Events 活动 Article by Vladimir Putin ”On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians“
Article by Vladimir Putin ”On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians“
俄罗斯总统普京《论俄罗斯与乌克兰的历史统一》文章
During the recent Direct Line, when I was asked about
Russian-Ukrainian relations, I said that Russians and Ukrainians were one
people – a single whole. These words were not driven by some short-term
considerations or prompted by the current political context. It is what I have
said on numerous occasions and what I firmly believe. I therefore feel it
necessary to explain my position in detail and share my assessments of today's
situation.
在最近的“直接连线”活动中，当我被问及俄乌关系时，我说俄罗斯人和乌克兰人是一个民族——一个整体。这些话并非出于某种短期考虑或受当前政治环境的影响。我多次说过，我坚信这一点。因此，我认为有必要详细阐述我的立场，并分享我对当前形势的评估。
First of all, I would like to emphasize that the wall that has emerged in recent years between Russia and Ukraine, between the parts of what is
essentially the same historical and spiritual space, to my mind is our great common
misfortune and tragedy. These are, first and foremost, the consequences of our
own mistakes made at different periods of time. But these are also the result
of deliberate efforts by those forces that have always sought to undermine our
unity. The formula they apply has been known from time immemorial – divide and rule. There is nothing new here. Hence the attempts to play on the ”national question“ and sow discord among people, the overarching
goal being to divide and then to pit the parts of a single people against one
another.
首先，我想强调的是，近年来在俄罗斯和乌克兰、在本质上相同的历史和精神空间中出现的这道墙，在我看来是我们巨大的共同不幸和悲剧。这些首先是我们在不同时期犯下的错误造成的后果。但这也是那些一直试图破坏我们团结的力量的故意努力的结果。他们应用的公式自古以来就为人所知——分而治之。这里没有什么新鲜事。因此，试图玩弄“民族问题”并在人民中制造不和，其根本目标是分裂，然后让一个民族的不同部分相互对立。
To have a better understanding of the present and look into the future, we
need to turn to history. Certainly, it is impossible to cover in this article
all the developments that have taken place over more than a thousand years. But
I will focus on the key, pivotal moments that are important for us to remember,
both in Russia and Ukraine.
为了更好地理解现在并展望未来，我们需要回顾历史。当然，在这篇文章中不可能涵盖一千多年间发生的所有发展。但我将关注对我们来说重要的关键、转折时刻，无论是在俄罗斯还是在乌克兰。
Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians are all descendants of Ancient Rus,
which was the largest state in Europe. Slavic and other tribes across the vast
territory – from Ladoga, Novgorod, and Pskov to Kiev and Chernigov –
were bound together by one language (which we now refer to as Old Russian),
economic ties, the rule of the princes of the Rurik dynasty, and – after
the baptism of Rus – the Orthodox faith. The spiritual choice made by St.
Vladimir, who was both Prince of Novgorod and Grand Prince of Kiev, still
largely determines our affinity today.
俄罗斯人、乌克兰人和白俄罗斯人都是古罗斯的后裔，古罗斯是欧洲最大的国家。从拉多加、诺夫哥罗德和普斯科夫到基辅和切尔尼戈夫，广阔领土上的斯拉夫和其他部落被一种语言（我们现在称之为古俄语）、经济联系、留里克王朝公爵的统治以及——在罗斯受洗后——东正教信仰联系在一起。圣弗拉基米尔大公，既是诺夫哥罗德公爵也是基辅大公，他所做的精神选择至今仍在很大程度上决定着我们的亲近感。
The throne of Kiev held a dominant position in Ancient Rus. This had been
the custom since the late 9th century. The Tale of Bygone Years captured for posterity the words of Oleg the Prophet about Kiev, ”Let it be the mother
of all Russian cities.“
基辅王座在古罗斯占据着主导地位。这种习俗自 9 世纪末以来一直存在。《往昔岁月》记载了奥列格先知的关于基辅的话语：“让它成为所有俄罗斯城市的母亲。”
Later, like other European states of that time, Ancient Rus faced a decline
of central rule and fragmentation. At the same time, both the nobility and the common people perceived Rus as a common territory, as their homeland.
之后，像当时其他欧洲国家一样，古罗斯面临着中央集权的衰落和分裂。与此同时，贵族和普通民众都将罗斯视为共同的领土，视为他们的祖国。
The fragmentation intensified after Batu Khan's devastating invasion, which
ravaged many cities, including Kiev. The northeastern part of Rus fell under
the control of the Golden Horde but retained limited sovereignty. The southern
and western Russian lands largely became part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,
which – most significantly – was referred to in historical records as the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania and Russia.
巴图汗毁灭性的入侵之后，分裂加剧，许多城市遭受蹂躏，包括基辅。罗斯的东北部落入金帐汗国的控制之下，但保留了有限的自治权。南部和西部俄罗斯领土大多成为立陶宛大公国的组成部分，这在历史记录中被称为立陶宛大公国和俄罗斯。
Members of the princely and ”boyar“ clans would change service
from one prince to another, feuding with each other but also making friendships
and alliances. Voivode Bobrok of Volyn and the sons of Grand Duke of Lithuania Algirdas –
Andrey of Polotsk and Dmitry of Bryansk – fought next to Grand Duke Dmitry
Ivanovich of Moscow on the Kulikovo field. At the same time, Grand Duke of Lithuania Jogaila –
son of the Princess of Tver – led his troops to join with Mamai. These are all
pages of our shared history, reflecting its complex and multi-dimensional
nature.
公爵和“博亚尔”家族的成员会从一位公爵转到另一位公爵的服务，相互争斗，但同时也建立友谊和联盟。沃伦的鲍勃罗克沃伊维德和立陶宛大公阿尔吉达的儿子们——波洛茨克的安德烈和布良斯的德米特里——在库利科沃战场上与莫斯科大公德米特里·伊万诺维奇并肩作战。与此同时，立陶宛大公约盖拉——特维尔公主的儿子——率领他的部队加入马马伊。这些都是我们共同历史的篇章，反映了其复杂和多维的性质。
Most importantly, people both in the western and eastern Russian lands
spoke the same language. Their faith was Orthodox. Up to the middle of the 15th century,
the unified church government remained in place.
最重要的是，无论是西部的还是东部的俄罗斯土地上的居民都讲同一种语言。他们的信仰是东正教。直到 15 世纪中叶，统一的教会政府一直存在。
At a new stage of historical development, both Lithuanian Rus and Moscow
Rus could have become the points of attraction and consolidation of the territories of Ancient Rus. It so happened that Moscow became the center of reunification, continuing the tradition of ancient Russian statehood. Moscow
princes – the descendants of Prince Alexander Nevsky – cast off the foreign
yoke and began gathering the Russian lands.
在历史发展的新阶段，立陶宛罗斯和莫斯科罗斯都可能成为古代罗斯领土的吸引力和巩固点。结果却是莫斯科成为了重新统一的中心，继续着古代俄罗斯国家传统的传承。莫斯科公爵——亚历山大·涅夫斯基的子孙们——摆脱了外国枷锁，开始聚集俄罗斯土地。
In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, other processes were unfolding. In the 14th century, Lithuania's ruling elite converted to Catholicism. In the 16th century, it signed the Union of Lublin with the Kingdom of Poland to form the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Polish Catholic nobility received considerable
land holdings and privileges in the territory of Rus. In accordance with the 1596 Union of Brest, part of the western Russian Orthodox clergy submitted to the authority of the Pope. The process of Polonization and Latinization began,
ousting Orthodoxy.
在立陶宛大公国，其他过程正在展开。在 14 世纪，立陶宛的统治精英皈依天主教。在 16 世纪，它与波兰王国签署了卢布林联合，形成了波兰-立陶宛联邦。波兰天主教贵族在罗斯领土上获得了相当多的土地和特权。根据 1596 年布列斯特联合，部分西俄罗斯东正教神职人员向教皇屈服。开始了波兰化和拉丁化过程，驱逐了东正教。
As a consequence, in the 16–17th centuries, the liberation movement of the Orthodox population was gaining strength in the Dnieper region. The events
during the times of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky became a turning point. His
supporters struggled for autonomy from the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.
因此，在 16-17 世纪，东正教徒的解放运动在第聂伯河地区日益壮大。博赫丹·赫梅利尼茨基时代的事件成为转折点。他的支持者为了从波兰-立陶宛联邦争取自治而奋斗。
In its 1649 appeal to the king of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Zaporizhian Host demanded that the rights of the Russian Orthodox population be
respected, that the voivode of Kiev be Russian and of Greek faith, and that the persecution of the churches of God be stopped. But the Cossacks were not heard.
