musicians hired especially for the occasion. These works appeared on. mixed programs that also included chamber music, improvisations ^{ }^{\wedge} concertos, and vocal music of all kinds. Unfortunately, the surviving documentation on these events is thin, for concert life beyond the opera house was simply not an object of extended discourse in the Vienna of Haydn and Mozart. 这些作品出现在混合曲目中,其中还包括室内乐 ^{ }^{\wedge} 协奏曲和各种声乐。这些作品出现在混合曲目中,其中还包括室内乐、即兴 ^{ }^{\wedge} 协奏曲和各种声乐。遗憾的是,有关这些活动的现存文献很少,因为在海顿和莫扎特的维也纳,歌剧院以外的音乐会生活根本不是人们广泛讨论的对象。
Beethoven’s early decades in Vienna coincide with the gradual shift from largely private to largely public performances. The Eroica Symphony was first performed in 1804 before an audience of invited guests in the palace of its dedicatee _("? "){ }_{\text {? }} Prince Lobkowitz. It then received its first genuinely public performance the following year. From the Fourth onward (1807), all ofBeethoven’s symphonies premiered in venues open to a paying public. The number of such concerts in Vienna remained relatively limited during the composer^ lifetime, however. During the course of a typical year, Viennese orchestras performed his symphonies or movements from his symphonies six to ten times, ^(10)Ad{ }^{10} \mathrm{Ad} hoc ensembles accounted for the vast majority of these performances; not until 1814 did the privately funded Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde initiate an ongoing series of concerts, and it would be almost thirty years before the establishment of the Vienna Philharmonic, in 1842. 贝多芬在维也纳的最初几十年,正值维也纳的演出从私人演出逐渐转变为公开演出的时期。1804年,《埃罗卡交响曲》在献曲人洛布科维兹亲王的宫殿中首次公演。次年,该交响曲首次真正公开演出。从第四交响曲开始(1807 年),贝多芬的所有交响曲都在向付费公众开放的场所首演。然而,在作曲家的有生之年,维也纳举办的此类音乐会数量仍然相对有限。在通常的一年中,维也纳交响乐团演出他的交响曲或交响曲中的乐章六至十次, ^(10)Ad{ }^{10} \mathrm{Ad} 其中绝大多数是临时组建的乐团演出;直到 1814 年,私人资助的 Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde 才开始持续举办系列音乐会,而维也纳爱乐乐团的成立则是在近三十年后的 1842 年。
In this respect, Vienna was typical of most major European cities. Standing civic orchestras such as Leipzig ^(5){ }^{5} s Gewandhaus remained the exception, not the rule, during Beethoven^ lifetime. Salomon’s concert series in London ceased after Haydn’s visits to England, and no comparable ensemble provided regular performance until the establishment of the Philharmonic Society in 1813. In Paris, the concerts of the Conservatory in the 1820s offered the first standing series of public orchestral performances since revolutionary times. 在这方面,维也纳是欧洲大多数大城市的典型代表。在贝多芬的有生之年,像莱比锡 ^(5){ }^{5} 的格万特豪斯(Gewandhaus)这样的常设市民管弦乐团仍然是个例外,而不是常规。海顿访问英国后,萨洛蒙在伦敦举办的系列音乐会停止了,直到 1813 年爱乐乐团成立,才有类似的乐团定期演出。在巴黎,音乐学院在 19 世纪 20 年代举办的音乐会提供了自革命时期以来的首个常设管弦乐公开演出系列。
In light of external factors alone-poor economic incentives for composers and publishers, declining patronage, and limited public venues o£ per-formance-it is all the more remarkable that the symphony should rise to such prominence during Beethoven’s lifetime. The standard explanation for this is of course the music itself, particularly the output of Haydn, Mozatt, and Beethoven. Yet even this remarkable repertory cannot by itself explain the sea-change in attitudes toward the genre. There can be no doubt that these symphonies helped to promulgate the new-found aesthetic prestige of instrumental music, but they played a relatively minor role in its emergence. The principal impetus for this new outlook lies instead in changing attitudes toward the nature of art, the relationship of music and philosophy, and a new approach to the very act of listening itself. 单从外部因素来看--作曲家和出版商的经济效益不佳、赞助减少、演出的公共场所有限--交响乐在贝多芬的有生之年崛起得如此显赫,就更加难能可贵了。对此的标准解释当然是音乐本身,尤其是海顿、莫扎特和贝多芬的作品。然而,即使这些杰出的曲目本身也无法解释人们对这一体裁态度的巨大转变。毫无疑问,这些交响曲有助于提升器乐音乐新发现的美学声望,但它们在器乐音乐的兴起中所起的作用相对较小。这种新观念的主要推动力在于对艺术本质、音乐与哲学的关系以及对聆听行为本身的新态度的改变。
CHAPTER ONE 第一章
Listening with Imagination:
The Revolution in Aesthetics 用想象力倾听美学革命
Historicaliy informed performance practice has become a commonplace in the concert world in recent decades. Orchestras routinely perform Beethoven’s symphonies on period instruments, and even nonperiod orchestras play in a manner that reflects a heightened sensitivity to performance traditions of the composer ^{ }^{\wedge} time. Historically informed listening, on the other hand, has been much slower to develop. It rests, after all, on the consumer rather than the producer and is in any case far more difficult to reconstruct, for the evidence of how people actually listened to specific works of music in any given time and place is scant and by its very nature notoriously subjective. In a celebrated passage in Howards End (1910), the novelist E. M. Forster neatly captures an entire spectrum of modes of listening among six characters in a concert hall, all listening to the same work of music with six decidedly different reactions: 近几十年来,以历史为依据的演奏实践在音乐会领域已司空见惯。管弦乐团经常用时代乐器演奏贝多芬的交响曲,即使是非时代的管弦乐团,其演奏方式也体现出对作曲家 ^{ }^{\wedge} 时代演奏传统的高度敏感。另一方面,历史性聆听的发展则要缓慢得多。毕竟,它依赖于消费者而非制作者,而且无论如何都更难重建,因为在任何特定的时间和地点,人们如何实际聆听特定音乐作品的证据都很少,而且就其本质而言,其主观性也是众所周知的。小说家 E. M. 福斯特在《霍华德庄园》(Howards End,1910 年)中有一段著名的文字,巧妙地描绘了音乐厅中六位主人公聆听音乐作品时的各种反应:
it will be generally admitted that Beethovens Fifth Symphony is the most sublime noise that has ever penetrated into the ear of man> All sorts and conditions are satisfied by it. Whether you are like Mrs. Munt, and tap surreptitiously when the tunes come-of course, not so as to disturb the others- ; or like Helen^ who can see heroes and shipwrecks in the music’s flood; or like Margaret, who can only see the music; or like Tibby, who is profoundly versed in counterpointj and holds 由e full score open on his knee; or Eke their cousinj Fraulein Moseb&ch, who remembers all the time that Beethoven is “echt Deutsch”; or like FrMulein Mossbach’s young man, who can remember nothing but Fraulein Mosebach: in any case; the passion of your life becomes more vivid, and you are bound to admit that such, a noise is cheap at two shihings? 人们普遍承认,贝多芬第五交响曲是人类有史以来听到的最崇高的声音。无论你是像芒特女士那样还是像海伦一样,在音乐的洪流中看到英雄和沉船;还是像玛格丽特一样,只看到音乐;或者像提比,他精通对位法j ,把乐谱打开放在膝盖上;或者像他们的表妹j 莫斯巴赫夫人,她一直记得贝多芬是 "echt Deutsch";或者像莫斯巴赫夫人的年轻人,他除了莫斯巴赫夫人什么都记不住:无论如何,你生命中的激情会变得更加鲜活,而你也必须承认,这样的噪音在两块钱的情况下是廉价的?
The responses range from the visceral (Mrs. Munt) to the technical (Tibby), programmatic (Helen), formalist (Margaret), nationalistic (Fraulein Mosebach), and purely social (Fraulein Mosebach’s young man). Listeners, as Forster reminds us/have their own methods and motivations, and there is no reason to think that the audiences of Beethoven’s era were any different in this regard. Indeed, the available documentation strongly suggests that the typical concert audience of the early nineteenth century covered just as wide a spectrum as that described by Forster a hundred years latex; ranging from those who listened with rapt attention to those 听众的反应从内心的(芒特夫人)到技术的(蒂比)、程式化的(海伦)、形式主义的(玛格丽特)、民族主义的(莫斯巴赫夫人)以及纯粹社会的(莫斯巴赫夫人的年轻人)。正如福斯特提醒我们的那样,听众有他们自己的方法和动机,没有理由认为贝多芬时代的听众在这方面有什么不同。事实上,现有的文献资料有力地表明,十九世纪初的典型音乐会听众就像福斯特在一百年后所描述的那样,涵盖了广泛的范围;从全神贯注地聆听的听众,到................
