reproducing. Hence, the percentage of aa alleles is higher than 'if all else were equal'. In a given population, however, an equilibrium of percentages of AA and aa alleles would be reached, which would depend on"
the intensity of exposure to malaria. Moreover, if the group moves to an environment without malaria or where public health has eliminated it, the proportion between A and a alleles would change quite rapidly by selection, as heterozygotes lose their adaptive advantage.
"Human populations generally live in a complex environment. As a result, the organism is subjected to different adaptive needs at different times during its life, with corresponding differences in selective pressures. Therefore, varied selective pressures can favor different phenotypes at different times and places. And, as a consequence, the population remains polymorphic or polytypic. That is, several genotypes can persist in a kind of equilibrium for long periods of time. However, a change in environment can alter the adaptive advantages of a particular genotype, and selection will produce a relatively rapid alteration in the proportions of the genotype."
"Another way to change the genetic pool of a population is through genetic current. As breeding populations are rarely completely isolated, unions can occur between members of two distinct populations. In the case of isolated contact, the establishment of a new gene in another population is subject to the same chances as the establishment of a new mutation. With a greater frequency of crossings, genetic pools merge and a single breeding population can eventually form. Such facts are always conditioned by existing selective pressures."
"In summary, theoretically, a breeding population where all conditions are constant will reach, according to the Hardy-Weinberg law, a state of genetic equilibrium. Variations in such an equilibrium state are caused by the following factors:"
"1) Mutation, both among genes and chromosomes, occurs through biochemical changes in the gene or through translocation and duplication processes. Such changes occur in fairly normal proportions in the best-studied organisms. If a mutation becomes stabilized in a population, it alters the genetic pool. If it is deleterious, it is added to the population's genetic load."
Genetic drift proceeds from sampling errors in the process of segregation and recombination of genes in sexual reproduction. In large populations, drift is important only in the temporary elimination of genes from a particular family lineage. However, in small populations, genes can be permanently lost from the genetic pool, and the pool slowly changes or drifts over time.
"3) The genetic current occurs when neighboring populations occasionally interbreed. New genes enter the genetic pool and become stabilized in a manner very similar to mutations."
4) Selective pressures will favor the persistence of some genes and act against the survival of others. The effectiveness of selective pressures is primarily measured by differences in the reproduction rate of individuals. Probably in all organisms, except humans, deleterious genes that do not become functional until after their carriers have passed reproductive age are of little importance. As the environment - a concept to be interpreted very broadly - is almost constantly changing, the genetic pool is subject to constant changes due to selective pressures.
The quote, as we said, has been long, but in it we find all the fundamental facts of this study method, which we have already stated does not convince us; for us, evolution occurs rather where there are important populations, not in small isolated groups, but what seems evident is that this method pursues research aims different from ours. Another point on which we strongly disagree is in assuming that chance intervenes in the fundamental facts of evolution, although we do not dispute that it has an important function in all external, secondary facts of the same. In other words, the basic facts that refer to evolution within each species, and that seem to refer basically to the state of birth, are internal facts and have their own rhythm that cannot be significantly altered by external influences, just as a creature cannot fail to transform into an adult. Yes, external facts will decide whether it will be a well-developed adult (for example, through good nutrition, etc.) or an adult with constitutional deficiencies.
Moreover, we clearly warn that the study procedure we are addressing does not help us interpret the facts we are studying, whose purpose is to explain the presence of beard and mustache in numerous pre-Columbian indigenous people. Undoubtedly, it could serve to study the Guayaquil people in their current state and draw conclusions, due to having remained for a long time in "geographical isolation", but that
topic has no importance whatsoever in our study yy , frankly, we do not know what it would be useful for.
We are completely against replacing the study of individuals with the study of populations. This even contradicts our principles, as we are interested in individuals; through their understanding, we believe one reaches the study of populations, which, as can be seen, is something completely different. To put it another way, we do not believe that studying a wheat field of "pure lines" would have much importance in studying the origin and evolution of various wheat races; moreover, we do not believe that these "pure lines" occur very frequently in a natural, non-domestic state of any race.
Birdsell especially asks us to define American indigenous people based on their living forms, rejecting cranial data. This serves him primarily to deny the existence of negroid elements in pre-Columbian America; but doing so would mean setting aside the entire study of paleoanthropology, for example, in Europe; it would require completely abandoning classifying Cro-Magnon men as white race and Grimaldi skeletons as negroid. This seems quite challenging to us.
Likewise, we do not believe very certain the relationship that Birdsell points out of "large teeth-prognathism", as we have handled numerous skulls with prognathism and rather small teeth, as well as large teeth in non-prognathic jaws. Such a thing must correspond to inheritance facts that we do not yet know.
It is important to insist here on several other facts, crucial to understanding our interpretation and the set of traits we are addressing. First, the date assigned for the introduction of the Amurians to America, according to Birdsell. We would be around 40,000 years ago, a moment in prehistory when full Homo sapiens sapiens would not yet exist (at most, it would be in its beginnings; it would not have reached marginal regions, such as Siberia), so we would still be in the era of Neanderthal man (Homo sapiens neanderthalensis). Hence our interpretation that the Amurian-
Murrayans are generalized Neanderthals, a fact further confirmed by their culture, which is a rather primitive Mousterian. Birdsell does not directly indicate that figure of around 40,000 years, but says that these Amurians would have passed to America during the last interglacial period. This means, in fact, a possibly much higher date, since the end of that last interglacial is placed today at least around 60,000 years; there are many authors who increase that figure up to double, at a time when "modern man" could not exist in any form.
That primitive Caucasoid population still exists and not only with the Amurian and Murrayan forms, but is also found (as individuals) in the considered three Great Races (whites, yellows, and blacks), but naturally, everywhere they are highly mixed with more developed forms of modern man yy , and therefore, their rough features are very attenuated, especially by having acquired a greater height of the head or skull.
We had forgotten to point out another important detail: Imbelloni's isthmian race, which is supposed to be extremely Mongoloid; due to its low skull, it appears directly Amurian, naturally crossed with Mongoloids, which have made it lose its beard, etc.; but due to its bone characteristics, they remain Amurian. Let's recall that Imbelloni characterized that race based on the "coarsest" traits found in the region. He attributes to them being the bearers of the most developed American culture, which seems to us a total incongruence. Those primitive human forms would never have been able to be carriers of such a high cultural development.
A final point to consider. Birdsell tells us expressly that, in Amurians crossed with Mongoloids, if that mixture is of a 30%30 \% , the Amurian traits could not be distinguished. First, we believe that calculation is not very well done: in the first generation of crossbreeding, the resulting elements would be 50%50 \% for each; in the second generation, 25% for Amurian traits recrossed with Mongoloids; but there, according to the Laws of Inheritance, one out of every four of the resulting children would have to come out again as
a pure Amurian form, so we do not quite understand that of the 30%30 \% . Two-thirds of the remaining children would have to be mixed Amurian-Mongoloid forms, with Mongoloid dominance on the outside and Amurian in their internal traits; undoubtedly this is quite abundant in indigenous America, only that it is not wanted to be seen. From their interbreeding, in new generations, new pure Amurian individuals would have to be produced in the same proportion; we consider that this is what has occurred in more than one of the examples presented by Birdsell, since the Amurian population he found in the Californian regions seems much less pure than the one that appears among the Guayaquís of Paraguay.
Bearded men with aquiline noses in America
1. Another white race in pre-Columbian America
We now face the study of an American population of a completely different type from the primitive Caucasoids we have studied until now. These are also individuals with abundant beard and mustache, so they must be considered Caucasoids as well, but now they are much more developed individuals than those previously treated; in our classification, they are H-5-6 individuals, even some H-7; their racial type corresponds preferentially to what in physical anthropology is called Armenian or Assyroid white race. In other words, the race that appears preferentially in ancient Assyrian and Hittite sculptures, the latter being the Hittites of the Bible.
We will begin by remembering this: Birdsell specifies that his Caucasoid Amurians have, among their traits, a concave-shaped nose, a fact on which we have not insisted, but which is of great importance; Mongoloids also generally have a concave nose, but there are a good number among them who have a straight nose. A deeply aquiline nose is considered among the most anti-Mongoloid characteristics that can be requested.
Birdsell makes a good effort to explain the presence of aquiline noses in America, as we have seen; his interpretive explanation may have considerable value in explaining some individual cases, but we do not believe it is applicable, for example, to explaining this trait among the Armenoid groups themselves,
which the author should have addressed, who undoubtedly had greater facilities than us to have more than one Armenoid skull in his hands, whose presentation would have been extremely effective in proving his thesis, definitively.
Another important feature is the slanted eyes, which we have already said are often confused with the Mongolian fold. This trait is most common among Mediterranean and Near Eastern peoples, without the Mongolian fold being found in them. Additionally, we can recall that the trait of slanted, slit eyes is closely linked in the ancient Mediterranean to the expansion made by the Phoenicians, of the Orientalizing Culture of Greece and Etruria.
The trait we are dealing with now, and in this we must "cling to the nose," appears in all major pre-Columbian American cultures, at least from 1500 before the Era, both in Mesoamerica and in the Andean region; it is the prominent Armenoid aquiline nose, which is not "Semitic," as many suppose. It is not an absolute trait, but a dominant one, since some straight noses also appear, while the other facial features are characteristically Caucasoid. Slanted or slit eyes are common in ancient representations, in a way that immediately recalls the Orientalizing culture; the appearance of a prominent chin, which would hardly be considered Mongoloid, is also frequent.
Beard and mustache have various shapes and are more or less abundant in the representations we have of these individuals (sculptures in stone or clay, paintings, etc.); in a large number of cases they cover the cheeks, which does not occur in Mongoloid peoples; in other cases they do not cover the cheeks, and may even be absent, but the facial features and prominent nose demonstrate that we are facing Caucasoid individuals. For many of these cases, we must consider that in Mesoamerica there were very good "razors" made of obsidian stone, and that on the coasts of Ecuador and Northern Peru there are, archaeologically, very good copper, bronze, and silver razors, identical in shape to those of ancient Greece and which still persist among us.
In the ancient city of Mexico - according to Cortés's letters - barbers were abundant in the market; we consider that they must have primarily shaved heads, as is customary among many current Arabs and as depicted in One Thousand and One Nights, but they must also have shaved some beards.
Then, the Moche huaco-portraits, which number in the tens of thousands, present predominantly Caucasoid faces, but without beards; however, it is precisely there where these mentioned metallic razors are most frequently found. Nevertheless, in not a few huacos, individuals appear with a good mustache, even quite long and spirally curled, which would have required some artifice to maintain (let's say, at least, gum or a wire inside), but the beard is missing, which would have been obligatory given the existence of such a mustache, and which undoubtedly would have been carefully shaved.
Other times, the beard is meticulously groomed, trimmed to a point and even into three points or small beards, so it would have required considerable care.
Naturally, these bearded individuals do not form populations, properly speaking, but rather should be considered leading minorities and, therefore, preferentially represented in sculptures and paintings. In this regard, we can recall that, consistently, the old conquest chroniclers tell us that the indigenous leadership class, their nobles, were whiter than the individuals of the common people. There are references stating they were "as white as us". This has been completely forgotten, in the face of an interpretive image that seeks to make us believe that all indigenous people were uniformly Mongoloid.
The current study of these individuals, the descendants of that indigenous leadership class, seems somewhat difficult to undertake because they - as we have said from the beginning - have intensely mixed with the conquistadors, and consequently largely passed to form a somewhat secondary stratum in the white leadership class, just as happened with Inca Garcilaso de la Vega and several other mestizos who thus appear in history.
However, there are current indigenous people who culturally maintain themselves as indigenous, who present characteristics
BEARD AND MUSTACHE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. According to Blanco Villalta: Cannibal Rites in America, page 57. There are many reports about the existence of white individuals with reddish hair in British Columbia, but we do not possess direct illustrations of them; instead, in the masks of various tribes in the region, representations of mustaches and beards are very frequent, as can be seen in these present ones, from the Bella Coola cannibal ritual. From the American Museum of Natural History.
Caucasoids who do not appear to be mixed with the various races of the Spanish population. We have seen them in Bolivia and somewhat in Peru; they appear especially -and seemingly- in the current leadership class of Aymara-speaking indigenous people. They have no more beard and mustache than common indigenous people, as they have largely continued to intermarry with Mongoloid natives, but they are often slightly lighter in color and their face is clearly Caucasoid in features: light tea-colored eyes -and not dark brown, as is common in most Bolivian Andean indigenous people- a nose that stands out deeply, showing an aquiline shape and sometimes very straight; hair commonly black and straight, although there are not few who have dark brown and slightly wavy hair.
Besides the zone of high indigenous cultures, there are other American zones where Caucasoids are present, in less developed cultures, but nonetheless already well evolved above the primitive cultural level or levels of populations that arrived via Bering. Among them is British Columbia, where we already know that the first travelers who visited the region indicate the abundant presence of white-skinned individuals with reddish hair, etc. The ancient material from the region has barely begun to be found, but in the current illustrations we have of the zone, beards and mustaches are abundantly painted on the ceremonial masks of most tribes in the region. They have also arrived there, directly across the Pacific, the same Caucasoid human types that reached Mesoamerica and the northern coasts of South America.
Then we have the North American Prairies, where the aquiline nose characterizes the ruling classes of the Sioux linguistic family tribes and several others, such as the Pawnee. In South America, this element seems to be quite scarce in the region of the Amazon and Orinoco jungles, but in any case, some representatives can be found in photographs of indigenous people from the region.
2. Bearded men with aquiline noses in Mexico
In the Mexican region and then the Mayan
In indigenous America, we find a more abundant representation of men provided with beard and mustache, in addition to generally aquiline noses, which correspond to ancient sculptures, engravings, paintings on ceramics and in the Codices.
The most well-known and abundant of these illustrations refers to the god and historical character called Quetzalcoatl, who almost entirely appears endowed with a mustache and a wide beard that covers the cheeks, in such a way that this beard is not Mongolian. Sometimes there has been an attempt to see in this represented character the figure of a Viking leader, but this claim is refuted in advance by the discovery made by L. Séjourné of a ceramic bowl, painted with the representation of Quetzalcoatl's broadly bearded head on one side, and on the other, the hieroglyph that means his name; the bowl belongs to Teotihuacan II culture, which directly means the time of Christ or very shortly after.
The historical character named Quetzalcoatl is one of the kings of the Toltec civilization, a thousand years after the god (the data we have about this varies somewhat). Some have wanted to make him a kind of American prophet similar to Christ, with a similar humanistic preaching, but there would be much to discuss about that, so we leave it aside. Other authors try to reduce all representations of bearded men in Mexico to the sole representation of Quetzalcoatl; to do this, they have to ignore numerous other unrelated illustrations.
Long before the first representations of Quetzalcoatl appeared, in the Archaic culture of the Valley of Mexico, archaic clay figurines emerge, which show men with beards and mustaches, whose antiquity even surpasses a millennium before the Era; we have various illustrations about this and particularly reproduce one from Tlatilco, where Olmec influence is already present, which represents a man with his face vertically divided into two parts: on one side the face is smooth with an oblique eye without a fold, the other side has a round eye and appears provided with abundant beard and mustache, marked with incisions; the nose is prominent and straight.
More important to us is the Olmec culture, which influences
THE PRESENCE OF BEARD IN THE MEXICAN PRECLASSIC. Statuette from Tlatilco, Valley of Mexico, from around 800 BC. Presents a face divided into two faces: the left one with beard and mustache, the right one with an oblique eye not Mongolian, as it does not have a fold. According to M. Covarrubias: Indigenous Art of Mexico and Central America, fig. 6.
Valley of Mexico but which develops much more towards the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, Veracruz, part of the Pacific coast, etc. It is no longer an apparently peasant culture like the Archaic culture of the Valley of Mexico, but rather a
Great state culture, with cities and large monuments, many of them made of stone. This culture developed in some places until near the time of Christ, but its main cities disappeared earlier, as happened with San Lorenzo and La Venta. The origin of this culture is unknown, which seems to emerge already completely formed at least towards the 15th century before the Era and which has been considered by several authors as the Mother Culture of later Mesoamerican civilizations. We do not believe that. For us, there are at least two strong subsequent influences of oceanic origin in the Mesoamerican zone.
Dr. R. Heine-Geldern, from Vienna, one of the main current champions in supporting the trans-Pacific route for the origin of indigenous civilizations, compared this culture with the Chinese Shang Dynasty, which would have exerted its influences around 1200 before the Era. Several authors have followed him, among whom we often find "laudable" efforts to find Mongolic features in absolutely Caucasoid bearded faces. We completely deny that, without denying, of course, that some Olmec figures have Mongoloid features, but they are the least. Most directly represent individuals of Caucasoid type of Armenian race, with beards, mustaches and a large aquiline nose, as well as a prominent chin. Other figures show us faces of a frankly black type; the main ones are enormous stone head sculptures that far exceed two meters in diameter.
We will show an important detail to see the non-Chinese origin of this culture. The ear ornaments in the shape of a large flattened spool, among the Incas, called "orejones" by the Spanish (in Quechua they are called "pacu"), are the main and most constant distinctive of nobility in American indigenous civilizations. They have even spread to less developed cultural zones. Their oldest small forms are found in Elam and Mesopotamia around 3000 BC. The oldest large form we know is found in a gold pectoral from the Mycenae treasure, discovered by Schliemann, from around 1600 BC, with Egyptian and oriental details. In America, they have been found as a distinctive of the ruling classes since 1500 BC. Later (there are no such ancient representations) they are found in
India, Indochina, and Indonesia. In Burma, up to the present day. Well, the "orejones" never appear in China, much less in Shang culture, but they are constant in Olmec representations of characters.
In all that we are discussing now and in what follows, we must not forget that we are undoubtedly referring to individuals of the ruling class and their gods, in some cases, but not to the dominated people, who were preferably Mongoloid or rather Amuro-Mongoloid.
The oldest cultural level of the Olmec civilization is represented by the San Lorenzo culture. It consists of the remains of a great city that seems to have been destroyed around 800 BC, and which would have begun around 1250 BC, but unfortunately we have not obtained illustrations referring to that phase of the Olmec culture. The oldest illustrations we have obtained in this regard correspond to the La Venta phase, another city that existed from 800 to 400 BC and which disappeared on the last cited date. Other illustrations of the same age, at least, are found in the Oaxaca region, in the remains of the city called Monte Albán I, territory of the later Zapotec culture; they would date back to 800 or 600 BC, according to various authors.
We will begin with Monte Albán I, where there is a series of steles carved in rather rough but well-naturalistic low relief, representing individuals called dancers, due to the positions in which they are. It is important to say that these steles are located in a building from that period, but they do not correspond to the culture of the moment but have been reused; they must come from a previous building, whose date cannot be determined.
All the human figures shown in these steles, of complete people with some attached hieroglyphic signs, show in their faces the typical features of the Amurians that we have been seeing, as can be seen in the illustrations. Some of them have a quite complete beard, although most do not, so they correspond to Amurian-Mongoloid people. Undoubtedly, a previous population that was absorbed, but which had already ascended socially, since it is supposed that these are priests.
BEARDED MAN, ON A MONTE ALBÁN I STELA. It is from 800 to 600 before the Era. A type called "dancer", due to his pose. His human type seems Amurian and not Caucasoid, arrived via the Pacific. The beard is quite manifest. According to Paul Westheim: Ancient Art of Mexico.
Concerning La Venta, we have a poor reproduction of a clay figurine, only the head, which we present from the front and in profile. The most surprising aspect of this figure is the presence of a complete helmet of an undoubtedly classical Greek type, with complete head and side coverage and a
wide crest whose front end is broken; the person represented here is absolutely Caucasoid, we would say Greco-Anatolian, with a broad beard, straight nose and eyes formed by two points.