在 1649 年向波兰立陶宛联邦国王的呼吁中，扎波罗热军要求尊重俄罗斯东正教徒的权利，要求基辅的维奥维德是俄罗斯和希腊信仰，并停止对上帝教会的迫害。但哥萨克人没有被听到。
Bohdan Khmelnytsky then made appeals to Moscow, which were considered by the Zemsky Sobor. On 1 October 1653, members of the supreme representative
body of the Russian state decided to support their brothers in faith and take
them under patronage. In January 1654, the Pereyaslav Council confirmed that
decision. Subsequently, the ambassadors of Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Moscow
visited dozens of cities, including Kiev, whose populations swore allegiance to the Russian tsar. Incidentally, nothing of the kind happened at the conclusion
of the Union of Lublin.
博赫丹·赫梅利尼茨基随后向莫斯科发出呼吁，这些呼吁被 zemsky sobor 所考虑。1653 年 10 月 1 日，俄罗斯国家最高代表机构的成员决定支持他们的信仰兄弟，并接受他们的庇护。1654 年 1 月，佩列亚斯拉夫会议确认了这一决定。随后，博赫丹·赫梅利尼茨基和莫斯科的大使访问了包括基辅在内的数十个城市，那里的居民宣誓效忠俄罗斯沙皇。顺便说一下，在卢布林的联合结束时并没有发生类似的事情。
In a letter to Moscow in 1654, Bohdan Khmelnytsky thanked Tsar Aleksey
Mikhaylovich for taking ”the whole Zaporizhian Host and the whole Russian
Orthodox world under the strong and high hand of the Tsar“. It means that,
in their appeals to both the Polish king and the Russian tsar, the Cossacks
referred to and defined themselves as Russian Orthodox people.
在 1654 年致莫斯科的一封信中，博赫丹·赫梅利尼茨基感谢沙皇阿列克谢·米哈伊洛维奇将“整个扎波罗热军和整个俄罗斯东正教世界置于沙皇强有力的统治之下”。这意味着，在向波兰国王和俄罗斯沙皇的呼吁中，哥萨克人将自己定义为俄罗斯东正教人民。
Over the course of the protracted war between the Russian state and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, some of the hetmans, successors of Bohdan
Khmelnytsky, would ”detach themselves“ from Moscow or seek support
from Sweden, Poland, or Turkey. But, again, for the people, that was a war of liberation. It ended with the Truce of Andrusovo in 1667. The final outcome was
sealed by the Treaty of Perpetual Peace in 1686. The Russian state incorporated the city of Kiev and the lands on the left bank of the Dnieper River, including Poltava region,
Chernigov region, and Zaporozhye. Their inhabitants were reunited with the main
part of the Russian Orthodox people. These territories were referred to as ”Malorossia“ (Little Russia).
在俄罗斯国家与波兰立陶宛联邦之间漫长的战争中，一些赫曼（波赫梅利尼茨基的继任者）会“脱离”莫斯科或寻求瑞典、波兰或土耳其的支持。然而，对于人民来说，那是一场解放战争。它以 1667 年的安德鲁索夫停战协议结束。最终结果由 1686 年的永久和平条约确定。俄罗斯国家吞并了基辅市和第聂伯河左岸的土地，包括波尔塔瓦地区、切尔尼戈夫地区和扎波罗热。这些地区的居民与俄罗斯东正教人民的主要部分重新团聚。这些领土被称为“小俄罗斯”（小罗斯）。
The name ”Ukraine“ was used more often in the meaning of the Old
Russian word ”okraina“ (periphery), which is found in written sources
from the 12th century, referring to various border territories. And the word ”Ukrainian“, judging by archival documents, originally referred
to frontier guards who protected the external borders.
乌克兰一词在历史上更多是指古俄语中的“окраина”（边缘）一词，这一词在 12 世纪的文献中出现，指的是各种边境领土。而根据档案文件，乌克兰一词最初指的是保护外部边界的边防兵。
On the right bank, which remained under the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth,
the old orders were restored, and social and religious oppression intensified.
On the contrary, the lands on the left bank, taken under the protection of the unified state, saw rapid development. People from the other bank of the Dnieper
moved here en masse. They sought support from people who spoke the same
language and had the same faith.
在右岸，即仍处于波兰-立陶宛联邦之下，旧秩序得到恢复，社会和宗教压迫加剧。相反，左岸的土地在统一国家的保护下迅速发展。第聂伯河对岸的人们大量迁移至此。他们寻求与说同一种语言、有相同信仰的人的支持。
During the Great Northern War with Sweden, the people in Malorossia were
not faced with a choice of whom to side with. Only a small portion of the Cossacks supported Mazepa's rebellion. People of all orders and degrees
considered themselves Russian and Orthodox.
在瑞典的大北方战争中，马尔罗西亚的人民没有面临选择支持哪一边的抉择。只有一小部分哥萨克人支持马泽帕的叛乱。所有阶层和等级的人们都认为自己属于俄罗斯和东正教。
Cossack senior officers belonging to the nobility would reach the heights
of political, diplomatic, and military careers in Russia. Graduates of Kiev-Mohyla Academy played a leading role in church life. This was also the case during the Hetmanate – an essentially autonomous state formation with a special internal structure – and later in the Russian Empire. Malorussians in many ways helped build a big common country – its statehood, culture, and science. They participated in the exploration and development of the Urals,
Siberia, the Caucasus, and the Far East. Incidentally, during the Soviet
period, natives of Ukraine held major, including the highest, posts in the leadership of the unified state. Suffice it to say that Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev, whose party biography was most closely associated with
Ukraine, led the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) for almost 30 years.
哥萨克高级军官属于贵族，在俄罗斯的政治、外交和军事生涯中达到顶峰。基辅莫希拉学院的毕业生在教会生活中扮演了领导角色。在 Hetmanate（一个本质上具有特殊内部结构的自治国家形成）时期也是如此，后来在俄罗斯帝国时期也是如此。许多方面，小俄罗斯人帮助建立了一个大国——它的国家、文化和科学。他们参与了乌拉尔、西伯利亚、高加索和远东的探索和发展。顺便说一句，在苏联时期，乌克兰原住民在统一国家的领导层中担任了重要职务，包括最高职务。仅举尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫和列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫为例，他们的政党传记与乌克兰最为密切，几乎领导苏联共产党（CPSU）30 年。
In the second half of the 18th century, following the wars with the Ottoman Empire, Russia incorporated Crimea and the lands of the Black Sea
region, which became known as Novorossiya. They were populated by people from
all of the Russian provinces. After the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth, the Russian Empire regained the western Old Russian lands, with
the exception of Galicia and Transcarpathia, which became part of the Austrian – and later Austro-Hungarian – Empire.
18 世纪下半叶，在奥斯曼帝国战争之后，俄罗斯并吞了克里米亚和黑海地区的土地，这些土地被称为新俄罗斯。这些地方被来自俄罗斯所有省份的人们居住。在波兰立陶宛联邦的瓜分之后，俄罗斯帝国收回了西部旧俄罗斯的土地，除了加利西亚和喀尔巴阡地区，这些地区后来成为了奥地利——后来是奥匈帝国——的一部分。
The incorporation of the western Russian lands into the single state was
not merely the result of political and diplomatic decisions. It was underlain
by the common faith, shared cultural traditions, and – I would like to emphasize it once again – language similarity. Thus, as early as the beginning
of the 17th century, one of the hierarchs of the Uniate Church, Joseph
Rutsky, communicated to Rome that people in Moscovia called Russians from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth their brothers, that their written language was
absolutely identical, and differences in the vernacular were insignificant. He
drew an analogy with the residents of Rome and Bergamo. These are, as we know,
the center and the north of modern Italy.
俄罗斯西部领土并入单一国家并非仅仅是政治和外交决策的结果。这基于共同的信仰、共享的文化传统，以及——我想再次强调——语言相似性。因此，早在 17 世纪初，东正教的一位高级神职人员约瑟夫·鲁茨基向罗马传达，莫斯科人将波兰立陶宛联邦的俄罗斯人称为兄弟，他们的书面语言完全相同，口语差异微不足道。他将这比作罗马和贝加莫的居民。众所周知，这两个地方是现代意大利的中心和北部。
Many centuries of fragmentation and living within different states
naturally brought about regional language peculiarities, resulting in the emergence of dialects. The vernacular enriched the literary language. Ivan
Kotlyarevsky, Grigory Skovoroda, and Taras Shevchenko played a huge role here.
Their works are our common literary and cultural heritage. Taras Shevchenko
wrote poetry in the Ukrainian language, and prose mainly in Russian. The books
of Nikolay Gogol, a Russian patriot and native of Poltavshchyna, are written in Russian, bristling with Malorussian folk sayings and motifs. How can this
heritage be divided between Russia and Ukraine? And why do it?