who used the occasion primarily to socialize,giving only passing attention (if any at all)to the music being played.^(2){ }^{2} Any attempt to reconstruct lis- tening practices of the past must therefore confront the challenge of recon- ciling an inevitable variety of responses toward a common object.The challenge is further compounded by the reluctance of these listeners to commit to writing just what those responses might have been on any par- ticular occasion. ^(2){ }^{2} 因此,任何试图重建过去听众听歌习惯的努力都必须面对这样的挑战,即重新编排对共同对象不可避免的各种反应。这些听众不愿意把他们在任何特定场合的反应写下来,这就进一步加剧了这一挑战。
Stilly there is much to be gained from trying to understand how the more attentive listeners of a particular place and time might have ap- proached the music they heard,at least in the most general terms.Fortu- nately,the documented discourse on the aesthetics of the symphony in German-sp eaking lands during Beethoven's lifetime is extensive enough to allow us to reconstruct these earlier modes of perception in its broad outlines,ro recreate a horizon of expectations of what informed listeners thought that instrumental music could and could not do* 不过,试图理解特定时间和地点的听众如何对待他们听到的音乐,至少从最一般的角度来看,还是大有裨益的。在贝多芬的一生中,德国本土关于交响乐美学的论述非常广泛,足以让我们大致重建这些早期的感知模式,并重新创造出一种期望的视界,即有见识的听众认为器乐音乐能做什么,不能做什么*。
From Kant to Hoffmann 从康德到霍夫曼
Attitudes toward instrumental music changed markedly during the last decade of the eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth. Many of the more sophisticated listeners of this time began to perceive it as equal if not superior to vocal music.This was a radically new perspec- tive:at no previous point in the history of music had any prominent com- poser or critic argued for such a view.The power of instrumental music to move the passions had long been acknowledged,but without words, music^s perceived ability to convey ideas had always reznained suspect Yet within the span of less than a generation;^{ }^{\wedge} this new attitude toward instrumental music won increasing legitimacy,and its adherents would grow steadily in numbers throughout the nineteenth century. 在十八世纪的最后十年和十九世纪的头十年,人们对器乐的态度发生了明显的变化。 当时,许多较为成熟的听众开始认为器乐与声乐具有同等的地位,甚至更胜一筹。然而,在不到一代人的时间里, ^{ }^{\wedge} 这种对器乐的新态度赢得了越来越多的合法性,其追随者在整个十九世纪不断增加。
The scope and speed of this change can be illustrated through two very different yet widely read sources of the time:Immanuel Kanfs Kritik der Urteilskraft \{Critique of Judgment }^\}^{\wedge} first published in 1790,and ETA. Hoffmann's review of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony first published in tlie Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung of Leipzig in 1810.Both stand as land- marks in the history of aesthetics.Kant ^(5){ }^{5} s treatise set off an intense debate about the relationship between art and philosophy that would dominate aesthetic debate through Hegel and beyond.One could disagree with Kant(and many did),but no one could ignore him.And it is scarcely an exaggeration to call ET.A.Hoffmann's review of Beethoven's Fifth the most influential piece of music criticism ever written.It established a new standard for written discourse about music by integrating emotional re- sponse and technical analysis in unprecedented detail.Critics of subse- 这一变化的范围和速度可以通过当时两篇截然不同但却广为流传的文章来说明:一篇是伊曼纽尔-康斯(Immanuel Kanfs Kritik der Urteilskraft)于 1790 年首次发表的《判断力批判》({Critique of Judgment }),另一篇是埃塔-霍夫曼(ETA. Hoffmann)于 1810 年首次发表在莱比锡《音乐报》上的贝多芬第五交响曲评论。霍夫曼对贝多芬第五交响曲的评论于1810年首次发表在莱比锡的《音乐报》上。 康德 ^(5){ }^{5} 的论文引发了一场关于艺术与哲学关系的激烈争论。人们可以不同意康德的观点(很多人都不同意),但没有人可以忽视他。霍夫曼的《贝多芬第五交响曲》是有史以来最有影响力的音乐评论文章。 它以前所未有的详尽程度将情感反应和技术分析融为一体,为音乐的书面论述确立了新的标准。
quent generations would turn to it repeatedly as a model,and Hof£mann's images and method have continued to resonate to the present day.Particu- larly in its abridged form(1813),Hoffmann's comments gained a reader- ship well beyond that of the journal in which it had originally appeared.^(3){ }^{3} Had Hoffmann had been a solitary critic-if in other words,his account had not resonated among his contemporaries-his review would have been swallowed up among the countless other notices of the day,filed away and forgotten.But his ideas were soon taken up by otherSj and the premises of listening he articulates in this review would soon be assimi- lated into the most basic assumptions of how to listen to music. 霍夫曼的形象和方法直到今天仍在引起共鸣。 特别是在其节选本中(1813 年),霍夫曼的评论获得了远远超过其最初发表期刊的读者群。但他的观点很快就被其他评论家采纳,他在这篇评论中阐述的聆听前提很快就被同化为如何聆听音乐的最基本假设。
In his Critique of Judgment^Kant declared instrumental music to be "more pleasure than culture(mehr GenujS als Kultur} ^{ }^{\wedge} for without a music could appeal only to the senses and not to reason.Kant marveled at instrumental music's potential to move listeners^but.because it contained no ideas and was a purely temporal art,it remained merely transitory in its effect:once the sound of the notes had died,there was nothing left for the listener to contemplate.In his hierarchy of the arts,Kant classified instrumental music among those that were ^( < ){ }^{<}(agreeable ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} or ^(H){ }^{\mathrm{H}} pleasing ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} \{an- genehm)but incapable of transmitting concepts.Like wallpaper instru- mental music was an abstract art that gave pleasure through its form but lacked content and was therefore inferior to vocal music.^(4){ }^{4} 康德在《判断力批判》中宣称,器乐 "比文化(mehr GenujS als Kultur)更快乐。 ^{ }^{\wedge} 康德惊叹于器乐具有打动听众的潜力^,但由于它不包含思想,是一种纯粹的时间艺术,它的效果只是短暂的:一旦音符的声音消失,就没有什么留给听众去思考了。在他的艺术等级体系中,康德把器乐归类为{b1}
Kant's view of instrumental music,published when Beethoven was just nineteen^was thoroughly typical of its time.French aestheticians had been wrestling with the issue of instrumental music's"meaning"for decades and had concluded,almost unanimously that without a verbal text,music alone could convey little of any significance-No one denied music^s power or even its close affinity to language:Jean-Jacques Rousseau;,in his Essay on the Origins of Languages,maintained that music and language shared a common origin and that the language of music,although"in {:" 献iculatc,"":}\begin{aligned} & \text { 献iculatc,"}\end{aligned} was"vivid>ardent,passionate ^(J){ }^{\mathrm{J}} ,and had"a hundred times more energy than speech itself?,^(5){ }^{5} But the inability of music to express ideas remained a stumbling block,"lb understand what all the tumult of sonatas might mean?"Rousseau wrote in his Dictionary of Music \{1768),"w七 would have to follow the lead of the coarse artist who was obliged to write underneath that which he had drawn such statements as'This is a tree; or'This is a man;or'This is a horse?I shall never forget the exclamation of the celebrated Fontenelle,who,finding himself exhausted by these eter- nal symphonies,cried out in a fit of impatience:'Sonata*what do you want of me?"'Fontenelle's bon mot would be retold with relish by count- less writers over subsequent decades:it became a kind of shorthand dis- missal of the art of instrumental music on the grounds of vagueness and imprecision/ 康德对器乐的看法,在贝多芬年仅 19 岁时发表,在当时是完全典型的。法国美学家几十年来一直在器乐的 "意义 "问题上纠缠不休,得出的结论几乎是一致的,即没有语言文字,音乐本身几乎不能传达任何意义--没有人否认音乐的力量,甚至没有人否认音乐与语言的密切关系。没有人否认音乐的力量,甚至否认音乐与语言的密切关系:让-雅克-卢梭在《语言起源论》中认为,音乐与语言有共同的起源,音乐的语言就是语言。 {:" 献iculatc,"":}\begin{aligned} & \text { 献iculatc,"}\end{aligned} 虽然 "生动"、"强烈"、"热情" ^(J){ }^{\mathrm{J}} ,而且 "比语言本身有百倍的能量", ^(5){ }^{5} 但音乐无法表达思想的问题仍然是一个绊脚石。卢梭在他的《音乐词典》({1768年})中写道,"我们七人将不得不追随粗野的艺术家的脚步,他们不得不在音乐的下面写作。我永远不会忘记著名的丰特奈尔的感叹。我永远不会忘记著名的丰特奈尔的感叹:"他发现自己被这些终极交响曲弄得筋疲力尽,于是急不可耐地喊道:'奏鸣曲*你想要我做什么?在随后的几十年里,一些作家津津乐道地复述了这句名言:它成了一种以模糊和不精确为由对器乐艺术进行诋毁的速记法/"......"。
Kant’s German compatriots were equally unwilling to hear instrumental music as a vehicle of ideas. Johann Georg Sulzer, in his widely read encyclopedia of the fine arts published in the early 1770s) called instrumental music unterhaltend ("entertaining’5), the same word that provides the basis for the modern-day German term Unterhaltungsmusik-that is music meant to be enjoyed rather than contemplated, or as we might say more colloquially nowadays, "easy listening/1 Sulzer characterized “concertos, symphonies, sonata/ and solos” as "a not disagreeable sound, even a pleasant and entertaining chattel; but nothing that would engage the heart, ^(557){ }^{557} 康德的德国同胞同样不愿意将器乐作为思想的载体。约翰-格奥尔格-苏尔泽(Johann Georg Sulzer)在 17 世纪 70 年代初出版的广为流传的《美术百科全书》中称器乐为 "unterhaltend"("娱乐性 "5),这个词也是现代德语术语 "Unterhaltungsmusik "的基础,即音乐是用来欣赏的,而不是用来思考的,或者用我们现在更通俗的话来说,就是 "轻松聆听"; ^(557){ }^{557} ","但没有什么能打动人心, ^(557){ }^{557} "。
By the time Beethoven was thirty-nine^ Kant’s hierarchy of the arts had been turned on its head. In his 1810 review of Beethovens Fifth, E.T.A. Hoffmann declared instrumental music to be the highest of all art forms, for it opened up to listeners the realm of the infinite, wa world that has nothing in common with the external world of the senses //5/ 5 Precisely because of its independence from words, music could express that which lay beyond the grasp of conventional language. And Hoffmann was merely the most articulate in a series of prominent writers who had been arguing along much the same lines for more than a decade. 到贝多芬 39 岁时^ ,康德的艺术等级制度已被颠覆。E.T.A. 霍夫曼(E.T.A. Hoffmann)在 1810 年对贝多芬第五交响曲的评论中宣称,器乐是所有艺术形式中最高级的,因为它为听众打开了无限的领域,一个与感官的外部世界毫无共同之处的世界 //5/ 5 正因为音乐独立于语言,所以它可以表达传统语言所无法表达的东西。而霍夫曼只是十多年来沿着同样思路进行论证的一系列著名作家中最善于表达的一位。