Continuing with the famous "The Wrestler" Olmec figure, where many authors want to see a Mongolian character, but which is classically an Anatolian of Armenian racial type, with broad mustaches and a good beard, the nose is broken and the head is clearly shaved. This magnificent sculpture must have been created using a live, full-body model - something demonstrated by the treatment of the muscles, although it is generally supposed that this technique was first used in Greece.
We move to Stela 2 from La Venta, Tabasco, carved in basalt and measuring 3,5m3,5 \mathrm{~m} tall. It is partially worn, but we present a good drawing made by Covarrubias. On it, there are at least three bearded Caucasoid characters. The main character shows an elderly individual, with a large headdress (his body is corroded), large ear spools, and a broad Caucasoid beard.
A GREEK-ANATOLIAN TYPE HELMET ON A BEARDED OLMEC FIGURINE. The representation of the helmet is clear, even more so considering that the front end of the helmet is broken. The human face represented has an abundant beard of a Caucasoid type. According to Drucker: La Venta, Tabasco. A Study of Olmec Ceramics and Art. Separate figures from a set of figurine heads, plates 28 and 29.
And a fierce Armenian-like nose. No one in good faith can claim to find anything Mongolian in him.
There are numerous other representations of bearded characters in the Olmec civilization of La Venta, which we will not detail. What we have said is enough to enter into the necessary series of comments and then continue with the same culture in other regions.
It appears manifest and evident that the main carriers of Olmec culture have been these bearded characters with prominent aquiline noses, manifestly belonging to the Armenoid Caucasian race, who do not show Mongoloid characteristics. When beard is absent, the common presence of nose shape shows that they either shaved (with obsidian razors) or, already mixed with Mongoloids, had
BEARD AND NOSE IN OLMEC CIVILIZATION. Stela 2 of La Venta, Tabasco, tall of 3,5m3,5 \mathrm{~m} . and 1.8 wide. According to M. Covarrubias: Indigenous Art of Mexico and Central America, fig. 27. Despite being worn, three bearded figures can be seen. The main figure displays a large nose of Armenoid Caucasian type, impossible to be considered Mongolian.
lost their beard. The shape of the hair cannot be seen, as they are generally covered with wide headdresses or are shaved, as occurs in "The Wrestler".
Obviously, this is a new racial element that did not previously exist in America, that is, not coming through the Bering route, but via the transpacific route and already bearers of a developed urban culture. Their entry date into America must certainly be several centuries earlier than the time when we abundantly find them represented, that is, at least by the middle of the second millennium before the Era (1500 BC). We will seek to determine where they might have originated.
Culturally, we find ourselves in the second Bronze Age of the Old World. The Shang culture of China was just beginning - or had started very recently - but was still confined to the interior of the Yellow River and had not reached the sea (this would happen around 1200 BC). At that time, the Olmecs had already begun their extensive development in the city of San Lorenzo. Therefore, its influence on the origin of Olmec culture must be completely ruled out, as well as by the presence of individuals with an Armenian-like aquiline nose.
Now we have another apparent difficulty. We have said that, at that moment, we are fully in the Middle Bronze Age, both in China and in Mesopotamia, India and Egypt, as well as Crete and Greece, but in Olmec civilization the use of any metal was not known. Metals in the Mesoamerican region only begin to be known towards the end of the first millennium of our Era. More than one opponent of transpacific influences for the region we are dealing with has found this data quite useful.
But we love to find annoying "buts"; it turns out that in Olmec civilization we find numerous ceramic vessels that imitate earlier metal forms. We dealt with this extensively in our work America in World Prehistory, so we basically refer to it. However, we must say something here.
An important detail is that in various Olmec reliefs, belt buckles are very well represented, whose origin can only be metallic, although at the time they were made in
Another less suitable material; no type of belt buckles is known in American prehistory, but from what has been said, their existence is undoubtful. What happens, then, that no metal object appears in the Olmec ruins?
Simply, we believe that this happened. By transpacific route, from the Indochina-Indonesia region (we suppose that, directly or indirectly from its derivatives, the Somron-seng civilization of Indochina - from 1800 BC - had much to do with it; naturally, it does not present Chinese influences, since we are before the Shang), the Olmecs originally knew metals, that is, they were directly in that second Bronze Age; but among the sailors who arrived then (merchants, above all) no artisan who knew metallurgy came. Naturally and inevitably, such a circumstance produced the loss of knowledge and use of metals. Without a doubt, some metal objects arrived with the Olmecs, but there was no one who could reproduce them; therefore, such objects had to be reproduced in ceramics, stone, leather, wood, etc., where they preserved their forms. Artisans knowledgeable in metallurgy of bronze, copper, silver and gold, more than a thousand years later, arrived on the coasts of Ecuador and Northern Peru - as we will see later - but among them there was no blacksmith who could teach that metallurgy. The consequence was an inferior development of weapons in indigenous civilizations. The history would have been different if a blacksmith had arrived and the Aztecs and Incas had had iron weapons for their defense, not talking about firearms, but simply iron spears and swords.
Unfortunately, we have very few illustrations of metallic objects found in Somron-seng, but even so, they directly recall the Near East, from Mesopotamia and Elam to the Mediterranean coasts, not China. We also do not have any human representation from that period in the region that would allow us to see if long-nosed human beings had already arrived there. At least, there is one very important detail: in the few illustrations we have of the place, there are two large-sized ear plugs, which we do not know if they correspond to 1800 BC or a few centuries later. The truth is that they did not exist then in China - nor in any other period
later - but they did in Egypt and Greece, shortly after. We suppose that it was in this region of Indochina-Indonesia where the small Elamite ear plugs became large, influencing Egypt on one side and, on the other, intensively in America.
The South Asian navigation of that time - and for several millennia before - was highly developed; navigators from the Eastern Mediterranean - via the Red Sea - and those from the Persian Gulf undoubtedly intensely reached the Indochina-Indonesia region. In Crete and Egypt, around 1500 BC, peacock feathers are painted, whose origin is found in India and Indochina. In Crete, a Bird of Paradise is painted in a mural, which is native to New Guinea and neighboring islands. Shortly after, monkeys from India appear with their Hindu, Sanskrit name in the Bible, and peacocks are cited in the same way.
Who were the main navigators of these regions at that time? Undoubtedly, there are more than one people not yet mentioned in history or archaeology, but the main ones - around 1500 before the Era - were the Canaanites (proto-Phoenicians), the Egyptians, and the Cretans; in Southern Arabia, the Sabeans served as intermediaries for navigation between the Mediterranean and the Far East. From the Persian Gulf, we know nothing other than that there was intense commercial navigation with points in South Asia that are not specified to us.
The Armenoids had spread widely and were already mixed with almost all the mentioned peoples; the Hittites have importance, and we already know they are the Hethites of the Bible; in Anatolia, they were not navigators - as far as we know - but their commercial products were intensely spread thanks to the Phoenicians, especially their developed metallurgy. A detail: the Hittites were the inventors - as far as is known - of the Two-Headed Eagle. Europe receives it much later from them; meanwhile, it had already widely reached America. It is found in recent times in British Columbia, in the Upper Archaic of Mexico, in Paracas, and in Northwest Argentina, in the latter painted on numerous ceramics.
There are two groups of peoples who must have predominantly had an aquiline nose. First, the Elamites of Persia,
on the southern side of Mesopotamia - who must have had extensive trade with the Far East since before 3000 BC - and the Canaanites who, with the intermediary of their relatives - the Sabeans of Yemen - must have had the monopoly of trade between the Eastern Mediterranean and the Far East. Cretans and Egyptians would participate, to a lesser extent, in this trade.
The Canaanites and their descendants, the historical Phoenicians, were already intensely mixed with the Armenoid race (being Semitic in origin - like the Hebrews - they originally had a straight nose; later, their ruling classes acquired the aquiline nose); the same must have occurred with the Sabeans of Yemen. Hence the frequent appearance of individuals with an aquiline nose, due to the expansion of trade towards the East (still present in Indonesia) and America. With this, we do not want to indicate in any way that they were the only ones who spread; on the contrary, we broadly and necessarily admit that in these trading peoples who expanded, there were important groups of individuals from other races, including Negroid (possibly mestizos produced on the coasts of Eritrea with Yemenis) and also Mongoloid, who a few centuries later began to expand widely through Indonesia and who must have also reached pre-Columbian America via the transpacific route.
But what is fundamental is that we can follow the trail of what we are dealing with, through the presence of bearded individuals of Caucasoid type equipped with that large aquiline nose. It is not Mongoloid in any way, and this allows us to clarify things a bit. In cultural facts, we can follow the same path with many elements or traits, such as the two-headed eagle mentioned, but in this work we are dealing with races and we have already said that we are "holding onto the nose" as others, before, have held onto "the hair".
We return to the Olmecs and their derivations. The first god that seems to be well differentiated in the oldest statuettes and sculptures of Mexico is the God of Fire, Huehueteotl, who sometimes appears holding a brazier on his back and other times having it in front of him. His face, like that of Quetzalcoatl, is always provided with at least a quite strong beard and often displays mustaches; his nose, in the majority
In most cases, it is large and hooked, clearly Armenian-like; on the sides of its face, some large ears are unmistakable. Its first representations are from around 1000 BCE. We present a notable illustration of this Fire God, originating from Veracruz, where the brazier is in front of the god, who is crouching facing it. His face shows a large beard, clearly of Phoenician type from the Orientalizing period; the nose is large and aquiline and also has enormous ears.
In European archaeology and African ethnography, the presence of a "brazier" similar to the one we are discussing, generally carried on the head, is well known, but it has never been related. It is generally found linked to a female figure and sometimes made of metal; in these cases, the "brazier" is called a "source of offerings". It is likely that this is a goddess of the hearth fire that has been "patriarchalized" in America. In this form, it reaches northwestern Argentina, from where we know at least two beautiful stone representations of this fire god, with the brazier on its head.
We move on to discuss other cultures of Mexico. As is natural, these are later cultures. We will begin with the western coasts of that country, which comprise several states. There, for the earliest known times of its archaeology, a culture developed that lasted a very long time on a primitive base. It did not manage to receive the influence of the classical cultures of central Mexico, so it did not have large cities or monuments, but it has left us thousands of clay figurines of beautifully naturalistic style and sin\sin even complex or combined forms of these figurines, with scenes featuring dozens of characters. Such clay scenes appear for world archaeology for the first time on the island of Cyprus, around 1500 BCE.
The most frequently represented human type in these statuettes lacks beard and mustache; however, both, well-developed, are present in a statuette -which we reproduce- with a Caucasoid type figure. The other statuettes do not have beard and mustache, but their physiognomy is also Caucasoid and consist of men and women of types H-5-6 of our classification, both provided with an elongated face, whose features remind us of the Polynesian statues of Easter Island; in
bearded god of Veracruz, Mexico. According to Alfonso Medellin Zenil: Unpublished Olmec Monoliths, plate 20. The author tells us: "The old fire god from trench 3 of Laguna de los Cerros. 26 cm in height". That it is the Fire God is manifest, by the brazier in front of him, but what interests us is his prominent Caucasoid beard and his developed Armenian-like nose, features that cannot in any way be considered Mongolian. Properly, his face seems Phoenician.
in all of them, the nose is very large and the general shape is quite straight.
This culture has also known metals in its origin, as very abundant shapes of mace heads and stone axes appear whose shape completely imitates metal prototypes. Most are made of copper and bronze, in the Mochica I Vicús cultures, from the North coast of Peru, whose first origins would be around the 5th century before the Era. The shape of the stone and metal mace heads of Vicús has its immediate relationship with bronze mace heads from Persia, already begun in the last millennium before Christ, while the axes are more similar to those of Ras-Shanra, on the Phoenician coast, from a few centuries before.
We omit other things. In the Valley of Mexico, in the Teotihuacan civilization, some individuals with beards appear, but in a much smaller number than among the Olmecs. It suffices to recall the already mentioned Quetzalcoatl of Teotihuacan II to demonstrate this. Later, the civilization of the historical Toltecs, from the city of Tula, also shows us some scarce bearded people, which is sufficient to prove that they existed, although they seemingly were disappearing due to increasingly intense mixing with the local Mongoloid elements.
The same occurs with the sculptures and other works of the Aztecs. Among them, bearded characters - apart from the god Quetzalcoatl - are scarce, but continue to exist until the conquest. Interesting is the figure of the Aztec hero Tlacaelel, a true "Black Pope", behind the throne of three or four emperors (he lived almost one hundred years and was the main creator of intensive human sacrifices as a political measure); in a drawing after the conquest, he appears provided with a good beard and mustache. Then we have the stone representations of the Jaguar Knights and Eagle Knights, beautifully sculptured, to the point that in front of one of these sculptures, sent to Europe by Cortés, the sculptor Rodin declared that he could not have made it better. In all sculptures of this type that we know, although the face lacks a beard, it is completely Caucasoid and shows a straight or curved nose.
Among the Zapotecs of Oaxaca, in Southern Mexico, a few somewhat large clay sculptures appear, representing men with a good little beard; their face is not
CLAY FIGURE, FROM WESTERN MEXICO, from 300 to 950 AD. Character representing a warrior. From the Mexican Art Exhibition, Paris, 1962. His prominent beard needs no further comment, his nose is Caucasoid, etc. From Historama, No 48, Vol. IV, page 178. CODEX.
A Mixtec King and a Toltec with a Wide Beard. Nuttall Codex. Taken from Pre-Columbian America, by J. Norton Leonard and TIME-LIFE book editors, p. 74. The Mixtec king 8 Deer and his Toltec ally 4 Jaguar, in a meeting, both well-bearded.
Mongoloid yy , the same, his nose is curved or straight. Where individuals with a wide beard and the aforementioned curved nose become abundant again is in the Mixtec Codices paintings. In them, even the figure of the Rain God, Tlaloc, appears with a beard, which is not common among the Aztecs. In another Codex, which tells the Mixtec history, we have abundant characters with beards, starting with the often-repeated figure of King Eight Deer Jaguar Claw, from about six centuries before the conquest.
3. Bearded Men among the Mayans and Their Predecessors
We find ourselves in another territory where representations of beards and mustaches are abundant, as well as large and aquiline noses. The latter are widely preserved until the times of the conquest, as can be appreciated by observing the human figures of men and
women, represented in the three Mayan Codices that are preserved. Of these, the Dresden Codex is from before the conquest, no less than five hundred years earlier.
The oldest illustration we know of this region, in which we see a bearded figure - we are unaware if it is unique or not - comes from the Las Charcas culture, on the coast of Guatemala, located between 2000 and 1500 before the Era, preferably closer to the latter date. There a new culture emerges, with abundant ceramics, which seems related to the contemporary culture of the central coasts of Ecuador, without local antecedents in either of the two regions. The location of the discovery is called Kaminaljuyú, a name that means "Hills of the Dead" in Quiché language.
We reproduce that illustration. It shows the upper part of a clay figure, modeled up to its arms; the head has a triangular termination face, which is not Mongoloid; its eyes are straight, as is the nose, of type F we would say; it shows a central beard that appears well-groomed and trimmed at its base. Naturally, it is not an individual of Armenian type, but rather Indonesian, something abundantly represented in the Valley of Mexico, from the first levels of the Archaic culture.
We move to later periods in the same region. In Kaminaljuyú we then find Stele 10, of which we reproduce a developed drawing; in it there are three characters: below, a woman with an incomplete face, above two men with large and aquiline noses, the second of whom has a mask (as can be seen by the presence of a non-human fang) and abundant beard of Caucasoid type. The first character has in his hand a complicated flint axe, whose form is clearly a metal copy, despite the absence of metals in the zone at that time. The second has on his forehead a feather headdress, which recalls that of the peacock of Crete. At the bottom, in front of the woman, an important hieroglyphic text that has not been able to be translated.
We move on to the Maya Classic Culture, of the commonly called Old Empire, whose main cities are Palenque, Copán, Tikal, etc. This Maya culture of the Old Empire begins at least three hundred years after the Era.
We present here one of the first drawings made of the reliefs of Palenque, in Chiapas, Mexico. It shows us a kind of quadrangular stele lying down, in which four seated characters appear, in front of an altar; all of them have Armenian-like noses and lines that seem to be a simple mustache, but which opponents of that idea could say are wrinkles on the face; this is refuted by the fact that one of them shows a good Caucasoid beard, while his nose is the most prominent.
Another series of figures from the Ancient Maya Empire follows, so abundant that it is impossible for us to detail them, so we have to refer only to a few. Moreover, we should not consider that these bearded individuals were dominant in the population of the Old Maya Empire. That majority - just like now in their descendants - was clearly of the Amurian type.
PRE-MAYA LOW RELIEF, WITH BEARDED CHARACTER. Stele N^(2)10N^{2} 10 of Kaminaljuyú, Guatemala. The abundant beard needs no further mention. The character has a strange fang. In the figure next to it, the character has in his hand an axe of slex, whose shape imitates a previous bronze axe.
Mongoloid, well represented in the description of Imbelloni's isthmian race and in sculptures, reliefs, etc., of the era.
We will discuss a clay vessel from this period, which shows a kind of excavated panel with three characters: first, one equipped with a large zoomorphic mask, making it impossible to recognize their human type; second, a character with a head and face of the type we can consider Amur-Mongoloid, despite having a quite prominent nose; all characters are full-bodied and sitting with crossed legs.
We are particularly interested, as is natural, in the second character. His face, seen in profile like the other characters, shows a large aquiline nose and a very aggressive chin, at the end of which a well-protruding beard appears; over the upper lip and falling to the sides to then turn back up at its end, a mustache appears that in no way could be considered Mongoloid. For us, this individual clearly represents an H-7 in our classification; his absolutely Caucasian appearance cannot be disputed by anyone.
MAYA BASRELIEF FROM PALENQUE, according to an old drawing. One of the four represented characters has a mustache and wide beard; the others seem to have mustaches, although a contrary interpretation could say they are wrinkles. All have prominent noses. According to Pierre Honoré: The Legend of the White Gods.
Another important figure is found in Stela 11 of Seibal, Mexico, reproduced by Spinden, which shows a character whose head is covered by a helmet with cheek guards (Greco-Anatolian feature), with a large Armenian-like nose and developed mustache; he is an H-5, at least by our classification; his overall appearance is completely Assyro-Hittite. On his chest, he displays a stylized form of the Persian god Ahura-Mazda, very frequent in Mayan sculptures and reliefs.
We move to another Mayan sculpture, this time in wood, extraordinary for its state of preservation. Apparently, it corresponds to the 7th century or shortly before, from the Old Mayan Empire. It is the representation in volume of a crouching character with crossed arms, whose head and face present two notable features: first, a large mustache curled up at its end, which in no way can be interpreted as belonging to an individual of Mongol origin; then, on the sides of the head, rolled forward on each side, a ram's horn like the one engraved on the sides of Alexander the Great's Bicorne head and in sculptures of Moses. Naturally, rams did not exist in Mexico, and what is said must be a copy of a pre-existing figure that arrived from the Old-
PANEL EXCAVATED ON A VESSEL FROM MAYA CULTURE, where we see a central character, with a pronounced prospector race type, bearded and with a large nose. His mustache is notable; on his sides are a masked character and another with a receding jaw, similar to the "idiots" of Monte Albán 1. This prospector human type is not indicated by any author as an independent racial type and bearer of high culture in the Mesoamerican zone, but here it is very clear; his Caucasoid - or better, Anatolian - aspect is undeniable. According to Hasso von Winning: A Maya "Old God" Efflgy Bowl, In: "The Masterkey", Vol. 34, April-June, 1963.
Oh World. Despite such details, we have seen a description of this sculpture in which he is presented as a Mongolian-type priest. We do not know whether to admire more the author's ignorance or his total blindness to the vision of the facts.
We skip several other illustrations we have and move on to discuss a Maya tripod vessel from Kaminaljuyú, from a Maya cultural level, subsequent to what was discussed before, regarding that zone. The illustration shows it without the need for further explanation about its form. However, it is convenient that we pause, since very important interpretations have been made about it.