许多个世纪的分裂和生活在不同的国家自然导致了地区语言特点的出现，从而产生了方言。方言丰富了文学语言。伊万·科特利亚列夫斯基、格里高利·斯科沃罗达和塔拉斯·舍甫琴科在这里发挥了巨大作用。他们的作品是我们共同的文学和文化遗产。塔拉斯·舍甫琴科用乌克兰语写诗，主要用俄语写散文。俄罗斯爱国者、波尔塔瓦省本地人尼古拉·果戈里的书籍是用俄语写的，充满了小俄罗斯民间谚语和主题。如何在这份遗产之间划分俄罗斯和乌克兰？为什么要这样做？
The south-western lands of the Russian Empire, Malorussia and Novorossiya,
and the Crimea developed as ethnically and religiously diverse entities.
Crimean Tatars, Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Karaites, Krymchaks, Bulgarians,
Poles, Serbs, Germans, and other peoples lived here. They all preserved their
faith, traditions, and customs.
俄罗斯帝国的西南部领土，即小俄罗斯和诺夫罗西斯，以及克里米亚，作为民族和宗教多元的实体发展起来。克里米亚鞑靼人、亚美尼亚人、希腊人、犹太人、卡拉伊特人、克里姆查克人、保加利亚人、波兰人、塞尔维亚人、德国人和其他民族在这里居住。他们都保留了他们的信仰、传统和习俗。
I am not going to idealise anything. We do know there were the Valuev
Circular of 1863 an then the Ems Ukaz of 1876, which restricted the publication
and importation of religious and socio-political literature in the Ukrainian
language. But it is important to be mindful of the historical context. These
decisions were taken against the backdrop of dramatic events in Poland and the desire of the leaders of the Polish national movement to exploit the ”Ukrainian issue“ to their own advantage. I should add that works of fiction, books of Ukrainian poetry and folk songs continued to be published.
There is objective evidence that the Russian Empire was witnessing an active
process of development of the Malorussian cultural identity within the greater
Russian nation, which united the Velikorussians, the Malorussians and the Belorussians.
我不会美化任何事情。我们知道有 1863 年的瓦列夫圆形和 1876 年的艾姆斯敕令，这些法令限制了乌克兰语宗教和社会政治文献的出版和进口。但重要的是要意识到历史背景。这些决定是在波兰发生戏剧性事件和波兰民族运动领导人希望利用“乌克兰问题”为自己谋利的背景下做出的。我还应该补充说，小说、乌克兰诗歌和民间歌曲的出版仍在继续。有客观证据表明，俄罗斯帝国正在见证大俄罗斯民族内部小俄罗斯文化身份的积极发展过程，这个民族联合了大俄罗斯人、小俄罗斯人和白俄罗斯人。
At the same time, the idea of Ukrainian people as a nation separate from
the Russians started to form and gain ground among the Polish elite and a part
of the Malorussian intelligentsia. Since there was no historical basis – and could not have been any, conclusions were substantiated by all sorts of concoctions, which went as far as to claim that the Ukrainians are the true
Slavs and the Russians, the Muscovites, are not. Such ”hypotheses“
became increasingly used for political purposes as a tool of rivalry between
European states.
与此同时，乌克兰人作为一个与俄罗斯人分离的民族的观念开始在波兰精英和一部分小俄罗斯知识分子中形成并占据上风。由于没有历史依据——而且根本不可能有任何依据，结论被各种各样的捏造所证实，甚至声称乌克兰人是真正的斯拉夫民族，而俄罗斯人、莫斯科人则不是。这种“假设”越来越多地被用作政治目的，成为欧洲国家之间竞争的工具。
Since the late 19th century, the Austro-Hungarian authorities had latched
onto this narrative, using it as a counterbalance to the Polish national movement
and pro-Muscovite sentiments in Galicia. During World War I, Vienna played a role in the formation of the so-called Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen.
Galicians suspected of sympathies with Orthodox Christianity and Russia were
subjected to brutal repression and thrown into the concentration camps of Thalerhof and Terezin.
自 19 世纪末以来，奥匈帝国当局已经抓住这一叙事，将其用作对抗波兰民族运动和加利西亚的亲莫斯科情绪的平衡。在第一次世界大战期间，维也纳在所谓乌克兰西奇步枪兵团的形成中发挥了作用。被怀疑对东正教和俄罗斯抱有同情心的加利西亚人遭受了残酷的镇压，并被投入塔尔霍夫和特雷津的集中营。
Further developments had to do with the collapse of European empires, the fierce civil war that broke out across the vast territory of the former Russian
Empire, and foreign intervention.
进一步的发展与欧洲帝国的崩溃、在前俄罗斯帝国广阔领土上爆发的激烈内战以及外国干预有关。
After the February Revolution, in March 1917, the Central Rada was
established in Kiev, intended to become the organ of supreme power. In November
1917, in its Third Universal, it declared the creation of the Ukrainian
People's Republic (UPR) as part of Russia.
二月革命后，1917 年 3 月，基辅成立了中央拉达，旨在成为最高权力的机构。1917 年 11 月，在其第三号宣言中，宣布成立乌克兰人民共和国（UPR）作为俄罗斯的一部分。
In December 1917, UPR representatives arrived in Brest-Litovsk, where
Soviet Russia was negotiating with Germany and its allies. At a meeting on 10
January 1918, the head of the Ukrainian delegation read out a note proclaiming
the independence of Ukraine. Subsequently, the Central Rada proclaimed Ukraine
independent in its Fourth Universal.
1917 年 12 月，乌克兰人民派代表团抵达布列斯特-立托夫斯克，当时苏俄正在与德国及其盟国谈判。1918 年 1 月 10 日，乌克兰代表团团长宣读了一份宣布乌克兰独立的声明。随后，中央拉达在其第四号宣言中宣布乌克兰独立。
The declared sovereignty did not last long. Just a few weeks later, Rada
delegates signed a separate treaty with the German bloc countries. Germany and Austria-Hungary were at the time in a dire situation and needed Ukrainian bread
and raw materials. In order to secure large-scale supplies, they obtained
consent for sending their troops and technical staff to the UPR. In fact, this
was used as a pretext for occupation.
宣布的主权并没有持续太久。仅仅几周后，拉达代表与德国集团国家签署了一项单独的条约。当时德国和奥匈帝国正处于困境之中，需要乌克兰的粮食和原材料。为了确保大规模供应，他们获得了派遣军队和技术人员到乌克兰人民派的同意。实际上，这被用作占领的借口。
For those who have today given up the full control of Ukraine to external
forces, it would be instructive to remember that, back in 1918, such a decision
proved fatal for the ruling regime in Kiev. With the direct involvement of the occupying forces, the Central Rada was overthrown and Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi
was brought to power, proclaiming instead of the UPR the Ukrainian State, which
was essentially under German protectorate.
对于那些今天将乌克兰完全控制权拱手让给外部势力的人来说，回顾 1918 年，这样的决定对基辅的统治政权是致命的。在占领军的直接参与下，中央拉达被推翻，帕夫洛·斯科罗帕茨基被扶上权力宝座，他宣布的不是乌克兰人民共和国，而是乌克兰国家，实际上处于德国的保护之下。
In November 1918 – following the revolutionary events in Germany and Austria-Hungary – Pavlo Skoropadskyi, who had lost the support of German
bayonets, took a different course, declaring that ”Ukraine is to take the lead in the formation of an All-Russian Federation“. However, the regime
was soon changed again. It was now the time of the so-called Directorate.
1918 年 11 月——在德国和奥匈帝国的革命事件之后——失去了德国刺刀支持的帕夫洛·斯科罗帕茨基采取了不同的路线，宣布“乌克兰应在组建全俄联邦中发挥主导作用”。然而，政权很快又发生了变化。现在是所谓的督政府的时代。
In autumn 1918, Ukrainian nationalists proclaimed the West Ukrainian
People's Republic (WUPR) and, in January 1919, announced its unification with
the Ukrainian People's Republic. In July 1919, Ukrainian forces were crushed by Polish troops, and the territory of the former WUPR came under the Polish rule.
1918 年秋季，乌克兰民族主义者宣布成立西乌克兰人民共和国（WUPR），并于 1919 年 1 月宣布与乌克兰人民共和国统一。1919 年 7 月，乌克兰军队被波兰军队击败，前 WUPR 领土陷入波兰统治。
In April 1920, Symon Petliura (portrayed as one of the ”heroes“
in today's Ukraine) concluded secret conventions on behalf of the UPR
Directorate, giving up – in exchange for military support – Galicia and Western Volhynia lands to Poland. In May 1920, Petliurites entered Kiev in a convoy of Polish military units. But not for long. As early as November 1920,
following a truce between Poland and Soviet Russia, the remnants of Petliura's
forces surrendered to those same Poles.