How can we account for this remarkable transformation of attitudes within such a short span of time, between Kant in 1790 and Hoffmann in 1810? At the simplest levels there are three variables to consider: (1) the instrumental music composed during this time, (2) the way in which this music was performed, and (3) the way in which it was heard. All three are closely connected yet it is the first of thesethe music itselfthat has always been regarded as the primary force behind this new aesthetic. And on the surface, at least, the priority of the music in driving this change seems not only plausible but inescapable. Can it be entirely coincidental, after all, that the status of instrumental music rose so markedly during precisely the period in which Mozarts late symphonies were being discovered by a wider public,. Haydn was composing his twelve symphonies for London (1791-95), and Beethoven was writing and publishing his first six symphonies (1800-1806)? Hoffmann himself appealed to the centrality of this repertory in having elevated instrumental music “to its current height” by tracing a steady progression of growing intensity among these three composers: Haydn’s symphonies, according to Hoffmann, "lead us into vast green meadows, into a merry, bright throng of happy people. ^(5){ }^{5}, Mozart, in turn, “leads us into the depths of the spirit realm.” But it is left to Beethoven^ instrumental music to ^(K){ }^{K} open up to us the realm of the monstrous and immeasurableit ^("c "){ }^{\text {c }} sets in motion the lever of horror feai; revulsion, pain, and it awakens that infinite longing which -the essence of Romanticism/18 从 1790 年的康德到 1810 年的霍夫曼,在如此短的时间内,我们如何解释这种态度的显著转变?最简单地说,有三个变量需要考虑:(1) 这一时期创作的器乐作品,(2) 演奏这些音乐的方式,以及 (3) 聆听这些音乐的方式。三者之间有着密切的联系,然而,音乐本身才是第一个变量,它一直被认为是这一新美学背后的主要力量。至少从表面上看,音乐在推动这一变革中的优先地位似乎不仅是合理的,而且是不可避免的。毕竟,正是在莫扎特的晚期交响曲被更广泛的公众发现的时期,器乐的地位如此显著地提升,这难道完全是巧合吗?海顿正在为伦敦创作他的十二首交响曲(1791-95 年),贝多芬正在创作和出版他的前六首交响曲(1800-1806 年),这难道完全是巧合吗?霍夫曼本人通过追溯这三位作曲家创作强度不断增加的稳步发展过程,强调了这些曲目在将器乐音乐 "提升到当前高度 "方面的核心作用:霍夫曼认为,海顿的交响曲 "把我们带入广阔的绿色草地,带入欢乐、明亮的人群。 ^(5){ }^{5} 莫扎特则 "引领我们进入精神领域的深处"。 ^(K){ }^{K} 贝多芬的器乐为我们打开了畸形和不可估量的领域。 ^("c "){ }^{\text {c }} 它启动了恐怖、恐惧、反感、痛苦的杠杆,唤醒了无限的渴望,而这正是浪漫主义的精髓18。
Hoffmann also gives credit, in passing, to the steady improvement of performances, ascribing this to technical advances in instruments and to the increasing competence of players. The available evidence confirms these trends: contemporary accounts of early performances of the Eroica make us wince, but orchestras clearly warmed to the task over time. R巳hearsals, once a Emrityj were becoming more common, and there can be no question that the standards of performance were rising steadily as a result. 『 霍夫曼还顺带将演奏水平的稳步提高归功于乐器技术的进步和演奏家能力的提高。现有的证据证实了这些趋势:当代人对《爱乐之歌》早期演奏的描述让我们感到后怕,但随着时间的推移,乐团显然对这项任务产生了浓厚的兴趣。巳式排练曾经是一种奢望,但现在却越来越普遍,毫无疑问,演奏水平也因此稳步提高。『
But Hoffmann has nothing good to say about listeners, and by the time he revised portions of his commentary on the Fifth Symphony in 1813, he had moved from indifference to contempt Those listeners ^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} oppressed by Beethoven7s powerful genius ^(5){ }^{5}, suffer because their "weak perceptions ^(51){ }^{51} cannot grasp “the deep internal coherence of every composition by Beet’ ho ven.” Such deprecatory comments reinforce the largely erroneous but seeming ineradicable notion that Beethoven’* music was not appreciated during the composer’s lifetime. (Judging from contemporary reviews, critics did in fact find the music challenging at times but rarely oppressive, and already by the second decade of the nineteenth century Beethoven was consistently acknowledged as the greatest living composer of instrumental music,) In any event, Hoffmann was not prepared to grant listeners any kind of positive role in instrumental music^ newly elevated status. This new music, he claimed, demanded a more strenuous kind of listening, and audiences would have to elevate themselves to new heights of compruhension if they were to assinrilate these works. 但霍夫曼对听众却没有什么好的评价,当他在1813年修改对《第五交响曲》的部分评论时,他已经从漠不关心变成了蔑视 那些听众 ^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} 被贝多芬强大的天才 ^(5){ }^{5} 所压迫,因为他们 "薄弱的感知力 ^(51){ }^{51} 无法领会贝多芬每部作品 "深刻的内在一致性 "而痛苦。这种贬低性的评论强化了一种大体上错误但似乎不可改变的观念,即贝多芬的音乐在作曲家生前并不被人欣赏。(无论如何,霍夫曼不准备让听众在器乐^新近提升的地位中扮演任何积极的角色。他认为,这种新音乐需要一种更艰苦的聆听方式,听众要想听懂这些作品,就必须将自己的理解力提升到新的高度。
In this respect, Hoffmann’s review- created a paradigm that would be applied by virtually all subsequent commentators: Beethoven^s music created a new aesthetic, one in which listeners were compelled to rise to the level of the composer. This basic model has persisted from Hoffmann down to the present. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht, in the most comprehensive of all studies dealing with the reception of the composer’s oeuvre _(3){ }_{3} argues that a "language of reception never heard before appears spontane- 在这方面,霍夫曼的评论创造了一个范例,几乎所有后来的评论家都采用了这一范例:贝多芬的音乐创造了一种新的美学,在这种美学中,听众不得不上升到作曲家的高度。这一基本模式从霍夫曼一直延续至今。汉斯-海因里希-艾格布莱希特(Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht)在关于作曲家作品接受的最全面的研究 _(3){ }_{3} 中指出,"一种前所未有的接受语言自发地出现了--" _(3){ }_{3} 。
ously soon after 1800 in connection with Beethoven^ music J while Scott Burnham, in his compelling account of how listeners have interpreted many of the composer’s most important works, speaks of a “change of critical perspective engendered by Beethoven’s heroic style.”* 斯科特-伯纳姆(Scott Burnham)在其关于听众如何解读作曲家许多最重要作品的引人入胜的描述中,谈到了 "贝多芬的英雄主义风格引发的批评视角的变化 "*。
Yet this new kind of listening had already been a matter of intense discussion for well over a decade before Hoffmann^ review. The unprecedented prestige of instrumental music was driven not by any composer or any particular repertory, but rather by a profound shift in aesthetics extending to the very act of listening itself. Ironically, the debate had been unleashed by Kant’s Critique of Judgment, the same work that had dismissed instrumental music as something less than a fine art Even while downplaying the status of music without words? Kant had provided the 然而,这种新的聆听方式在霍夫曼^评论之前的十多年里就已经引起了激烈的讨论。器乐音乐的空前声望并非由任何作曲家或任何特定曲目所推动,而是由美学的深刻转变延伸到聆听行为本身。具有讽刺意味的是,这场争论是由康德的《判断力批判》引发的,也正是这部著作将器乐音乐斥为低等艺术,甚至贬低无词音乐的地位。康德提供了
philosophical basis for the creative role of the beholder in all the arts, including music. The aesthetic revolution that took place during Beethoven’s lifetime, then, focused not so much on any particular artist, composer, or repertory but rather on the act of perception- itself. For Kant, this meant a striving toward the reconciliation of the perceiving subject and the perceiving object; Johann Gottlieb Fichte conceived of the problem as the search for a means by which to integrate the “I” and the ^(Cf){ }^{\mathrm{Cf}} NotI"; Hegel sought to synthesize what he called the "identity of noniden.tityp in a point of ^(≪){ }^{\ll} nondifference ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} (Jndifferenz). None of these writers was particularly sympathetic toward music. But others more sensitive to the art-Friedrich Schiller, Friedrich Schelling, Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder, Ludwig Tieck, Novalis, Jean Paul, Friedrich Schlegel, and eventually E.EA. Hoffmann-would take up the implications of this new way of thinking about the act of perception as it applied to music. 在包括音乐在内的所有艺术中,"欣赏者 "的创造性作用具有哲学基础。因此,在贝多芬一生中发生的美学革命,重点并不在于任何特定的艺术家、作曲家或曲目,而在于感知行为本身。对康德而言,这意味着努力实现感知主体与感知客体的和解;约翰-戈特利布-费希特(Johann Gottlieb Fichte)将这一问题视为寻找将 "我 "与 ^(Cf){ }^{\mathrm{Cf}} "非我 "融为一体的方法;黑格尔则试图将他所谓的 "非差异点 ^(≪){ }^{\ll} 的同一性 ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} (Jndifferenz)"综合起来。这些作家中没有人特别同情音乐。但其他对音乐艺术更为敏感的作家--弗里德里希-席勒、弗里德里希-谢林、威廉-海因里希-瓦肯罗德、路德维希-蒂克、诺瓦利斯、让-保罗、弗里德里希-施莱格尔,以及最终的E.EA.霍夫曼(Hoffmann)--将采用这种新的思维方式来思考音乐中的感知行为。
Idealism and the Changing Perception of Perception 理想主义与不断变化的观念
The story of instrumental music’s sudden emergence as one of the highest, if not the highest of all the arts at the end of the eighteenth century is most commonly told from the perspective of Romanticism, that slightly later and notoriously slippery phenomenon whose chief characteristic, at least according to the conventional telling of this tale, is its tendency to favor emotion over reason. Whereas Enlightenment rationalists had almost universally dismissed instrumental music for its inability to incorporate and convey ideas 5 their Romantic successors, particularly in Germany, were quick to embrace music without words precisely because of its ability to function outside the strictures of language. Writers such as Willieltn Heinrich Wackenrodei; Ludwig Tieck, Novalis, Jean Paul, Friedrich Schlegel, and E.TA. Hoffmann all praised instrumental music for its ability to transcend that which could be expressed in words. Instrumental music’s lack of precision, long regarded as a liability was now perceived as an asset. 关于器乐在十八世纪末突然成为所有艺术中最高级(如果不是最高级的话)之一的故事,最常见的是从浪漫主义的角度来讲述的,浪漫主义是稍后出现的一种以滑稽著称的现象,其主要特征(至少按照传统的讲述方式)是倾向于感性而非理性。启蒙理性主义者几乎普遍否定器乐音乐,认为它无法融入和传达思想,而浪漫主义的后继者,尤其是德国的浪漫主义后继者,却很快接受了无词音乐,这正是因为无词音乐能够在语言的限制之外发挥作用。威廉-海因里希-瓦肯罗代、路德维希-蒂克、诺瓦利斯、让-保罗、弗里德里希-施莱格尔和E.TA.霍夫曼等作家都对器乐演奏大加赞赏。霍夫曼(E.TA.Hoffmann)等人都称赞器乐能够超越语言的表达。器乐缺乏精确性,长期以来被视为一种缺陷,而现在则被视为一种财富。
More often than not, this new perspective has been viewed by later generations with deep suspicion, as an irrational and thus unsatisfactory basis on which to build any systematic aesthetic. From about the middle of the nineteenth century onward ^{ }^{\wedge} a growing chorus of critics would dismiss the rapturous language used by the Romantics to describe the powers of instrumental music on the grounds that such accounts defy rational scrutiny. Many later commentators have responded to early Romantic aesthetics with thinly veiled scorn, beginning with Eduard Hanslick in his influential Vom Musikalisch-Scbonen {On the Musically Beautiful} in 1854?^(@)1854 ?^{\circ} The noted philosopher and historian of aesthetics Francis Spar- 后人往往对这种新观点深表怀疑,认为这是一种非理性的观点,因此不能作为建立系统美学的基础。大约从十九世纪中叶开始, ^{ }^{\wedge} 越来越多的评论家开始摒弃浪漫派在描述器乐力量时所使用的狂热语言,理由是这种描述无法进行理性的审视。从爱德华-汉斯里克(Eduard Hanslick)在其影响深远的《音乐之美》(Vom Musikalisch-Scbonen {On the Musically Beautiful}) 1854?^(@)1854 ?^{\circ} 中开始,后来的许多评论家对早期浪漫主义美学作出了隐晦的嘲讽。
shottj writing in 1980, blamed ^{ }^{\wedge} ckenroder ^(5){ }^{5} s "rhapsodizing stylefor having "permanently lowered the acceptable tone for serious writing on music. For the first time, cultivated menconceived an unfocussed rapture to be a proper aesthetic response, thinking of musical techniques not as rational means of construction and expression but as occult mysteries shottj在1980年撰文指责 ^{ }^{\wedge} Ckenroder ^(5){ }^{5} 的 "狂想风格""永久性地降低了严肃音乐写作可接受的基调"。有教养的人第一次将不集中的狂喜视为一种适当的审美反应,认为音乐技巧不是理性的构造和表达方式,而是神秘的奥秘。