The Austrian researcher whom we already know, R. HeineGeldern, has compared the form of these ceramic vessels with others from China, typical of the first Han dynasty (which begins at the end of the 3rd century before the Era); their presence in America
MUSTACHE IN A MAYA BAS-RELIEF. Human figure in bas-relief, from stele 11 of Seibal, Yucatan, from the Mayas of the New Empire. Represents an individual who, by his nose and other features, is not Mongoloid but a white person of Armenian or Assyrian race, as is clear from the shape of his aquiline nose. The helmet he wears even has cheek guards, which is original and typical of the Ancient Mediterranean, we would even say Corinthian. According to Spinden.
is a few centuries later, in the Teotihuacan culture, from where they spread to the Mayan region. On our part we add - we have not published this before - that they appear in
LARGE MUSTACHE WITH SPIRAL ENDING, FROM THE ANCIENT MAYAS. Old Empire, approximately from the 5th to 7th centuries after the Era, Mexico. It has two amazing features: a large rolled mustache, whose form is never found in the Mongolian race but only in white Mediterranean races, today's Italian mustache type; on the side of the head, in the upper part, horns in the shape of a ram's horn, rolled forward, as occurs in representations of Alexander the Great, and the symbol of the Law in the Bible. Height 33 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Bolivia in the culture we call Mojocoya, not earlier than the mid-first millennium of the Era; they are presented with the same general shape (the feet are smooth) and even, in some cases, with the same lid shape, although without the "handle". These pieces from the Mojocoya culture are generally ceramic, but several of them (one with a lid) are of very finely polished stone.
We said that Heine-Geldern compared these Mayan and Teotihuacan ceramic tripods with bronze tripods from the Han Dynasty in China, but he "forgot" to tell us (we don't like those kinds of omissions, which is why we emphasize it) that the same tripod shape existed in Etruria, at least since the 6th century BC (they must come from the Orientalizing period, but we don't know them in other places). As in China, they were made of bronze, so they must have arrived in China from there. Naturally, this diffusion had to take place through the maritime route of South Asia, so they would have first reached Indochina or Indonesia. Consequently, it is most likely that the connection is with the latter region and not directly with China.
We note something: we do not claim that the Etruscans were the ones who brought the shape of these tripods to the Far East, but rather (unless they were directly from the Orientalizing culture) the Phoenicians or Corinthian Greeks (colony of Naucratis in the Nile Delta, from where they traded with the East via the Red Sea. Their helmets and chlamys cloaks spread, at least, to Hawaii) brought them there. We have seen a wooden tripod with this shape in a museum in Europe, originating from Micronesia.
We return to the Mayan tripod. On its lid and as a crowning piece, there is a handle modeled in the shape of a human head, with round eyes and a large aquiline nose, while the mouth is open in a hollow; on its sides, a remarkable large mustache extends, rolled into a complete spiral, which must have had gum or an internal frame to sustain itself. It is obvious to clarify that under no circumstances could such a mustache be considered as belonging to an individual of the yellow race.
We move on to see another Mayan sculpture in clay. At the end of the Old Empire, thousands of statuettes were produced in a style we could call Tanagras (we even suppose a relationship
HUMAN FACE WITH LARGE MUSTACHES, crowning a tripod vessel, Maya. From Linden Museum, Kunst der Maya, plate 18. Originating from Kaminaljuyú; height 34,3cm34,3 \mathrm{~cm} .; Esperanza phase, from 200 to 500 AD. National Museum of Guatemala. The tripod shape copies an Etruscan bronze form, which reaches Han China. The large mustaches are completely Caucasoid in type, in no way Mongolian.
(like the Greek Tanagras), representing men and women - even common people in their daily work - but mainly characters; among them, those with beard and/or mustache are relatively abundant. We are now interested in an illustration published by Ignacio Bernal, which we reproduce, showing someone who seems to be a monarch seated on his throne; he has a Caucasoid face and sports a good, though quite short, beard.
Now of interest is the detail of the throne on which he is seated and which, to the eye, was constructed of wood. Its shape is round, with a raised backrest. We do not know of any similar seating forms - not just thrones - from any of the great civilizations of the Old World, although identical ones exist in Black Africa, also made of wood. This allows us some interpretative comments.
Currently, the Horn of Africa region - consisting of Eritrea, Somalias, and Abyssinia - is almost exclusively occupied by Hamitic peoples, among whom, several centuries before Christ, the wedge of Semitic peoples was introduced, which formed the current Amharic-Ethiopians, with a language of South Arabian Semitic origin. Before the Semitic invasions - and the previous Hamitic one - the area must have been occupied by peoples of true black race, who were later Hamitized. The Sabeans, maritime merchants at the time, from before the last millennium BC, must have had intense trade with Eritrea and, through this route, a series of cultural elements entered the black peoples, which later spread throughout Africa, including Cretan cultural traits (such as the Goddess of Snakes). Among these elements must have been - or were locally formed - the thrones we are discussing; having been spread by the Sabeans towards the East, they ultimately reached America. The Olmec giant heads, with traits of mestizos of true blacks, must have originated through the same route and even with the spread of human persons.
We move on to examine a stone mask from the Maya, reproduced, from Tikal, in its classic Chikanel period. It is quite small, and we take it from a publication by Haberland. What interests us here is a detail: on its jaw and on the sides of the mouth, it presents a series of holes, which undoubtedly served
to insert strands of hair into them, with which the beard and mustache were represented, a fact that can be proven by comparing it with some bronze sculptures from Ife, Nigeria; in them, the same thing is found and this use is recognized. This confirms what we have said before about the cultural traits found in Africa and America.
We are also interested in a great sculpture from Copán, Stela C, which has been widely reproduced in photographs. It is always claimed that its face represents a Mongolian face, due to its slanted eyes; but it is enough to see the illustration we include, to verify that these eyes are not Mongolian but of the Orientalizing culture type.
CLASSIC MAYA CHARACTER WITH BEARD. His face is Caucasoid, as can be seen. Clay sculpture, 22 cm high; the character is seated on a circular wooden throne, a common form in Africa that was also widespread in America. According to Ignacio Bemal: The Mexican National Museum of Anthropology, Plate 105.
The face presents a large beard, which extends below the cheeks, which also cannot be claimed to be Mongolian. The mustache is missing; the cheekbones are quite prominent, which is why a Mongolian mixture in the character can be sustained, although it is basically Caucasoid. The nose is destroyed and large earrings appear on the sides of the face.
We move on to a small figurine, of which only the head remains, found in Sesis, Guatemala, according to Eduardo Seler and reproduced in the well-known work by Henri Beuchat, Manuel d'Archeologie Américaine, page 372. It is a complete human head, with a large Armenian-like nose, very well-sculpted eyes in a very natural form and with large upper malomarginalis folds, not Mongolian but Caucasoid; a broad mustache slightly raised at its ends; the beard, which necessarily had to exist given the presence of such a mustache, is shaved. The entire physiognomy of this face is absolutely Europoid, and from the moment we first saw it, it directly reminds us of the face of Marshal Hindenburg. Readers can judge for themselves.
We possess many other illustrations of bearded sculptures, paintings, etc., from the Old Mayan Empire, but we cannot reproduce or comment on all of that. Consequently, we briefly move on to the New Mayan Empire; it developed later in Yucatán and, due to internal wars, had dissolved into a series of small local kingdoms, about a century before the Spanish conquest. The authors of this New Empire - as we are told - were Toltec groups from Mexico, who entered as mercenaries in the service of local kings who were fighting each other; they ended up seizing power and, naturally, mixed extensively with the older Mayans, whom they dominated. Particularly in the city of Chichén Itzá, there is a relationship between its architectural details and sculptures and those of Tula, in central Mexico. This relationship is undeniable, but there is a problem: knowing which of the two cities is the oldest. Until now, it has been assumed that Tula is, but the archaeologist of Mayan origin Piña Chan maintains that Chichén Itzá is older and that it has influenced Tula.
HOLES FOR PLACING A BEARD, on a Mayan mask from Tikal. According to W. Haberland: Cultures of Indigenous America, plate 27. It is small, made of green stone, with eyes and teeth of shell; tomb 85 of Tikal. Chikanel Phase. What is interesting are the small holes in its lower part, which undoubtedly would serve to place groups of hairs simulating a beard, a fact that can be proven by comparing some sculptures from Ile, Nigeria, where the same thing is found and this use is recognized.
We leave that aside - because for now it is unsolvable - and briefly dedicate ourselves to the bearded individuals represented then. We reproduce an illustration showing columns
BEARDED SCULPTURE FROM COPÁN. Stela C. Photo by Fritz Wellermann, in Rubín de la Borbolla, Honduras, etc. The beard is abundant and the eyes are a derivation of the Orientalizing period of the Ancient Mediterranean.
of a large temple in Chichen Itza, with a square section, where three warriors are sculpted in low relief; all have large noses, straight on those on the sides, while the one in the center appears curved at its base, and the character is also provided with a large beard of Caucasian type.
Then, in a relief of the so-called Castle - which is a large pyramid - in Chichen Itza, we find a relief where two men appear with an abundant, Caucasoid-type beard, while the second of them presents us with a curved, Armenian-type nose. The author from whom we take this illustration, W. Krickeberg, tells us: "Snail man and spider man as bearers of the sky". It is something like Atlas, supporting the Earth (which must be a later adaptation). Naturally, these are mythical figures.
In the intermediate region of Central America, beard, mustache, and hooked nose traits frequently appear, but we cannot expand further here and include only a ceramic piece from Costa Rica, resembling a "large bottle" modeled throughout its body, in the form of a complete human figure. The head of that figure is large and forms something like a handle, while an extensive beard appears on its lower part. The figure is somewhat dark, and the nose is not very clear, although sufficiently visible to see that it is large and curved.
4. Bearded men with aquiline noses, in the Andean zone
It is on the coasts of Ecuador where we can see the oldest forms of transpacific oceanic influences in indigenous America -as far as we know- according to current archaeological reports. But it is possible and probable that we lack the corresponding data, because it is still poorly studied whether the western coasts of Mexico present us with facts of the same antiquity, and even, it could be, of a slightly greater antiquity.
The above corresponds to the fact that there seem to be two transpacific entry routes in America, following marine currents. Indeed, if we examine a map, we see that there are two important marine currents that, from the western Pacific,
FACE OF A EUROPEAN TYPE, WE WOULD SAY GERMAN, WITH A MAGNIFICENT MUSTACHE. Terracotta figure, found in Sesis, Guatemala, according to E. Seler, Alterthumer aus dor Guatemala, reproduced by H. Beuchat in his Manuel d'Archéologie Américaine, page 372. There is nothing Mongolian about it, even less so by the developed and trimmed mustache, while its necessary complement, the beard, is shaved. Its physical features denote an Armenoid racial mix, as can be seen by the aquiline nose.
head towards America. The first towards the North is the Japanese Current or Kuro Siwo (Black), which starts from the North of the Philippines, passes by the coasts of Japan and from there follows a curved path towards the Vancouver area, continues along the coasts of the United States and those of Northern Mexico; on the central coasts of Mexico it turns and heads back towards the Philippines. The second route -which we have been almost the only ones to consider- is the Equatorial Counter Current, which leaves from the Northern zone of the Celebes Islands and Southern Philippines; from there it heads directly towards the coasts of Ecuador and Colombia, slightly touching the coasts of Northern Peru, Piura, where it collides with the cold Humboldt current, coming from the South, traveling along those South American coasts.
In a logical interpretation, the current of the North of the
BAS-RELIEFS REPRESENTING WARRIORS, in columns of Chichén Itzá. They correspond to the so-called New Empire, when a Toltec invasion ended up dominating the ancient Mayans. They all have large noses; the warrior in the center shows a large beard, not Mongolian. They carry large curved maces in their hands and their feather headdresses recall ancient Persians; the same is presented in the Mochicas.
MEN WITH BEARDS HOLD UP THE SKY. Relief of the Castle of Chichén Itzá, according to W. Krickeberg: Myths and Legends of the Aztecs, Incas, Mayans and Muiscas, page 91. The author tells us: "Snail man and spider man as bearers of the sky". It is something like Atlas holding up the Earth (which must be a later adaptation). Both have Caucasoid-type beards; the second, a curved Armenian-type nose.
The Pacific must have been the first known, presuming that they would first have tried to follow the coasts, but history is not always very logical and some bold adventurer could have launched first, from the mentioned Indonesia zone, "to see what was there where the Sun rose".
On the route of arrival to America via the Japanese Current, we have the undeniable fact that navigators who followed that route touched American coasts at least at three points: the coasts of British Columbia, where the culture of its inhabitants shows us numerous traits that must have arrived by that route, although not necessarily from Japan but rather from the Philippines; then, the coasts of San Francisco, where in a zone of preservation of very primitive cultures appear traits of high culture and even words absolutely of Indonesian origin - such as the word lima, to designate the numeral five, while also meaning hand - and, finally, the fundamental point of arrival, western Mexico, where the mouth of the Balsas River and Acapulco seem to be the main points.
The second route, that of the Equatorial Counter Current, touches the
ceramic of Costa Rica, with a bearded character. From: National Museum of Costa Rica, Treasures of Pre-Columbian Art of Costa Rica, Piece of the Month, July 1971. It is supposed to represent the Mexican Old Fire God, but what is important is its abundant beard and non-Mongolian face.
Ecuadorian and Colombian coasts. We have that the same ultimate influences must have arrived as by the other route, since among the Cuna Indians of Panama the same word we just mentioned is used, in the form of atali (a hand, five), which corresponds to primitive forms of proto-Indonesian languages.
On the coasts of Ecuador, we have the Valdivia culture, whose earliest antiquity would date back—according to the latest reports—to 3400 before the Era. It presents ceramics with vessels of a far from primitive type, mainly adorned with incisions and, at the same time, clay figurines, almost all female, well-developed and with complicated hairstyles, which to us and several other authors, remind us of old Egyptian hairstyles. These statuettes do not correspond to the most ancient periods of the culture, but in any case, they begin to appear well before 2500 BC.
Dr. Betty Meggers has compared the pottery, vessels or, better, fragments according to their decorations, of this culture, with the one supposed to be contemporary with Jōmon, in Japan. The similarities of these incised decorations are surprising and have been accepted by numerous researchers. In reality, the relationship was first discovered by Uruguayan archaeologist Raúl Campá Soler, who was then credited by Ecuadorian Estrada and, later, by Dr. Meggers. As currently the first discoverer is not cited, it passes as a discovery of North American research.
We accept, without a doubt, the relationship noted with the Jōmon ceramics from 3000 BC, but not the author's interpretation, who supposes a direct relationship with a group of pre-Japanese fishermen dragged by marine currents, who would have established themselves in the site and taught the forms and decoration of their ceramics to the local natives. The same author has to tell us that the Valdivia ceramics contemporary with Jōmon are more developed than their possible original source. We clarify that the Jōmon settlers were also fishermen and that their origin, in terms of their ceramics, is much older, since ceramics found in the area date back to 8000 before Christ, a figure that allows them to be included among the oldest in the world.
The Jomon ceramics prior to 3000 are related in their forms and decorations to Siberian Asian and neighboring coasts, and are very different in shapes and drawings. Around 3000 BC, new forms appear in ceramics and their incised ornaments; they are related. The Jomon clay figurines, on the other hand, have no relation, in any era, to those of Valdivia, even less so in their delicate female hairstyles.
An important detail that appears in Jomon ceramics, only around 3000 BC, is the presence of ornaments printed with the edges of a shell called a comb (Pectem). This detail is present in the oldest levels of Valdivia culture. It was also decorated ceramics; it is generally called cardial ceramics (from cardium, heart, in Latin). It is present in all the oldest ceramics of the Mediterranean coasts, beginning with its eastern zone, and from dates
THE FIRST OCEANIC INFLUENCES IN AMERICA. According to Gordon R. Willey: An Introduction to American Archaeology, fig. 5-16. According to Zeballos and Holm. From the Valdivia culture, around 3000 BC. Almost all are female and represent a small human type with delicate features, with beautiful hairstyles. Their features correspond to the Indonesian-Mediterranean racial type.
prior to 5000 BC. We suppose that the same should occur on the coasts of South Asia, up to Indonesia, since in a museum in Holland we have seen ceramic fragments from that origin, but we did not note the details, because at that time the topic did not concern us.
Now, in other words, based on the previous explanation, our explanation is as follows. From Indonesia, where this cardial pottery would have existed slightly before 3000 BC, navigations would have occurred that led its bearers, on one hand, towards Jomon and on the other, towards America, where the Valdivia culture was formed through its influence. In support of this, we present the following: the bearers of the Jomon culture would be the Ainu, and nothing less similar to the human form presented by the Ainu is what appears in the female statuettes of the Valdivia culture. The Ainu are H-2-3 of our classification, as we already know well, and the statuettes present women of developed F type, that is, F-5-6 forms. No relationship is possible between them and the Ainu. They are Indonesian women.
It could be said that these are representations of local human forms that would have assimilated Jomon influences, but the response against that is simple. That human form did not exist before in America and, in no way, could have passed through Bering, among other things, because
it does not exist in North America, above Mexico. This human type is clearly Mediterranean-Indonesian; in the Valdivia figurines, for the first time in America, we have its undoubted presence on the continent.
In the Valley of Mexico, later its representation appears in numerous clay statuettes found in the Lower Archaic but especially dominant in the Middle Archaic; archaeologists call them "Pretty Lady". They also frequently have good hairstyles, and practically always wear ear spools, an element absent in Valdivia. A later form are the so-called "smiling little heads" from the Gulf Coast area, pre-Totonac, more developed and generally larger.
In South America, this human type is widely spread. They form especially "pockets" in the Andean and Amazonian zones, including Venezuela. They constitute an important part of the population of Peru's Paracas culture and are absolutely dominant in the subsequent Nazca culture; they are also found in Ecuador and Colombia, from where they penetrate into Venezuela. In the Amazon - at least for us - they constitute the basic core of the Guarani-Tupi and, probably, of the Arawak and Carib peoples; other protoamazonic culture peoples: the Pano, Tacana, etc. present this type in abundance. In Bolivia, they are one-third of the pre-Columbian population of the Valleys (scarce in the Altiplano), according to the skulls we have found; carriers of the culture we call Nazcoid. In Northwest Argentina, they were and are the proper population of the Draconian culture and its current human survivals, passing through several other cultures. In Chile, they form "pockets" in Atacama and in Araucanian language pueblos, largely "Araucanized", in the nearby Argentine South, they are the exclusive human type of the Araucan tribe of the cacique Catriel, of whom there are nearly a hundred skulls in the Museum of La Plata, which allows us to say this.
In the Draconian or Aguada culture of Northwest Argentina, clay figurines (rarely of stone) representing this human type are abundant, with a slender body, fine and delicate face, almost entirely feminine. The hair is
arranged in an even more exquisite and complicated manner than in the Valdivia figurines and, very frequently, are even arranged asymmetrically on each side of the head, forming truly artistic compositions.
This human type we recently called "Mediterranean-Indonesian"; according to being Mediterranean (from the name of the Mediterranean Sea, since they mainly inhabit its shores) they should have beards and mustaches, as they are Caucasoids, but this is lacking in Indonesians and their American derivatives. They are also quite abundant in India, especially in the South, where their individuals generally have some beard and mustache. It is most likely that, originally, they did not have much beard, but the trait intensified upon migrating towards the Mediterranean and inversely, attenuated until disappearing, by Mongoloid mixing, in the Indochinese-Indonesian region; thus they arrived in American lands.
We will return to the Ecuadorian coasts. Around 1800 BC, the Machalilla culture succeeds the Valdivia culture, in which the statuettes are rough and, at the same time, represent individuals of type H, which in this case are characterized by the scarcity of forehead representation. Their derivatives cover the base of the Andean cultures, reappear among the historical Comechingones of Córdoba and have strong influences on the coast. We do not know of any bearded figures.