1920 年 4 月，西梅翁·彼得留拉（在今天的乌克兰被描绘为“英雄”之一）代表乌克兰人民共和国政府委员会，秘密达成协议，以换取军事支持，将加利西亚和西布格河地区割让给波兰。1920 年 5 月，彼得留拉分子在波兰军事单位的护送下进入基辅。但好景不长。早在 1920 年 11 月，在波兰和苏俄之间达成停战协议后，彼得留拉部队的残余力量向那些相同的波兰人投降。
The example of the UPR shows that different kinds of quasi-state formations
that emerged across the former Russian Empire at the time of the Civil War and turbulence were inherently unstable. Nationalists sought to create their own
independent states, while leaders of the White movement advocated indivisible
Russia. Many of the republics established by the Bolsheviks' supporters did not
see themselves outside Russia either. Nevertheless, Bolshevik Party leaders
sometimes basically drove them out of Soviet Russia for various reasons.
乌克兰人民共和国的例子表明，在俄国革命和动荡时期，在沙皇俄国境内出现的各种准国家实体本质上是不稳定的。民族主义者寻求建立自己的独立国家，而白军领导人则主张统一的俄罗斯。许多由布尔什维克支持者建立的共和国也没有将自己视为俄罗斯之外。然而，布尔什维克党领导人有时出于各种原因，基本上将他们驱逐出苏维埃俄罗斯。
Thus, in early 1918, the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic was proclaimed
and asked Moscow to incorporate it into Soviet Russia. This was met with a refusal. During a meeting with the republic's leaders, Vladimir Lenin insisted
that they act as part of Soviet Ukraine. On 15 March 1918, the Central
Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) directly ordered that
delegates be sent to the Ukrainian Congress of Soviets, including from the Donetsk Basin, and that ”one government for all of Ukraine“ be
created at the congress. The territories of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet
Republic later formed most of the regions of south-eastern Ukraine.
因此，1918 年初，顿涅茨克-克里沃罗格苏维埃共和国成立，并向莫斯科请求将其并入苏维埃俄罗斯。这遭到了拒绝。在与共和国领导人的会晤中，弗拉基米尔·列宁坚持认为他们应作为苏维埃乌克兰的一部分行动。1918 年 3 月 15 日，俄国共产党（布尔什维克）中央委员会直接下令派遣代表前往乌克兰苏维埃代表大会，包括来自顿巴斯地区的代表，并在代表大会上建立一个“统一乌克兰政府”。顿涅茨克-克里沃罗格苏维埃共和国的领土后来形成了乌克兰东南部的大部分地区。
Under the 1921 Treaty of Riga, concluded between the Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR and Poland, the western lands of the former Russian Empire were
ceded to Poland. In the interwar period, the Polish government pursued an active resettlement policy, seeking to change the ethnic composition of the Eastern Borderlands – the Polish name for what is now Western Ukraine, Western
Belarus and parts of Lithuania. The areas were subjected to harsh Polonisation,
local culture and traditions suppressed. Later, during World War II,
radical groups of Ukrainian nationalists used this as a pretext for terror not
only against Polish, but also against Jewish and Russian populations.
根据 1921 年里加条约，该条约由俄罗斯苏维埃联邦社会主义共和国、乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国和波兰签订，前俄罗斯帝国的西部领土割让给了波兰。在一战期间，波兰政府推行积极的定居政策，试图改变东边疆区的民族构成——波兰人称现在的西乌克兰、西白俄罗斯和立陶宛部分地区为东边疆区。这些地区遭受了严厉的波兰化，当地文化和传统被压制。后来，在二战期间，乌克兰民族主义激进派别利用这一点作为对波兰人、犹太人和俄罗斯人进行恐怖活动的借口。
In 1922, when the USSR was created, with the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic becoming one of its founders, a rather fierce debate among the Bolshevik leaders resulted in the implementation of Lenin's plan to form a union state as a federation of equal republics. The right for the republics to freely secede from the Union was included in the text of the Declaration on the Creation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and, subsequently, in the 1924 USSR Constitution. By doing so, the authors planted in the foundation of our statehood the most dangerous time bomb, which exploded the moment the safety mechanism provided by the leading role of the CPSU was gone, the party
itself collapsing from within. A ”parade of sovereignties“ followed.
On 8 December 1991, the so-called Belovezh Agreement on the Creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States was signed, stating that ”the USSR as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality no longer
existed.“ By the way, Ukraine never signed or ratified the CIS Charter
adopted back in 1993.
1922 年，苏联成立时，乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国成为其创始人之一，布尔什维克领导人之间的一场激烈辩论导致了列宁计划实施，以形成一个由平等共和国组成的联盟国家。共和国有权自由退出联盟的权利被纳入了《苏联成立宣言》的文本中，随后在 1924 年苏联宪法中得到了体现。通过这种方式，作者在我们的国家体制的根基中埋下了最危险的时间炸弹，当由苏联共产党领导提供的保险机制消失，该党自身从内部崩溃时，这个炸弹爆炸了。“主权大游行”随之而来。1991 年 12 月 8 日，签署了所谓的《关于建立独立国家联合体的别洛韦日协定》，声明“苏联作为一个国际法主体和地缘政治现实已不复存在。”顺便说一句，乌克兰从未签署或批准过 1993 年通过的独立国家联合体章程。
In the 1920's-1930's, the Bolsheviks actively promoted the ”localization policy“, which took the form of Ukrainization in the Ukrainian SSR. Symbolically, as part of this policy and with consent of the Soviet authorities, Mikhail Grushevskiy, former chairman of Central Rada, one
of the ideologists of Ukrainian nationalism, who at a certain period of time
had been supported by Austria-Hungary, was returned to the USSR and was elected
member of the Academy of Sciences.
在 20 世纪 20 年代至 30 年代，布尔什维克积极推行“地方化政策”，在乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国采取了乌克兰化的形式。象征性地，作为这一政策的一部分，并在苏联当局的同意下，前中央拉达主席、乌克兰民族主义思想家之一、曾在一段时间内得到奥匈帝国的支持，米哈伊尔·格鲁舍夫斯基被遣返回苏联，并被选为科学院院士。
The localization policy undoubtedly played a major role in the development
and consolidation of the Ukrainian culture, language and identity. At the same
time, under the guise of combating the so-called Russian great-power
chauvinism, Ukrainization was often imposed on those who did not see themselves
as Ukrainians. This Soviet national policy secured at the state level the provision on three separate Slavic peoples: Russian, Ukrainian and Belorussian,
instead of the large Russian nation, a triune people comprising Velikorussians,
Malorussians and Belorussians.
本地化政策无疑在乌克兰文化、语言和身份的发展与巩固中发挥了重要作用。同时，在所谓反俄罗斯大国沙文主义的幌子下，乌克兰化常常被强加给那些不将自己视为乌克兰人的人。这项苏联民族政策在州级层面确保了关于三个单独的斯拉夫民族的规定：俄罗斯人、乌克兰人和白俄罗斯人，而不是包括大俄罗斯人、小俄罗斯人和白俄罗斯人在内的庞大俄罗斯民族，一个三合一的民族。
In 1939, the USSR regained the lands earlier seized by Poland. A major
portion of these became part of the Soviet Ukraine. In 1940, the Ukrainian SSR
incorporated part of Bessarabia, which had been occupied by Romania since 1918,
as well as Northern Bukovina. In 1948, Zmeyiniy Island (Snake Island) in the Black Sea became part of Ukraine. In 1954, the Crimean Region of the RSFSR was
given to the Ukrainian SSR, in gross violation of legal norms that were in force at the time.
1939 年，苏联收回了先前被波兰占领的土地。其中大部分成为苏联乌克兰的一部分。1940 年，乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国并入了自 1918 年以来被罗马尼亚占领的比萨拉比亚的一部分以及北布科维纳。1948 年，黑海的蛇岛（Zmeyiniy Island）成为乌克兰的一部分。1954 年，俄罗斯联邦苏维埃社会主义共和国的克里米亚地区被交给乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国，这是对当时生效的法律规范的严重违反。
I would like to dwell on the destiny of Carpathian Ruthenia, which became
part of Czechoslovakia following the breakup of Austria-Hungary. Rusins made up
a considerable share of local population. While this is hardly mentioned any
longer, after the liberation of Transcarpathia by Soviet troops the congress of the Orthodox population of the region voted for the inclusion of Carpathian
Ruthenia in the RSFSR or, as a separate Carpathian republic, in the USSR
proper. Yet the choice of people was ignored. In summer 1945, the historical
act of the reunification of Carpathian Ukraine ”with its ancient
motherland, Ukraine“ – as The Pravda newspaper put it – was announced.