By this account, “Wackenroder^ hysterically mystical view of music eventually invaded the writings of musicians themselves? ^(5){ }^{5} Even Carl Dahlhaus, the one recent scholar who has done more than any other to illuminate the growing aesthetic prestige of instrumental music at the turn of the nineteenth century refers dismissively to the ^(H){ }^{H} metaphysical excesses” of Tieck, Wackenroder, and Hoffmann? ^(1){ }^{1} 按照这种说法,"瓦肯罗德^歇斯底里的神秘主义音乐观最终侵入了音乐家自己的著作? ^(5){ }^{5} 就连卡尔-达尔豪斯(Carl Dahlhaus)也不例外,这位近代学者比其他任何学者都更能阐明器乐在十九世纪之交日益增长的美学声望,他对蒂克、瓦肯罗德和霍夫曼的 ^(H){ }^{H} "形而上学的过激行为 "不屑一顾? ^(1){ }^{1}
Equally troubling for many later critics is the apparent discrepancy between the early Romantics, claims for the power of instrumental music and the actual repertory they described-or father did not describe. Wackenrodetj Tieck, Novalis, and Jean Paul rarely named specific works or composers, and in those few writings in which they did, their choices are all the more puzzling. Tieck ^^\wedge for example, in his important essay of 1799 on the symphony, discussed only a single work, an overture by Johann Friedrich Reichardt* This failure to address specific musical works has led several generations of scholars to advance the remarkable position that the aesthetics of the late 1790s anticipated a body of music yet to be composed and that the repeated references to “infinity” and “'endless longing” in the works of Wackenroder, Tieck, and others are more nearly congruous with the music of Beethoven^ ^("t "){ }^{\text {t }} late, ^(5){ }^{5} style than with the works of Haydn, Mozart: , or the early Beethoven. ^(12){ }^{12} Particularly adamant on this poinq Dahihaus argued that the Romantic aesthetic preceded Romantic music and that Tieck’s view of instrumental music “did not find an adequate object until E.T.A. Hoffmann borrowed Tieck’s language in order to do justice to Beethoven.” This new aesthetic, Dahihaus maintained, "predicated the existence of instrumental music to which one could attach a poetically inspired metaphysics without- embarrassing oneself with inappropriate dithyrambs. ^(13){ }^{13} 同样令许多后来的评论家感到不安的是,早期浪漫主义者对器乐力量的宣称与他们所描述的--或者说父亲并没有描述的--实际曲目之间存在着明显的差异。瓦肯罗代蒂克、诺瓦利斯和让-保罗很少提及具体的作品或作曲家,而在他们提及的少数作品中,他们的选择更令人费解。例如,蒂克 ^^\wedge 在其 1799 年关于交响乐的重要文章中,只讨论了一部作品,即约翰-弗里德里希-赖夏特(Johann Friedrich Reichardt)的序曲*。由于没有讨论具体的音乐作品,几代学者提出了一个引人注目的观点,即 1790 年代后期的美学预见到了尚未创作的音乐作品,瓦肯罗德作品中反复提到的 "无限 "和 "无尽的渴望",是对 1790 年代后期音乐作品的预言、 ^("t "){ }^{\text {t }} 晚期的 ^(5){ }^{5} 风格比海顿、莫扎特或早期贝多芬的作品更接近:或早期贝多芬的作品。 ^(12){ }^{12} 在这一点上,达希豪斯尤为坚持,他认为浪漫主义美学先于浪漫主义音乐,而蒂克的器乐观 "直到霍夫曼(E.T.A. Hoffmann)借用蒂克的语言为贝多芬正名时,才找到了适当的对象"。Dahihaus 认为,这种新的美学 "以器乐的存在为前提,人们可以在器乐上附加一种诗意的形而上学,而不必用不恰当的二分法来为难自己"。 ^(13){ }^{13}
In point of fact, the early Romantics were working through a series of philosophical issues that had been under intense discussion since the early 1790s, and their wrhapsodizing styleplayed a central role in their approach not only toward instrumental music but toward the arts and philosophy in generaL Their general failure to discuss specific works of music in any degree of detail reflects the origins of their thought within the traditions of philosophy rather than criticism. {Kant’s Critique of Judgment, the seminal aesthetic treatise of the age, mentions very few specific works of art and dwells on none of them.) When EXA. Hoffmann finally did apply the premises and vocabulary of early Romantic aesthetics to a spe- 事实上,早期浪漫主义者正在研究自 17 世纪 90 年代初以来就一直在激烈讨论的一系列哲学问题,他们的 "狂想 "风格不仅在他们对待器乐的态度上,而且在对待整个艺术和哲学的态度上都发挥了核心作用。他们一般不对具体的音乐作品进行任何程度的详细讨论,这反映出他们的思想源于哲学传统而非批评传统。{康德的《判断力批判》是这一时代开创性的美学论著,其中很少提及具体的艺术作品,也没有对其中任何作品进行深入探讨。)当 EXA.霍夫曼最终将早期浪漫主义美学的前提和词汇运用到了一个特殊的艺术作品中。
cific work of music,Be6thoven's Fifth Symphony,these concepts had been in play for some time already. 在贝多芬的《第五交响曲》这部具体的音乐作品中,这些概念已经存在了一段时间。
The principal source for this new aesthetic of instrumental music was idealism.A venerable tradition of thought that traces its origins to the philosophies of Pythagoras,Piato,and Plotinus,idealism enjoyed a vigor- ous renewal in German philosophy and aesthetics toward the end of the eighteenth century through such figures as Johann Joachim Winckel- mann,Karl Philipp Moritz,Kant,Schiller^Christian Gottfried Kdrner, Johann Gottfried Herdei;Fichte,and Schelling.At first glance,the"rhap- sodizing style ^("?"){ }^{\text {?}} of Wackenroder and Tieck might seem to have little in common with the sober discourse of Winckelmann;Moritz,and Kant, yet these earlier writings provided the essential framework for what are widely considered to be the first manifestations of a Romantic musical aesthetic.^(14){ }^{14} 理想主义是一种源远流长的思想传统,其源头可追溯到毕达哥拉斯、皮亚杰托和普罗提诺的哲学。戈特弗里德-克德纳(Gottfried Kdrner)、约翰-戈特弗里德-赫代(Johann Gottfried Herdei)、费希特(Fichte)和谢林(Schelling)。乍一看,瓦肯罗德和蒂克的 "咆哮式 "风格 ^("?"){ }^{\text {?}} 似乎与温克尔曼的冷静论述没有什么共同之处。然而,这些早期的著作为被广泛认为是浪漫主义音乐美学的最初表现形式提供了基本框架。
In the broadest terms,idealism gives priority to spirit over matter.With- out necessarily rejecting the phenomenal world,it posits a higher form of reality in a spiritual realm:objects in the phenomenal world ∼∼\sim \sim including works of art~~are understood as reflections of the noumenaL From an aesthetic standpoint^idealism holds that art and the external world are consonant with one another,not because art imitates that world,but be- cause both reflect a common,higher ideal.The work of art thus functions as a central means by which to sense the realm of the spiritual,the infinite; it exists in a sphere that is tangible yet not entirely natural.The artwork is artificial in the most basic sense of the word.^(15){ }^{15} 从广义上讲,理想主义认为精神优先于物质。理想主义不一定否定现象世界,但它在精神领域中提出了更高形式的现实:现象世界中的物体 ∼∼\sim \sim 包括艺术作品~~被理解为本体的反映。从美学的角度来看,^理想主义认为艺术与外部世界是相辅相成的,这并不是因为艺术模仿了外部世界,而是因为两者都反映了一个共同的、更高的理想。 ^(15){ }^{15} 艺术作品因此成为感知精神领域(无限)的核心手段,它存在于一个有形但不完全自然的领域。
Within the aesthetics of idealism,the true essence of the artwork could be grasped only through the power of imagination-£inbildungskraft- a faculty capable of mediating between the senses and reason,between the phenomenal and the noumena!worlds.The term itself,as used by Gotthold Ephraim Lessing,Kant _(3){ }_{3} and Fichte,among others,combines an inward-directed activity with a sense of constructive power-kraft ^(51){ }^{51} ).^(16){ }^{16} Christian Gottfried Korner,writing in 1795,empha- sized that we value an artistic work"not by what appears in it,but ac- cording to what must be thought^that is,according to the reflective process demanded by the particular work?^(7){ }^{7} For Korner and other ideal- ists,the enjoyment of art was a process not of"idle reception _(5){ }_{5}"but rather of"activity.*The distinction is crucial:late eighteenth-century aesthetics moved from the premise of passive effect to active construction.The new scenario rendered the listener less important in some respects but more important in others:less important in that the musical work's es- sence-as opposed to its effect-had become the focus of attention,and more important in that the listener was obliged to take an active role in constructing that essence through the application of the powers of imagination, 在唯心主义美学中,艺术品的真正本质只有通过想象力--一种能够介于感官与理性、现象与本质之间的能力--才能把握。 ^(51){ }^{51} )。 ^(16){ }^{16} 克里斯蒂安-戈特弗里德-科尔纳(Christian Gottfried Korner)在 1795 年的著作中明确指出,我们对艺术作品的评价 "不是根据作品中出现的东西,而是根据必须思考的东西^,即根据特定作品所要求的反思过程"。 ^(7){ }^{7} 对于科纳和其他理想主义者来说,艺术享受不是 "闲散的接受",而是 "活动 "的过程。新的情景使听众在某些方面变得不那么重要,但在另一些方面却变得更加重要:不那么重要是因为音乐作品的本质--相对于其效果--已成为关注的焦点,而更加重要的是听众必须通过运用想象力,在构建本质的过程中发挥积极作用。
Idealism thus stands in marked contrast to the Enlightenment predilec- tion for explaining the emotional power of music in essentially naturalis- tic or mechanical terms,that is to say,in terms of its effect on the listener As a philosophical mode of thought,naturalism rejects the notion that anything in the universe lies beyond the scope of empirical explanation, holding that the mind and spiritual values have their origins in(and can ultimately be reduced to)material things and processes.Naturalism pro- vided the philosophical basis for mimesis,the aesthetic doctrine that had prevailed throughout all the arts prior to 1800 .By imitating nature or the human passions,a work of art,critics arguedj could induce a correspond- ing emotional reaction in the mind and spirit of the listener. 因此,唯心主义与启蒙运动主张用自然或机械的术语解释音乐的情感力量形成了鲜明对比,即用音乐对听众的影响来解释音乐的情感力量。自然主义为模仿论提供了哲学基础,模仿论是 1800 年以前盛行于所有艺术领域的美学学说。评论家认为,通过模仿自然或人类的激情,艺术作品可以在听众的思想和精神中引起相应的情感反应。
But instrumental music never fit very well into the mimetic system, which had evolved around tlie more overtly representational arts of po- etry,painting,and sculpture.By the second half of the eightEcri出 century, most critics viewed direct musical imitations of the external world with skepticism and at times outright derision.Human passions provided a more appropriate object of imitation,for here,as Rousseau pointed out, the composer ^(K){ }^{K} does not directly represent"in his music such things as rain,fire,and tempests,but instead ^("c "){ }^{\text {c }} arouses in the spirit"of the listener ^(t){ }^{t} the same impulses that one experiences when beholding such things.^(18){ }^{18} Still other writers opted for theories of ^(H){ }^{H} expression //^(1)/{ }^{1} but these systems ultimately depended on the principle of mimesis as well?^(9){ }^{9} Even those few eighteenth-century writers who rejected musical mimesis altogether and espoused a kind of protoformalistic sensualism hastened to point out that music without a text was a merely agreeable(angenehme)art that stood beneath reason and thus outside the higher realm of beauty,the realm of the fine arts.(In German,the term schdne Kunste means literally( ^(£){ }^{£} beauti- ful arts」 as does its French equivalent,beaux-arts.)Because it involved the free interplay of forms rather than of concepts,instrumental music was widely peFceivtd,山 Kant^(s)s\mathrm{Kant}^{\mathrm{s}} \mathrm{s} oft-quoted formulation,to be ^(EC){ }^{\mathrm{EC}} more plea- sure than culture.^("M "){ }^{\text {M }} 到了八世纪下半叶,大多数评论家对音乐直接模仿外部世界持怀疑态度,有时甚至直接嘲笑。 ^(K){ }^{K} 作曲家在他的音乐中并不直接表现 "雨、火、暴风雨等事物,而是 ^("c "){ }^{\text {c }} 在听众的精神中唤起 ^(t){ }^{t} 人们在看到这些事物时所体验到的同样的冲动"。 ^(18){ }^{18} 还有一些作家选择了 ^(H){ }^{H} 表现理论。 //^(1)/{ }^{1} 但这些体系最终也依赖于模仿原则? ^(9){ }^{9} 即使是那些完全拒绝音乐模仿、信奉一种原形式主义感性主义的少数十八世纪作家,也急忙指出,没有文本的音乐只是一种令人愉悦的(angenehme)艺术,它低于理性,因而不属于更高的领域。在德语中,"schdne Kunste "一词的字面意思是( ^(£){ }^{£} "美丽的艺术"),其法语对应词 "beaux-arts "也是如此。 Kant^(s)s\mathrm{Kant}^{\mathrm{s}} \mathrm{s} 经常被引用的表述是, ^(EC){ }^{\mathrm{EC}} 比文化更有价值。