In Ecuador, around 1500 before the Era, the important Chorrera culture appears, of evident new transpacific origin, due to the novel traits of its ceramics. Among them, we will highlight only one: the silo-vessels, which appear for the first time, as we believe, in America. Here they are quite abundant; in contrast, in Mesoamerica they exist - but in small numbers - a little later; on the North coast of Peru they are extremely abundant, but from a later period. We do not know of any similar pieces from China. The oldest and almost only ones we know of in the Old World are found in the Phoenician region and in Cyprus, around 1500 before the Era, the same time they appear in Ecuador.
All clay figurines from this culture represent developed H-type individuals, often with Armenian-like noses, but without beards; they are of medium size and hollow, 252
made in a mold, a Phoenician or better, Canaanite feature, as far as we know.
In the later Bahía culture and neighboring cultures, around 500 BC, new types of figurines appear, among which there are both human FF and HH types, although the latter predominate. As for ceramics, pieces of ceramics - usually vessels - crowned by the shape of a small house or even modeled entirely in the shape of a house appear for the first time in America. They spread weakly to Mesoamerica and are more abundant on the North coast of Peru. In the Old World, the oldest form of these house representations that we know of is found in Palestine, in the IV millennium BC, Tahoiuniense culture; they spread somewhat later and then acquire a great expansion, as a product of the Orientalizing period, when they reach Etruria and the southern coasts of the Baltic. In the East, they then spread through Indonesia, Indochina, China and Japan and arrive in America.
The ceramic figurines of this culture generally show us seated characters, up to medium-sized and hollow; the presence of a beard is most common, predominating in the human type H figurines; the beard they have is usually not large, but meticulously groomed, and appears in two or three tips or small beards. The faces of the characters are completely Caucasoid.
We want to say something more about the cultures of that moment on the coasts of Ecuador, starting from 500 BC. There appear a series of artistic features in the representation of human faces, especially female ones, which are completely strange to all other American sculptural arts, something we discuss extensively in our work America in World Prehistory, with abundant illustrations. Its greatest similarity in the entire world is found on the island of Cyprus, in the Mediterranean, during the Orientalizing period (7th to 6th centuries before the Era). There are even representations of faces in clay, which are a clear transition between that Orientalizing art and the classic Mochica sculptures of huaco-portraits, which we consider of the greatest importance. We clarify that, at that moment, Mycenaean survival features are mixed in Cyprus with other recent Greek ones, of the time, but most are Orientalizing Phoenician.
Naturally, these human figures in Ecuador correspond to human type H; the armenoid nose type is frequent and, regarding the beard, it is absent, simply because almost all the figures we refer to are female, but at the same time they are absolutely Caucasoid, without the slightest trait that could be supposed of Mongoloid origin.
We consider this to have been one of the last large-scale relationships from the ancient Mediterranean that reached the American coasts; the strangest thing is that it has practically not been studied; what we know of the case are only a series of isolated human representations, without the culture's ensemble having been well established. We already said that in this art the basis of the Mochica culture is found; we now add that it is also the basis of the Tiahuanaco culture in its Classic period, since the form of its "monoliths" appears there then, albeit in a size not exceeding one meter.
In later cultures of Ecuador, the presence of the beard diminishes in their representations, especially because representations of human faces become much impoverished.
From Colombia, we do not know - or do not now remember - representations of human faces with beards, although a few curved, Armenian-type noses are found. In human faces and masks of the San Agustín statues, negroid-type noses abound, as in the large heads of La Venta.
We move to Peru. There, we have the Chavín culture, compared more than once with the Olmec. One of its oldest forms - or more probably another predecessor culture - is that of Cerro Sechín, on the coast, north of Lima. From it we are left with a large series of engraved steles in low relief, which have been reused in a later temple, just as happens with the "dancers" of Monte Albán I. That temple would already correspond, probably, to a primitive phase of the Chavín culture, and its antiquity is quite prior to the beginnings of the first millennium before the Era. At least one of such steles presents a beard, in a simple representation of long hairs; it corresponds to a decapitated head. All the steles of this style seem to represent scenes of a struggle - with dismembered enemies - or perhaps human sacrifices. Two of the mono-
THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE BEARD IN ECUADOR. Clay figure of a character with the beard arranged forming two points. In another illustration three points appear. From the Bahía culture prior to the Era. According to Estrada, 1962. Taken from Gordon R. Willey: An Introduction to American Archaeology, fig. 5-47.
Lithic engravings represent a large ship to us, with outriggers or side floats, or two ships, depending on how one interprets the case. Another engraving presents us with a high-sea navigation quadrant, which would be considered impossible for those times, but which is quite clear, despite the usual "arrangement that fixes things" interpretation, and tells us it is the representation of a human palette.
For the classic Chavín culture, we have a whole series of large monoliths and stone steles, even clay ones, which mostly show human figures - often with zoomorphic features - and masked. From what we know, only one has something we can interpret as a beard; it comes from Cajamarca and only shows four thick "hairs".
As time passes, we reach the Moche culture, from which stone sculpture has disappeared; instead, it presents us with thousands of huaco-portraits, where the human face - or better said, the head - appears admirably sculpted, which necessarily leads us to consider that live models were used in most cases. The complete human figure is also very frequent, and the same occurs with small modeled scenes. The Moche culture also presents us with countless painted scenes, many of war and others peaceful, where characters lacking beards are found, but sometimes showing a large spiral mustache, a form we have already seen in Mesoamerica; in other instances, that mustache is smaller and barely extends beyond the upper lip. We include illustrations of this. It is important to note that, in most war scenes, it is the defeated who carry this mustache detail.
The vast majority of huaco-portraits do not have a beard or mustache, but they do have a large Armenian-like nose; although sometimes this nose is straight, it is always large. The lack of a beard is explained by the reason already mentioned that, in the area, beautiful Greek-shaped razors are found, the same shape used by our barbers, albeit with a longer handle.
Continuing with the topic of metal -in Mochica culture as well as in the neighboring and originally contemporaneous Vicús culture of Mochica I, which would begin around the 5th century before the Era- there are abundant copper weapons. We must point out that the material is copper, but the forms correspond to those of bronze from the Upper Bronze Age of the Old World, especially from Persia and even Greece and Anatolia; among them are very diverse forms of mace heads, generally star-shaped (often imitated in stone and thus spread), as well as mace and lance guards, which are well represented in paintings and modeling.
The quantity of huaco-portraits from the Mochica culture, in all its periods, with the figuration of the human type we are discussing -that is, with a clear Caucasoid aspect of the Armenian race- leads us to suppose that there was an important concentration of this human type, possibly greater than that found in Mesoamerica, in its various regions. But we must
not forget that what was represented in them was fundamentally the ruling class and not the people, who appear in very few representations, with a clearly rougher face, generally. There are also representations of other human types here, which have been studied and described especially by R. Larco Hoyle in his work Los Mochicas. The illustrations of human faces are now completely Mongolian; others, by their physiognomy, clearly show belonging to the black type, not even mestizo. Although they are only a few samples, they are enough to know that these human types existed there.
An important clarification: Mochica paintings, on ceramics, copy mural paintings, exactly as happened in ancient Greece and Etruria. A good example of this is that some of these mural paintings have miraculously been preserved.
LESSER MONOLITH OF CERRO SECHIN, left side of the temple. According to Julio C. Tello: Archaeology of the Casma Valley, fig. 87. The presence of a beard is quite evident. In Cerro Sechín, the monoliths show characters who have been in a battle and numerous dead; this is a severed head. The antiquity of the ruins is not well determined, but it is quite prior to the Chavin culture. Some give it up to 1800 years before the Era; a more common figure gives us 1400 BC.
Peruvian mummified head, with blonde hair. From Chancay. According to Juan Carlos Martelli: Mysteries of Ancient Peru, page 9, in "FANAL", No. 70, Lima 1964. According to the author, five of these mummies have been found, one of them having a "reddish beard". This is the fifth, called "the gringa" by the press. The hair is golden blonde and the face seems to be of Mediterranean type. The idea that these are decolorized hairs has been ruled out, especially with the discovery of a reddish hair with gray hairs; the hairs are thin and fine. The age of these mummies is 700 years old. The original, in colors.
They seem to be individuals of Mediterranean race. Some of them show mustaches. Almost all are from Chimbote.
Other Peruvian cultures, contemporary and subsequent, very rarely present us with the features of beard and mustache that we are discussing, although the representation of aquiline noses is quite common.
In the central coast of Peru, especially, a series of mummies have been found - some of them very ancient - that present blonde hair. The illustrations we possess, two in colors - one with very light blonde hair and another with wavy, chestnut hair - are of women, so that, naturally,
chestnut hair on a Peruvian mummy. From Chancay. According to Juan Carlos Martelli: Mysteries of Ancient Peru, page 9, in "FANAL", No. 70, Lima 1964. It is supposed that the person was buried alive, due to the apparent gesture of terror that they present, but we do not believe that, which moreover is not of interest now. The hair is chestnut (the illustration is in colors) and clearly wavy and fine. The race seems to be Mediterranean.
they do not have beard or mustache. It would be important to see if, in any known male mummies, these features appear.
In Bolivia, we have found a couple of skulls with reddish hair remains, both type F, Indonesian; in the Archaeological Museum founded in San Pedro de Atacama by Father Le Paige, we saw several dozen mummies and human heads, equipped with brown and wavy hair, just like in some mummies from northwestern Argentina.
Regarding the latter, I remember visiting the Archaeological Museum of Humahuaca - made by the late friend
Caucasoid sculpture, from Tiahuanaco. According to Pierre Honoré: The Legend of the White Gods, fig. 55. There is another practically identical double sculpture, with the same human type. Although the beard is missing - perhaps because the character is shaved - the face is absolutely Caucasoid.
Casanova - along with some colleagues, when facing several mummies that had brown and wavy hair, we pointed out these characteristics, and we were told that the hair was discolored by time and that the waviness came from its dryness. The response would be good if, next to them, there were not other mummies with black and straight hair - why in them had the same process of waviness and dryness not occurred?
We move on to the Inca culture. The human representations that have remained from this culture are extremely scarce, and none of those we know have a beard or mustache, even though representations of aquiline noses are abundant. We clarify that one of the reasons why Inca sculpture disappeared - a fact we have not seen mentioned - is that it was fundamentally carried out in full-body sculptures of men and women, in gold and silver. Numerous chroniclers point this out. Naturally, for this reason they disappeared in Spanish smelting furnaces, within a few days of the
conquest. The chroniclers also inform us that the Inca ruling class was of a lighter color than their subjects.
Among the Incas, there was a monarch and a god from whom that Inca took his name, called Huiracocha, a word that has no direct translation in Quechua or Aymara (in reality, the name appears to be formed by two Quechua words: cocha, lake and huira, grease, oil; but they should, according to the genius of that indigenous language, be combined in reverse: cochahuira). We consider that the word is deformed and that it relates to the Amazonian Muyrakita ("green stone"), but the case needs further study. What is certain is that, quite consistently, the chroniclers tell us that the god Huiracocha was "white and bearded"; thus Huaman Poma, an indigenous chronicler, represents the Inca Huiracocha, with a small beard that extends across his cheeks.
beard, on a copper disk from the Argentine no. According to Márquez Miranda: Los Diaguitas, fig. 109, from Leconte. In low and crude bas-relief, it represents a human face from whose lower part five threads emerge that figure a fairly long beard. Diameter, 374 mm.
BEARDED FACE, IN A LARGE PITCHER from Santiago del Estero. Height 575 mm., with a human face in relief using pastry technique, in which a large wavy beard and a small nose ring stand out. Excavations O. Righetti, Beltrán, Santiago del Estero, Wagner Archaeological Museum.
We now arrive at Bolivian territory. In it, the beard is practically absent in human representations; the mustache is only known in two ceramic keru vessels, with a sculpted human face; these are small mustaches that only comprise the ends of the upper lip and end in a small point curved upward; it can be interpreted as Caucasoid or Mongoloid. Another case shows a small goatee. In contrast, in stone sculptures and, more especially, in ceramic modeling and paintings, the aquiline nose and also the straight nose frequently appear, accompanied by a vigorous chin. The set of these faces is completely Caucasoid, as can be seen in an illustration we present. Other figures - and especially the two fairly large monoliths that are today on the sides of the entrance to the Tiahuanaco town church - show Mongoloid type features in their faces, with some Amorite detail.
In the cultures of Bolivia's interior that we have personally discovered, those of the valleys of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca and Tarija, that is, those of the Tumuli, Sauces, Tupuray, Mojocoya, Nazcoide, etc., the human representations, relatively abundant in small stone and clay figures, have neither beard nor mustache, while showing various human types, among which the Armenian-like nose sometimes appears. The first two mentioned show us individuals of human type H; the others are F.
With this we arrive at the Argentine Northwest. There are quite a few stone representations here, practically all belonging to ancient levels, of small size, sometimes sculpted as decorations on vessels, mortars, etc., and many small clay sculptures, called figurines, which depict H individuals, mostly. We properly consider that, in their origin, they derive from the figurines of the Machalilla culture, the one following Valdivia in Ecuador, which spreads as the basis of later Andean cultures. They are found alongside the oldest ceramics, throughout our Northwest and have numerous marginal survivals, while also spreading to the Littoral. At an intermediate moment, the exquisite figurines of the Draconian culture -Aguada according to González- appear, about which we have already spoken and which are of type
Indonesian F human. In all those we know, there is no beard or mustache, but here it must be clarified that the vast majority are female.
However, the beard does appear in several ceramics, for example, in the vessel modeled in the total form of an old man, which is preserved in the Ethnographic Museum of Buenos Aires, with a broad Caucasoid-type beard. The beard is also represented in several large vessels or jugs from Santiago del Estero, on whose upper part a crude human face is modeled in pastillage, accompanied by reliefs falling to form a curled beard, Armenoid.
The same occurs in several metal objects, such as the so-called bronze discs and in some bronze bells, which show us one or two human faces formed by
ABNORMAL LITHIC SCULPTURE, FOUND IN MULCHEN, CHILE. According to Dillman S. Bullock: A curious and rare object found in Mulchen, prov. of Blobro, Chile. Sculpture in andesite, a very hard stone, 122 mm high, representing a human head of Nordic type. Its age is unknown, as it was found while plowing a field. It has been supposed to be of colonial origin, but "who could have made it at that time?"; moreover, the "spike" at its base is indigenous. The figure has a wide beard and mustache. We believe it is probably a pre-Columbian object of transpacific origin.
Small relief lines made in casting; they show four or five lines that form a quite long and smooth beard. We have previously mentioned that in the ceramics of the La Candelaria culture, from Salta and Northern Tucumán, originally corresponding to times slightly before Christ, but seemingly lasting perhaps a thousand years, there are modeled individuals and faces in which a beard, or rather a small goatee, is noted.
For Chile, we have a small stone sculpture that presents a truly extraordinary human face, which is why we reproduce it in photograph and drawing. This is an isolated find, discovered while plowing a field in the Araucanian province of Biobío. It measures 12,2cm12,2 \mathrm{~cm} and is made of andesite. Sculpted in it is a complete human head, whose face is extraordinarily Nordic in type, with a wide beard and mustache, straight nose and corresponding eyes. It has a cap, broken at its end, which seems to be pointed and which we would consider Phoenician.
This is an extraordinary piece, we repeat, such as rarely found in America. The face is undoubtedly European, but the ensemble in which it is carved, especially the lower spike that supports it, is indigenous.
Chapter VII
Other American Indigenous Races
1. Initial Brief Comments and Other Native Races
In all of the foregoing, up to this point, our effort has been directed exclusively towards demonstrating the existence in America of non-Mongoloid indigenous races, contrary to the idea that the indigenous American population is exclusively or almost exclusively Mongoloid. The Mongoloid races we have been seeing are quite clear, and they can be summarized by the undeniable presence of two human groups of Caucasoid type: the primitive Ainus or better said Amurians, and individuals of the Armenoid race, characterized by their beard and mustache, who are clearly distinguished from the former by their prominent hooked or aquiline nose.
With what has been said, we do not express that these human forms are the only Caucasoid types present in America; the last lines of the previous chapter and its illustration are a good example of this, but it is evident that they did not form significant populations; these are only isolated individuals, perhaps families, but who undoubtedly would have been quickly absorbed by the majority population of the continent.
We now present another similar undeniable fact, although it may correspond to a larger number of individuals, since there are several representations of this type, all of them corresponding to the Old Mayan Empire.
From the end of the Olmec culture, in Southern Mexico and Guatemala, numerous features of direct Hindu influence appear, which would probably have begun up to five centuries before our Era. This is too early for
the known historical Hindu influence of Sanskrit language in Indonesia and Indochina, which occurs at the beginning of the 2nd century of the Era. Undoubtedly, it is not too early for the very beginning of Hindu civilization. Let us clarify here that the known and historical Hindu influence in Indonesia takes place thanks to the spread, first of Hinduism and then Buddhism, in a missionary action, naturally developed by conquering political interests.
But the Hindu civilization existed from before. The barbaric Aryan peoples, despite all the praise they receive in later Hindu epics and through European "Aryanizing" authors, destroyed the Civilization of the Hindo around 1500 BC; this was followed by a long Middle Ages. From that Middle Ages, the Aryans of the Ganges began to emerge when the Aryan monarch Azoca conquered the Dravidian-speaking kingdom of Kalinga, in the 3rd century BC, which already had a developed maritime navigation. With that conquest, the Kalinga artisans who knew how to build stone buildings and sculptures were transferred to the Ganges area. Thus began the renaissance of civilization among the Aryans.
But from centuries before, the Dravidian peoples of South India were already widely developing that work of stone architecture and sculpture, not only the Kalingas; there were three other important kingdoms at that time in South India - of Dravidian, not Aryan language - all of them already had developed maritime navigation and traded with the Mediterranean and, undoubtedly, with Indonesia and Indochina, although we lack historical information about it. It is also important to say that the European researchers who have studied the archaeology of India were, naturally, admirers of the "Aryan civilization", as it served to exalt their own. The current researchers of free India are also Aryans, which is why there has been very little interest in studying the oldest phases of Dravidian civilization.
But numerous words from Dravidian languages have spread in Indonesia and even in Polynesian languages, reaching as far as New Zealand. Therefore, the relations of Dravidian India with Indonesia are undoubtable and very
Earlier than those of Sanskrit-language India. And it is with this that the first influences of India received by the last Olmecs must be related, which later appear very intensely in the Mayan peoples. Without a doubt, these relationships lasted quite a long time and, in the most recent of them, we have no inconvenience in recognizing that direct influences of Aryan peoples of Sanskrit language widely reached the Mayans of the Old Empire. We would need to investigate whether Sanskrit words can be found in the religion of Mayan peoples, something we believe is undoubtable. For us, the Aztec god Quetzalcoatl, called Kukulcán among the Mayans, is directly the same Vishnu of India; the proof: both have as insignia and sign a shell of the same species.
With the expressed, we can now face the problem that a series of Mayan sculptures with head and also full body of a Young God signify for us. It has been attempted to interpret it as "The Young God of Corn", a point we somewhat addressed in our work Cosmogony and Indigenous American Mythology, published by Editorial Kier.
What matters to us is the representation of the head and face of that person, although we rather believe it involves more than one person, at least two, according to the illustrations we possess. Their face is absolutely typical of the purest and most classic Hindu art; there is nothing Mongoloid or Armenoid about it; being faces of young people, they lack beard and mustache, while the nose is straight, the eyes are closed and are slanted. All their art style is Hindu, we repeat, something that cannot be doubted.