我想谈谈喀尔巴阡鲁塞尼亚的命运，它在奥匈帝国解体后成为捷克斯洛伐克的一部分。卢西尼亚人构成了当地人口相当大的比例。虽然这几乎不再被提及，但在苏联军队解放喀尔巴阡乌克兰之后，该地区东正教人口的代表大会投票决定将喀尔巴阡鲁塞尼亚并入俄罗斯联邦，或者作为一个独立的喀尔巴阡共和国，加入苏联。然而，人民的选择被忽视了。1945 年夏天，宣布了将“与它的古老祖国乌克兰”重新统一的“历史性事件”——正如《真理报》所说。
Therefore, modern Ukraine is entirely the product of the Soviet era. We
know and remember well that it was shaped – for a significant part – on the lands of historical Russia. To make sure of that, it is enough to look at the boundaries of the lands reunited with the Russian state in the 17th century and the territory of the Ukrainian SSR when it left the Soviet Union.
因此，现代乌克兰完全是苏联时代的产物。我们深知，它的大部分是在历史上的俄罗斯土地上形成的。为了确保这一点，只需看看 17 世纪与俄罗斯国家重新统一的土地以及乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国在离开苏联时的领土即可。
The Bolsheviks treated the Russian people as inexhaustible material for their social experiments. They dreamt of a world revolution that would wipe out
national states. That is why they were so generous in drawing borders and bestowing territorial gifts. It is no longer important what exactly the idea of the Bolshevik leaders who were chopping the country into pieces was. We can
disagree about minor details, background and logics behind certain decisions.
One fact is crystal clear: Russia was robbed, indeed.
布尔什维克把俄罗斯人民视为他们社会实验的无尽材料。他们梦想一场能够消灭民族国家的世界革命。这就是为什么他们在划界和赠地方面如此慷慨。布尔什维克领导人将国家分割成碎片的具体想法是什么已经不再重要。我们可以对细节、背景和某些决策背后的逻辑有不同的看法。一个事实是无比清晰的：俄罗斯确实被掠夺了。
When working on this article, I relied on open-source documents that
contain well-known facts rather than on some secret records. The leaders of modern Ukraine and their external ”patrons“ prefer to overlook these
facts. They do not miss a chance, however, both inside the country and abroad,
to condemn ”the crimes of the Soviet regime,“ listing among them
events with which neither the CPSU, nor the USSR, let alone modern Russia, have
anything to do. At the same time, the Bolsheviks' efforts to detach from Russia
its historical territories are not considered a crime. And we know why: if they
brought about the weakening of Russia, our ill-wishes are happy with that.
在撰写这篇文章时，我依靠的是包含众所周知事实的开源文件，而不是一些秘密记录。现代乌克兰的领导人和他们的外部“赞助者”喜欢忽视这些事实。然而，他们在国内和国外都不错过谴责“苏联政权的罪行”的机会，其中列举的事件与共产党中央委员会、苏联，更不用说现代俄罗斯，都没有任何关系。与此同时，布尔什维克试图从俄罗斯分离其历史领土的行为并不被视为罪行。我们之所以知道这一点，是因为如果他们导致了俄罗斯的削弱，我们的恶意就会感到高兴。
Of course, inside the USSR, borders between republics were never seen as state borders; they were nominal within a single country, which, while
featuring all the attributes of a federation, was highly centralized – this,
again, was secured by the CPSU's leading role. But in 1991, all those
territories, and, which is more important, people, found themselves abroad
overnight, taken away, this time indeed, from their historical motherland.
当然，在苏联内部，共和国之间的边界从未被视为国家边界；它们在单一国家内是名义上的，这个国家虽然具有联邦的所有属性，但高度集中——这一点再次是由苏联共产党的领导地位所保障。但在 1991 年，所有这些领土，更重要的是，人民，一夜之间发现自己身处国外，这次确实是从他们的历史祖国被带走。
What can be said to this? Things change: countries and communities are no
exception. Of course, some part of a people in the process of its development,
influenced by a number of reasons and historical circumstances, can become
aware of itself as a separate nation at a certain moment. How should we treat
that? There is only one answer: with respect!
能说什么呢？事物总是在变化：国家和社区也不例外。当然，一个民族在其发展过程中，受多种原因和历史环境的影响，可能在某个时刻意识到自己是一个独立的民族。我们该如何对待这种情况？只有一个答案：尊重！
You want to establish a state of your own: you are welcome! But what are the terms? I will recall the assessment given by one of the most prominent
political figures of new Russia, first mayor of Saint Petersburg Anatoly
Sobchak. As a legal expert who believed that every decision must be legitimate,
in 1992, he shared the following opinion: the republics that were founders of the Union, having denounced the 1922 Union Treaty, must return to the boundaries they had had before joining the Soviet Union. All other territorial
acquisitions are subject to discussion, negotiations, given that the ground has
been revoked.
您想建立一个自己的国家：欢迎！但条件是什么？我将回忆一下新俄罗斯最杰出的政治人物之一、圣彼得堡第一任市长阿纳托利·索布恰克的评估。作为一名认为每个决定都必须合法的法学专家，他在 1992 年提出了以下观点：作为联盟创始国的共和国，在宣布废除 1922 年联盟条约后，必须回到加入苏联前的边界。所有其他领土获取都应进行讨论、谈判，因为基础已被撤销。
In other words, when you leave, take what you brought with you. This logic
is hard to refute. I will just say that the Bolsheviks had embarked on reshaping boundaries even before the Soviet Union, manipulating with territories
to their liking, in disregard of people's views.
换句话说，当你离开时，带走你带来的东西。这个逻辑很难反驳。我只想说，布尔什维克在苏联成立之前就开始重塑边界，按照自己的喜好操纵领土，不顾人们的观点。
The Russian Federation recognized the new geopolitical realities: and not
only recognized, but, indeed, did a lot for Ukraine to establish itself as an independent country. Throughout the difficult 1990's and in the new millennium,
we have provided considerable support to Ukraine. Whatever ”political
arithmetic“ of its own Kiev may wish to apply, in 1991–2013, Ukraine's
budget savings amounted to more than USD 82 billion, while today, it holds
on to the mere USD 1.5 billion of Russian payments for gas transit to Europe. If economic ties between our countries had been retained, Ukraine would
enjoy the benefit of tens of billions of dollars.
俄罗斯联邦承认了新的地缘政治现实：不仅承认，而且实际上为乌克兰建立独立国家做了很多工作。在艰难的 20 世纪 90 年代和新的千年里，我们为乌克兰提供了大量支持。无论基辅希望应用什么样的“政治算术”，在 1991-2013 年，乌克兰的预算盈余超过了 820 亿美元，而如今，它仅保留着为欧洲输送天然气支付的 1.5 亿美元。
Ukraine and Russia have developed as a single economic system over decades
and centuries. The profound cooperation we had 30 years ago is an example for the European Union to look up to. We are natural complementary economic
partners. Such a close relationship can strengthen competitive advantages,
increasing the potential of both countries.
乌克兰和俄罗斯在几十个世纪里发展成为一个单一的经济体系。我们 30 年前所拥有的深刻合作是欧盟可以学习的榜样。我们是天然的经济互补伙伴。这样的紧密关系可以增强竞争优势，增加两国的发展潜力。
Ukraine used to possess great potential, which included powerful
infrastructure, gas transportation system, advanced shipbuilding, aviation,
rocket and instrument engineering industries, as well as world-class
scientific, design and engineering schools. Taking over this legacy and declaring independence, Ukrainian leaders promised that the Ukrainian economy
would be one of the leading ones and the standard of living would be among the best in Europe.
乌克兰曾拥有巨大潜力，包括强大的基础设施、天然气运输系统、先进的造船、航空、火箭和仪器工程产业，以及世界级的科学、设计和工程学校。接管这份遗产并宣布独立后，乌克兰领导人承诺乌克兰经济将成为领先之一，生活水平将位居欧洲前列。
Today, high-tech industrial giants that were once the pride of Ukraine and the entire Union, are sinking. Engineering output has dropped by 42 per cent
over ten years. The scale of deindustrialization and overall economic
degradation is visible in Ukraine's electricity production, which has seen a nearly two-time decrease in 30 years. Finally, according to IMF reports, in 2019, before the coronavirus pandemic broke out, Ukraine's GDP per capita had
been below USD 4 thousand. This is less than in the Republic of Albania, the Republic of Moldova, or unrecognized Kosovo. Nowadays, Ukraine is
Europe's poorest country.
今天，曾经是乌克兰乃至整个联盟骄傲的高科技工业巨头正在衰落。工程产出在过去十年下降了 42%。乌克兰的电力生产规模可见的去工业化及整体经济衰退，过去 30 年中电力产量几乎减少了两倍。最后，根据 IMF 的报告，在 2019 年冠状病毒大流行爆发之前，乌克兰的人均 GDP 已经低于 4000 美元。这比阿尔巴尼亚共和国、摩尔多瓦共和国或未承认的科索沃都要低。如今，乌克兰是欧洲最贫穷的国家。
Who is to blame for this? Is it the people of Ukraine's fault? Certainly not. It was the Ukrainian authorities who waisted
and frittered away the achievements of many generations. We know how
hardworking and talented the people of Ukraine are. They can achieve success
and outstanding results with perseverance and determination. And these
qualities, as well as their openness, innate optimism and hospitality have not
gone. The feelings of millions of people who treat Russia not just well but
with great affection, just as we feel about Ukraine, remain the same.