Many eighteenth-century writers-including Johann Mattheso\% Charles Batteux^Johann Joachim Quan\%Rousseau,Johann Nikolaus Forked Johann Georg Sulzer,and Heinrich Christoph Koch-sought to explain the emotional power of instrumental music by regarding it as "the language of the or"the language of the emotions///120/ 120 This designation elevated the status of music without words by treating it as a language in its own right:this in itself represented a major step forward in the growing prestige of instrumental music.In the end,however,this approach perpetuated instrumental music's secondary status by situating it within the conceptual framework of language*From this perspective, instrumental music was defined in terms of what it lacked:specificity.No matter how powerful it might be,a language of emotions was by its very 许多十八世纪的作家,包括约翰-马特索(Johann Mattheso)、查尔斯-巴托(Charles Batteux)、约翰-约阿希姆-泉(Johann Joachim Quan)、卢梭(Rousseau)、约翰-尼古拉斯-福克(Johann Nikolaus Forked)、约翰-格奥尔格-苏尔泽(Johann Georg Sulzer)和海因里希-克里斯托夫-科赫(Heinrich Christoph Koch),都试图通过将器乐音乐视为 "情感的语言"(the language of the or "the language of the emotions/ //120/ 120 )来解释器乐音乐的情感力量。//120/ 120 这种说法将无词音乐视为一种语言,从而提高了无词音乐的地位:这本身就是器乐声望不断提高的一大进步。
nature imprecise and ultimately irrational.A lack of precision could scarcely qualify as a desirable linguistic quality,least of all in the Age of Reason. 缺乏精确性很难说是一种理想的语言品质,尤其是在理性时代。
Idealism offered an alternative approach by shifting 出已 focus of atten- tion from effect to essence and by placing special importance on the active nature of aesthetic perception.Within the idealist aesthetic,the power of any given artwork lies in its ability to reflect a higher ideal and in the beholder's ability to perceive that ideal.Idealism did not deny the sensu- ous power of music.To the contrary:the aesthetics of idealism fostered some of the most soaring descriptions of instrumental music ever written. The object of description,however,had shifted from music's effect to music's essence 01 ;more specifically,to the perception of an ideal realm reflected in that music.Within the idealist aesthetic,then,instrumental music remained an imprecise art,with the essential difference that listen- ers no longer considered this imprecision in relation to nature,language, or human emotions,but rather in relation to a higher,ideal world-to that"wondrous realm of the infinite ^(5:1){ }^{5: 1} \{das wundervolle Reich des Unend- lichen^j to use Hoffmann's celebrated phrase.From this perspective, vagueness was no vice.Commentators no longer felt compelled to justify instrumental music by engaging in the futile and inevitably trivializing effort to specify its objective ^("ff "){ }^{\text {ff }} content.^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} Instead,they changed the venue of contemplation from the material to the spiritual,from the empirical to the ideal.Freed from the obligation to explain the causal mechanism of their responses to music,idealist critics could revel in those responses all the more freely.One can,after all,be more readily forgiven for resorting to metaphorical excess in trying to describe the infinite,as opposed to one's personal reaction to a specific work of art.The early Romantics were most assuredly not the first to respond deeply and passionately to instrumental music;they were,however members of the first generation to have at its disposal a philosophical framework in which to express such powerful emotions without embarrassment. 理想主义提供了另一种方法,它将关注的焦点从效果转向本质,并特别重视审美感知的主动性。在理想主义美学中,任何艺术品的力量都在于其反映更高理想的能力,以及欣赏者感知这一理想的能力。然而,描述的对象从音乐的效果转向了音乐的本质01 ;更具体地说,转向了对音乐所反映的理想境界的感知。用霍夫曼的名言来说,就是 "无限的奇妙境界"。 ^("ff "){ }^{\text {ff }} 内容。 ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} 相反,他们把沉思的场所从物质转向了精神。理想主义批评家没有义务解释他们对音乐的反应的因果机制,可以更加自由地陶醉于这些反应之中。毕竟,与个人对某一具体艺术作品的反应相比,人们更容易原谅在试图描述无限时诉诸过多的隐喻。他们是第一代对器乐做出深刻而热烈回应的人,也是第一代拥有哲学框架来表达这种强烈情感而不会感到尴尬的人。
This resurgence of idealism in the eighteenth century owes much to the work of the archaeologist and art historian Johann Joachim Winckel- mann(1717-68),whose concept of ideal beauty drew heavily on Plato.^(21){ }^{21} For Winckelmann,the work of art did not imitate any single model in nature,but instead derived its features from a variety of different exem- plars.The resulting ^("£Cideal "){ }^{\text {£Cideal }} figures,like an ethereal spirit purified by fire," were no mere composites,however:the high purpose of ancient Greek artists had been"to bring forth creations bestowed with a divine and suprasensory sufficiency ^(51){ }^{51} that were"fceed from every human weak- ness///22/ 22 In this sense,Winckelmann saw ideal beauty as deriving at least in part from the mind alone,independent of direct reference to experience. And although he at one point explicitly denied that ideal beauty holds 18 世纪理想主义的复苏在很大程度上要归功于考古学家和艺术史学家约翰-约阿希姆-温克尔曼(Johann Joachim Winckel-mann,1717-68 年),他的理想之美的概念在很大程度上借鉴了柏拉图。在温克尔曼看来,艺术作品并不是模仿自然界中的任何一个单一模型,而是从各种不同的实例中汲取特征。然而,古希腊艺术家的崇高目标是 "创造出具有神性和超感官能力的作品"。 //22/ 22 在这个意义上,温克尔曼认为理想的美至少部分来自心灵,而不是直接参照经验。
any metaphysical significance,he argued elsewhere that the ideally beauti- ful has its archetype in God."Herder accurately summed up the reception of Win.ckelmann ^(5){ }^{5} s epoch-making Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums (1764)in describing the work not so much as an actual history of art as a"historical metaphysics of beauty?^(24){ }^{24} 赫尔德对温克尔曼 ^(5){ }^{5} 划时代的《古代艺术史》(1764 年)的评价是准确的,他认为这部作品与其说是一部真正的艺术史,不如说是一部 "美的历史形而上学"。
Plato's theories of beauty are equally evident in^icAllgemeine Theorie der schdnen KUnste(General Theory of the Fine Arts,1771-74)^,by the Swiss aesthetician Johann Georg Sulzer(1720-79).Sulzer followed the Greek philosopher's distinction among various categories of artistic imita- tion and idealization.The first and lowest category of artists consists of those who copy nature precisely and without discrimination.Artists who imitate nature more selectively belong to the second/higher category.The third and highest category consists of those for whom nature is Hot suffi- cient and who pursue the images of ideal forms."One can generally say about an artwork that has not been copied from an object in nature that it has been made according to an ideal,if it has received its essence and form from the genius of the artist?^(125){ }^{125} But it apparently never occurred to Sulzer or anyone else of his generation to align instrumental music(or for that matter any kind of music)with the concept of the ideal;to do so would have been to elevate what was considered a merely pleasant form of diversion to the highest ranks of the fine arts-which is exactly what many of the Romantics would later do. 柏拉图的美学理论在瑞士美学家约翰-乔治-苏尔泽(Johann Georg Sulzer)(1720-79)^icAllgemeine Theorie der schdnen KUnste(《美术通论》,1771-74)^中同样明显。苏尔泽遵循希腊哲学家对艺术模仿和理想化的不同类别的区分。第一类,也是最低的一类艺术家,包括那些精确地、无差别地模仿自然的艺术家。 第二类,也是较高的一类艺术家,包括那些有选择地模仿自然的艺术家。一般来说,如果一件艺术品不是从自然界中的某一对象复制而来,那么可以说它是根据理想而创作的,如果它的本质和形式是来自艺术家的天才的话。 ^(125){ }^{125} 但是,苏尔泽或他那一代人显然从来没有想过要把器乐音乐与自然界中的某一对象结合起来。^(125){ }^{125} 但是,苏尔泽或他那一代的其他人显然从未想过要把器乐(或任何一种音乐)与理想的概念结合起来;如果这样做,就会把一种仅仅被认为是令人愉悦的消遣形式提升到艺术的最高级别--这正是许多浪漫主义者后来所做的事情。
Karl Philipp Moritz(1757-93)helped to lay the foundation for this development in his later writings.From 1789 until his death,he lectured in Berlin on antiquity,mythology ^{ }^{\wedge} and the history of art,and his audiences included^ickenrodei;Tieck,Alexander von Humboldt,and the com- poser Johann Friedrich Reichardt.Moritz openly rejected mimesis as a basis of art,insisting instead that the true artwork must be self-contained and internally coherent and that it must exist for its own sake,He placed special emphasis on the act of aesthetic contemplation.In his essay Ow the Unification of All the Fine Aris and Sciences under the Concept of the Perfected Thing in Itself :)\rangle he proclaimed that"in contemplating the beautiful^....I contemplate the object not as something within me,but rather as something perfect in itself,something that constitutes a whole in itself and gives me pleasure for the sake of itself,in that I do not so much impart to the beautiful object a relationship to myself but rather impart to myself a relationship to it」\%For Moritz,the contemplation of the beautiful carried the added benefit of drawing attention away from the ills of mortal existence,if only momentarily."This forgetting of the seif is the highest degree of the pure and unselfish pleasure that beauty grants us.At that moment we give up our individual,limited existence in favor of a higher kind of existence //527/ 527 卡尔-菲利普-莫里茨(Karl Philipp Moritz,1757-93 年)在他后来的著作中为这一发展奠定了基础。<莫里茨公开反对把模仿作为艺术的基础。莫里茨公开反对把模仿作为艺术的基础,他认为真正的艺术作品必须是自足的、内在连贯的,必须为了自身的目的而存在。....,我不是把对象当作我自己的东西来思考,而是把它当作自身完美的东西来思考,它本身就构成了一个整体,并为了自身而给我带来快乐。莫里茨认为,对美的沉思还有一个额外的好处,那就是把人们的注意力从凡人生存的弊端上吸引开来,哪怕只是一瞬间也好。
The belief that arts in general,and music in particular,could provide refuge from the failed world of social and political life was a key( element of romantic aesthetics.Franz von Schober ^(3){ }^{3} s ^(K){ }^{K} An die Musik //^(1)/{ }^{1} set to music by Schubert in 1817,captures perfectly the essence of this outlook: 弗朗茨-冯-肖伯 ^(3){ }^{3} 的 ^(K){ }^{K} 《音乐之歌》 //^(1)/{ }^{1} 于 1817 年由舒伯特谱曲,完美地捕捉到了这种观点的精髓。
Du holde Kunst in wieviel grauen Stunden, Du holde Kunst in wieviel grauen Stunden,......