We reproduce illustrations of two human types, in these Mayan heads, which we took from an old monograph by W. H. Holmes, On the Race History, one of which is shown next to an Indonesian sculpture representing the head of Buddha, with notable similarities. The Mayan human head here shows us a Caucasoid individual, apparently of type F-6, while the second Mayan human sculpture presented by Holmes clearly shows a developed F-1. It differs greatly from the previous face by being much taller, with a long, straight, and thin nose, as well as a large subnasal space, which is an almost constant characteristic in all
Mayan and Hindu sculptures. According to W. H. Holmes: On the Race History. The author, in an important article critically examining indigenous American races, makes the comparison we present. First, a Mayan sculpture from Guatemala and then, an Indonesian Buddha sculpture. The similarities are remarkable, although we note that the Mayan sculpture has eyes more similar to what would be a derivation from the Orientalizing period of the ancient Mediterranean; its human type, however, appears more Hindu than from Western Asia, whose human type is more frequent in America.
human individuals 1, whether F or H. It also has large earlobes. The eyes are closed in both Mayan heads, this trait corresponding to the half-closed form of the eyes in the Indonesian Buddha head.
As can be seen, such a great difference in the representation of that supposed "Young Corn God" suggests that it is not a single personality being represented; it is even possible to find a transitional interpretation that reconciles both hypotheses. To serve as a "model" for the god, young individuals with Hindu-like characteristics were chosen, according to the traits of their first bearers in the region.
We have other illustrations about this, but for our expository needs, this is already sufficient.
Hindu-type sculpture in Mayan culture. Old Empire, Guatemala. According to W. H. Holmes: On the Race History, plate 12, fig. 2. The art with which it is made is classically Hindu; also the face represented is Hindu, without any Mongoloid traits. It is a human type H-1.
2. Negroid racial types in pre-Columbian America
Although this topic has been thoroughly discussed by several authors, naturally, the supporters of the indigenous American racial unity - who assume it is a derivation of the Mongolian race - have strongly opposed it.
The discovery of representations of black individuals in pre-Columbian America began at the end of the last century in Mexico, with the finding of the first giant human head, made of stone, from the Olmec civilization. At first, this was quite accepted, assuming they were even the
first inhabitants of the continent and that they came directly from an African migration; later, with the complete triumph of Hrdliçka's North American School, etc., the case was set aside and even forgotten. Currently, those negroid features in the large Olmec heads continue to be pointed out, but normally no explanation is given about them.
Indeed, these are not the only representations of blacks - or of mixed or mulatto blacks in America - but there are many others, both sculpted in stone, modeled in ceramics, and painted on it. Additionally, there are numerous skulls whose measurements - especially a pronounced prognathism - have led them to be presented as such, but the constant opposition of the cited School managed to deny them, primarily on the basis of this premise: "they could not exist". We ourselves have found two of these skulls in our excavations in Bolivia. One in Potosí, shortly before the Inca conquest in the area, with clearly African black characteristics; another in Mizque, Cochabamba, with traits more typical of the Alfuru, in the Far East of Indonesia.
But we have already said that, in this work, we will do our best to conform to Birdsell's comparative requirements. Consequently, we must set aside the skulls and limit ourselves to seeing, as much as possible, the representations of black types in sculptures and ceramics. We renounce in advance any study of skulls, their measurements, and especially their prognathism.
The adversary criticism has been especially directed to denying any possibility of a direct relationship with Africa, of these individuals (they do not form a grouped population in any case) in America. To do this, it has been particularly dedicated to denying any navigation capacity to the natives of Africa, which is far from being true, as we will see.
Moreover, we consider that this transatlantic relationship was minimal and late and that it had no least effect on the representations we are dealing with here. We will briefly see them later. Meanwhile, we begin by exposing our interpretation about the origin of these representations of black and negroid types in pre-Columbian America, which we consider 274
undoubted and which, therefore, we will try to explain. First, those black types that appear in America do not proceed directly from Africa, but through the transpacific route, as did the Caucasian races which we previously discussed.
Due to the forced brevity with which we address this topic, we will not make citations, although they could be quite numerous; but we will begin by pointing out the fact that, in the late Middle Ages, Chinese junks reached India and the Persian Gulf, passing through Indonesia, which at that time was full of pirates. These were large junks, with a capacity of up to 3,000 tons, incredible as it may seem. The truth is that a regular navigation was made between China and India, with cabins with bathrooms, tickets sold in advance, etc., as described by Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, who traveled on a ship that carried two hundred passengers and a total of about twelve hundred people and which consisted of twelve masts, with fixed sails, etc. What matters to us in this description is the fact that these junks carried 400 marine soldiers, usually Abyssinians, that is, blacks, as they were considered the most fierce in defending against pirate attacks. The presence and spread of blacks throughout those regions where South Asian navigation was carried out was already common; undoubtedly, it had been so for many centuries - possibly a little more than a couple of millennia - to be able to explain the black heads of La Venta and even the clay representations of Tlatilco.
In other words, the blacks that appear in La Venta and Tlatilco, at least around 800 before the Era, would not have arrived on the American continent by themselves, but rather as part of the crew of merchants who at that time traveled along the coasts of South Asia and reached the American coasts during their voyages. We clarify that we are not talking about slaves, since the American representations in this case correspond to characters, or better, nobles, due to the fact that almost all of these American black figures show us the characteristic ear spools of indigenous nobility.
The territories of Eritrea and Abyssinia at that time were still mainly populated by blacks, who, through relations with the Sabaean Yemen and undoubtedly with Egypt, had already developed a sufficiently advanced culture
to the point that among them there were also good merchants who, either in their own boats or as passengers on Sabaean or even Phoenician vessels, reached distant lands through their trade, for the case and in what interests us, America.
Naturally, these blacks or negroids would be of more than one human type; this is how we find them in American representations, where most of their depictions show them of human type H, but also a few of clear FF type, although the latter may be due to the fact that the individuals who made these figures (small clay figurines from Mexico) were themselves of type F, or it might have been about mulattoes (rather mulattas, according to the figurines we have), produced by local or Indonesian crossbreedings, with human forms F, characteristic of that region.
There are two areas in America where these human forms are found in representations. The first has been the only one cited so far and is the zone of the Olmecs of La Venta and their influences in Tlatilco, with some later survivals. The second zone is more limited; it comprises the Mochica territory and extends to San Agustín, from where there are several good representations of blacks, also with large earrings, that is, nobility lords, in the huaco-portraits.
Outside of the two mentioned territories, we do not know of representations of black people in indigenous America, so they would seem to be quite limited in their diffusion across America. They also appear to have been few in number, so that within a few generations they would disappear in natural mixtures. Nevertheless, there is the other cited material, that of skulls with Negroid features, which indicates a greater diffusion and a much superior antiquity, but we have already said that we restrict that material as much as possible.
We still need to address a direct relationship - though very late - with Africa, which seems undeniable to us for the following reason. There exists an Arab account from Sudan, from the mid-14th century, which relates an African expedition towards America, crossing the Atlantic - or better said, expeditions, as there were two - with a record of return for the first and sin\sin news for the second.
We have two monographs, in which these facts are cited. The first interpretation we consider possible; it is by our friend Armando Vivante and is titled The Problem of Pre-Hispanic Black Americans. The second, by our friend Juan Comas, titled Transatlantic Hypotheses on the Peopling of America, expresses a frankly negative position on the case, but both provide us with other information that we will soon see.
Now we turn to two brief citations from another author, because although he provides very brief information, in the second of them he includes a fact not mentioned by the previous friends and which resolves the problem affirmatively, as will soon be seen. This other author is Pierre Bertaux, and his work, Africa. From Prehistory to Current States. The first citation is from page 45, where we are told the following:
In 1300, the Keita dynasty rises to the throne. Of the three princes who succeed each other between 1300 and 1312, we barely know their names. However, the last one, Abubakari II, undertook a maritime expedition from the Atlantic coast between 1310 and 1312. Two hundred canoes, well-equipped and abundantly provisioned with supplies, were ordered to sail westward and not to turn back until they had reached the other shore of the Ocean. As only one returned, the sovereign himself sent two thousand canoes this time, of which none came back. A conclusion has been drawn, perhaps a bit bold, that the canoeists of Mali had discovered America before Christopher Columbus.
We see that the author also doubts whether that fleet of canoes could have reached the American coasts, despite being canoes easily twenty meters long and possibly placed in a double formation, like Polynesian ones, more than enough theoretically to reach the American coasts. But what interests us is that single canoe that returned, with important information, because otherwise, that subsequent and more numerous fleet would not have been sent. The black kingdom of Mali then extended from beyond Timbuktu to the coasts of Senegal; from those coasts, it was not difficult to send those canoe fleets.
The main point of the case is to prove that effectively one canoe returned from the two hundred of the first expedition (naturally, that number seems exaggerated; even more so the two thousand of the next expedition). Here is the reason why we cite this author, because he provides us with full proof of that return, at least of one canoe.
Indeed, a few pages later in the work we are citing (pages 47-48), the author provides the fundamental information, without realizing its significance. Speaking of Ibn Battuta's historical account, he states:
He shows his astonishment because the heir to the throne is the son of the deceased's sister. He notes that agriculture is prosperous and commerce is flourishing. Caravans arrive in Timbuktu from all points of the horizon. He observes the frugality of meals: sweetened millet stew with honey and a little milk. He is surprised to see peanuts or groundnuts. The indigenous people extract from underground grains that have the appearance of beans; they fry them and their taste is similar to fried chickpeas. These grains are ground and oil is extracted which is used for cooking, lighting, hygiene, and for painting houses.
These peanuts are the peanuts of Argentina, and we do not know another plant that has these characteristics of producing beans underground, which can be fried or roasted, that gives oil for the mentioned uses, etc. Therefore, it is evident that this is that plant, from the family of peanuts.
However, the peanut plant is exclusively American in its origin. Ibn Battuta describes it in use in Timbuktu, forty years after the possible return of the first expedition's canoe. This needs to be explained. The presence of this American plant in the center of Sudan, in the mid-14th century, we believe undoubtedly demonstrates that there was a relationship with American lands at that time, and most likely, its grains were brought back in the returning canoe. It would also be important to see if Ibn Battuta describes that millet sweetened with honey well, as it could be corn, whose presence in Africa seems to be described by Portuguese navigators, before Columbus arrived in America. The Portuguese tell us about a millet called zaburo or zaburro, which the natives of the Guinea coast planted, and this name zaburo is still used today to exclusively designate corn.
But that is not all. Our two cited friends, Vivante and Comas, provide us with abundant information about the American counterpart of the case, something we had already noticed, but about which Vivante gathers all available information, while Comas criticizes and denies it.
We will not detail through citations, but rather summarize the facts. Columbus, on his voyage through the Lesser Antilles and Hispaniola, reports that the natives told him that their ancestors had fought against an invasion of black-skinned people who brought javelins and spears with guanín tips (in this case, it would be iron, well used by the blacks of Sudan; for the natives of the Antilles, guanín would be any metal). Other chroniclers tell us about the existence of a small, very warlike group of blacks who inhabited Panama and who would have disappeared soon due to wars. Very important is the fact that these geographical points are located in areas where a fleet of canoes could be dragged by currents.
Juan Comas - just like Vivante - cites all these facts, but contrives to dismiss them, especially on the basis that none of the chroniclers who cite them indicate that these American "blacks" had hair in a mota (tuft). The truth is, their existence is manifested by more than one chronicler, who say that "they were black as those from Guinea".
We are interested in inserting a sample of Comas' critique, where another author is cited whom we do not know to be an anthropologist, but rather an archaeologist; therefore, he has the excuse that he may not be well-versed in the trait he is discussing. But Juan Comas is a physical anthropologist par excellence, and that excuse does not apply to him. It is about the following: he cites Ignacio Bernal and his rejection of African influence in America, with reference to the oldest negroids represented in the great Olmec heads:
"Studying Bernal's physical type, according to its representation in archaeological pieces, he refers to the 'epicanthic fold, the most characteristic feature of Mongoloid faces', and adds:"
But let us remember at the same time that much has been said that the colossal heads represent a Negroid type, from which the presence of true blacks arriving on the Gulf coast is supposed. In reality, this arrival is improbable, although not impossible, and even more improbable is the combination of the epicanthic fold with Negroid faces.
The final underlining is ours, and there lies what Comas cannot ignore as an anthropologist; therefore, he should not have made that absolutely incorrect citation, but as it suited him, he did.
There, in the underlined part, is the problem: the combination of the epicanthic fold with Negroid faces is maintained as absolutely improbable, when it is well known that the epicanthic fold exists in numerous black peoples and that among Senegalese, this presence reaches up to 70%, that is, even more than in many peoples considered absolutely Mongoloid.
We repeat that Juan Comas could not ignore this.
We return to our basic theme, that is, the Negroids and blacks in ancient American civilizations. They are already present in the Olmec civilization, for which they must have arrived in America at least around the year 1000 before our Era. They are represented in clay figurines from Tlatilco and in the undoubtedly later giant Olmec heads. Regarding the latter, we do not know any of them, in the illustrations we possess, where the epicanthic fold mentioned by Ignacio Bernal is presented to us, but it may exist in one unknown to us. The features - as we have already said - are clearly those of African blacks and not of Melanesians or New Guineans, but some heads also present features that seem to us to be of mulattoes, or mixed-race descendants of true blacks and whites. A good example of this is in one of the most well-known of those giant Olmec heads, whose features immediately recall those of the great Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío, a first-generation mulatto.
Additionally, the representation of blacks in Mexico continued at least until the Classic period, as can be observed in a clay statuette from that era that we see in the work of Cyrus Gordon. In it and in two other similar statuettes from Tlatilco, one can clearly see the representation of hair, in a fine hairstyle, where a series of fine lines seem to represent hair in a tuft, something that Juan Comas especially insists on denying exists in America. This is not seen in the large Olmec stone heads, for the simple reason that they are covered by a helmet.
The same occurs in the Mochica pieces at the Larco Herrera Museum, where the heads are covered by the classic Mochica war helmet. In all the cited cases, these are members
STATUETTES OF NEGROID TYPE, FROM TLATILCO, of probable Olmec influence. According to R. Piña Chan: Mesoamerica, fig. 11. These two clay statuettes show negroid features in the face and, more undoubtedly, in the strong steatopygia observed in the profile of the second. In the hair, it seems they also intended to represent a curly form. Probable antiquity, around 1000 B.C.
of the nobility and not of serfs, as they display the ear spools characteristic of that caste.
In almost all stone statues from San Agustín, Colombia, the negroid feature of the very wide nose also appears, directly comparable to the large Olmec heads, while the Mongolian fold is absent; but almost all represent masks. Since other traits indicating the type are lacking, we prefer not to discuss them.
We will not describe the various samples we possess here, but instead opt to reproduce some pieces - both from Mexico and Peru - as demonstrative proof of everything we have been saying about the presence of true African blacks in very ancient times of pre-Columbian America. We repeat that, for us, these are relatively few individuals who arrived isolated, on merchants' ships, and remained in our-
BLACKS IN PRE-COLUMBIAN AMERICA. Two huaco-portraits from the Larco Herrera Museum in Peru, belonging to the mid-Moche culture, published by A. Schedl (1957 and 1959), according to A. Vivante, 1967. Schedl, like Vivante, recognize the negroid character of the features of the represented characters and the fact that they are not slaves but lords, as can be seen, especially, by the characteristic earrings of the first.
Other continent; in a not too long time, they ended up disappearing, due to the inevitable mixing with the majority population of the continent.
3. Pygmies or pygmoid people, in indigenous America
On this topic, there is a very abundant bibliography, where some researchers maintain the existence of elements
PYGMIES IN AMERICA. Indigenous person from the Motilón tribe of Colombia, with a pygmy stature, as can be seen. Photo by J. Bautista Venturello, reproduced by A. Vivante, 1967, plate IV. Much has been discussed about the existence of these pygmies in America, trying to deny them. Some say they were individuals degenerated by poor nutrition, and others point out that there are some individuals of normal stature among them. Both theses are arbitrary. Small groups can also be found mixed with the indigenous population in the Andean region, especially in Cochabamba, Bolivia.
Racial types of pygmy or, at least, pygmoid type in pre-Columbian America. We clarify this: true pygmies are considered those peoples in which the maximum height of male individuals does not exceed 150 cm; as pygmoids, those populations in which that height is slightly exceeded, up to 155 cm, as a maximum already dubious.
These pygmy and pygmoid peoples have been especially
THE PYGMIES IN AMERICA. The problem of the existence of the Pygmy race in America needs to be discussed in a better way than has been done so far. In this photograph, we see the Italian traveler Venturello, beside two indigenous Motilón women from Colombia. Their stature is undeniably that of Pygmies, but it is supposed to be an individual trait and not racial, despite the fact that this tan\tan low height is common among the Motilones.
Located in the North of South America, both at the mouth of the Orinoco and - more especially - in the border region between Venezuela and Colombia, where they have been sought to be found in all the most recent studies.
Naturally, the supporters of the unique Mongoloid origin of American indigenous people have endeavored to deny the existence of these American Pygmies, not even admitting the possibility of considering them as Pygmoid. They have based this on the fact that the few measured series of these individuals had some who even exceeded 155 cm, to which we will respond here that, in Africa, when studying Pygmies and finding an individual who surpasses 150 cm, they are eliminated from the series, considering them as mixed with taller blacks.
To properly enter the topic, we need a summary of the case. The best we found for this is to reproduce here the pages that Dr. Paul Rivet dedicates to the case in his work The Origins of the American Man, Chapter VII, titled The White Element and Pygmies in America, whose first part - referring to the white element - we have already transcribed before.
The second part of that chapter, pages 145-155 of the work we cited, follows below. As usual, we omit bibliographic notes:
More enigmatic than this white element, but also proven with absolute certainty, is the Pygmy element in America.
In the account of his first trip to Venezuela, Niclaus Ferdermann noted that the Ayamán were characterized by a height not exceeding five palms, or 120 cms, and in many individuals not surpassing 4 palms, or 96 cm, assuming a palm length of 24 cms. The explorer added that these Indians were well-built and proportionate. The Ayamán or Ayomán lived along the middle course of the Tocuyo River, and their rare survivors are found in the surroundings of the municipalities of San Miguel, Aguada Grande, and Moroturo, in the State of Lara, Venezuela. Ferdermann's observation was overlooked, even doubted, until the day Alfredo Jahn found true dwarfs in Parupano, Moroturo and San Miguel, that is, in Ayamán territory, in Arenales and El Cerrito, near Quibor, in an area inhabited by the Gayones, a tribe related to the Ayamanes. He was able to measure some: María
Nelo, from San Miguel, measured 111 cms., Alejandro and Lola, brother and sister, natives of Arenales (between Barquisimeto and Carora) were 115 and 112 cms tall, respectively.
"On his part, Antonio Requena measured twelve Ayaman skulls that the widow and children of Darío Maldonado donated to the National Museum of Natural History in 1945. The capacity of these skulls varies between 1.042 and 1.045 cms, with an average of 1.250 cms. Although neither a detailed study nor sex determination has been done, this series undoubtedly comprises skulls of very reduced capacity."
"Oviedo mentions very small and bearded Indians in the Nori Valley, at the source of the Sinú River, in Colombia. The same tradition has been collected among the Cuna of Darién. Francisco de Garay also found in 1519, in the province of Amichel corresponding to the Pánuco region, on the eastern coast of Mexico, some Indians whose height was not superior to 5 or 6 palms, or 105 or 126 cms [Error. according to his previous count of one palm =4cms=4 \mathrm{cms} , they are respectively 120 and 144 cms]. Modern travelers insist on the very reduced stature of the Makú, who live in a nomadic state between the Negro River and the Yapurá, of the Guaharibos or Shirianá, who live on the banks of two tributaries of the Uraricuera, and of their close relatives, the Waikas, of the upper Ocamo and Mocojahy, tributaries received by the upper Orinoco on the right, and very recently, an American engineer, Albert Palmer, has noted the existence of a pygmy group of 15 individuals on the Cocuinita stream, in the Federal Delta Amacuro territory in Venezuela, a stream that joins the Cocuina with the Tucupita of the Orinoco delta."