谁应该为此负责？这是乌克兰人民的过错吗？当然不是。是乌克兰当局浪费和挥霍了多代人的成就。我们知道乌克兰人民勤劳、有才华。他们凭借毅力和决心能够取得成功和卓越成果。而这些品质，以及他们的开放性、天生的乐观和好客，都没有消失。数百万人民对俄罗斯的感情，不仅仅是友好，而是充满深情，就像我们对乌克兰的感情一样，依然如此。
Until 2014, hundreds of agreements and joint projects
were aimed at developing our economies, business and cultural ties,
strengthening security, and solving common social and environmental problems.
They brought tangible benefits to people – both in Russia and Ukraine. This is
what we believed to be most important. And that is why we had a fruitful
interaction with all, I emphasize, with all the leaders of Ukraine.
直到 2014 年，数百项协议和联合项目旨在发展我们的经济、商业和文化联系，加强安全，以及解决共同的社会和环境问题。它们为人们带来了实实在在的好处——无论是在俄罗斯还是在乌克兰。这是我们认为最重要的。这就是为什么我们与所有人，我强调，与所有乌克兰的领导人都有富有成效的互动。
Even after the events in Kiev of 2014, I charged the Russian government to elaborate options for preserving and maintaining our
economic ties within relevant ministries and agencies. However, there was and is
still no mutual will to do the same. Nevertheless, Russia is still one of Ukraine's top three trading partners, and hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians
are coming to us to work, and they find a welcome reception and support. So
that what the ”aggressor state“ is.
即使在 2014 年基辅事件之后，我也要求俄罗斯政府在与相关部门和机构中制定保持和维持我们经济联系的措施。然而，当时和现在都没有相互意愿去做同样的事情。尽管如此，俄罗斯仍然是乌克兰的前三大贸易伙伴之一，数十万乌克兰人来到我们这里工作，他们得到了欢迎和帮助。这就是所谓的“侵略国”。
When the USSR collapsed, many people in Russia and Ukraine sincerely believed and assumed that our close cultural, spiritual and economic ties would certainly last, as would the commonality of our people, who
had always had a sense of unity at their core. However, events – at first
gradually, and then more rapidly – started to move in a different direction.
当苏联解体时，许多俄罗斯人和乌克兰人真诚地相信并假设，我们紧密的文化、精神和经济联系一定会持续下去，就像我们人民共同性一样，他们始终有着团结的核心。然而，事件——起初是逐渐的，然后是更快的——开始向不同的方向发展。
In essence, Ukraine's ruling circles decided to justify their country's independence through the denial of its past, however,
except for border issues. They began to mythologize and rewrite history, edit
out everything that united us, and refer to the period when Ukraine was part of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union as an occupation. The common tragedy of collectivization and famine of the early 1930s was portrayed as the genocide of the Ukrainian people.
本质上，乌克兰统治阶层决定通过否定其过去来为其国家的独立正名，然而除了边界问题。他们开始神话化和重写历史，删去一切团结我们的东西，并将乌克兰曾是俄罗斯帝国和苏联一部分的时期称为占领。20 世纪 30 年代初的集体化和饥荒被描绘成乌克兰人民的种族灭绝。
Radicals and neo-Nazis were open and more and more
insolent about their ambitions. They were indulged by both the official
authorities and local oligarchs, who robbed the people of Ukraine and kept
their stolen money in Western banks, ready to sell their motherland for the sake of preserving their capital. To this should be added the persistent
weakness of state institutions and the position of a willing hostage to someone
else's geopolitical will.
激进分子和新纳粹分子公开且越来越肆无忌惮地宣扬他们的野心。他们既受到官方当局的纵容，也受到地方寡头的纵容。这些寡头掠夺乌克兰人民，并将赃款存入西方银行，随时准备出卖祖国以保住他们的资本。此外，国家机构持续的虚弱以及他们甘愿成为他人地缘政治意志的人质。
I recall that long ago, well before 2014, the U.S. and EU countries systematically and consistently pushed Ukraine to curtail and limit economic cooperation with Russia. We, as the largest trade and economic
partner of Ukraine, suggested discussing the emerging problems in the Ukraine-Russia-EU format. But every time we were told that Russia had nothing
to do with it and that the issue concerned only the EU and Ukraine. De facto
Western countries rejected Russia's repeated calls for dialogue.
我回忆起，早在 2014 年之前很久，美国和欧盟国家就系统地、持续地推动乌克兰限制和减少与俄罗斯的经济合作。作为乌克兰最大的贸易和经济伙伴，我们建议在乌克兰-俄罗斯-欧盟框架内讨论出现的问题。但每次我们都被告知，俄罗斯与此无关，这个问题只涉及欧盟和乌克兰。事实上，西方国家拒绝了俄罗斯反复提出的对话请求。
Step by step, Ukraine was dragged into a dangerous
geopolitical game aimed at turning Ukraine into a barrier between Europe and Russia, a springboard against Russia. Inevitably, there came a time when the concept of ”Ukraine is not Russia“ was no longer an option. There was
a need for the ”anti-Russia“ concept which we will never accept.
逐步地，乌克兰被拖入了一场危险的地缘政治游戏，旨在将乌克兰变成欧洲和俄罗斯之间的障碍，对抗俄罗斯的跳板。不可避免地，到了“乌克兰不是俄罗斯”这一概念不再是选择的时候。需要“反俄罗斯”的概念，这是我们永远不会接受的。
The owners of this project took as a basis the old
groundwork of the Polish-Austrian ideologists to create an ”anti-Moscow
Russia“. And there is no need to deceive anyone that this is being done in the interests of the people of Ukraine. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
never needed Ukrainian culture, much less Cossack autonomy. In Austria-Hungary,
historical Russian lands were mercilessly exploited and remained the poorest.
The Nazis, abetted by collaborators from the OUN-UPA, did not need Ukraine, but
a living space and slaves for Aryan overlords.
这个项目的所有者以波兰-奥地利思想家的旧基础为基础，创建了一个“反莫斯科的俄罗斯”。没有必要欺骗任何人，这是为了乌克兰人民的利益。波兰立陶宛联邦从未需要乌克兰文化，更不用说哥萨克自治。在奥匈帝国，历史上的俄罗斯土地被残酷地剥削，并一直是最贫穷的。纳粹，在 OUN-UPA 的合作者帮助下，不需要乌克兰，而是需要为雅利安统治者提供生存空间和奴隶。
Nor were the interests of the Ukrainian people thought
of in February 2014. The legitimate public discontent, caused by acute
socio-economic problems, mistakes, and inconsistent actions of the authorities
of the time, was simply cynically exploited. Western countries directly
interfered in Ukraine's internal affairs and supported the coup. Radical
nationalist groups served as its battering ram. Their slogans, ideology, and blatant aggressive Russophobia have to a large extent become defining elements
of state policy in Ukraine.
2014 年 2 月，乌克兰人民的利益也没有被考虑。当时当局因社会经济发展问题、错误和行动不一致而引发的合法公众不满，被简单地被 cynically exploited。西方国家直接干涉乌克兰内政，支持政变。激进民族主义团体充当了其炮弹。他们的口号、意识形态和明显的反俄情绪在很大程度上已成为乌克兰国家政策的决定性因素。
All the things that united us and bring us together so
far came under attack. First and foremost, the Russian language. Let me remind
you that the new ”Maidan“ authorities first tried to repeal the law
on state language policy. Then there was the law on the ”purification of power“, the law on education that virtually cut the Russian language out
of the educational process.
到目前为止，所有团结我们、让我们走到一起的东西都受到了攻击。首先和最重要的是俄语。让我提醒你们，新“广场革命”当局首先试图废除国家语言政策法。然后是“权力净化法”，教育法实际上将俄语从教育过程中排除出去。
Lastly, as early as May of this year, the current
president introduced a bill on ”indigenous peoples“ to the Rada. Only
those who constitute an ethnic minority and do not have their own state entity
outside Ukraine are recognized as indigenous. The law has been passed. New
seeds of discord have been sown. And this is happening in a country, as I have
already noted, that is very complex in terms of its territorial, national and linguistic composition, and its history of formation.
最后，今年 5 月，现任总统就“原住民”问题向议会提交了一项法案。只有构成乌克兰少数民族且在乌克兰境外没有自己国家实体的那些人才被认定为原住民。该法案已经通过。新的不和种子已经播下。而且，正如我已经指出的，这个国家在领土、民族和语言构成以及形成历史方面都非常复杂。
There may be an argument: if you are talking about a single large nation, a triune nation, then what difference does it make who
people consider themselves to be – Russians, Ukrainians, or Belarusians. I completely agree with this. Especially since the determination of nationality,
particularly in mixed families, is the right of every individual, free to make
his or her own choice.