Wo mich des Lebens wilder Kreis urnstrickt, Wo mich des Lebens wilder Kreis urnstrickt, Wo mich des Lebens wilder Kreis urnstrickt,
Hast du mein Herz zu warmer Lieb entzunden, Hast du mein Herz zu warmer Lieb entzunden,(你的爱让我更温暖)
Hast mich in.eine befre Welt entnickt! Hast mich in.eine befre Welt entnickt!
Oft hat ein Seufzer,deiner Harf entfiossen. 经常有 Seufzer,deiner Harf entfiossen.
Ein suffer,heiliger Akkord von dir Den Himmel beErer Zeiten mir erschlossen, Ein suffer,heiliger Akkord von dir Den Himmel beErer Zeiten mir erschlossen,("我的心")
Du hokk Kunst,ich danke dir dafiir! Du hokk Kunst,ich danke dir dafiir!
Thou wonderous Art,in how many gray hours. 你是奇妙的艺术,在多少灰暗的时光里.
When lifers wild circle closed me in. 当生命的狂野之圈将我封闭.
Did you enflame my heart to a warm love 你是否让我的心燃烧起温暖的爱
Did you transport me to a better world! 你把我带到了一个更美好的世界!
Often a sigh,drifting from thy heart, A sweet,holy chord from thee. 常常有一声叹息,从你的心底飘出,那是甜蜜的、神圣的和弦。
Has opened up to me the heaven of better times, 为我打开了美好时代的天堂,
Thou wondrous aft,I thank you for this! 你这奇妙的船尾,我为此感谢你
in a diary entry from the previous ye注邑 Schubert himself had observed that Mozart's music(tshows us in the darknesses of this life a iight-filled, bright,beautiful distance,toward which we can aspire with confidence?^(128){ }^{128} When listening to musiq Wackenroder^fictional Joseph Berglinger for- gets"all earthly trivialities that are truly dust on the radiance of the soul"; this trivial dust is ^(K){ }^{K} cleansedby music?^(3){ }^{3} Tieck declares the modern sym- phony to be capable of ^^\wedge redeeming us from the conflict of wayward thoughtsand leading us ^( < ){ }^{<}to a quiet,happy,peaceful land _(2)^(M){ }_{2}{ }^{\mathrm{M}} while Hoff- mann perceives"a wondrous spirit-realm of the infinite ^("s,"){ }^{\text {s,}} through the prism of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony.^(30){ }^{30} 在前一年的一篇日记注邑中,舒伯特自己也说过,莫扎特的音乐(向我们展示了人生黑暗中充满光明、美丽的远方,我们可以满怀信心地向往它。 ^(128){ }^{128} 当聆听音乐时,瓦肯罗德^小说家约瑟夫-伯格林格(Joseph Berglinger)认为 "所有尘世的琐事都是灵魂光芒上真正的尘埃"。 ^(K){ }^{K} 这些琐碎的尘埃通过音乐得到净化? ^(3){ }^{3} 蒂克宣称现代音乐能够 ^^\wedge 将我们从思想的冲突中解救出来,并引导我们 ^( < ){ }^{<} 。 _(2)^(M){ }_{2}{ }^{\mathrm{M}} 而霍夫曼则通过贝多芬《第五交响曲》的棱镜,感知到 "无限奇妙的精神境界" ^("s,"){ }^{\text {s,}} 。
Within the aesthetics of idealism,the composer assumed a new role as a mediator between heaven and earth,a divinely inspired human who could help to connect the mundane and the divine.When Carl Friedrich Zelter wrote to Haydn in 1804,he likened the elderly composer to a latter day Prometheus;"YOHE spirit has penetrated into the sanctity of divine wisdom;you have brought fire from heaven _(3){ }_{3} and with it you warm and illuminate mortal hearts and lead them to the infinite.The best that we can do for others consists simpiy in this:to honor God with thanks and joy for having sent you in order that we might recognize the miracles He has revealed to us through you in art.""Beethoven himself on more than one occasion cast his art as bridge between the earthly and the divine.In 1810 he urged a young admirer ^(H){ }^{\mathrm{H}} not only to cultivate your art,but pene- trate to its innermost;it deserves this,for only art and science elevate 在理想主义美学中,作曲家扮演了一个新的角色,即天堂与人间的调解人,一个受到神灵启示的人,他可以帮助将世俗与神圣联系起来。当卡尔-弗里德里希-泽尔特(Carl Friedrich Zelter)于 1804 年写信给海顿时,他将这位年迈的作曲家比作后世的普罗米修斯;"你的精神已经深入神圣的智慧之中;你从天堂带来了火焰 _(3){ }_{3} ,你用它温暖并照亮了凡人的心灵,引领他们走向无限。我们能为他人做的最好的事就是:感谢上帝派你来,并喜悦地向他致敬,以便我们能认识到他通过你在艺术中向我们揭示的奇迹。1810年,他敦促一位年轻的崇拜者 ^(H){ }^{\mathrm{H}} "不仅要培养你的艺术,而且要深入其内在;它值得你这样做,因为只有艺术和科学才能提升你的艺术。
mankind to the divine.^(^^32){ }^{\wedge 32} Two years later he wrote to the publisher Breit- kopf \&Hartel of"my heavenly art,the only true divine gift of Heaven //^(1)/{ }^{1} and in 1824,writing to another publisher,he spoke of ^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} what the Eternal Spirit has infused into my soul and bids me complete?^(533){ }^{533} Writing to the Archduke Rudolph,Bishop of Olmiitz,in 1821>Beethoven declared that there is nothing higher than to approach the divinity more closely than other humans and from there promulgate the rays of the divinity among mank ^^nd//^4\wedge \mathrm{nd} /{ }^{\wedge} 4 It is unclear from the context whether Beethoven is referring to himself or to the addressee.And this is precisely the point:Beethoven considered his own calling a priesthood of sorts.Nor was he alone in this perception:one reviewer of the 1824 concert that premiered the Ninth Symphony and three movements from the Missa solemnis noted,^("tc "){ }^{\text {tc }} These new artworks appear as the colossal products of a son of the gods,who has just brought the hol %\% life-giving flame directly from heaven > 3JJ>3 \mathrm{JJ} ^(^^32){ }^{\wedge 32} 两年后,他在给出版商 Breit- kopf & Hartel 的信中写道:"我的天赐艺术,上天赐予我的唯一真正的神圣礼物。 ^(533){ }^{533} 1821 年,贝多芬在写给奥尔米茨主教鲁道夫大公的信中宣称,没有什么比比人类更接近神性,并从那里向人类传播神性的光芒更崇高的了。 ^^nd//^4\wedge \mathrm{nd} /{ }^{\wedge} 4 从上下文中看不出贝多芬是指他自己还是指听众。而这恰恰是问题的关键:贝多芬认为他自己的使命是某种神职。1824年,《第九交响曲》和《庄严弥撒曲》中的三个乐章在音乐会上首演,一位评论家指出: ^("tc "){ }^{\text {tc }} 这些新的艺术作品就像一位天神之子的巨型产品,他刚刚从天堂直接带来了生命之火 %\%> 3JJ>3 \mathrm{JJ} 。
Such views rest on the idealist aesthetic,whose philosophical corner- stone was laid in 1790 with the publication of Kant's Critique of Judg- ment.Building on his earlier Kritik der reinen Vernunft(Critique of Pure Reason^1781)and Kritik der praktischen Vernunft(Critique of Practical Reaso\%1788)>Kant emphasized the creativity of perception and the ca- pacity of the imagination to mediate between reason and the senses.It is not too much of an exaggeration to say that after Kant,beauty would be defined no longer as a quality within a given object,but rather as a func- tion.of subjective,aesthetic perception. 康德的《判断力批判》于 1790 年出版,奠定了唯心主义美学的哲学基石。在他早先的《纯粹理性批判》(Kritik der reinen Vernunft)和《实践理性批判》(Kritik der praktischen Vernunft)(1788年)的基础上,康德强调了知觉的创造性和感性。可以毫不夸张地说,在康德之后,"美 "将不再被定义为某一特定对象内部的一种品质,而是被定义为主观审美感知的一种功能。
For Kant,spirit(Geist)is the wability to present aesthetic ideas."He defined an aesthetic idea ^(H){ }^{\mathrm{H}} as"that representation of the imagination which induces much thought,yet without the possibility of any definite thought whatever;Le.,concept being adequate to it."This representa- tion of the imagination,consequently,can never be completely realized or rendered intelligible through language.Thus K_(i" it ")\mathrm{K}_{i \text { it }} is easily seen that an aesthetic idea is the counterpart(pendant)of a rational idea,which》 conv程fsel %\% is a concept to which no intuition(representation of the imag- ination)can be adequate //36/ 36 But Kant explicitly rejected the notion,that purely instrumental music might incorporate aesthetic ideas;this art could be judged only on the basis of its form,He therefore relegated instrumental music-along with wallpaper-to the category of"free beauty."Vocal music,by contrast ^(2){ }^{2} belonged to the higher category of ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} dependent beauty"on the grounds that its text allowed the listener to find correlatives in the concepts of the objects being represented, 在康德看来,精神(Geist)就是呈现审美观念的能力。"他将审美观念 ^(H){ }^{\mathrm{H}} 定义为 "想象的表象,它引起了许多思考,但又不可能有任何明确的思考;乐.因此, K_(i" it ")\mathrm{K}_{i \text { it }} 我们不难看出,审美观念是理性观念的对应物(附属物),而理性观念是 %\% 中的一个概念。 //36/ 36 但是,康德明确反对纯粹的器乐可能包含审美理念的观点;这种艺术只能根据其形式来判断,因此他把器乐和壁纸一起归为审美理念。相比之下, ^(2){ }^{2} 声乐属于 ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} 依存美这一更高的类别,理由是声乐的文本可以让听众在所表现对象的概念中找到相关性。
Kant clearly considered"free beauty"an inferior category of art }_(3)\}_{3} for the contemplation of mere form,without concepts,would eventually "make the spirit[Geist]dull,the object in the course of time repulsive, and the mind dissatisfied with itself and ill-hum. 0^0^{\wedge} ed///^(^^77)He/{ }^{\wedge 77} \mathrm{He} dismissed any ideas one might experience while listening to instrumental music as mere }_(3)\}_{3} 康德显然认为 "自由美 "是一种低级的艺术,因为对单纯的形式的思考,如果没有概念,最终会 "使精神[Geist]枯燥无味,使对象在时间的长河中令人厌恶,使心灵对自己不满意,使心灵不愉快"。 0^0^{\wedge} ed/ //^(^^77)He/{ }^{\wedge 77} \mathrm{He} 将人们在聆听器乐时可能体验到的任何想法都视为单纯的 "美"。