"On the other hand, anthropologists, particularly R. Virchow and J. Kollmann, discovered in American collections skulls of very small capacity that do not present pathological characteristics. Here are the main ones:"
Venezuela: 4 male Guajiro skulls 1.040cm.^(3)-1.130cm.^(3)1.040 \mathrm{~cm} .^{3}-1.130 \mathrm{~cm} .^{3}
United States: Pah Ute skull from
Nevada, female... 1.190 cm. ^(3){ }^{3}
Pygmy Indians analogous to the tribe of the Ayamanes, pointed out by Ferdermann.
In 1920, Gustaf Bolinder first contacted a tribe from the Perijá mountain range in Colombia, the Maraká, who live at the source of the river of the same name. Bolinder took a film that caught the attention of our great friend Erland Nordenskiōld, who immediately pointed out the interest of the discovery.
From late December 1931 to late January 1932, R. de Wavrin, who left the village of Becerril on the Colombian slope of the Perijá Cordillera, in turn made contact with the Maraká, of whom he published two photographs (which appear on pages 208 and 256 of his book). The latter is interesting because the Belgian traveler, who is 1.80 meters tall, stands out among a group of pygmies, so it can be seen that, as he himself says in his work (pp. 304-305), the tallest men did not reach his chest height and the women did not pass his waist.
"Confirming his words, he writes that he enjoyed making his Maraká friends pass under his extended arm, sin\sin without any of them needing to bend down.
"The Belgian traveler insists on the fact that the Maraká are absolutely normal from a physical point of view.
"In December 1935, R. de Wavrin, leaving Machiques on the Venezuelan slope of the Perijá Mountain Range, met some Pygmy indigenous people in Irapá, who told him they were originally from the Maraká tribe, with whom relations and unions were frequent. The Motilones of Irapá call the Maraká 'marakachitos'.
"In 1936, Bolinder, accompanied by his wife, settled in San Jenaro, at 1,200 meters above sea level, among the Maraká [Plate XII, b) and c)] and, in January, managed to accomplish the feat of crossing the Perijá Mountain Range; in the company of some Indians from this tribe, he crossed the territory of a tribe of Motilones of normal height, the Sikakao or Pshikakao, friends of the Maraká. During this stage of the journey, the Maraká abandoned him because they feared the Indians whose domains they were about to cross, finally reaching the Rionegrinos, who occupy the Negro River and the village of Machiques. The author has recorded his observations in two excellent books, abundantly illustrated with photographs of Pygmy men and women. These photographs are found on pages 176, 179, 184, 186, 188, 189, 191, 193, 197, and 199 of the first book. Among them, the photograph on page 193 is particularly interesting because the author, who is 1.83 meters tall, appears alongside an Indian man and woman, which allows appreciation of their extremely reduced stature. In the second work, photographs of Pygmies are published
Between pages 32-33, 40-41, 48-49, 56-57, 96-97, and on pages 89 and 195. The photograph appearing on page 32 presents the brave wife of the observer, whose height is 1.60 mts., next to a pygmy woman.
Bolinder found a Socomba Indian, with a height of 1.65 mts., as a prisoner of war among the Marak, and the last survivor of a normal Motilón tribe exterminated by the Pygmies; this fact denotes that they possess a combativeness little compatible with any physical degeneration.
In December 1947-January 1948, J. M. Cruzent, traveling like R. de Wavrin, on the Venezuelan slope of the Perijá Cordillera, found and photographed during his trip, on the upper Irapá, a tributary of the Tukukú, a region where the Pshikakao precisely live (mentioned by Bolinder), some bearded Indians of very reduced stature, who were obviously Marakás.
J. M. Cruxent communicated the measurements he made during his trip to Eduardo Fleury-Cuello, who published them. These measurements were taken from the Indians of the Perijá Cordillera from Ayapa, Shupata and Shirapa, Irapá and Mipiripia.
"The heights observed in each of these groups are as follows:"
"Two of these groups correspond to normal-height motilones, the ayapa and the irapá, and two to pygmy motilones, the mipiripia and the shirapa (Plates XV and XV). These pygmies did not show any signs of degeneration.
"All these testimonies and documents establish, without the slightest doubt, that the maraká deserve with full justice the classification of 'pygmies', by their stature, but there the similarity with other dwarf populations of Asia and Oceania ends.
"In fact, by the features of their face and hair characteristics, the maraká are relatives of other normal-height motilones whose language they speak. They are not negroid in any way, and some have beards and mustaches like these.
"In summary, given the current state of our knowledge, we can say that the South American region where pygmy Indians exist or have existed is the vast territory extending north of the Amazon, comprising part of the Orinoco basin and, towards the West, extending to the Perijá Mountain Range, the Goajira Peninsula, and even to the Upper Sinú Valley and the Darién."
"The existence of the current homogeneous pygmy group of the Maraká raises a particularly difficult problem to resolve. R. de Wavrin, with reservations, emits the hypothesis that the Maraká are Indians degenerated by consanguinity and the frequency of unions between siblings. Father Gusinde, who has visited the Yupa and found among them some individuals of small stature, speaks of a degeneration caused by poor nutrition. In truth, the Maraká do not give the impression of being degenerate at all, and everything that travelers report about their skill in hunting and fishing, their physical resistance, and even their combativeness, does not support this hypothesis. In reality, the hypothesis of degeneration does not seem acceptable. It would be difficult to understand why it would be limited to a specific group and not have reached the neighboring groups living in substantially similar conditions. Moreover, if the tendency towards dwarfism were the result of a miserable and precarious life, it should be found in all tribes subjected to a lifestyle as hard as that of the Maraká, for example, the Quechua and Aymara of the Andean highlands. Furthermore, it is proven that the dietary regime acts only in a very limited way on stature."
"In our opinion, the problem of the American pygmy should be placed in the context of the overall pygmy race."
"The existence of small-statured negroid populations is known in Africa, Malaysia, New Guinea, the Malaysian and Indochinese peninsulas, and the Andaman Islands.
"In Asia, Canons Jules Détry found pygmy groups in October 1947, in Upper Burma, in Khiongul (Troun), between 28 and 29 degrees North latitude and 97 and 99 degrees East longitude, at the sources of the Irrawaddy; the missionary traveled through his country for a month, called khiou-kiang; he insists on the non-negroid character of these pygmies whose type resembles the Burmese type and not the Dravidian type. The face is full with a slight Mongoloid aspect. Height varies between 1.35 and 1.50 meters; the hair is black and straight, the nose is regular,
the skin color is copper-colored, lighter in women than in men. The facts that Canon Détry has kindly shared, and his quality as an astute observer and expert on African pygmies, demonstrate absolutely that in Asia there exists, at least, a non-negroid pygmy enclave.
"Europe has also been able to know pygmy populations. More than half a century ago, J. Kollman noted the existence of normal individuals of very small stature in Switzerland, France, and Germany, during the Neolithic period, the Bronze Age, the Roman era, and even in modern times in Sicily. In our opinion, the work of this Swiss scholar deserves to be reconsidered qquad\qquad […]"
Human evolution offers us, therefore, identical facts to those of animal evolution. The American pygmy could have been the result of a mutation that would have occurred in America itself: it can also come from the integration of a group of pygmies from the Old Continent in one of the multiple migrations that have contributed to the populating of the New World.
The quote has been long, but it was necessary for us to have an overview of the problem, no matter what criticism might say that the author's point of view is too favorable to the existence of these American pygmies. We respond that, as we are too, we remain calm.
What we have just said does not mean that we are in total agreement with Rivet, especially in his last lines, when he tells us that these American pygmies could be the product of a mutation produced on the continent, which we openly reject.
We possess two monographs dedicated to the problem of pygmies in America, both by the same authors we have cited when dealing with the problem of American blacks, that is, Armando Vivante and Juan Comas. We will begin with the latter, whose monograph is titled _(G){ }_{G} Pygmies in America?, published in 1960. This author's position is completely negative regarding the possible existence of these American pygmies, nonetheless he provides us with materials that well demonstrate their existence. We will quote him:
"Reichel Dolmatoff has lived two seasons in the Motilones region and although his research work was primarily"
of an ethnographic nature, it includes somatic data that must be taken into account. The first study (1945) was carried out in the area of the Yuko or tame Motilones; specifically among the Maracá tribe in the basin of the river of the same name, a tributary of the César River. And our author says: 'the Motilones [the Maracá in this case] can almost be called a people of pygmies'; 'their average height barely reaches 1.35 m. and exceptionally 1.40 to 1.45 m.' 'However, the kunaguasaya [that is, the wild Motilones of the Catatumbo region] have a somewhat higher stature than the Yuko, probably due to more favorable living conditions provided by the rivers'… 'The small stature of the Yuko may also be a selection phenomenon; in many cases malnutrition can be observed among the Yuko, which is reflected in a generally weak constitution.'
"But he then affirms that in the Yuko Motilones 'the trunk is well-proportioned, muscular and the very wide shoulders sometimes give the impression of being heavy'; 'in general the Motilón Indian presents a well-formed type'. The excellent photographs that accompany this work corroborate the last statement. The author does not indicate the number of individuals to whom the average of 1.35 m. that he mentions corresponds." (Ob. cit., pages 19-20).
We see that the author manages to put a 'jab' against, at the end of the quote, but the fact is that Reichel Dolmatoff is for us the most serious of the researchers we know in Colombia.
Comas presents to us, at the end of his work, his Conclusions, which we reproduce in part below:
"Everything that has been said allows us to reach certain provisional conclusions:
"1. The concept of 'pygmy' implies, for adult males, not only a height under 150 cm but also an entire series of somatic and even cultural traits that differentiate and specialize the group.
"2. The examination of different historical and contemporary information about the characteristics of the indigenous peoples... allows us to reject, for the moment, the supposed existence of pygmy groups in South America. […]
"4. There is sufficient information to prove that among the Yupa of the Perijá mountain range, the historical Ayamanes and their descendants from Lara State (Venezuela) and the Shirishana in the upper Ventuari (Orinoco), cases of 'dwarfism' are relatively frequently located, that is, of normal individuals, without pathological characteristics, who"
present in adult males a height below 150 cm and in adult females below 140 cm. […]
"6. Broad biological investigations are lacking that would allow determining the why and how of the frequent appearance of 'dwarf' individuals (height less than 150 cm) among the Yupa, Ayamanes and Shirishana, the only ones verified to date." (Op. cit., pp. 33-34).
We see that the author easily dismisses these American pygmy peoples, considering them as dwarfs, which is something very different. In his Point 1, he demands that any human group claiming to be considered as Pygmies must have 'Negroid' characteristics and respective culture. We consider both of these contrary to an objective position in a good investigation; moreover, the second is totally out of the question: one cannot confuse culture with race.
We move on to our second author, Vivante. His extensive monograph, titled Current State of the Discussion on American Pygmies, from 1963 - that is, subsequent to Comas's monograph - is full of important reports, of which we can only address a few. In reality, this topic would require the extension of a full chapter, which we cannot devote to it here. We will limit ourselves to a few loose citations, apparently. We begin:
In a relatively recent study Morris Steggerda
(1943:13) presents the following list of South American tribes with
height below 1550 mm, that is, according to
Martin's table would include very small heights and
small:
Aruaco
1450
Guayaqui
1510
Chipaya
1450
Guaraní
1530
Native of Chiloé, an island located in southern Chile
1460
Umaua
1537
Cone
1470
Mura
1540
Ticuna (an indigenous people of the Amazon region)
1490
Pure
1540
Saint Blas
1499
Bare
1545
Goajiro
1509
Caingua
1545
Tembe
1509
Cuna
1549."
"En un estudio relativamente reciente Morris Steggerda
(1943:13) presenta la siguiente lista de tribus sudamericanas con
estatura por debajo de los 1550 mm , es decir que, de acuerdo a la
tabla de Martin comprendería las estaturas muy pequeñas y
pequeñas:
Aruaco 1450 Guayaquí 1510
Chipaya 1450 Guaraní 1530
Chilote 1460 Umaua 1537
Conebo 1470 Mura 1540
Ticuna 1490 Puri 1540
San Blas 1499 Bare 1545
Goajiro 1509 Caingua 1545
Tembe 1509 Cuna 1549."| "En un estudio relativamente reciente Morris Steggerda | | | |
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
| (1943:13) presenta la siguiente lista de tribus sudamericanas con | | | |
| estatura por debajo de los 1550 mm , es decir que, de acuerdo a la | | | |
| tabla de Martin comprendería las estaturas muy pequeñas y | | | |
| pequeñas: | | | |
| Aruaco | 1450 | Guayaquí | 1510 |
| Chipaya | 1450 | Guaraní | 1530 |
| Chilote | 1460 | Umaua | 1537 |
| Conebo | 1470 | Mura | 1540 |
| Ticuna | 1490 | Puri | 1540 |
| San Blas | 1499 | Bare | 1545 |
| Goajiro | 1509 | Caingua | 1545 |
| Tembe | 1509 | Cuna | 1549." |
(Cited work, page 202).
This table is quite serious, as it provides us with the
names of ten yy six tribes of pygmy and pygmoid stature, with six of them belonging to the strictly pygmy stature, while the Yupa, Ayamanes, etc., previously discussed are not included at all. It is true that some of these groups can be disputed, as Comas does, but the majority remains well established.
We are particularly interested in the pygmy individuals existing in the Andean zone, due to our experience with it in Bolivia. An appropriate reference comes from page 226 of the monograph we are discussing, from 1916:
"In the same year, H. B. Ferris publishes a series of anthropometric data on the Indians of Cuzco and Apurimac, data that are interesting because in the literature on our topic, the indigenous people of this region are more than once mentioned as being of very low stature; the most general averages assigned to the Andid peoples (Imbelloni) can be set between 1590 to 1620 mm. Selecting the most relevant specimens, Ferris (1916: 110-118) offers the following, among one hundred and forty-five measured subjects (all those we transcribe are men):"
Number 41 pure from Huaypo ... 1422 mm.
Number 65 pure from Sabayno ... 1499 mm.
Number 80 pure from Cusco ... 1466 mm.
Number 81 pure from Machupicchu ... 1435 mm.
Number 101 pure from Huadquiña … 1497 mm.
Number 103 pure from Cotabambas … 1458 mm.
Number 108 hybrid from Santa Ana … 1337 mm.
Number 109 hybrid from Santa Ana … 1491 mm.
Number 117 pure from Hurocondo... 1488 mm.
We consider that nine individuals of pygmy stature in 145 is an appreciable percentage of the possible existence of a pygmy race that may have been absorbed by subsequent populations, but which continues to reproduce directly and also through crossing between individuals who may have that element in a recessive form. This last point is also directly exposed by Vivante, who tells us: "the existence of a very ancient pygmy background that genetically emerges through the re-encounter of recessives, etc." (page 229). The same is repeated more extensively on page 249, whose tenor we transcribe:
"Passing to the way of understanding the available data, it is notable to see how the supporters of the negative thesis explain cases of very low stature by mutation, degeneration or demogenetic neoformation, in the latter case not taking into account the age of exhumed skeletons and skulls. At no point - as we have pointed out more than once - has consideration been given to the possibility that these are expressions of Mendelian remnants, emergences, recreations of form or low stature forms already absorbed; thus, cases of extremely low stature would be manifest segments of a pure line intensely hidden in hybridization. Even this possibility, as we concluded in saying it, would lead to thinking that the pygmy substrate can be substrate, in the same terms some authors pose the problem of pygmies on a universal plane or, simply, the case of African pygmies, already so heterogeneous in Lidio Cipriani's very iconography.
Interpreted this way, the lower, more accentuated statures would completely change meaning yy , instead of being decadent or developing forms, they would be witnesses of an archaic reality or, simply, of a broken racial reality and dispersed fragments. And this last qualification recalls another failing of the defenders of both theses: not taking into account, as an exegetical guideline, the circumstance of the lowest statures occurring in isolated, residual groups, with all that this means biologically and ethnologically.
We are surprisingly in agreement with what is expressed here, except for its last lines, since the Andean pygmies are not isolated, but the author was clearly thinking about primitive culture groups when writing those lines.
Vivante also deals quite extensively with microcephalic skulls, but we have not transcribed that to continue adhering to Birdsell's methods. We have found numerous skulls in Bolivia that have a very low capacity, even less than 1,000 cc, which in principle would have to belong to pygmies, without denying the fact that there are taller individuals with very small skulls.
Finally, it is our turn to briefly expose our experience on this matter. In Bolivia - especially in the Cochabamba region and in the city itself - numerous individuals of completely pygmy stature can be found, like those cited in the Ferris series for Cusco. Naturally, they are a minority - no larger than that cited by Ferris - but they are
they can distinguish well, especially by touring popular markets. Women are of extraordinarily low stature, often not taller than 130 cm. In their color and general features, they do not differ from other local indigenous people, a fact that, moreover, has been noted, as we have seen, for all other pygmy individuals on the continent.
But, and this is a very important point, there is a trait that distinguishes most of them; it is the fact that they belong, in our classification, to human type F-2 and some F-3, a trait that does not frequently appear among local indigenous people of normal height and which, in this case, indicates an extremely important difference.
Having discovered this some time ago, we examined the illustrations we possess about Colombian pygmy indigenous people, previously discussed. Some of these are reproduced here. The result is valuable, as in this opportunity almost all of them also belong to the same F-2 group; at most some to F-3.
This leads us again to revisit something previously discussed briefly. Among the Sirionó of Bolivia, in one case among the Guayaquí of Paraguay and in several among the Waika - all of them, basically, Amuriano-Caucasoid - there are women of low stature who differ from their respective men by having traits more of a type we would call proto-Mongoloid. These women are F-2 in our classification, while many of the men are H-2.
The inevitable result of the exposed facts is that there are great possibilities that there was an American population prior to the Amurian-Caucasoids presented by Birdsell, which would have been partially absorbed by these Amurians, by eliminating the men and keeping their women, while in other regions, it would continue until later times, until it was also absorbed by other migrated peoples in a later period. They would be directly the first population of our continent.
Let us remember that Birdsell places his Negritos as the first settlers of the oceanic regions, who are approximately F-2 in our classification: the Murrasan and Carpenter peoples would arrive later to these regions, and exactly the same would have occurred in America.
4. The true Mongoloid races in America
We are here at one of the most difficult points of our work: the ability to discriminate the true Mongoloid races that exist in the native population of America, even though this should apparently be the easiest thing to do, since all authors agree that the Mongoloid element is dominant in indigenous races.
We also believed that, until the examination of the facts, necessarily led us to change our way of thinking. It is absolutely manifest and very clear that dominant Mongoloid features exist externally in indigenous races, as more than one author has said - we will especially cite Imbelloni - but groups of populations where the majority of their features are frankly Mongoloid are not easy to find.
The main and basic problem is that we truly do not know, or rather, science does not know, what the yellow or Mongoloid race is. We have more than a dozen works, some by renowned authors, that deal with physical anthropology. In them, various races that are supposed to be Mongoloid are described, but they forget to give us a good definition of what the Mongolic or yellow race would be basically, considered in its greater whole. Without doubt that is not easy, but the truth is that there is no human group that is considered by all authors as pure Mongol. That greatly complicates things. Moreover, we have already extensively seen that Birdsell himself shows Mongoloids as derived from a specialization, produced by Arctic influences, of an Amurian Caucasoid group.
Considering the Chinese as the prototype of the yellow race clarifies nothing for us, since in China there exist very diverse human types, beginning with the quite evident difference between Northern and Southern Chinese; so that we must abandon the idea of a clear classification and definition of what a Mongoloid is. Head measurements are of no use to us in this case, because among those supposed to be Mongoloid there exists - as in the other two considered major races (whites and blacks) - everything from extreme brachycephaly to
ultra-dolichocephaly, this last trait, which initially appears as anti-Mongoloid and which, to be found, must resort to the Eskimos.