可能有人会争论：如果你在谈论一个单一的大民族，一个三合一的民族，那么人们认为自己是谁——俄罗斯人、乌克兰人还是白俄罗斯人，这又有什么区别呢。我完全同意这一点。特别是确定国籍，尤其是在混合家庭中，这是每个人的权利，可以自由地做出自己的选择。
But the fact is that the situation in Ukraine today is
completely different because it involves a forced change of identity. And the most despicable thing is that the Russians in Ukraine are being forced not only
to deny their roots, generations of their ancestors but also to believe that
Russia is their enemy. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the path of forced assimilation, the formation of an ethnically pure Ukrainian state,
aggressive towards Russia, is comparable in its consequences to the use of weapons of mass destruction against us. As a result of such a harsh and artificial division of Russians and Ukrainians, the Russian people in all may
decrease by hundreds of thousands or even millions.
但事实上，今天乌克兰的情况完全不同，因为它涉及到一个强制性的身份改变。最可耻的是，乌克兰的俄罗斯人不仅被迫否认他们的根源、祖先的世代，还被迫相信俄罗斯是他们的敌人。说强制同化的道路、建立一个对俄罗斯具有侵略性的种族纯乌克兰国家，其后果与对我们使用大规模杀伤性武器相当，并不夸张。由于这种残酷而人为的俄罗斯人和乌克兰人的划分，俄罗斯人民可能减少数十万甚至数百万。
Our spiritual unity has also been attacked. As in the days of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, a new ecclesiastical has been initiated.
The secular authorities, making no secret of their political aims, have blatantly
interfered in church life and brought things to a split, to the seizure of churches, the beating of priests and monks. Even extensive autonomy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church while maintaining spiritual unity with the Moscow
Patriarchate strongly displeases them. They have to destroy this prominent and centuries-old symbol of our kinship at all costs.
我们的精神统一也受到了攻击。就像在立陶宛大公国时期一样，一项新的教会改革已经开始。世俗当局毫不掩饰他们的政治目标，公然干涉教会生活，导致分裂，夺取教堂，殴打神父和修士。即使乌克兰东正教会在保持与莫斯科牧首的精神统一的同时拥有广泛的自治权，他们也强烈不满。他们必须不惜一切代价摧毁这个突出且历史悠久的表现我们亲缘关系的象征。
I think it is also natural that the representatives of Ukraine over and over again vote against the UN General Assembly resolution
condemning the glorification of Nazism. Marches and torchlit processions in honor of remaining war criminals from the SS units take place under the protection of the official authorities. Mazepa, who betrayed everyone,
Petliura, who paid for Polish patronage with Ukrainian lands, and Bandera, who
collaborated with the Nazis, are ranked as national heroes. Everything is being
done to erase from the memory of young generations the names of genuine patriots
and victors, who have always been the pride of Ukraine.
我认为乌克兰代表反复投票反对联合国大会谴责纳粹主义美化决议也是自然的。在官方当局的保护下，举行纪念 SS 部队剩余战争罪犯的游行和火炬游行。背叛了所有人的马泽帕、用乌克兰土地换取波兰庇护的彼得留拉，以及与纳粹合作的班德拉，都被列为民族英雄。正在竭力抹去年轻一代对真正的爱国者和胜利者的记忆，他们一直是乌克兰的骄傲。
For the Ukrainians who fought in the Red Army, in partisan units, the Great Patriotic
War was indeed a patriotic war because they were defending their home, their
great common Motherland. Over two thousand soldiers became Heroes of the Soviet
Union. Among them are legendary pilot Ivan Kozhedub, fearless sniper, defender
of Odessa and Sevastopol Lyudmila Pavlichenko, valiant guerrilla commander Sidor
Kovpak. This indomitable generation fought, those people gave their lives for our future, for us. To forget their feat is to betray our grandfathers, mothers
and fathers.
乌克兰人在红军、游击队中战斗，伟大的卫国战争确实是一场爱国主义战争，因为他们是在保卫自己的家园，伟大的共同祖国。有两千多名士兵成为了苏联英雄。其中有无与伦比的飞行员伊万·科泽杜布、无畏的神枪手、敖德萨和塞瓦斯托波尔的捍卫者柳德米拉·帕夫利琴科、英勇的游击队指挥官西多·科瓦帕克。这代不屈不挠的人战斗过，这些人为了我们的未来、为了我们献出了生命。忘记他们的功绩就是背叛我们的祖父母、父母。
The anti-Russia project has been rejected by millions of Ukrainians. The people of Crimea and residents of Sevastopol made their historic choice. And people in the southeast peacefully tried to defend their stance. Yet, all of them,
including children, were labeled as separatists and terrorists. They were
threatened with ethnic cleansing and the use of military force. And the residents of Donetsk and Lugansk took up arms to defend their home, their
language and their lives. Were they left any other choice after the riots that
swept through the cities of Ukraine, after the horror and tragedy of 2 May 2014
in Odessa where Ukrainian neo-Nazis burned people alive making a new Khatyn out
of it? The same massacre was ready to be carried out by the followers of Bandera in Crimea, Sevastopol, Donetsk and Lugansk. Even now they do not
abandon such plans. They are biding their time. But their time will not come.
反俄项目被数百万乌克兰人拒绝。克里米亚人民和塞瓦斯托波尔居民做出了他们的历史选择。东南部的人们和平地试图捍卫他们的立场。然而，他们所有人，包括儿童，都被贴上了分离主义者和恐怖分子的标签。他们面临种族清洗和军事力量的威胁。顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克的居民拿起武器捍卫他们的家园、他们的语言和他们的生命。在乌克兰城市爆发暴乱、2014 年 5 月 2 日敖德萨发生的恐怖和悲剧——乌克兰新纳粹分子活活烧死了人们，制造了一个新的卡廷——之后，他们还有其他选择吗？班德拉的追随者准备在克里米亚、塞瓦斯托波尔、顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克实施同样的屠杀。即使现在，他们也没有放弃这样的计划。他们在等待时机。但他们的时机不会到来。
The coup d'état and the subsequent actions of the Kiev authorities inevitably
provoked confrontation and civil war. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
estimates that the total number of victims in the conflict in Donbas has
exceeded 13,000. Among them are the elderly and children. These are terrible,
irreparable losses.
政变及其后基辅当局的行动不可避免地引发了对抗和内战。联合国人权事务高级专员估计，在顿巴斯冲突中的受害者总数已超过 13000 人。其中包括老年人和儿童。这些都是可怕的、无法弥补的损失。
Russia
has done everything to stop fratricide. The Minsk agreements aimed at a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Donbas have been concluded. I am
convinced that they still have no alternative. In any case, no one has
withdrawn their signatures from the Minsk Package of Measures or from the relevant statements by the leaders of the Normandy format countries. No one has
initiated a review of the United Nations Security Council resolution of 17 February 2015.
俄罗斯已尽一切努力阻止内战。旨在解决顿巴斯冲突的明斯克协议已经达成。我坚信它们别无选择。无论如何，没有人从明斯克行动计划或诺曼底格式国家领导人的相关声明中撤回他们的签名。没有人启动了对 2015 年 2 月 17 日联合国安理会决议的审查。
During
official negotiations, especially after being reined in by Western partners,
Ukraine's representatives regularly declare their ”full adherence“ to the Minsk agreements, but are in fact guided by a position of ”unacceptability“. They do not intend to seriously discuss either the special status of Donbas or safeguards for the people living there. They prefer
to exploit the image of the ”victim of external aggression“ and peddle Russophobia. They arrange bloody provocations in Donbas. In short, they
attract the attention of external patrons and masters by all means.
在官方谈判中，尤其是在受到西方伙伴的约束之后，乌克兰代表经常宣称他们“全面遵守”明斯克协议，但实际上他们遵循的是“不可接受”的立场。他们无意认真讨论顿巴斯的特殊地位或那里居民的安全保障。他们更倾向于利用“外部侵略受害者”的形象，并散播俄罗斯恐惧症。他们在顿巴斯策划血腥挑衅。简而言之，他们不择手段地吸引外部赞助者和主子的注意。
Apparently,
and I am becoming more and more convinced of this: Kiev simply does not need
Donbas. Why? Because, firstly, the inhabitants of these regions will never
accept the order that they have tried and are trying to impose by force,
blockade and threats. And secondly, the outcome of both Minsk‑1 and Minsk‑2
which give a real chance to peacefully restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine by coming to an agreement directly with the DPR and LPR with Russia,
Germany and France as mediators, contradicts the entire logic of the anti-Russia project. And it can only be sustained by the constant cultivation
of the image of an internal and external enemy. And I would add – under
the protection and control of the Western powers.