mechanical byproducts of associative thought.Unlike poetry,music speaks"only through sentiments and without concepts,and thus leaves nothing to be contemplated.It was on this basis that he deemed untexted music to be"moire pleasure than culture/'even while affirming its power to move the emotions?^(8){ }^{8} 与诗歌不同的是,音乐 "只通过情感说话,没有概念,因此也就没有什么可思考的。
Kant's emphasis on aesthetic cognition nevertheless provided an im- portant opening for later writers grappling with the dichotomy between form and content.One of the most influential of these post-Kantian critics was Friedrich Schiller(1759-1505),who developed the tenets of aesthetic idealism in a series of widely read essays dating from the mid-1790s >> be- ginning with an extended review of a collection of poetry by Friedrich von Matthisson.In a remarkable passage,Schiller argued that"although the content of emotions cannot be represented ^(51){ }^{51} in any work of art,^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} the form certainly can be.s,Schiller went on to point out that there is in fact a"widely beloved and powerful art that has no other object than the form of these emotions.This art is Musick 然而,康德对审美认知的强调为后来的作家提供了一个重要的开端,使他们得以努力解决形式与内容之间的对立问题。在这些后康德主义批评家中,最有影响力的是弗里德里希-席勒(1759-1505),他在1790年代中期发表的一系列广为流传的文章 >> 中提出了审美理想主义的信条。在一段引人注目的论述中,席勒认为:"虽然情感的内容无法在任何艺术作品中表现出来, ^(51){ }^{51}^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} 但形式肯定可以。席勒接着指出,事实上有一种 "广受喜爱的、强大的艺术,它的目标不是别的,正是这些情感的形式。
In short,we demand that in addition to its expressed content,every poetic com- position at the same time be an imitation and expression of the form of this content and affect us as if it were music...... 简而言之,我们要求每首诗歌除了表达内容之外,还必须模仿和表现内容的形式,并像音乐一样影响我们......。
Now the entire effect of music,however(as a fine art,and not merely as a agreeable one),consists of accompanying and producing in sensuous form the inner movements of the emotions through analogous external motions.._(4){ }_{4} .If the composer and the landscape painter penetrate into the secret of those laws that govern the inner movements of the human heart,and if they study the analogy that exists between these movements of the emotions and certain exter- nal manifestations,then they will develop from merely ordinary painters into true portraitists of the soul.They will leave the realm of the arbitrary and enter the realm of the necessary.And they may justly take their places not beside the sculptoi;who takes as his object the external human form,but rather beside the poet,who takes as his object the inner human form.^(40){ }^{40} _(4){ }_{4} 如果作曲家和风景画家深入了解支配人类内心运动的那些规律的秘密,如果他们研究这些情感运动与某些外部表现之间存在的类比关系,那么他们就会从普通画家发展成为真正的心灵肖像画家。 ^(40){ }^{40} 如果作曲家和风景画家深入研究支配人类内心运动的那些规律的秘密,如果他们研究这些情感运动与某些外部表现之间存在的类比关系,那么他们就会从仅仅是普通的画家发展成为真正的心灵肖像画家。
While still essentially mimetic in its assumptions,Schiller^pronounce- ment helped to move the focus of debate away from content and toward form.Like Hanslick,Schiller denied that music itself embodies emotional content;rather,it works through a process of analogical structure,medi- ated by the listener^imagination.The poet retains the ability to direct the imagination of his audience in a more defined direction^but even this capacity is limited,for while the poet can"indicate those ideas and allude to those emotions,he cannot develop them himself.Above all?he must not preempt the imagination of his readers.An overly precise indication of ideas or emotions would constitute a"burdensome 1 imitation,^(J){ }^{J} be- cause the attractiveness of an aesthetic idea lies in our freedom to perceive its content in a^(K)\mathrm{a}^{\mathrm{K}} boundless profundity.^(5J){ }^{5 \mathrm{~J}} w The actual and explicit content 与汉斯立克一样,席勒否认音乐本身包含情感内容;相反,音乐是通过听众的 "类比结构 "和 "想象 "来发挥作用的。诗人有能力把听众的想象引向一个更明确的方向^,但即使这种能力也是有限的。最重要的是,诗人不能抢先激发读者的想象力。 ^(J){ }^{J} 因为美学思想的吸引力在于我们可以自由地感知其内容的无限深刻性。
that the poet gives is always finite;the potential content,which he leaves for us to project into the 严ork>is an infinite entity.^(5,41){ }^{5,41} 诗人给出的总是有限的;他留给我们投射到严作品中的潜在内容,是一个无限的实体。
The ^("a art "){ }^{\text {a art }} of the infinite ^{ }^{\wedge} and infinite longing ^("w "){ }^{\text {w }} play an even greater role in Schiller's essay"On Naive and Sentimental Poetry,^(5){ }^{5}(1795-96), The dichotomy between the naive(the natural and sensuous)and the sen- timental(the reflective and abstract)corresponds roughly to the phenome- nal and noumenaL The task of the modern poet is to bridge the gulf be- tween the two.But because this cannot be realized on earth,the poet's striving for such a synthesis must necessarily remain(tinfinite.^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} The genius of sentiment)according to Schiller,if abandons[phenomenal]reality in order to ascend to ideas and to rule over his material with his own free- dom of activity."较 In so doings however,the artist runs the risk of devolv- ing into a realm of meaningless abstraction.On precisely these grounds, Schiller elsewhere rejected those works of music by recent ^(55){ }^{55}-un- named-composers that appealed merely to the senses.^(43){ }^{43} ^("a art "){ }^{\text {a art }} 无限的 ^{ }^{\wedge} 和无限的渴望 ^("w "){ }^{\text {w }} 在席勒的《论天真和感伤的诗》 ^(5){ }^{5} (1795-96)一文中发挥了更大的作用。现代诗人的任务是弥合这两者之间的鸿沟。 ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} 席勒说:"感情的天才,如果为了上升到思想,为了用他自己的自由活动支配他的材料,而放弃[现象]现实。正是基于这些原因,席勒在其他地方拒绝了近代 ^(55){ }^{55} (未命名)作曲家创作的那些仅仅诉诸感官的音乐作品。
Although Schiller was disinclined to comment at any length on the inte- gration of the sensuous and the abstract in instrumental music,he helped to establish a framework for the reeyaluatioii of this art in the work of his close friend Christian Gottfried Korner(1756-1831),who happened to be an accomplished musician.Kdrner ^(3){ }^{3} s essay"On the Representation of Character in Music ^("SJ "){ }^{\text {SJ }} was first published in 工795 in Schiller's journal, Die Horen.Following Schiller's lead,Korner rejected Kant's notion that instrumental music constituted a merely agreeable art rather than a fine art.The purpose of an agreeable art,KOrner argued,is to please its audi- ence by moving the emotions,through the process of pathos.Works of fine artj by contrast,exist as self-contained entities;their purpose is the representation of charactei;or ethos.Early in his essa^Korner neatly summarized the historical stages of eighteenth-century thought regarding the questions of imitation and representation in music: 虽然席勒不愿对器乐中感性与抽象的结合发表长篇评论,但他的挚友克里斯蒂安-戈特弗里德(Christian Gottfried Korner,1756-1831)却帮助席勒建立了重新评价器乐艺术的框架。科尔纳(1756-1831)是一位杰出的音乐家。科尔纳的论文《论音乐中的人物形象》 ^("SJ "){ }^{\text {SJ }} 于工党795年首次发表在席勒的刊物《故乡》(Die Horen)上。康德认为器乐仅仅是悦耳的艺术,而不是高雅的艺术。 康德认为,悦耳的艺术的目的是通过悲怆的过程打动听众的情感,从而取悦听众。科尔纳早在他的论文中就简明扼要地概括了十八世纪关于音乐中模仿和表现问题的思想的历史阶段:"音乐的模仿和表现是音乐的目的。
For a long time,the notion of what was worthy of representation in music was governed by remarkable prejudices.Here,too,there was fundamental misun- derstanding about the principle that the imitation of nature should determine the art.For somcj the mimicking of everything audible was considered the essen- tial business of the composer,from the rolling of thunder to the crowing of the rooster.A better kind of taste gradually begins to spread.The expression of human sentiment replaces noise lacking a soul.But is this the point at which the composer is to Eemain?or is there a higher goal for him?^(44){ }^{44} 在很长一段时间里,关于什么值得在音乐中表现的观念受着显著偏见的支配。 在这里,对于模仿自然决定艺术的原则,也存在着根本性的误解。但是,这就是作曲家的目标吗?