Mongoloid details - especially in external features, we find several, starting with black, thick, and straight hair, of a round section, which is widely spread across America, as we have seen; but at the same time, we have also seen that in America there are abundant dark brown hairs, of evident oval section and slightly wavy, a fact that is intentionally not taken into account. Regarding color, the supposed yellow color is something that truly does not exist, and what is referred to as such is a tone resulting from having a small amount of melanin, which gives a matte-white to brown-white tone. Anyone can realize this by thinking a bit about the color of a Japanese, better a Japanese woman, that they know. And regarding this, we add that most of them have our personal color, which is a matte-white; we know several Japanese women who are whiter than us. Among American indigenous people, the color varies from brown-white to a manifest brown, even quite dark, somewhat chocolate-like, as occurs in most cases in the Andean zone and the Chaco. The Amazonian individuals we know are a somewhat lighter brown.
Prominent cheekbones are supposed to be a Mongoloid characteristic, but the truth is that this is generally confused with the fact that the face is tilted forward, which makes those cheekbones stand out more; but this feature does not appear in all so-called Asian Mongoloids, and in America, it is also something far from being constant. The most likely scenario is that this trait appears in much less than half of the individuals, based on what we have observed in person and the illustrations we have. Most of the indigenous people seem to have a moderately forward-tilted face and not very much tilted forward, as the "yellows" are supposedly.
From the nose, we have already seen a few. In America, the most common are straight noses, of a size that tends to be quite large, with a base that varies in width according to the degree of development of individuals and which, at the same time, seems to have
RACIAL TYPES OF INDIGENOUS AMERICA. Fig. 1: Indigenous person from the Cuna tribe of Panama, the main Mongoloid type in indigenous America (Andid), despite being classified among the Isthmids. According to Steggerda, Handbook, etc. Fig. 2: Mapuche or Araucano Chief, according to Henckel (Handbook, etc.); his racial type is not Andid - where Araucanians are generally classified - but clearly the Athabascan type described by Hrdligka. Figs. 3 and 4: Bororo indigenous people from Matto Grosso, according to Steggerda, man and woman, racial form that exists alongside a Pampid type in that indigenous nation. This is another clearly Mongoloid racial form, but which does not exist in Siberia and does exist in Borneo and surroundings, extending to the Gê in Brazil. Its origin in America must be via the oceanic route.
little relation to the width of the face. Concave noses, sunken at their base following a curvature from their tip, barely appear in America in a small minority; their exaggerated form, where their nasal cleft does not exceed the cheekbones
- as appears in some Mongols and Siberians - we have never seen it among indigenous people. As for the aquiline nose, we already know well that it only appears in high American cultures, in addition to its expansion among North American Plains Indians, always among the ruling classes.
What is then, the "mongol" aspect that exists in America? We have already given the answer throughout this work. There are two traits that have allowed the assumption of that absolute domain of the Mongoloid or yellow race on our continent. These are black and straight hair, of cylindrical section, and the more or less complete lack of beard and mustache, which appears manifest in the majority of indigenous people. The Mongoloid fold is absent in the vast majority of indigenous people. Here it is appropriate to report that it is common in many parts of Africa, for example in the Senegal area, where it exists in a 70%70 \% of individuals and, moreover, among the Bushmen of South Africa; this has led an anthropologist to classify that people as proto-Mongoloid. The malo-marginal folds - in opposition to the internal one, which is the true Mongolian - are much more common among indigenous people, and are also common in a large part of H-type Caucasoids. That fold is very rare in FF individuals, of whatever race they may be.
We set aside other traits, such as the shape of the mouth, the thickness of the lips, the shape of the chin, etc., which in principle can clarify little or nothing for us.
We are facing the problem of being able to better define the existence of the Mongolian race in America. The first thing we must answer is that we do not intend to completely clarify the entire American panorama of the case, just as we have not intended to fully clarify the problem of Caucasoid races in Negroid individuals, which are present in America. It is possible that by examining a large series of American skulls - especially those of pre-Columbian origin - and their necessary illustrations, in order to see well the non-measurable features of form, one could better clarify this, but we have already said that we renounce that method of study and have dedicated ourselves more especially to the problem that results from the indigenous people we have seen and the illustrations we present, which give readers evidence of what we say.
Specifying the case, we have that, apart from the very probable Pygmy peoples that appear in America - and that seem to have predominant proto-Mongoloid features - we then have the Amurians, who are Caucasoids and would have spread throughout most of America; then the first Mongoloid features appear, as dominant external traits, in large superior hunters, such as the Planids and Pampids, which also exist as a substrate (with size and height diminished by mixtures) throughout the Andean zone (we have found numerous skulls of them and there are living ones). Their characteristic physical features show us a face with forms that seem Caucasoid in base, but already dominated by external traits of color, hair shape and color, while also showing the disappearance of the beard.
The indigenous people we will call Andean, who, certainly, are not even the majority in the Andean regions of Bolivia that we know; they are not yet well described, since in describing the Andean race, the result of some average terms has been described, in which very diverse human types are unified. Their general features are much more Mongolian than those of the Pampids, previously treated, and show a physiognomy, this time truly, frankly of the type generally considered as Mongolian, that is, belonging to one of the various races very different from each other, which are considered part of the great yellow race.
Their hair is black and straight, of undoubtedly cylindrical section; the cheekbones quite prominent and somewhat pushed forward, although they never reach the height of the base of the nose, which, in turn, is large and straight, evidently long, with a relatively narrow base and not deeply sunken at its base, both in the living individual and in the skulls; the eyes, in general, are slightly oblique and do not present the Mongolian fold but the external fold, which in older individuals reaches to cover the upper part of the eye. The beard and mustache only appear in older men, in a weak manifestation that never reaches the cheek region.
The human type to which these individuals belong is, for our classification, H-3 and H-4; it does not exceed the last number. Interpretatively, their access to America must correspond to
INDONESIANS IN AMERICA. Young mother from the Cawahib tribe of Matto Grosso, Tupí-Guaraní family. Her basic features are of Mediterranean Caucasoid type, which can be clearly seen when compared with the nearby illustration showing a Bororo woman, who is clearly Mongoloid. Her hair is wavy, as can be observed, in contrast to the mentioned Mongolian woman, who has straight hair. Her features are very fine and correspond to the most developed Indonesians, while her route to America must have followed the oceanic path. According to Lévi-Strauss, Handbook, etc.
a Bering entry, apparently in a period subsequent to the arrival of large human types, such as the planids and pampids.
We repeat, we consider this race fully Mongoloid.
There is also -we have already spoken somewhat about it- another race of a very different mongoloid type, which is expressed, first of all, by its belonging to a human type clearly corresponding to the F-4, on average, of our classification. It is found especially among the Bororós of Matto Grosso (both in women and men), although among the Bororós there are also abundantly individuals of Pámpida race; then they are found among the peoples of Gê languages (considered as láguid by Imbelloni and Canals Frau, which is manifestly erroneous), such as the Apinagé and the Sherente. They have black and straight hair; the face clearly thrown forward, which makes the cheekbones very prominent, the concave nose -quite wide at its lower end and also quite sunken at its base, which even makes the cheekbones stand out more- the eyes are quite slanted and the presence of the mongolian fold dominates in them. The entire aspect of these individuals tends to be rather small and delicate; in women, the face is extremely pleasant. There are also the American Indonesians, about whom we have already spoken and whom numerous authors today consider (the Indonesians of Indonesia) as mongoloid. We, along with the old Quatrefages and the modern Montandón, prefer to consider them more akin to Caucasoid Mediterranean, without denying that, sometimes, they present a slight mongoloid mixture. Their human type is also F -perhaps with another F-4 base- but they often show F-5 and F-6 types. Their hair tends to be brown and slightly wavy. The description of this human type does not correspond here.
There are other indigenous types with mongoloid features, but their description is not as clear to us as these two that we have just made, because we have materials that still seem insufficient to us.
Conclusions
1. The purposes pursued in this work
We began writing this work in order to clarify the existence of numerous native individuals from America, both current and from ancient representations, who appeared to be provided with abundant beard and mustache and did not have a good explanation in the racial classifications of the American indigenous people we knew and have, in part, summarized.
There are quite a few authors who speak to us about the existence of individuals and, sometimes, of truly white or Caucasian races in indigenous America, but at the same time, all of them have been considered as very secondary in importance by official and serious researchers, if not simply as fantasizers. From our point of view, at least, they should be considered for the most part as true pioneers who have had more insight into the subject than those official researchers. They had seen "something" that traditional established science refused to see.
The North American researcher Birdsell - whom we have extensively transcribed in his monograph - has provided us with a base or starting point from which we could approach the elucidation of the problem with probabilities of success, which, of course, we do not consider complete, but at least better addressed than has been done until now. The final results have even surpassed in several aspects those we expected to obtain at the beginning of our work.
Nevertheless, much remains to be clarified about all the problems we encounter here. In the first place,
It is necessary to examine in detail the numerous works on physical bone anthropology - especially the skulls - to see which of the measurements used in their description can truly be useful, especially those that can be related to Mendel's Laws of Inheritance, moving away from those that are only numerical figures. We did not want to confront that - which is not too easy - in order to adjust as much as possible to Birdsell's methodological interpretive system, to whom we are deeply grateful for his system, as its application has given us the best results.
In all that we have interpretively found, we have had to depart significantly from the work method and description system of indigenous races used by Imbelloni and Canals Frau, since they fundamentally start from geographical territories to define their races, a pattern they have taken especially from the interpretive system of the German researcher von Eicksted. The interpretive system of: "Give me geographical territories and I will give you races" never seemed convincing to us. That interpretive idea comes from Natural Sciences and seems to apply quite well to animals and plants in their natural state, but it turns out that, regarding humans, we are rather dealing with a species in a domesticated state.
Imbelloni and Canals Frau, in their racial description, fundamentally used geographical territories, even though this is well disguised by the predominant use of anthropological measurements on living beings and bones, which, externally, appears to be the primary or first-line approach. In this interpretive system, the mean terms of the measurements used are predominantly employed, which merits our complete rejection, since by doing so, minorities are completely eliminated, which are present everywhere and come from both older populations and more recent contributions. Even, as a general rule, we believe that the result of these "mean terms" does not even represent the majority of the population in question, as is quite manifest, especially in the Andean and Amazon regions.
In his work, Birdsell presents us with a detailed and good study of ancient Asian and more recent Australian populations.
From our point of view, he has the flaw of completely rejecting anthropological measurements - especially of skulls - which allows him to create a very simple and seemingly clear panorama of the elements that primarily intervened in the population of our continent. Thus, he can initially reject that a high-cranium race (the Carpenters) and another of small size (the pygmies) could have populated the Asian region of Siberia, despite the presence of two high female skulls in the Upper Chu-kutien Cave. But in the most ancient America, these high-cranium individuals already appear, as we can clearly see in the discovery of the Confins skull in Brazil, high and with good Lagid-Carpenter features that cannot be confused with their Amurian and Mongolian elements. The existence of a pygmy-type race - better called pygmoid, to temper a possible exaggeration - seems very probable, apparently pre-Amurian, on the continent. The Carpentarid types would occupy a third place in this set.
It is important to review the possible culture of these first populations of our continent. These matters have always been viewed from a perspective derived from the prehistory study done in Western Europe, where, in the Lower Paleolithic, hand-axe Acheulean cultures dominate; but already in Eastern Europe, in prehistory, flake cultures dominate, which extend throughout central and North Asia and are the ones that would logically have had to arrive in America with the Amurians. Their classic type even begins in Northern Europe, with the Clactonian culture of England; from there, with varied forms, it extends continuously until North China; if a population of pygmoid type arrived in our continent, it would have had to bring a different cultural type, which we seem to see in the pebble and clast culture of Southeast Asia.
The Amurians and the Carpentarians would have had to bring flake cultures, undoubtedly more developed and belonging to the Middle Paleolithic. Together, pebble instruments would also be used, which always exist simultaneously with flake instruments. These cultures are already quite well-known in
America, their antiquity is high, even surpassing 40,000 years, but there are not lacking researchers who still deny their existence in our continent.
Hand axes are somewhat late in their first appearance in America, and seem to be related to a late Mousterian culture, which appears alongside large individuals, the pampid-planid types, who would correspond to the end of the Middle Paleolithic, who predominantly bring asymmetrical bifacial knives and the first stone lance points.
2. The Succession of American Indigenous Races
First of all, from the beginning we make it clear that, in no way, do we argue that the various races we discuss must have arrived in our continent in a pure form. On the contrary, all of them have had to drag along diverse forms in minorities, both older and more recent; the problem intensifies as we approach more recent times.
Another aspect of the problem is that we have much more research and descriptions about the older races of the continent, but for those considered as being of more recent origin (no matter by what route), the studies are much more scarce and, in truth, do not manage to provide us with a sufficiently clear panorama of the case.
It also happens - strange as it may seem at first - that we still do not have a good description of any of the mongoloid-type races present in America, nor the possible date or dates of their first presence on the continent. This last point, naturally, will have to be studied with the bone materials that have been and will be found, despite the fact that this contradicts Birdsell's doctrines. In this regard, according to what we have seen in the transcribed text by that author, the mongoloid population of America would have to date back to an antiquity of only between 5,000 and 10,000 years before the Era; carbon-14 dates indicate that the continent was populated a little more than 40,000 years before Christ.
Entering into the matter of this title - and in accordance with everything presented in the body of the work - we consider that, in America, a series of races are presented that are quite distinct from each other in most cases, and that their origin is also diverse. The oldest populations have uniformly entered through the Bering Strait (we expressly exclude the route cited by several authors, such as Hrdliča and Canals Frau, through the Aleutian Islands, considering it impossible; there is too much sea there, for the peoples we are discussing) and their first origin dates back to no less than 40,000 years before the Era, or better said - according to our conception - to no less than the end of the last interglacial period, which means adding quite a bit more than 20,000 years to the mentioned figure.
The summary we make of the studied indigenous races is, naturally, provisional, since there is much more material to study, but the object of our present work has never been to clarify everything, only to obtain a general outline of what seems clearer in a complex panorama. That summary is as follows:
I. Indigenous races proceeding via the Bering route:
A first population would seem to correspond to a Pygmoid population - which in our classification corresponds to human types F-2 and F-3 - very dispersed across the continent and, more especially, in the Andean zone up to Venezuela. This population has been much discussed and denied by various authors, but its current existence is undeniable, even though many of its representatives may come from reconstructions by atavistic recombinations, which certainly would not fully reproduce their original physical external form. Anthropologically they would correspond - according to us - to Birdsell's Oceanic Negrito, but with rather proto-Mongoloid than Negrito traits. Their antiquity as the first inhabitants of the continent is suggested by their dominant presence in the Sirionó and Waia women, which would indicate that the dominant Amurians in these peoples absorbed a previous population of women, eliminating their men.
Following the Amurians of Birdsell, whose origin and description seem to us to be among the best achieved, both in Birdsell's study and in ours; Birdsell indicates their existence only in the Californian region, but we have
managed to add the Guayaquí population from Paraguay, because it seems to us that, undoubtedly, it corresponds to them; in a weakened form, the same type is found among the Waias, while reappearing in individuals in many other parts of America, - more especially South America - without forming populations, which is why in many cases they may come from atavistic recombinations. Their women, on the other hand, appear in numerous regions even as the dominant form of the population; the same previous process of exterminating men by later emigrants would have been repeated.
The same as in Australia, the Carpenters would occupy the third place in the first American populations. Despite Birdsell's denial of recognizing their existence in America, their presence is easily denounced in cranial measurements, beginning with the great height of the skull, the width of the cheekbones - greater than the cranial width - the wide subnasal space and the roof-shaped skull vault, not a curved vault. Imbelloni and Canals Frau provide their typical description for the Lagids, but this population seems to have completely lost its beard, we do not know if due to intense mixing with protomongoloid pigmoids or with later mongoloids; we would need to examine abundant photographs of their women to try to resolve the case. The Huarpids of Canals Frau, with similar characteristics, have preserved their beard, but they have disappeared and we cannot control them, since we only have a not very abundant series of ancient skulls and descriptions from chroniclers. However, in the form of isolated individuals, they reappear today throughout the continent, characteristically in the form of human type H-1, very different from the H-2 Amurian type.
The next American population would be that of hunters with large physical size, a type of American Cro-Magnons, as Menghin points out, especially represented by planids and pampids, who would be Caucasoids with Mongolian mixture in their external features of skin color and hair color and shape; this Mongolian mixture would have made beard and mustache disappear. Their human type is always H, but their most primitive forms are H-3, even with classic Neanderthal traits (which we suppose is a minority drag from their most primitive forms), while what is dominant in them are H-4, with some H-5, which we do not know if they come from later mixtures. Their original culture, for us, would be a developed Mousterian (perhaps a form of Clactonian, corresponding to a final Mousterian), of which numerous sites are already known throughout the continent. Their time of entry into the continent would date back to the end of the last interstadial of the last glacial period, or roughly, around 25,000 BC.
Following the above, the invasion of the continent occurs by populations undoubtedly of dominant Mongolian origin. This must have occurred shortly after the retreat of the ice, due to the opening of a corridor between the ice of Canada. Strangely, their race or races are or appear to be among the least known or described of the continent; the Andids, undoubtedly, are among them, but they are not the only ones. We think that in Morton's description of the "Toltec" race, which Hrdliçka tells us about, an interesting description of the whole group can be found, which naturally should not be called "Toltec". The geographical territory covered by this race, in Hrdliçka's brief description, coincides quite well with the places in America where the most abundant Mongoloid traits appear. The Andids - or better, those we consider as such - in our classification are predominantly H-4, with abundant H-3 among them. This race, or better, set of races - may have reached our continent in one or more migrations, while local groups would be formed by mixing with previous and later populations. Their culture would correspond to the Siberian Upper Paleolithic, or better to the Mesolithic.
The last racial group that arrived in America via the Bering Strait is constituted by the Athapaskans described by Hrdliçka and absolutely misunderstood by Imbelloni and Canals Frau, following a similar error by von Eicksted, who confused them with the Columbids. In our classification, they are H-5 and abundant H-6 individuals; their original culture seems to be a Siberian Mesolithic, already somewhat Neolithicized, of Arctic hunters equipped with proto-snowshoes for walking on snow. Their physical features show a developed Caucasoid form with abundant Mongolian mixture, due to which they have lost their beard and mustache. Currently, in North America, they are particularly represented by Athabaskan language peoples, such as the Navajo and Apache, but they have spread beyond these languages and have contributed to forming part of the Plains peoples. Their entry through Bering is the last, before the Eskimos. A small group of them passed to South America - before the first oceanic migrations, naturally - and influenced the peoples of the Chaco and Patagonia, while ultimately forming the basic nucleus of the historical Araucanians.
Of the races mentioned previously, the only one we believe is not certain in the presented succession is the first, the pygmoid race, whose original culture would be of pebbles. We have placed it in that position of being the first American population, based on two facts that would indicate this: first, the comparison with the population of Australia that Birdsell makes us
and second, the aforementioned fact of their appearance in abundant Gaika Siriono women, which would indicate that it is an earlier population, absorbed by the Amurians, in both cases.
New populations follow, this time arriving by the other route.
II. Indigenous populations proceeding via the Pacific:
Here we have a first population with clearly mongoloid traits, which still lacks name and consequently does does not appear in any of the American racial descriptions we have transcribed and know. Its origin via the oceis indicated by by by its completely, far as we know, in North America, while in South America the illustrations we possess indicate that they currently exist only in places of the Amazon, with primitive agricultural culture. In Indonesia there are similar forms, especially in Borneo. Of course, among them there is more than one physiognomy, but the one we consider most typical appears among the Bororos of Matto Grosso, and among the true Gê language peoples. Their human type is typically F-4, without lacking less developed F forms; perhaps some H-4 type proto-Indonesianesian individuals came together with them, which are not easy to classify. It most is probable that the culture they currently present is very impoverished compared to their original level.original standard.