显然，我对此越来越有信心：基辅根本不需要顿巴斯。为什么？首先，这些地区的居民永远不会接受他们试图通过武力、封锁和威胁强加的秩序。其次，明斯克-1 和明斯克-2 的成果，即通过直接与俄罗斯、德国和法国作为调解人达成协议，为和平恢复乌克兰领土完整提供了真正的机会，这与反俄项目的整个逻辑相矛盾。而且，这只能通过不断培养内部和外部敌人的形象来维持。我还要补充一点——在西方国家的保护和控制下。
This is
what is actually happening. First of all, we are facing the creation of a climate of fear in Ukrainian society, aggressive rhetoric, indulging neo-Nazis
and militarising the country. Along with that we are witnessing not just
complete dependence but direct external control, including the supervision of the Ukrainian authorities, security services and armed forces by foreign
advisers, military ”development“ of the territory of Ukraine and deployment of NATO infrastructure. It is no coincidence that the aforementioned
flagrant law on ”indigenous peoples“ was adopted under the cover of large-scale NATO exercises in Ukraine.
这是实际发生的事情。首先，我们面临着在乌克兰社会制造恐惧氛围、攻击性言论、纵容新纳粹主义以及使国家军事化的局面。与此同时，我们目睹的不仅是完全依赖，还有直接的外部控制，包括外国顾问对乌克兰当局、安全机构和武装力量的监督，对乌克兰领土的军事“发展”以及北约基础设施的部署。上述关于“土著民族”的明显法律在乌克兰大规模北约演习的掩护下通过，并非巧合。
This is
also a disguise for the takeover of the rest of the Ukrainian economy and the exploitation of its natural resources. The sale of agricultural land is not far
off, and it is obvious who will buy it up. From time to time, Ukraine is indeed
given financial resources and loans, but under their own conditions and pursuing their own interests, with preferences and benefits for Western
companies. By the way, who will pay these debts back? Apparently, it is assumed
that this will have to be done not only by today's generation of Ukrainians but
also by their children, grandchildren and probably great-grandchildren.
这也是对乌克兰经济其他部分接管和其自然资源开发的伪装。农业用地出售不会太远，显然是谁会买下它们。时不时地，乌克兰确实得到了资金和贷款，但这是在它们自己的条件下，追求它们自己的利益，对西方公司有优先权和利益。顺便问一下，谁会偿还这些债务？显然，人们认为这不仅要由今天的乌克兰人，还要由他们的孩子、孙子甚至曾孙来完成。
The Western authors of the anti-Russia project set up the Ukrainian political
system in such a way that presidents, members of parliament and ministers would
change but the attitude of separation from and enmity with Russia would remain.
Reaching peace was the main election slogan of the incumbent president. He came
to power with this. The promises turned out to be lies. Nothing has changed.
And in some ways the situation in Ukraine and around Donbas has even
degenerated.
西方反俄项目的作者以这种方式建立了乌克兰政治体系，使得总统、议员和部长会更换，但与俄罗斯分离和敌对的态度却保持不变。实现和平是现任总统的主要竞选口号。他就是这样上台的。这些承诺最终被证明是谎言。什么都没有改变。而且在某些方面，乌克兰和顿巴斯的情况甚至恶化了。
In the anti-Russia project, there is no place either for a sovereign Ukraine or for the political forces that are trying to defend its real independence. Those who
talk about reconciliation in Ukrainian society, about dialogue, about finding a way out of the current impasse are labelled as ”pro-Russian“ agents.
在反俄项目中，既没有主权乌克兰的位置，也没有试图捍卫其实际独立的政治力量的位置。那些谈论乌克兰社会和解、对话、寻找当前僵局出路的人被贴上“亲俄”代理人的标签。
Again,
for many people in Ukraine, the anti-Russia project is simply unacceptable. And there are millions of such people. But they are not allowed to raise their
heads. They have had their legal opportunity to defend their point of view in fact taken away from them. They are intimidated, driven underground. Not only
are they persecuted for their convictions, for the spoken word, for the open
expression of their position, but they are also killed. Murderers, as a rule,
go unpunished.
乌克兰的许多人认为反俄项目根本不可接受。这样的人有数百万。但他们不允许抬起头。实际上，他们捍卫自己观点的法律机会已经被剥夺。他们受到恐吓，被迫转入地下。他们不仅因为自己的信念、言论、公开表达立场而受到迫害，甚至还被杀害。凶手通常逍遥法外。
Today,
the ”right“ patriot of Ukraine is only the one who hates Russia.
Moreover, the entire Ukrainian statehood, as we understand it, is proposed to be further built exclusively on this idea. Hate and anger, as world history has
repeatedly proved this, are a very shaky foundation for sovereignty, fraught
with many serious risks and dire consequences.
今天，乌克兰的“正确”爱国者只是那些仇恨俄罗斯的人。而且，我们理解的整个乌克兰国家，被提议进一步仅基于这一理念来建设。仇恨和愤怒，正如世界历史反复证明的那样，是主权的一个非常不稳固的基础，充满了许多严重风险和可怕后果。
All the subterfuges associated with the anti-Russia project are clear to us. And we
will never allow our historical territories and people close to us living there
to be used against Russia. And to those who will undertake such an attempt, I would like to say that this way they will destroy their own country.
所有与反俄项目相关的阴谋诡计对我们来说都很清楚。我们绝不会允许我们的历史领土和与我们亲近的人民被用来对付俄罗斯。对于那些试图这样做的人，我想说，这样他们会毁掉自己的国家。
The incumbent authorities in Ukraine like to refer to Western experience, seeing it
as a model to follow. Just have a look at how Austria and Germany, the USA and Canada live next to each other. Close in ethnic composition, culture, in fact
sharing one language, they remain sovereign states with their own interests,
with their own foreign policy. But this does not prevent them from the closest
integration or allied relations. They have very conditional, transparent
borders. And when crossing them the citizens feel at home. They create
families, study, work, do business. Incidentally, so do millions of those born
in Ukraine who now live in Russia. We see them as our own close people.
乌克兰现任当局喜欢引用西方经验，将其视为效仿的典范。只需看看奥地利和德国、美国和加拿大是如何相邻而居的。在民族构成、文化上紧密相连，实际上共享一种语言，他们仍然是拥有自己利益和外交政策的独立国家。但这并不妨碍他们进行最紧密的融合或结盟关系。他们的边界非常灵活、透明。当穿越这些边界时，公民会感到宾至如归。他们建立家庭、学习、工作、做生意。顺便说一句，数百万出生于乌克兰但现在生活在俄罗斯的人也是如此。我们将他们视为我们自己的亲密人民。
Russia
is open to dialogue with Ukraine and ready to discuss the most complex issues.
But it is important for us to understand that our partner is defending its
national interests but not serving someone else's, and is not a tool in someone
else's hands to fight against us.
俄罗斯愿意与乌克兰进行对话，并准备讨论最复杂的问题。但重要的是我们应理解，我们的合作伙伴是在捍卫其国家利益，而不是为他人服务，也不是在他人手中成为对抗我们的工具。
We
respect the Ukrainian language and traditions. We respect Ukrainians' desire to see their country free, safe and prosperous.
我们尊重乌克兰语言和传统。我们尊重乌克兰人希望看到他们的国家自由、安全和繁荣的愿望。
I am confident
that true sovereignty of Ukraine is possible only in partnership with Russia.
Our spiritual, human and civilizational ties formed for centuries and have their
origins in the same sources, they have been hardened by common trials,
achievements and victories. Our kinship has been transmitted from generation to generation. It is in the hearts and the memory of people living in modern
Russia and Ukraine, in the blood ties that unite millions of our families.
Together we have always been and will be many times stronger and more
successful. For we are one people.
我坚信，乌克兰真正的主权只有在与俄罗斯的伙伴关系下才可能实现。我们精神上、人类和文明上的联系已经形成数百年，它们的根源相同，它们通过共同的考验、成就和胜利而变得更加坚固。我们的血缘关系代代相传。这种血缘关系存在于现代俄罗斯和乌克兰人民的心中，存在于数百万家庭之间的血脉联系中。我们总是并且将无数次地更加强大和成功。因为我们是一个民族。
Today,
these words may be perceived by some people with hostility. They can be
interpreted in many possible ways. Yet, many people will hear me. And I will
say one thing – Russia has never been and will never be
”anti-Ukraine“. And what Ukraine will be – it is up to its citizens
to decide.
今天，这些话可能会被一些人视为敌意。它们可以有无数种可能的解释。然而，许多人会听到我的话。我要说的是——俄罗斯从未是，也永远不会是“反乌克兰”的。乌克兰将是什么样子——这取决于乌克兰的公民来决定。