The answer he believed,is that the artist must go beyond the expression of transitory sentiment and complement that which is missing in individ- ual,phenomenal exemplars:"He must idealize his material/^(5){ }^{5} Only through REG Korner maintained,can the infinite be made perceptible, however diml%\operatorname{diml} \% for it can otherwise only be imagined.Thus the artist 他认为,答案是艺术家必须超越短暂情感的表达,补充个体、现象典范所缺失的东西:"他必须将他的材料理想化/ ^(5){ }^{5} 科纳认为,只有通过 REG,无限才能被感知,然而 diml%\operatorname{diml} \% 否则它只能被想象。
"must raise us up to himself and represent the infinite in perceptible "必须将我们提升到他自己,并以可感知的方式代表无限
For Korner, the characteristic is the symbolic manifestation of the ideal. Character is the quality that unites the realms of morality and aesthetics^ and by associating music with moral character, Korner was able to elevate the status of instrumental music to that of a fine art. ^(46)He{ }^{46} \mathrm{He} rejected the notion that music unsupported by dance, drama, or poetry could notj on the grounds of its vagueness; , depict character. Korner stopped short of explictly articulating an essential equality between instrumental and vocal music, yet his brief essay represents an important advance in the emerging prestige of instrumental music. 在科纳看来,特性是理想的象征性体现。通过将音乐与道德品质联系起来,科尔纳将器乐的地位提升到了高雅艺术的高度。 ^(46)He{ }^{46} \mathrm{He} 以音乐的模糊性为由,否定了没有舞蹈、戏剧或诗歌支持的音乐不能j描绘人物性格的观点。科纳没有明确阐述器乐与声乐之间的本质平等,但他的短文代表了器乐在新兴声望方面的重要进步。
By the end of the 1790s_(s)1790 \mathrm{~s}_{\mathrm{s}} the concept of the artwork as a perceptible manifestation of the ideal was being articulated ever more systematically by such figures as Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814), Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling (1775-1854) > and August Wilhelm Schlegel (17671845). Schelling, in particular, insisted that art and philosophy were in the end concerned with the same basic issue: to reconcile the world of phenomena with the world of ideas //^(7)/{ }^{7} Like Schiller, he saw profound meaning in the congruence of artistic and natural forms and considered the artwork to provide a window on their essential unity. In his System of Transcendental Idealism (1800), Schelling advocated art as the key to perceiving the nature of this unity. His Philosophy of Art, in turn^ based on lectures first delivered at Jena in 1802-3, has justly been called "the first explicit art-philosophy in the history of the Western world/*43 Art is the means by which the real and the finite can be synthesized with the ideal and the infinite. "'Through art, divine creation is presented objectively, for both rest on the same imagining of the infinite ideal into the tangible. The exquisite German word Einbildungskraft actually means the power of an inward formation of the whole, and in fact all creation is based on this power. It is the power through which an ideal is at the same time something tangible, the soul the body; it is the power of individuation, which of all powers is the one that is truly creative/ //49/ 49 到了 1790s_(s)1790 \mathrm{~s}_{\mathrm{s}} 世纪末,约翰-戈特利布-费希特(Johann Gottlieb Fichte,1762-1814 年)、弗里德里希-威廉-约瑟夫-冯-谢林(Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling,1775-1854 年)>和奥古斯特-威廉-施莱格尔(August Wilhelm Schlegel,1767-1845 年)等人越来越系统地阐述了艺术作品是理想的可感知表现这一概念。 //^(7)/{ }^{7} 与席勒一样,他在艺术和自然形式的一致性中看到了深刻的意义,并认为艺术作品为它们的本质统一提供了一个窗口。谢林在《超验唯心主义体系》(1800 年)中主张,艺术是感知这种统一性本质的关键。他的《艺术哲学》是根据 1802 年至 1833 年在耶拿首次发表的演讲撰写的,被称为 "西方世界历史上第一部明确的艺术哲学"。"'通过艺术,神圣的创造得以客观呈现,因为两者都基于将无限理想转化为有形事物的同一想象。德文 "Einbildungskraft "这个精致的词实际上指的是内在形成整体的力量,事实上,所有的创造都是基于这种力量。它是一种力量,通过这种力量,理想同时成为有形的东西,灵魂成为肉体;它是一种个性化的力量,在所有力量中,这种力量是真正具有创造性的力量。
Within this framework, Schelling saw the ^( < c){ }^{<c} forms of music “-by this he meant rhythm, harmony, and melody-as the forms of eternal things insofar as they can be contemplated from the perspective of the real… Thus music manifests, in rhythm and harmony, the pure form of the movements of the heavenly bodies, freed from any object or material. In this respect, music is that art which casts off the corporeal, in that it presents movement in itself divorced from any object, borne on invisible, almost spiritual wings. ^(J){ }^{\mathrm{J}} Rhyfhm >> harmony, and melody are the ^("stfirst and purest "){ }^{\text {stfirst and purest }} forms of movement in the universe. … . The heavenly bodies soar on the wings of harmony and rhythm. . … Borne aloft by the same wings _(5){ }_{5} music soars through space to weave an audible universe out of the transparent body of sound and tone.” Schelling openly acknowledged his debt to Py- 在这一框架内,谢林将 ^( < c){ }^{<c} 音乐的形式"--他指的是节奏、和声和旋律--视为永恒事物的形式,因为它们可以从现实的角度来观察......因此,音乐在节奏与和声中表现了天体运动的纯粹形式,摆脱了任何物体或物质。在这方面,音乐是一种摒弃了肉体的艺术,因为它呈现的运动本身脱离了任何物体,乘着无形的、近乎精神的翅膀。 ^(J){ }^{\mathrm{J}} 韵律 >> 和声和旋律是宇宙运动的 ^("stfirst and purest "){ }^{\text {stfirst and purest }} 形式。... .......天体乘着和谐与节奏的翅膀翱翔。...... _(5){ }_{5} 音乐在同样的翅膀的推动下翱翔太空,从声音和音调的透明体中编织出一个可听的宇宙"。谢林公开承认他欠 Py- 的债
thagoreanism at this point, but insisted that Pythagorean theories had w been quite poorly understood in the past』。 但他坚持认为,毕达哥拉斯理论在过去一直没有得到很好的理解』。
On this basis, then, one might reasonably expect that Schelling would deem instrumental music to be the highest of all arts precisely on the basis of its incorporeality, which in turn would allow the greatest possible range of freedom for imaginative perception. For Schelling, however, the contemplation of the ideal was but a means to the end of achieving the Absolute, which he defined as the integration of the material and the spiritual, the phenomenal and the ideal. Although the artist and the philosopher pursue the same essential task/he former does so by using symbolic forms in a manner he himself does not fully understand. The material of the philosopher by contrast, is rational thought, which can be more readily idealized and then reintegrated into the realm of the phenomenal. Schelling therefore preserved the traditional hierarchy that accorded the place of honor to the verbal arts. 在此基础上,我们可以合理地预期,谢林会认为器乐是所有艺术中最高级的,这正是基于它的无实体性,而无实体性反过来又为想象力的感知提供了最大可能的自由范围。然而,对于谢林来说,对理想的思考只是实现 "绝对 "这一目标的手段,他将 "绝对 "定义为物质与精神、现象与理想的融合。虽然艺术家和哲学家追求的是同样的基本任务,但前者是以他自己并不完全理解的方式使用符号形式来完成这一任务的。相比之下,哲学家的材料是理性思维,它更容易被理想化,然后重新融入现象领域。因此,谢林保留了传统的等级制度,赋予语言艺术以荣誉地位。
Schelling’s work nevertheless provided an important advance in the aesthetics of instrumental music. He broke decisively with earlier systems based on the principle of mimesis, and he insisted on the metaphysicai significance of all aesthetic intuition, including the perception of instrumental music. In this respect, Schelling’s philosophy of art (which is in fact a philosophy through art) represents an aesthetic system qualitatively different from the one in which Kant, only a little more than a decade before, had deprecated instrumental music because of its purported inability to accommodate ideas. The rising tide of art-philosophy had lifted the status of all artistic vessels, including that of instrumental music. 尽管如此,谢林的著作还是在器乐美学方面取得了重要进展。他果断地打破了以前基于模仿原则的体系,坚持所有审美直觉的形而上学意义,包括对器乐的感知。就这一点而言,谢林的艺术哲学(实际上是通过艺术的哲学)代表了一种美学体系,与十多年前康德因器乐据称无法容纳思想而贬低器乐的美学体系有着质的区别。艺术哲学浪潮的兴起提升了所有艺术容器的地位,包括器乐。
Schelling ^{ }^{\wedge} philosophy reverberates throughout the subsequent history of idealist aesthetics. August Wilhelm SchlegePs lectures on art (Berlin, 1801-2) also pursue the idea that the beautiful is a symbolic representation of the infinite and that the infinite becomes at least partly perceptible through the beautiful. The human spirit contemplating beauty is directed in "infinite striving^ toward beauty. Schlegel used this premise to expose the inadequacy of earlier psychological, empirical, and sensualist theories of music, Sound is the “innermost” of the five senses, deaiing with transitory phenomena in a play of successions; and music, as exemplified by the sound of the chorale (quite apart from any underlying text), provides us with "an intimation of harmonic perfection, the unity of all being that Christians imagine through the image of heavenly bliss //^(551)/{ }^{551} Because of its incorporeality, ^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}} one must accord music the advantage of being ideal in its essence. It purifies the passions ^{ }^{\wedge} as it were, from the material filth with which they are associated, in that music presents these passions to our inner sense entirely according to their form, without any reference to objects; and after touching an earthly frame, it allows these passions to breathe in a purer ether. ^(M){ }^{\mathrm{M}} All that remains after the experience of listening 谢林 ^{ }^{\wedge} 的哲学思想在后来的唯心主义美学史上产生了深远的影响。奥古斯特-威廉-舍勒格关于艺术的演讲(柏林,1801-2 年)也追求这样一种思想,即美是无限的象征,无限通过美至少部分地成为可感知的。思考美的人类精神是 "无限努力^向美 "的方向。施莱格尔以此为前提,揭露了早期心理学、经验主义和感性主义音乐理论的不足之处。"声音 "是五种感官中 "最内在 "的感官,在连续的游戏中与短暂的现象打交道; //^(551)/{ }^{551} 由于音乐的无实体性, ^(K){ }^{\mathrm{K}}