Much more widespread in Central and South America are the true Indonesians, whose human type is F-4-5-6, which are completely absent in America, north of Mexico. None of the racial descriptions by Imbelloni and Canals Frau correspond to them, despite both speaking of Indonesians, as they describe human types H instead of F - like the ones we are dealing with and who are small with delicate features. The statuettes of the Valdivia culture of Ecuador would correspond to this human type and, possibly, also to the previous type. Archaeologically, in the skull series we know, they appear abundantly in Cocle in Panama, in Nazca, the Nazcoide of Bolivia, and among some Araucanian groups. Their original culture would have to be a highly developed Neolithic, with strong influences from the urban culture of the First Bronze Age. Physically, they are a graceful form, akin to the Mediterranean, Caucasoid race, but already mixed with Mongoloid features that have made their men lose their beards.
The last race that arrived on our continent is fully Caucasoid, provided with a large aquiline nose.
corresponds with the Armenoid race from the Near East and, frequently, with the finer elements of the so-called prospector race. In America, it appears in all high cultures, with expansions toward the Prairies, etc.; necessarily, they must be the carriers of the most typical urban traits of the Bronze Age in America, even of the Iron Age, which does not exist as such in America due to the lack of a blacksmith. Their human type is H-5-6, even H-7 in some individuals. Naturally, we do not argue that they arrived in pure form but as individuals, in populations where perhaps previous types and other unidentified types predominate. Their current descendants are, for the most part, merged with Caucasoids of Hispanic origin (among whom the same human type equally exists) and some indigenous leaders who have preserved something of their pre-Columbian culture.
3. Last words
What we have presented we consider to be, barely, an initial outline about what the indigenous American races truly are. Much work remains to be done to reach more accurately valid conclusions. The study of bone remains (which we did not want to do in this work) will then have a well-highlighted place.
Previously, in our books Indigenous Argentina and American Prehistory and Introduction to Americanistics, we have presented a first sketch of what we are saying now, based especially on the study of numerous cranial series that we found and studied in Bolivia. Several of the things we said there are now outdated, and also, without a doubt, what we are saying now may be superseded in subsequent studies, but that is normal in any continued research. This is how Science develops.
One last observation. From a young age, we have learned to focus on the Mongoloid traits present among indigenous people; now let us learn to look a bit more carefully at the Caucasoid traits that are clearly manifested in a large number of them.
Abstract
\section*{The Proof of the Transpacific Relationship}
Appendix
A Port of Pre-Columbian Transpacific Merchants
Completely apart from the study carried out in this work, which has been finished for some time, we have made a series of publications referring to another topic that we consider immediately related to the treatise here. These publications, consisting of a specialized book, an extensive chapter in two other works, and numerous articles that refer to ancient maps (the oldest reconstructed, the originals have been lost, but the reconstructions are quite old) where American lands appear, especially all of South America, with its coasts, main rivers, and mountains. All of this, in maps predating Columbus, while the oldest reconstructed maps are shortly after Christ. This corresponds to the mentioned transpacific migrations, and its result is that both topics are now brought together.
In these maps, especially in Claudius Ptolemy's—from the mid-2nd century of the Era—where the Pacific Ocean is represented in a very reduced form (but copying an earlier one, where it was much larger), almost like a small gulf while its entire northern part disappears, that Ocean is denominated Sinus Magnus by Ptolemy. His world map was used by Columbus, and the king of Spain saw it, to try to understand what Columbus intended.
There, on the northern coast of Peru, a settlement called Cattigara appears, which we initially supposed was the current Lambayeque, but now it is evident that it was Chimbote, north of Lima. Ptolemy gives it a southern latitude of 8^(@)30^(')8^{\circ} 30^{\prime} , and Chimbote is located just over 9 degrees. Further north, in Ptolemy, on the western coast
of Mexico, the settlement of Aspithra is located, which corresponds to the current Acapulco, at 16 degrees and minutes.
The name Cattigara would come from Sanskrit, and its meaning seems to be Coastal Fortress, according to Prof. Paul Gallez from Bahía Blanca, who has followed our interpretation. The identification of Aspithra with Acapulco was made by Dr. Gustavo Vargas Martínez, a Colombian resident in Mexico, who follows the same interpretation.
Archaeological work has studied the remains of two coastal settlements, merchant ports, in southern Asia, whose remains begin several centuries before Christ and last at least until the end of the Roman Empire. The first is Arikamendu, located in the former French colony of Pondicherry, in India, facing the north of the island of Ceylon, where the remains of an important Roman circus were even found; the second is located in Kampuchea, in the place called Oc-eo, and there Roman, Greek, and Phoenician remains even appeared. Cattigara would be a similar colony in American lands, and undoubtedly also Aspithra, that is, places where local products obtained by exchange with neighboring natives were stored; a small group of foreigners took care of this, and merchants arrived in their ships from time to time.
The above were the necessary background to present our latest discovery on the subject of this work. It happened that, long ago, we read in Cieza de León that in ancient times, an Aymara chieftain invaded the Altiplano, coming from Coquimbo, and on the Island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca destroyed a population of white men (huiracochas), exterminating them; we also read in Posnansky that the Incas had transferred Chimú mitimaes (deportees) to that island, in order to weaken the recently defeated Chimúes in their homeland; he added that the Chimú surname still existed on the island. Later in the Handbook, etc., in an article by W. Bennett, we saw an illustration painted on a Moche ceramic where a battle and a defeated enemy were reproduced, an enemy that certainly had an appearance similar to the victor but also showed a wide spiral mustache. Later, a friend gave us a photo of a Moche huaco, with the representation-
Complete depiction of a prisoner destined for sacrifice, with hands tied behind his back and a rope around his neck; the man showed the same mustache as the previous piece.
With these data, we assumed that the narrative of the Isla del Sol corresponded to the deformed remnant of a Mochica time Saga, preserved until Chimú times and "transferred" to the island by the deported.
Already in Bolivia we had seen much earlier, and for brief minutes, the work Ceramics of Ancient Peru from the Wassermann-San Blas Collection, published in Buenos Aires in 1938; we remembered some figures in Moche portrait huacos that showed the same mustaches, but we had forgotten the details and even the title of the work, so we could not address it in writing. More recently we found it.
There are seven or eight portrait huacos representing these individuals with spiral mustaches, all of them belonging to the Mochica II era, from times slightly before and after Christ. They come from Chimbote, with a single exception found in the Chicama valley and possibly imported. The represented faces are very different from those in classic Mochica pieces, despite the scant differences in art. As this is a collection of mostly purchased pieces, there is no information about their discovery conditions, only their origin.
None of these types have a Mongoloid appearance; they are clearly Caucasoid of type F in our classification (one is H, and his mustache is different), and could be described as a kind of Mediterranean or rather white Dravidian types from the center and north of India, who today largely speak Aryan languages. We could think they might be Kalingas, who formed a kingdom by that name on the coast of the Gulf of Bengal south of the Ganges, and was destroyed by the Aryan king Asoka in the 3rd century BC; the Kalingas would have arrived in Indonesia and the Philippines before the Aryans, who reached Indonesia in the 2nd century AD.
Apart from that, we added another portrait huaco of a woman (there are
quite a few similar examples) with an Etruscan appearance, and who also seems like a Spanish woman missing only the mantilla. We have already spoken of these figures.
We leave it to the reader to judge these faces and their mustaches, as we do not wish to influence them further with our interpretations.
We suppose that Cattigara may have existed from two or three centuries before Christ and lasted two more. Something must have interrupted the regular arrival of transpacific merchants, and the wealth accumulated there excited the greed of neighboring petty kings who attacked and looted it, as happened with Troy; it must have been an important war and a Saga was made about it like Homer's, and representations were made in later Moche huacos. And that, at least fragments, were transferred to Titicaca with the deported Chimú people.
In the same work, there is another illustration that we consider extremely important, if only for one detail, corresponding to a deep bowl, not a portrait huaco. In the half that can be seen (there must be the same on the other side), a boat appears in high relief, whose details are not clearly represented for our understanding of the facts shown in the relief. It is piece number 152 of the mentioned Collection, comes from Trujillo and measures 13 cms in diameter. The boat would normally be interpreted as corresponding to one of the current totora reed boats of the zone's fishermen.
There are a few ceramics with representations of similar boats (as we will see in the detail), which always show their extremities very raised, with the "prow" a little higher than the "stern", while the latter is divided in two, and end in feline or draconian heads for the three expressed points; they normally have a long bridge with a row of jars below it. These boats are frequently interpreted as representing the Moon with the "dew jars".
In the photo we are dealing with, this has not been the case, as it is stated beneath it: "Relief of a boat conducted by birds". It carries a large load
in a curved shape, and above it there is a series of roundels, which must be stylizations of clay pots.
Now, what matters most: here the "bow" appears very high, raised in a curved form, while the (double) "stern" is shown very low; to the side of the "bow" there is a long board or pole, which forms a kind of X with the supposed bow.
This is the only representation of a lateral rudder at the stern that we know of in all of Pre-Columbian America, immediately comparable in its position to the rudders (one on each side of the stern) of Egyptian, Greek, Roman ships, etc., which remained this way until the invention of the posterior rudder in European vessels, that is, until the 13th century and a little beyond. This was also much earlier in China, and could have been brought to the Mediterranean by Arab merchants.
Both we and other researchers who considered vessels in these types of representations were mistaken. These vessels, painted on strut-handled pots, normally carry a great character on them, and they look towards the high end, which we considered the bow, without remembering that Greek, Roman, etc. vessels had a very high stern and a low bow. Now the presence of the rudder clarifies things in a surprisingly clear way, by inverting those ends.
We are facing the representation of a fairly large vessel of ancient trans-Pacific merchants, which appears very deformed by having been treated (perhaps in a copy of a mural painting) by an artisan who never saw these vessels, and treated it as if it were a small local reed raft, thus becoming unrecognizable. In other Moche figures, these vessels do not have a rudder but do have round stone anchors at bow and stern; all these figures therefore present a double bow and a single stern, which would suggest the possibility that these are double vessels whose sterns (not being understood) would join at a single end, like the sea lion skin boats of northern Chile. However, the fact that it is a double vessel is contradicted by the presence of the wide bridge shown in other illustrations. We must see the original and
photograph its other side, and also carefully examine the figures represented in front of the true bow, or bows, which appear quite dark in the photograph we are examining.
We believe this is the clearest case of representation of a non-American vessel, and from an era more than a millennium prior to the Columbian voyage. Now we must gather all known illustrations painted on Moche pottery, review the pieces in museums, etc., something we can no longer do ourselves.
CEPHALOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHIMBOTE.
Height: 25.5cms.\mathbf{2 5 . 5 ~ c m s .} Color: Yellow and red.
Male head with mustache. Wears cap and earrings. The type of nose, straight, differs from the others.
CEPHALOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHIMBOTE. Height: 24.4cms\mathbf{2 4 . 4 ~ c m s} . Color: Yellow and red.
Character head with turban. Eyes, mustache, and goatee painted.
CEPHALOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHIMBOTE.
Height: 16.5 cms. Color: Pale yellow and reddish brown.
Male head resting on legs. Painted face.
ANTHROPOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHICAMA VALLEY.
Height: 16 cms. Color: White and brown.
Seated character, with ruff collar. Painted mustache.
289. CEPHALOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHIMBOTE.
Height: 19.5 cms. Color: Yellow, red and brown.
Male head. The neck of the vessel emerges from the skull. Painted face. Type H.
402. ANTHROPOMORPHIC VESSEL. CHIMBOTE.
Height: 21.7cms.\mathbf{2 1 . 7 ~ c m s .} Color: White and reddish brown.
Female figure sitting, wearing a white suit. Earrings, necklace and bracelets.
152. OVAL VESSEL. TRUJILLO.
Diameter: 13 cms. Red clay.
Relief of a boat conducted by birds.
Painting on a Mochica ceramic from the Chicama Valley, evidently later than the relief vessel, due to its overloaded motifs. A bridge extends along the vessel, and beneath it merchant jugs appear. The drawing is done in local art style, with vessels seeming like large reed boats, with mythological additions. At both ends of the boats, balls representing stone anchors. Oars are missing. According to Hermann Leicht.
North American indigenous people with Australoid-Caucasoid features. According to Birdsell, Plate 6 lower part. The first is a Paiute (or Tubatulabal) from Nevada, photographed in 1844 at the age of 98 years. The second is an indigenous person from the Muskogi tribe of the Chickasaw, considered by Neumann as a current variety of the previous type; notable are the baldness entries on his forehead. Birdsell supposes they are Amurians, which is not clear; their head is high, undoubtedly, so they would be mixed. The most important feature is the total absence of baldness presented by the first, despite his advanced age, which reveals an H-1 element, possibly Carpentarian.
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Index
Introduction
Men with beard and mustache, in Pre-Columbian America ... 7
Who are indigenous? ... 9
Exotic minorities in a purported Mongoloid group ... 11
The Asian origin, via the Bering Strait ... 15
The Oceanic and South Asian Origin ... 18
First Conclusions ... 21
Chapter I. Classification of American Indigenous Peoples
Racial and Cultural Background of the Problem ... 27
Classification of Indigenous Peoples, according to Hrdliçka. ... 31
American Racial Classification by Imbelloni ... 36
American Racial Classification, according to Canals Frau ... 44
Comments on the Previous Authors ... 52
Chapter II. Bearded Americans, in Various Authors
A Different Panorama: Whites in America, according to P. Rivet … 57
The "White Indians", according to Jacques de Mahieu … 61
The "White Indians" of Paraguay, according to de Mahieu … 68
"The mummies of white and blond 'Indians'" … 73
The Mesoamericans and their sculptures, according to Cyrus Gordon … 76
Caucasoid features in America, according to O. Menghin … 79
Chapter III. Birdsell and the origin of the Australian Americans
Birdsell and the Origin of Australians ... 87
Birdsell and the Primitive Populations of Asia ... 95
Birdsell and Polyracial and Biological Theories, Critiques ... 105
The American Panorama, According to Birdsell ... 120
Chapter IV. Primitive Bearded Men in America
Primitive Bearded Men in South America … 135
The Guayaquíes and Their Belonging to the Caucasoid Amurian Race … 138
Other Bearded Individuals in South America: the Carpentarians … 153
Ainu women and American Indian women ... 169
Chapter V. Biology and Heredity in Indigenous America
Our biotypological classification of human races ... 179
Problems in the study of races and inheritance ... 190
Population Genetics … 199
Chapter VI. Men with Beards and Aquiline Noses in America
Another White Race in Pre-Columbian America … 209
Men with Beards and Aquiline Noses in Mexico … 213
Bearded Men among the Mayans and their Predecessors ... 229
Men with Beards and Aquiline Noses in the Andean Zone ... 244
Chapter VII. Other Indigenous American Races
Brief Initial Comments and Other Native Races ... 269
Negroid racial types in pre-Columbian America … 273
Pygmies or pygmoid peoples in indigenous America … 282
The true Mongoloid races in America … 296
Comments
The purposes pursued in this work ... 303
The succession of American indigenous races ... 306 §. Last words ... 311
Apromor
The transpacific relationship test ... 313 Bibliography ................. 327
"2. Sonoric racial type. These are Imbelloni's Sonorids, enormously expanded in their geographical extension, at the expense of the Planids and Pueblo. The physical characteristics that, on average, can be attributed to all these peoples are the following: height between medium and tall (around 168 cm for men and 156 cm for women); dolichoid head (horizontal cephalic index of about 78) and low (mean height index, approximating 81). The limbs are relatively long, which clearly distinguishes them from their Californid neighbors with whom they are often confused. Their face is also medium, though leaning towards low, as their total facial index is close to 84. The nasal index, around 80. All these measurements have been taken on living beings. On the skull, however, we have a series of measurements of Shoshones that can serve as an example and express: horizontal cephalic index, 76; mean height index, 81; facial index, 81; nasal index, 48. The data comes from Hrdliçka. It should be noted that Sioux skulls have somewhat higher cephalic and facial indices, but have a lower mean height index."
'A Spanish chronicler of the 18th century once expressed: "Having seen an Indian from any region whatsoever, one has seen a'
"Any attempt, up to now, to recreate the constitution"
Australian indigenous people related to the oldest AMERICAN POPULATION. According to Birdsell, plate 2. A and B: Indigenous person, 55 years old,
from the ngadjunma tribe, in the South of the West Coast of Australia; representative model of the author's murrayian racial type. C and D: Indigenous person from the wembawemba tribe, from the middle zone of the Murray River, Victoria, in their sixties, also typical of the mentioned race. E and F: 59-year-old Indigenous person from Katanning, Wilman tribal area, extreme southwest of Australia, corresponding to the same race.
AINO INDIGENOUS PEOPLE FROM NORTHERN JAPAN, corresponding to the oldest American population, according to Birdsell. Plate 3. Figs. A and B: Young man from Hokkaido Island, of amurian racial type, indistinguishable from Australian murrayans. C and D: Another Aino indigenous person from Sakhalin Island, with Mongolian mixture, especially noticeable in the eyes. E and F: Aino with some Mongolian mixture. Even in the most mixed individual - who is the one in the center - the archaic Caucasoid features are well highlighted in all these individuals, due to their beard, mustache, and wide hairline at the forehead, which does not exist in pure Mongoloids. In the last individual - and perhaps in the medium one - we see some more Carpentarian than Amurian features, which consist of strong bizygomatic width and quite high head.
"The largest existing races of humanity have been
In light of this conclusion, it is worth making similar comparisons between Australian series that can truly represent intercrossed populations, from which it can be inferred that they are of an unquestionable intimate genetic relationship. The first of these between C-1\mathrm{C}-1 and C-2\mathrm{C}-2 gives a minimal difference for the indices of 2.32, a substantially higher value than that found between the Santa Catalina islanders and the general Murray series. Similarly, comparisons between C-1\mathrm{C}-1 and C-3,C-4\mathrm{C}-3, \mathrm{C}-4 and C-5\mathrm{C}-5 and C-6\mathrm{C}-6 , give minimal differences for the five indices of 1.61,1.311.61,1.31 and 1.58. Significant to my argument is that of these four inter-Murray comparisons, 3 exceed the minimum index differences found between my Catalina series and the basic Murray series. Only one value, that which compares the peoples of the Adelaide plains and the Yorke Peninsula, shows a slightly lower value. The average of the minimum index differences for the four comparisons between located Australian skulls gives a minimum difference of 1.73, which is appreciably higher than the difference of 1.47 found between my Catalina series and the basic Murray group. This evidence could be interpreted as indicating that the inhabitants of Santa Catalina Island are more closely related to the Murray population of Southeast Australia than the tribal populations of the latter area are to each other. This is so patently absurd as to suggest that the method is invalidated. It must be replaced by some technique that would be derived directly from the established laws of population genetics. In summary, it can be said that the typological attempt
"I traveled twice to Arroyo Morotí, the first time from June 28 to July 1, 1964, and the second time from September 17 to 19, 1965. During the first trip - which I made alone - I saw seventy aboriginals (Guayakíes), while in the second, carried out in the company of Doctors Miraglia and Juste, I only saw twenty-five."
ONE OF THE OLDEST BEARDED FIGURES IN AMERICA. Indigenous ceramic model from the Las Charcas culture, dating from 2000-1500 before the Era, Guatemala, found in Kaminaljuyú. National Museum of Guatemala. Its face is not Mongolian, as seen by its straight eyes and nose; it displays a good little beard. From Linden-Museum, Kunst der Maya, fig. 1.
"These were isolated individuals. But in a relatively recent period, yy a group has been discovered and studied"
